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1. Discourse delivered before the Historical Society, February 

21, 1842, on the Colonial History of the Eastern and some 

of the Southern States. By Job R. Tyson, Esq., V. P. . 5 

2. Remarks and General Observations on Mercer County, 

Pennsylvania. By B. Stokely, the first actual resident 
Settler in the County, 65 

3. A Particular Geographical Description of the lately disco- 

vered Province of Pennsylvania, by Francis Daniel Pas- 
torius. Translated from the original German, by Lewis 
H. Weiss, 83 

4. The Society's Circular, January, 1845, .... 105 

5. Incidents in the Early History of Crawford County, Pa. By 

Alfred Huidekoper, 113 

6. Letter from J. S. M'Calmont, of Franklin, Venango County, 

Pa . . . .164 

7. Letter from Lyman Robinson, of Wattsburg, Erie County, 

Pa 173 

8. Description of Economy r Beaver County, Pa. By R. L. 

Baker, 183 

9. Notes respecting the Indians of Lancaster County, Pa. By 

William Parker Foulke, .* 188 

10. Constitution of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, 221 

11. Catalogue of Papers relating to Pennsylvania and Dela- 
ware, deposited at the State Paper Office, London, . . 225 

12. Lists of the Officers and Contributing Members of the His- 
torical Society of Pennsylvania, .... 387, 389 






Mr. President and 

Gentlemen of the Historical Society. 

In an Address which I had the honour to deliver before 
this Society, a few years ago, I ventured to suggest the 
want of a history of Pennsylvania, during and since the 
eventful era of the Revolution. Those lines of the picture 
were feebly and imperfectly traced, which it would be 
the duty of the historian to fill up and to animate. Per- 
mit me, on the present occasion, to cast a glance behind 
that period, and instead of surveying the great events of 
which it was the epoch, to investigate some of its remoter 
causes. The exploration of this field, leads us not merely be- 
yond the confines of Pennsylvania, not merely to the stamp 
and impost acts, which were the immediate precursors of the 
struggle, but to eras and boundaries more remote and distant 
I shall humbly submit to the Society, upon an inquiry into the 
historical doctrines which have been disseminated respecting 


the origin of our independence, and of the spirit as well as 
form of our political system, whether the integrity of truth 
does not demand a new history of our colonial settlements. 

This subject may be considered upon a casual view, as 
out of the legitimate pale of the researches and speculations 
of a state historical society. But I am invited to its discus- 
sion by its intimate connexion with the topics of my former 
Discourse, and by the relation it bears to the whole subject 
of our domestic history. If any apology is necessary for 
leaving the beaten track of Pennsylvania annals, it is to be 
found in the recent amendment to the Constitution of the 
Society, which widens the circle of our investigations so as 
to include the transactions of the sister states and foreign 

The colonies which had united against the parent country 
at the revolution, had no sooner accomplished the object of 
their union, than a spirit was discernible of willingness to 
magnify their comparative deserts. While the minds of 
men are heated in contemplating the glory of a great 
exploit, the splendour of an acknowledged victory, many 
candidates will appear to claim the distinction of pro- 
minent and meritorious actors. But the rivalry of even 
ambitious soldiers, has not ventured to arrogate for any 
one state or colony, the extravagant merit of having 
routed the enemy both at Saratoga and Trenton, at 
Monmouth and Yorktown. All may challenge a par- 
ticipation in the glory of the heroic deeds which were 
done, and of the great spirits who achieved them. No 
state or colony can monopolize this glory. Pennsylvania 
points, among many others, to the merits and sacrifices of 
her Dickinson and Morris, her Thomson and Franklin. 



Massachusetts may justly claim to have struck the first blow 
in the quarrel, to have committed the first overt act of 
defiance to British authority. While to the East belong 
Hancock, Otis, Warren, Quincy, the Adamses, and a host 
of other illustrious names, Virginia bears aloft, even more 
proudly, an assemblage of chosen patriots, at whose head 
stands George Washington, primus absque secundo. She 
may boast, that without her Washington and Henry, the 
war had ended in the hapless consequences incident to an 
unsuccessful revolt, — in the reproach of rebels and insur- 
gents to the actors, — in the fate of confirmed and hopeless 
subjection to the country. All— the East, the Middle States, 
and the South, — were animated by the same lofty determi- 
nation to resist oppression; all vindicated by their conduct a 
right to a place in that temple, which the genius of freedom 
has consecrated to virtue and to valour. 

But a higher pretension has been set up than the military 
conduct of battles. The historians of the New England 
states contend, that to them belongs the exclusive honour of 
having originated the free principles which followed our 
independence, as a political society, by sowing the seeds 
which gave them birth. They trace them to the great 
principles of liberty, which, as they assert, were discovered, 
fostered, and maintained by their Puritan ancestors. They 
challenge this high glory for those who landed on the Ply- 
mouth Rock in 1620, and for their immediate successors 
who founded Boston, and finally spread themselves over 
Massachusetts, Connecticut, and the other districts of the 
New England confederacy. 

If these claims be justly founded, they may well appro- 
priate, not the inferior honour of gaining the battles of the 


revolution, but the moral triumphs of the whole proud enter- 
prise. They are emphatically the founders of our liberty, 
if we are indebted to them for the discovery of its principles. 
If they struck out the bright and happy idea of the elective 
franchise, and endured those sacrifices and toils insepara- 
ble from the planting and rearing of infant freedom, they 
at once become the unrivalled benefactors of mankind. 

These pretensions are made by eastern writers with 
seriousness, and contended for with ability and fervour. 
They are not confined to an insulated volume, memoir, 
tract, or sermon, but they pervade the historical and mis- 
cellaneous literature of New England. From regular 
histories and biographies, through the gradations of re- 
views, school books, and pamphlets, by means of cen- 
tennial, Plymouth Rock, and Fourth of July orations, 
down to repertories and newspapers, this sentiment of 
having discovered and applied the seminal principles of the 
revolution, is conveyed in every form which fond reve- 
rence or local partiality can assume. Many of those 
documents and books which display the alteram partem, 
— the other side of the question, — remain inedited, or 
have become so rare as to be inaccessible, except to the 
curious and antiquarian eye.* When it is remembered 
that the eastern writers have had almost the exclusive 
formation of the youthful mind, in this country, for up- 
wards of half a century, it cannot be a matter of surprise, 
that a race of authors is kept up, who, with devoted 
enthusiasm for the perpetuity of this ancestral fame, are 
interweaving it into the body of contemporary literature in 

* Appendix A. 


the thousand nameless forms of verse and prose, as if to 
secure its transmission to future times as an axiom of un- 
questioned and admitted history. 

The justice of these assumptions may be examined and 
discussed in this meridian, if any where, without the impu- 
tation of partial prejudices, or selfish motives* The eastern 
and southern colonies, being arrayed, in the times of Charles 
% the First and Cromwell, on opposite sides, it is not easy 
for the descendants of either, to view the conduct of the 
other, through a calm and dispassionate medium* But the 
founders of the Province of Pennsylvania, and their suc- 
cessors, did not mingle in those exciting controversies, 
which involved the fate of the Church and State of Eng- 
land. Surveying then the contest from a new and perhaps 
more elevated point, and sufficiently removed by the lapse 
of time, as well as by geographical position from the scene 
of strife, we may assume at least the merit of being more 
impartial and disinterested witnesses. Neither Puritans nor 
Royalists, neither Roundheads nor Cavaliers, but claim- 
ing descent from a different ancestry, and standing on 
neutral ground, we may consider the circumstances and 
events which the disquisition embraces, in a spirit of juster 
criticism and sounder philosophy* 

The problem respectingthe origin of those principles which 
lie at the base of our political edifice, is purely a proposi- 
tion of history, requiring simply an historical deduction, and 
exclusively within the province of the historian. It is not 
a subject of empty and barren curiosity, but involves a 
question of historical truth, and historical justice. Nothing 
but the blindness resulting from superficial research, or the 
most devoted filial perversity, could induce a belief that the 



idea of an elective republic was started or suggested by 
either of the colonies which settled this country. It is an 
historical fallacy almost too obvious for serious discussion* 
But the frequency of its repetition, and the respectability 
of those who maintain it, justify and demand a respectful 
and formal examination of this question, as a branch of the 
ulterior inquiry. 

If we simply point to the Athenian and Lacedemonian 
republics; the Amphictyonic Council and Achaean League; 
the union of the German States, and the Dutch confederacy 
under the Stadtholder; — we find in all these, that the popular 
voice was recognised in nearly pure democracies. If we 
look to the native land of the colonists, — that land in which 
their love of freedom was imbibed — we find the people 
professedly represented in a lower house of Parliament. 
The ideas which these governments suggest, present to us, 
without any great exertion of original thought, all the 
materials pf . so simple a machinery. The former exhibit 
the recognition of popular sovereignty, and in England we 
see the representative system existing, with no slight infu- 
sion of popular rights. 

But leaving the records of Pagan antiquity for the his- 
tory of modern Europe, let us see whether the doctrine of 
the divine right of kings, and of an arbitrary, irresponsible 
prerogative, had been exclusively preached before the era 
of western colonization. It cannot escape attention that in 
the contests between King and Clergy, lights were struck 
out, at an early period, by which the people were directed 
in their efforts to dissipate the thick gloom which sur- 
rounded them, after the subversion of the Roman Empire. 
Pope Zachary taught the French nation, in the eighth 



century, a lesson which was acted upon by the Italian 
cities in the tenth. St. Thomas of Aquinas, about this 
time, attacked the dogma of the divine right of kings, 
declaring that civil governments are not jure divino, but 
jure humano; that princes should be selected on the score of 
personal virtue by the whole population; and that all citizens 
were eligible alike to political stations. 

What effect these sentiments may have produced in the 
beautiful plains of Italy, where they were uttered, may be 
conjectured from the remarkable events of which, soon 
after, it became the theatre. The Italian cities began to 
declare themselves independent communities, with All the 
power and attributes, in substance and form, of popular 
sovereignties. Milan led the way in the tenth century, and 
though she. suffered for her temerity, the principle of popular 
ascendancy was asserted and maintained. Frederick Bar- 
barossa, about half a century afterwards, demolished the 
walls of Milan, and sowed salt upon its foundations. 

But the spirit of popular liberty, though assailed, could not 
be extinguished. The celebrated League of Lombardy was 
formed by the other free cities of Italy, to protect the con* 
federates against external invasion, and to make common 
cause in rebuilding the city of Milan. These cities were 
able to withstand the power of Frederick, who, after va- 
rious reverses, was willing to conclude a treaty at Con- 
stance, which acknowledged their independence as separate 

Here then, in that fertile and delicious valley, enclosed by 
the Alps, the Apennines, and the Gulf of Venice, we find 
the first establishment in Europe of popular freedom. It is 
here, in Italy, the land consecrated by poetry and the arts, 
that we are to seek the cradle of modern liberty. Nor can 


lhe historian who would trace effects to their legitimate 
causes, fail to perceive, in powerful co-operation with these 
events, the agency of the representative assemblies and 
liberal policy of the Roman Catholic Church; nor the crown- 
ing results of Justin's Pandects, which were discovered and 
diffused in the eleventh century. Free institutions were 
established in the cities of France, Germany, and Flanders, 
about the year 1300. From the free towns of Switzerland 
sprang the celebrated league of the Forest Cantons, a com- 
munity having for its model the confederated cities of Italy. 
This condition of things remained undisturbed by the con- 
vulsions which ensued, down to the epoch of the Lutheran 

In England, free principles lay embedded in the Anglo- 
Saxon trunk, notwithstanding the startling paradox of Sir 
James Mackintosh, that the institutions of England, during 
the Saxon dynasty, were " democratic and popular" only 
with reference to the nobles. We find the usurping Henry 
I. and Stephen, promising at the beginning of their re- 
spective reigns, to restore the Saxon institutions, a pledge 
always acceptable to the people, and the most likely to con- 
ciliate their personal regard. It was to secure the restitu- 
tion of these Saxon laws, after the Norman conquest, that 
blood and treasure, in many an outbreak, were unavailingly 
wasted. These Saxon laws, which breathe so much of the 
essence of enlightened freedom, form, together with Saxon 
customs and Saxon immunities, the groundwork of the 
English common law at the present day 5 — a system whose 
highly liberal genius and plastic power constitute its value 
and its glory. It was this leaven, which, steady and unseen, 
worked its way amidst the errors and vices of princes, the 
turbulence of nobles, and the ambition of pontiffs. 


The effect of these struggles for liberty, was hardly per- 
ceptible until the reign of Henry the Seventh. Rights then 
began to be defined, and a more distinct idea of civil liberty 
to be entertained among the commons. It was then that 
the tender germs of popular rights were nourished and in- 
vigorated by an intimate commerce with Flanders, where 
the people were tinctured, by means of their municipal pri- 
vileges, with more enlarged and juster conceptions of popu- 
lar government. Before the close of the reign of Henry 
the Third, the English Parliament assumed, in form, much 
the appearance it now wears ; the right of representation 
being admitted among that portion of the community who 
resided in boroughs and cities. This right of representa- 
tion was gradually extended and amplified by a greater 
incorporation of popular rights, until it grew at length to 
that imperfect image of the British constitution, which the 
late reforms have rendered in practice more consonant with 
the genius and theory of the common law. 

This meagre reference to several prominent events in the 
history of modern Europe, will serve to illustrate the extent 
to which free institutions had been carried, before the settle- 
ment of the North American Provinces. It will show how 
little room there was for political discovery by any of the 
colonists, and that all which remained, was to adapt the eter- 
nal principles of civil freedom — that freedom which the page 
of history unfolded, or their own ancestors had transmitted 
to them — to the peculiar circumstances of their situation. 
It will show that the cause of popular sovereignty, the 
right of the majority to govern, the principle of legislative 
representation, all had their birth before the episcopal refor- 
mation was established in England under Edward the Sixth, 
and before Puritanism or Quakerism had an existence. 


Let us now glance at thq origin of Puritanism in England, 
and observe the features which characterized its first de- 
velopment there. We shall then be able to see with what 
integrity the Puritan colonists carried out the principles for 
which they were contending in the old world, or enlarged 
them upon a theatre in all respects suited to their display. 

The early age of Puritanism, like the primeval age of all 
new doctrines and opinions, was marked by fervour and 
extravagance. It was the first-born offspring of the art of 
printing, and the revival of letters, under the nursing care 
of the early reformers. The austerity of life and doctrine; 
the rejection of human learning; and the grotesque and 
whimsical names which were given to children; — these 
exhibit a state of mental riot, a height of religious frenzy, 
having few parallels in the history of the human mind. 

Bishop Burnet alleges that there was the strongest dis- 
position, in the predominant church, to treat the moderate 
Puritans with indulgence and lenity. The concessions of 
Elizabeth were indignantly rejected by the stauncher Puri- 
tans, who replied, in the language of Moses to Pharaoh, 
" there shall not a hoof be left behind."* These prose- 
cuted their opposition to episcopacy with all the ardour of 
reformers, and all the enthusiasm of zealots. Having sub- 
mitted, in a formal admonition to Parliament, their famous 
Platform of a Church reformed, they proceeded in a second 
address to that body, to declare their resolution to become 
"their own carvers" in a change. They strenuously incul- 
cated the dogma, that theirs was the only true church, and 
as such was alone entitled to toleration. These senti- 
ments were followed by acts, which, in their tendency and 

* Appendix B. 


expressed design, were to precipitate a religious and political 
revolution.* Then commenced, on the part of England, 
a system of severe and coercive legislation, which cannot 
be justified or palliated, however it may be defended, on 
the ground of a supposed political necessity. 

To escape from laws which licensed power had imposed, 
or their own zeal and temerity hqd invited, some of the 
Puritans fled from their native land to seek peace and tole- 
ration among their brethren in Holland; a country on 
which the reformers had shed the brightest glory of the 
Reformation. In Holland they found an asylum from the 
intolerance of English legislation, and enjoyed their peculiar 
worship without molestation or restraint. But induced by 
an unhappy feud, or led by the pruriency of gain, or warmed 
by the prospect of founding a religious settlement in a new 
and unpeopled country, they removed in the year 1020 to 
New Plymouth, after enjoying the hospitalities, and partak- 
ing the blessings of the religious liberty of Holland, for a 
period of eleven years.f 

In the mean time the struggle in England, between the 
Episcopal and Puritanical parties grew more intense, and 
exhibited a more political aspect. J The combatants were 

* See Grant's English Church, vol. i. p. 440 ; also Strype's Life of Whit- 
gift, App. p. 139 ; also Strype's Annals, vol. i. p. 148. 

t See Hutchinson's History of Massachusetts, vol. ii. p. 405 ; New Eng- 
land Memorial, pp. 17,23-5; Belknap's Biographies, p. 163; Bozman's 
History of Maryland, p. 209 ; Massachusetts Historical Collections, first 
series, vol. iii. pp. 27, 76, and postscript 69. 

X See a very able article in the New York Review for January, 1840, en- 
titled u Politics of the Puritans," ascribed to the Rev. A. B. Chapin of New 
Haven ; also; Reply in the North American Review for March, 1840 ; also, 
note in North American Review for July 1840, pp. 252-274. 


glowing with anxiety to decide the great question, for 
which they had been so long contending. The issue in* 
volved the fate of the existing religion and with it the ex- 
isting government. Both parties were disputing for the pos- 
session of the great and alluring prize, the religion of the 
state. It was the choice of this, not the separation of poli- 
tics from religion — an idea suggested by no party, — which 
divided and inflamed the nation. The selection at that junc- 
ture lay between the Episcopal, which, as represented in the 
person of the monarch, was identified with the political 
state, and Independency, the religious profession of the Puri- 
tans. The question, so long of dubious issue, was at length 
terminated in the temporary overthrow of the Episcopal 
Church, by the decapitation of Charles the First, and the 
establishment of Puritanism in its place, by the elevation 
of Cromwell, as Protector. 

The problem has long since been solved by the deliberate 
judgment of mankind, that the establishment of the Protecto- 
rate did little benefit to the cause of true freedom. Recent 
events in England have brought it into prominent notice, 
and the clamorous zeal of heated partisans, seems almost to 
have silenced the voice of authentic history. But the repub- 
licans and republicanism of that day, bear no affinity, and 
can claim no relationship with either in this country. It 
was, for the most part, a temporary outbreak of sectarian 
ambition or honest fanatical zeal. The embodied spirit of 
chaos and disorder seemed to be let loose upon mankind. 
Many of the actors were pious but visionary men, who 
were moved and inveigled by popular demagogues.* The 
contest had been mainly a struggle for religious ascendancy, 

* Appendix C. 


in which republicanism or royalty had little to do, except 
that the monarch was the object of attack, by happening to 
be the representative of the dominant church.* Strenuous 
efforts were made for his conversion, by sermons of charac- 
teristic length. Cromwell, who, with many points of great- 
ness, was an usurper and a tyrant, not satisfied with an 
untinselted Protectorship, sighed for the pomp and glitter of 
a regal sceptre. Charles, though a faithless friend and a 
bad king, possessed many virtues and various accomplish- 
ments. He was sacrificed to Cromwell's ambition and that 
of his armed confederates. Subsequent events prove, that 
the voice of the people was as effectually drowned by the 
din of arms, when Cromwell rose to the supreme power, as 
that of justice had been stopped, in the solemn mockery of 
the monarch's trial. When the army was disbanded, and 
the dread spirit which had controlled and overawed it, was 
no more, we witness the heartfelt acclamations with which 
the National voice hailed the advent of Charles the Second. 
The republicanism of the Protectorate, was a drama, which, 
for a moment, held the world in suspense by the transient 
interest of its scenic illusion. It passed away like a 
shadowy cloud, leaving but faint traces of its existence, 
upon the political horizon of the kingdom. Royalty was re- 
stored ; — not by the force of arms, or the tricks of diplo- 
macy, but by the hearty and unbought consent of the 

But it was before the death of Charles and the establish- 
ment of the Protectorate, that the Pilgrims settled in New 
England. Suffering as those of the colonists did who came 

• See Bancroft's History of the United States, vol. i. pp. 493, 441. 



from England, during the reigns of the first James end 
first Charles, no alternative was presented but conformity 
or exile.* From Holland, where they had lived in tran- 
quillity, free from compulsion or restraint, they came to this 
country, with the security of a written Charter, and followed 
by the aegis of the British Constitution. They carried with 
them some knowledge of the liberal maxims contained in the 
Roman pandects; of the lofty opinions disseminated by an 
enlightened and untrammelled press; of those immunities 
which had been conferred upon the boroughs and cities of 
Europe; — and in addition to all these, they had inhaled, 
from their earliest infancy the free atmosphere of the Eng- 
lish common law, — that law, which, like an unfailing stream, 
had rippled down to them through a succession of opposing 
ages, from the clear and uncorrupted fountain of Anglo- 
Saxon liberty. They remembered the hardships to which 
they had been exposed in their native land, by the statutes 
against nonconformity ; and they remembered the country 
of their exile, where the blessings of love and friendship 
were cherished, because the genius of freedom there, had 
checked and rebuked the genius of persecution* 

The Charter of Massachusetts, granted in 1628, con- 
ferred upon the corporators extensive powers for trade, 
commerce and self-go vernment.f It united the character 
of a trading community to that of a municipal corporation, 
with libera] privileges. The principles of the English 
common law, being guaranteed to the colonists, every 
freeman of the corporation was entitled to a vote, in the 
enactment of laws and the choice of governor and assist- 

* See Appendix, B. 

t Vide Charter in Hazard's State Papers, vol L p. 239. 


ants. The idea of universal suffrage, if not verbally 
expressed in the Charter, was plainly in the minds of its 
framers, and by a sound -construction of the instrument, 
embraced within its spirit There cannot be a doubt that 
the colonists might, if they chose, have planted upon such 
a foundation, that great pillar of republican freedom.* 

But the colonial idea of freedom was different from that 
which the expression conveys, at the present day. Tests 
were applied, which, as they connected religion with the 
political rights of the colonists, were alike in abridge- 
ment of the Charter and repugnant to liberty. In the year 
1631, a year after the colonial government was removed 
to this country, it was promulgated that no man should be 
admitted a freeman, who was not a church member.^ As 
none but Puritans could be admitted to church commu- 
nion, it followed from this decree that all other sects 
were at once disfranchised. This law, which excluded 
from the right of citizenship, a great majority of those who 
were entitled to it under the Charter, continued in force 
until the dissolution of the government]; 

The principle of so prescriptive a policy, was asserted 
by a most arbitrary act, before it received a legislative 
sanction from the General Court. In the year 1628, one 
year after the first settlement of Massachusetts Bay, Endi- 
cott sent back to England, as seditious persons, two of the 
most respectable colonists, whose religious opinions did not 
permit them to renounce the liturgy of the English Epis- 
copal Church. § This 'act was subversive of the right of 

* See Appendix, E. 

t See note upon the authority of Letchford, in Hutch. History of Masaa- 
choeette, vol i.» p. 30. 
t Ibid., toL L, p. 31. * Ibid., p. 19. 



private opinion, and struck at the fundamental principles of 
freedom. Four years after the accession of Charles the 
Second, the colonists received from the throne an emphatic 
admonition, and were enjoined " to permit such as desire it 
to use the Book of Common Prayer, without incurring any 
penalty, reproach, or disadvantage; it being very scanda- 
lous," — continues the admonition — "that any person should 
be debarred the exercise of their religion, according to the 
laws and customs of England, by those who were indulged 
with the liberty of being of what profession or religion they 

But this obnoxious feature of the colonial system of 
Massachusetts, was abolished in appearance only, after 
the Restoration; It continued in practice to exist,f and 
we are informed by an eminent writer, that in the year 
1676, "five-sixths of the colonists were in fact disfran- 
chised by the influence of the ecclesiastical power."J Its 
baleful influence was felt until the act of settlement, which 
vested the throne, at the revolution, in William and Mary, 
and their Protestant successors. 

This exclusive system was interwoven with the vital 
elements of the colonial policy. President Quincy very 
properly concedes in his Centennial Address, that " Church 
and State were very curiously and efficiently interwoven 
with each other."§ We see the closeness of this connexion 
in the lasting consequences which it entailed. The colonial 
enactment requiring a general assessment for the support 
of public worship, was not abolished until so recently as 
the year 1834. 

* See Appendix, F. t See Appendix, G. - t See Story's Dis. p. 55. 
§ Qaincy's Centennial Address, p. 32 ; also Felt's Annals, p. 222 ; also 
Hutchinson's Collection of State Papers, pp. 359-361. 



There can be no doubt that the eastern colonists were 
more intent on laying their church establishment upon 
deep and solid foundations, than of rearing a temple of 
civil and religious liberty. In England many a hard- 
fought battle had signalized their struggles for ecclesiastical 
victory. Failing to obtain the political ascendancy of the 
Genevan faith and worship, they sought the shores of North 
America, in order to carry out their long-cherished scheme 
of an ecclesiastical government. The restrictions, there- 
fore, which the colonists imposed on the rights of citizen* 
ship, and the penalties with which nonconformity was 
punished, were in perfect consistency with their views at 
home, and the great purpose of their enterprise. Their 
leading object seems to have been less the establishment of 
civil liberty, than the enjoyment and perpetuity of their 
religious institutions. Absolute political freedom, that free- 
dom which could form the germ of the American republic, 
would have frustrated their primary intention, and proved 
subversive of their design, in braving those untold hardships 
and privations which they fearlessly encountered across 
the Atlantic. 

But it was not alone in the denial of civil rights to all 
who were not church members, that they failed to prove 
themselves the champions of liberty ; but in the active per- 
secution of those who were thus disfranchised. Every sect 
of religion, except that which was established as the state 
religion of Massachusetts, was the subject of prohibition 
and punishment. 

" They re-enacted," says Bancroft, " the worst statute in 
the English code, that of enforcing attendance on the 


parish church."* A fine was imposed for non-attendance, 
and a general tax was assessed to support the ministry.f 
The saftctuary of home was violently invaded by the 
civil magistrate, to drag to church the lukewarm and dis- 
affected.^ A spy was set upon men's words and actions, lest 
one should partake of heresy or the other of disaffection. 
It was thus that an ancient principle of the English law, that 
a man's house is his asylum and castle, was trodden down 
and contemned. In view of the transactions of so unhappy 
a condition of society, the observation of Judge Story is as 
true, as it is descriptive and eloquent, that " the arm of the 
civil government was employed to support the church, 
and the terrors and violence of the Inquisition existed with- 
out its form."§ Liberty of conscience was denied, and 
toleration of the colonial nonconformists preached against 
as a heresy and sin.|| Roger Williams was charged in 
1634 with holding divers exceptionable tenets, one of which 
was " that to punish a man for any matter of his conscience 
is persecution." He was banished the colony and settled 
in Rhode Island, the history of which is immortalized by 
the enlightened maxims of that illustrious exile. Their 
treatment of that gallant and generous spirit, Sir Henry 

* Bancroft's History, vol. i. p. 401 ; also Savage's Winthrop's New England, 
vol. ii. p. 142, et seq. t Hutch. Hist Mass., vol. i. p. 376. 

X Feh's Annals, p. 257. § Story's Discourse, p. 55. 

|| See Biographia Britannica, article Brown (Robert), note F, for a piece 
written by Johnson, a leader of the Brownist sect, entitled M Anti-Chris- 
tian Abominations yet reteyned in England." Of the abominations enume- 
rated, the 33d is tolerations. An old New England writer says, " To au- 
thorize an untruth by the toleration of the State, is to build a sconce against 
the walls of heaven, to batter God out of his Chair." 


Vane, on account of his favouring Mrs. Hutchinson, was 
in pursuance of a line of policy which seemed to be funda- 
mental. Among the earliest laws of the Massachusetts 
Colony, were five concerning religion. These were so 
rigorous in their punishment of heretics, that the persecu- 
tions which the colonists had endured in England, as dis- 
senters, are pronounced by the author of the European Settle- 
ments in America, " to be great lenity and indulgence in the 
comparison."* In the year 1637 an Ecclesiastical Synod 
denounced fourscore opinions as heretical.f Nonconfor- 
mity was synonymous with heresy, which presented such 
multiform and Protean shapes to the argus-eyed theologians 
of New England, that the enumeration and description of 
them are said to cover seven pages of The Ancient Charters. 
Nor did these legislative denunciations lie dead on the 
statute book. A bare mention of the multitude who sub- 
mitted to the infliction of exile or death, or some more igno- 
minious punishment, speak trumpeMongued of the insult- 
ing triumphs achieved by the ecclesiastical power over the 
hunted, depressed, and degraded cause of social and reli- 
gious freedom. J 

We contemplate with horror the fires of Smithfield* the 
dungeons and auto da fes of the Inquisition, the massacre 
of St. Bartholomew, and the penalties of the Star Chamber. 
But the unpitying and remorseless sentence of Endicott,§ 
the governor, who, on one occasion, told his prisoner, " re- 
ft See " European Settlements in America," vol. ii. p. 144. Savage says in 
a note to Winthrop, (vol. ii. p. 149,) " there was no place left but England for 
the unhappy schismatics.' 1 t Story's Historical Discourse, p. 54. 

X Hutch. Hist. Mass. vol. i. pp. 41, 57, 63, 116-17, 208. 
§ Vide Sewell's History, Quakers, p. 243, et seq. and sparsim. 


nounce your religion or die," and the sanguinary denun- 
ciations of the General Court, fill us with equal dismay. 
That they who had preached such purity of life and con- 
duct to mankind ; that they who had been exposed to the 
terrors of persecution and fled from it; that they, forgetful 
of their own precepts and the lessons of their own sad ex- 
perience, should pursue to banishment and death, almost 
every species of nonconformity ;* — displays to us recesses 
in the human mind, which point to a dark and unexplored 
labyrinth in its devious and impenetrable depths. The ex- 
tent to which this violation of the rights of mankind, was 
carried by the Puritan colonists, occasioned amazement 
and alarm among their brethren in England/)* Letters 
were written expressive of their disapprobation and con- 
cern.^ Even the mild and gentle Isaac Penington, the 
Quaker, was induced to admonish them in several well 
written and truly catholic treatises, of the hostility of their 
legislation to the cause of liberty, to the Christian religion, 
and to the well being of its various professors.^ 

A philosophic and able historian bespeaks the indulgence 
of posterity for such a harsh and sanguinary scheme of 
government, by observing that few in fact were exposed to 
the severity of these inflictions. I am far from wishing to 
magnify what humanity would delight to lessen, but it is 

* See Mass. Hist Coll. 1 st Ser., vol. iii. pp. 53-5 ; Savage's Winthrop, vol. L , 
pp. 56, 149 ; also, compare Holmes's Annals, vol. i. p. 272, and Knowles's 
Life of Roger Williams, pp. 184-9. 

t See Mass. Hist Coll. 2d Series, vol. viii. p. 49. 

t Ibid, also 1st Series, vol. iii. p. 27-76, p. s. 69 ; also Bancroft's Hist U. S., 
vol. i. p. 373 (note). 

§ See Appendix, H. 


certain that the victims were numerous, considering the 
sparse population of the colony, and the brief period of 
thirty or forty years, during which such laws could safely 
he put in execution.* During the Protectorate, and the 
civil troubles which preceded it, these severities were 
unknown or connived at in England. Upon the restora- 
tion of monarchy, they were prohibited by royal interdict,! 
and after that period few, if any cases of death, for colonial 
.nonconformity, in fact occurrecLJ But the doctrine of 
intolerance towards error, continued to be asserted and 
acted on in practice, till the close of the seventeenth cen- 
tury.§ — The election sermons of the day breathe any 
thing but the freedom of the Gospel. The Rev. Mr. Hig- 
ginson in 1663, the Rev. Mr. Sheppard in 1672, and Presi- 
dent Oakes in the following year, all denounce the idea of 
religious liberty, as the offspring of delusion, or the specious 
plea of infidelity. A clergyman of Ipswich, Massachusetts, 
by the name of Ward, who wrote in 1645, and whose effu- 
sion is quoted in Belknap, observes, " It is said that men 
ought to have liberty of conscience, and that it is persecu- 
tion to debar them of it I can rather stand amazed than 
reply to this. It is an astonishment, that the brains of a 
man should be parboiled in such impious ignorance." 

* See Appendix, L * 

t See Mandamus to the Government of New England, issued by order of 
Charles Undated 9th September, 1661,inSewel's History, p. 272, (Lond. ed. 
fo. 1725); also Hutch. Hist of Massachusetts, vol. i. p. 219. 

X Judge Story says, u Persecution became less frequent because it was 
less safe." See Story's Hist Disc., p. 55. 

§ See Appendix, K. 



President Oakes tells us, in 1673, that he looks " upon 
toleration as the first-born of all abomination. 99 * 

A further extenuation is attempted by the apologists of 
the New England Puritans, in attributing the rigour of 
their political policy to the age, as one of religious intole- 
rance^ But the remark is not applicable to Holland, 
where religious liberty, in that age, was fully established, 
and where the Plymouth colonists themselves enjoyed per- 
fect toleration, for a period of ten years. It is not true of 
Lord Baltimore, Roger Williams, and William Cod- 
dington, who had introduced into their respective settle- 
ments, the enlightened and catholic maxims of an enlarged 
social freedom. It is not true of William Penn, who, while 
the New England ecclesiastics were denouncing a senti- 
ment favourable to toleration as a heresy, and its practice 
as a sin, was preaching to the crowned heads of Europe 
the impropriety of tests; — a doctrine, whose feasibility he 
afterwards beautifully illustrated, in making universal tole- 
ration the basis of his colonial system in Pennsylvania. 
Thus we do not find these sentiments maintained in the 
neighbouring colony of Rhode Island, J so early as 1684, 
nor among the Catholics of Maryland in 1632, nor among 
the Quakers of Pennsylvania, in 1682, nor among their pre- 
decessors, the Swedes and Dutch, either in that province, 
or in the colony of New York. The mistaken system of 
Elizabeth and James, was sustained upon the inadequate 
plea of stale necessity; — but the liberal opinions of the 

* Vide Belknap's Hist of New Hampshire, voL i., pp. 71-5. 

t See Hawes's Tribute, &c p. 139, and many others. 

t Vide, Hutch. Hist of Massachusetts, vol. i. p. 453, (No. XI. Appendix.) 


age in a portion of cultivated Europe, and especially its 
generous and Christian spirit on this side of the Atlantic, 
opposed themselves to the demons of intolerance and per- 

In a disquisition of this nature* a reference is necessary 
to the punitory system of the colonists. A society whtch 
is touched with the spirit of genuine liberty, will treat the 
humblest and most degraded of its members, with all the 
lenity which is compatible with the existence and safety of 
the social state. We find in the colony of Massachusetts, 
a penal code remarkable for the multiplicity of its objects, 
and the ignominy and rigour of its inflictions. - Not only 
those offences which are known to the jurist, by the 
name of crimes, were punished with great severity, but the 
lesser morals were watched, and the minor improprieties 
of life were aggravated, into offences of grievous turpitude. 
The mind of the General Court seemed to be filled with the 
idea, that the limb which was diseased, had better be ampu- 
tated than cured, that the transgressor had better die than 
be reformed. 

Further amplification on this head is needless ; nor shall 
I drag into light the dark and tragical end of a noble race ' 
of men, whose valour and conduct in resisting the encroach- 
ments of the colonists, showed themselves worthy of a better 
fate. History weeps at the cruelty with which these infidel 
sons of the soil, these peeled and defrauded outcasts of 
humanity have been immolated, on the base shrines of lucre 
and ambition. 

The Colony of Connecticut was settled in the year 1636, 
and not being within the jurisdiction of Massachusetts, 


adopted a constitution of its own, very similar in its 
provisions to the Massachusetts Charter.* This, a$ has 
been already observed, was upon the most liberal plan of 
an English Municipal Corporation. We find here the 
same identical spirit which was at work in the elder 
colony, the same contracted views of freedom, and the 
the same intolerant law&f 

The colonists, having acted without the authority of a 
Charter, presented their petition to the throne, on the ac- 
cession of Charles the Second.]; The prayer was com* 
plied with by a grant,§ very similar in its provisions to 
the charter of the " Corporation of Massachusetts Bay." 
The liberal principles of this Charter may be inferred 
from the fact, that it continued to exist as the fundamental 
law of Connecticut, through the changes which neces- 
sarily followed the American Revolution, down to the 
year 1817. 

But, it is contended, that however the Puritan settlers 
may have erred, from the mistaken fervour of religious 
excitement, their civil institutions and the organic plan of 
their church establishment, were fundamentally popular. 
How far and with what limitations, this position may be 
admitted or contested, it is beside my purpose, except 
incidentally, to inquire. The Charters of the Eastern colo- 

* Vide Committien for the governing of Connecticut, March 3d, 1635, in 
Hazard's State Papers, vol. i. p. 321. 

t See Appendix, L. 

X Vide Trumbull's Hist of Connecticut, vol. i M p. 511, (Appendix, No. 7.) 

$ Vide Charter in " Letters, &c. by R. R. Hinman, Secretary of the State 
of Connecticut," (containing original documents,) p. 174. 


nies, though emanating from the free grace of the English 
monarchs, though framed under the eye of the prerogative 
race of the Stuarts, comprehended in their design and 
spirit, the substantial elements of public and private free- 
dom. To what extent these seminal principles were 
pushed, and whether in the whole tendency of the colonial 
scheme, the cause of social right and the republican theory 
were advanced, are questions which depend upon the policy 
adopted, and the prevailing sentiments of the people. 

The great lines of the social domain have now been 
traced, and some of its prominent regions explored. It is 
evident from the survey, that in the civil disabilities im- 
posed on all sects but one; in the union of Church with 
State ; in the secular ascendancy of hierarchs ; and in the 
unrelenting treatment of nonconformists; — the rights of 
mankind were better protected in England, than in the 
Puritan colonies.* In all these, there was a virtual breach 
of the fundamental written law; a manifest abridgement 
of that freedom which was guaranteed to the world in the 
Royal Charter/)- It remains that I should glance at the 
political views of the leading minds in the colonies, in order 
to observe how the theocratic principles of their govern- 
ment, inspired an abhorrence of monarchy, or a preference 
for democratic institutions. 

The emigrants, who sailed in the Arabella from Eng- 
land, in the year 1630, left behind them a curious and 
pregnant document.^ It is in form, an epistolary missive 

* See Appendix, M. 

t Vide David Humphrey's w Historical Account of the Propagation 
Society," p. 38-9. 
t See Hutch. Hist of Massachusetts, vol. i. pp. 431-2, (Appendix, No. 1.) 





to their " reverend fathers and brethren of the Church of 
England." The adventurers earnestly deprecate, in this 
paper, any misconstruction of the objects of their enterprise. 
They call themselves, his M Majesty's loyal subjects,"* and 
with many other kindly expressions, say, "we esteem it an 
honour to call the Church of England, from whence we 
rise, our dear mother, and cannot part from our native 
country where she specially resideth, without much sad- 
ness of heart, and many tears in our eyes." 

Six years subsequent to this event, and eight before the 
royal tragedy which preceded the Protectorate, a proposi- 
tion was made by certain gentlemen of the English nobility 
to remove to Massachusetts.! This overture was received 
and deliberately considered by the inhabitants. In the 
correspondence which ensued, it appears that the Rev. 
John Cotton, *one of the most important and influential 
men of the New World, as well as the other "lead- 
ing men"% of the colony whom he consulted, were 
opposed on principle to a republican polity. As a " church 
government," — such is Cotton's language, — "was justly 
denied to be democratical," the colonial freemen were 
willing to adopt any other political form v which did not 
intrench upon this distinctive organization. In answer to 
the first of the inquiries or " demands" propounded by these 
noblemen, the colonists say,§ " two distinct ranks we wil- 
lingly acknowledge from the light of nature and Scripture ; 

* See Appendix, N. 

f Vide, Hutch. Hist of Massachusetts, vol i. p. 433, (Appendix No. 3,) 
et seq. 

t Ibid. p. 439, (Appendix, No. 3.) 
§ Ibid. p. 439, (Appendix, No. 5.) 


the one of them called princes, or nobles, or elders, 
amongst whom gentlemen have their place ; the other the 
people." In the eighth demand, these noblemen require 
that the governor u shall ever be chosen out of the rank of 
gentlemen." The answer is, " we never practise otherwise, 
&c, choosing them out of approved known gentlemen, as 
this year, (1636,) Mr. Vane." In Cotton's letter to Lord 
Say,* after declaring that he should " never fear to betrust 
a greater commonwealth than theirs, under such a per- 
petua dictatura as his lordship should prescribe," he is 
thus explicit upon the subject of his political preferences. 
< " It is better that the commonwealth be fashioned to the 
setting forth of God's House, which is his church, than to 
accommodate the church frame to the civil state. Demo- 
cracy I do not conceive that ever God did ordain, as a Jit 
government, either for church or commonwealth. If the 
people be governors, who shall be governed? As for 
monarchy and aristocracy, they are both clearly approved 
and directed in Scripture, yet so as referreth the sove- 
reignty to himself, and setteth up theocracy in both, as the 
best form of government in the commonwealth, as well as 
in the church." These celebrated answers and letter yield 
all honour to hereditary dignity, if accompanied by per- 
sonal virtue; they both express repugnance to a demo- 
cracy ; and are indifferent whether a monarchy or aristo- 
cracy be established, so only that the fundamental prin- 
ciple of church membership be recognised.f 

* Vide, Hutchinson's History of Massachusetts, p. 436, vol. i., et seq. 
(Appendix, No. 3.) 
t See Appendix, O. 


A quarter of a century after this memorable correspon- 
dence, as we have seen, the colonists of Connecticut, for the 
first time, approached the English throne in the form of a 
petition for a Royal Charter.* True to the sentiments ex- 
pressed by their brethren of Massachusetts, they delicately 
refer to " the calamities of the late sad times/ 9 and pro- 
claim their unwavering loyalty, during the storms of the 
Protectorate, by intimating as their reason for not having 
petitioned before, their willingness " to receive power and 
privileges from none other than their lawful prince and 

What course of policy was adopted by the Massachusetts 
and Connecticut colonies, on the accession of the English 
Protector, cannot, from the absence of historical evidence, 
be now ascertained. In the colony of New Plymouth, 
Mr. Baylie informs us, that on the interruption of the royal 
sway, by the death of Charles, the oaths of office underwent 
a change. But the colonists did not prescribe by a formal 
act or resolution, the terms of a new oath, which, in the 
event of political reverses to the ascendant party in the Eng- 
lish state* might read awkwardly against the colony. J In- 
stead of this they simply blotted out of the record, the words 
of allegiance to King Charles and his successors, and in- 
terlined, " the government of England as it now stands." 
On the restoration of monarchy, in the person of a 
second Charles, no documentary notation was necessary to 
annul the former proceeding. This was more conveniently 

- * Vide Petition in Trumbull's Hist Conn. vol. i. p. 51 7 (Appendix.) 

t See Appendix, P. 

t Vide Declaration by Plymouth, of "the undoubted right" of Charles II. 
to the Crown, Hazard's State Papers, vol. ii. p. 590. 


and summarily effected by having the interlineation effaced 
and restoring the original language. 

The other colonies of New England were modelled upon 
the two most ancient and prominent, whose regulations and 
policy I have rapidly sketched. They had no hardships to 
complain of, arising from the illiberally or restricted privi- 
leges of their Charters. Each contained the grant of ample 
political powers, especially the Charter of Maine; and as in 
the case of Connecticut, the Royal Charter which was given 
to Rhode Island, not only survived the shock of revolu- 
tionary convulsions, but it has remained, to the present day, 
through all the troubles which succeeded them, in the place 
of a Constitution, framed after the republican pattern. 

History then does not support the positions of the New 
England historians. It shows that the principles of an en- 
larged social freedom, as these principles are recognised at 
the present day, in this country, do not owe their existence 
to the Puritan adventurers, but that they have triumphed in 
spite of the opposition of an organized and illiberal hostility. 

But though the eastern colonies did not set a bright ex- 
ample of political and religious liberty, yet there are points 
of attraction in the Puritan character, which warm our hearts 
with gratitude, and inspire the strongest sentiments of ad- 
miration and applause. They were men whose virtues, 
invigorated by adversity, were remarkable for the integrity 
of heart with which they were sustained. The fruits of their 
theological tenets, though enjoining the observance of much 
austerity, were visible in the purity of their private manners, 
and the fidelity of their public acts. In their lives they 
were self-denying and ascetic ; severe and exacting in their 



requisitions of others ; inflexibly honest and rigidly just upon 

The Puritan character in New England, however we 
may deplore its excesses, was admirably suited by its firm- 
ness and energy for settling a new country. The policy 
adopted, was well calculated to excite amongst the admitted 
freemen, the liveliest ardour for institutions, which would 
not intrench upon their own rights and privileges ; and to 
sow broad-cast the seeds of morality and knowledge. 
Whatever repugnance Cotton and the leading colonists 
may have felt to a democracy in form, the internal govern- 
ment had many of the attributes of popular freedom. The 
right of trial by jury, common representation in the General 
Court, and a system of civil jurisprudence, remarkable for 
its equity and wisdom, are all so many monuments to the 
heads which planned, and the hands which built the colo- 
nial structure. 

It cannot be denied that the union of the New England 
colonies in 1643, was productive of the greatest conse- 
quences to their stability and strength. The apprehensions 
of the first colonists were divided between invasions from 
the Indians, and the encroachments of more insidious ene- 
mies. A confederacy was suggested, by the concurring 
circumstances of nearly contemporaneous settlements, a 
common ancestry, proximity of situation, uniformity of 
faith,* and community of danger. This ancient union 
bound together citizens in political ties, who were already 
united in the closer bonds of religious fraternity. It made 
the hearts of the different colonies beat in unison, as if by a 

* See Appendix, Q. 

■--** _ ' -H ' - tw i i ^ g ^n— 


common impulse, and in obedience to a common law. 
What one colony felt, was faithfully transmitted to the rest, 
as by the necessities of a common nature. This social and 
religious fellowship has engendered feelings of affinity be- 
tween the sovereignties of New England, which continue 
to the present day, to an extent which does not exist in any 
other portion of the American Union. This early colonial 
union was, no doubt, the prototype of the thirteen confede- 
rated colonies, which, upwards of a century after, declared 
themselves independent of the mother state; and asserted, by 
the most determined and chivalrous valour, their ability to 
maintain that declaration ; — a conception which, if it did 
not confer, at least largely contributed, by its influence and 
positive benefits, to the establishment of an early peace and 
a national existence. 

But the greatest blessing which New England has con- 
ferred upon mankind, and for which, her sons, to the latest 
posterity, owe a debt of gratitude to their fathers, is the 
grand system of Common Schools. Connecticut claims to 
have led the van in this great enterprise, under the direction 
of Davenport and Eaton; — names which are associated 


with the formation of the New Haven colony, and whose 
memories must be cherished by their successors, with the 
proudest respect and the warmest filial love. The system 
was introduced almost contemporaneously into Massachu- 
setts, whose example was soon imitated by the other Puri- 
tan colonies; so that now there exists no country in the 
world, where the faculties of the common mind have been so 
liberally cultivated, nor where education is so universally 
diffused, nor where it is placed on a more enlightened and 
permanent basis. It was this, the best preparation which 


could be made for the reception of the principles of the 
American revolution, which, co-operating with the internal 
organization, made the people ready as one man to assert 
and sustain them.*— It cannot be forgotten that the zeal for 
learning which marked the early Puritans, in this country, 
was an advance on the system of English Puritanism. If we 
may judge by the doctrines of the English Puritan pulpits 
and the witty reproof of South,* the English Independents 
held human learning in »low estimation, and its possessors 
in disrepute or contempt But the New England clergy, the 
Puritan as well as the Episcopal, have been distinguished 
from the earliest period, for their untiring and matchless 
devotion to letters. Several of them received the highest 
honours of foreign universities, and many may safely be 
compared in erudition, with the most learned men of their 
age in. Europe* Not to speak of the multitude of lesser 
lights, of the dii gentium minores, I might mention Jonathan 
Edwards, the celebrated author of " The Freedom of the 
Human Will/' Dr. Samuel Johnson, Stiles, Hopkins* and 
many others, as men equally remarkable for their profound 
attainments and fervid piety. The learning of the Eastern 
colonies, though for a long time wasted in polemical disqui- 
sitions, or obscured by the literary follies of anagrams, puns, 
and conceits, rose to higher dignity after the age of Anne. 
The literary appetite began to loathe the grotesque and un- 
natural Du Bartas, once their choicest poetical disk, for 
sentiments and images more just and classical; and the 
fever of religious controversy, though long maintained at a 
high point, subsided gradually into a mot& tranquil, settled* 
and healthful temperature. f 

* See Appendix, R. t See Appendix, S. 


Having thus rapidly surveyed the Eastern colonies, and 
marked the free principles contained in their Charters ; hav- 
ing observed the opportunities which these afforded for the 
engraftment of an enlarged and comprehensive freedom ; 
and observed the nature of that which was introduced;— let 
us glance at some of the more southerly provinces, id order 
to estimate their probable influence in the conception and for- 
mation of our present form of government. I shall not here 
speak of New York and New Jersey, where the most gene- 
rous aspirations were cherished, from the earliest times, in 
favour of rational liberty.* Nor shall I speak of Virginia, 
c Georgia, and the Carolinas, where the warmost love of 
freedom, mingled with a high and romantic chivalry, dis- 
tinguished their early annals.f It will sufficiently meet the 
objects of this Discourse to select two colonies, the religious 
tenets of whose planters, were equally obnoxious with the 
Eastern colonists, to the penal enactments of England against 
nonconformity. In doing this, it will be seen how un- 
founded and gratuitous are the assumptions of those writers, 
who would monopolize for the eastern portion of the Ameri- 
can Union, all the honest fame resulting from a steady, 
enlightened, and liberal preference for free institutions. 
With this view, I shall confine myself to the colonies of 
Maryland and Pennsylvania. 

The Royal Charter of Maryland, granted in the year 
1632, laid a broad foundation of civil and religious liberty. J 

* See Ramsay's History of the United States, vol. i. pp. 175-183, et sparsim. 
t Ibid., pp. 26-33, 158, et sparsim. 

X See Charter in the original Latin, in Haz. Hist Col. State Papers, vol. i. 
p. 327 ; translated in Bozman's Hist, of Maryland, vol. ii. p. 9, et seq. 


In one of its features, it has been censured as savouring of the 
Stuart love of prerogative, over laws made by the three 
estates of Parliament But there is less in the exception 
than might appear, on a cursory perusal. The objectiona- 
ble right, which it confers upon the governor of making 
ordinances, is expressly confined to the brief interval which 
must elapse, before the freemen could assemble ; and the or- 
dinances permitted, are so well defined and narrowly re- 
stricted, as to be stripped of any noxious attribute. As it 
stands, its franchises were copious enough to enable the 
emigrants, to rear a noble and beautiful framework of civil 
and ecclesiastical liberty. 

The oath of the governor, prescribed by himself, promised 
that appointments to office should not be made on account 
of religion, and enjoined upon himself and successors, not 
only protection to all who professed a belief in the Saviour, 
but the punishment of those who should molest others in 
their religious observances.* The assembly followed in the 
year 1649, in the spirit of this self-imposed obligation, by 
repeating and even extending its provisions^ The only 
restriction which narrowed the liberality of this enactment, 
was that which confined its. benefits to the professors of the 
Christian faith, — a restriction which tinctured subsequent 
statutes, and led the way to those legal disabilities under 
which the Jewish nation rested, in Maryland, until their 
removal about twenty years ago. 

The reverence in which the early colonists of Maryland, 

* Vide Hazard's Hist. ColL of State Papers, vol. i. p. 117, for a restrictive 
provision respecting the Church of Rome, in the Plymouth Patent, (granted 
in the 18th year of James I.) 

t See Act in Bosnian's Hist of Maryland, (Appendix,) vol. ii. p. 661, et seq. 


held the character and virtues of Lord Baltimore, was only 
exceeded by their jealous and watchful love of freedom. 
This was put to a severe test, when their venerated proprie- 
tary presented for their acceptance, a code of laws, pre- 
pared by himself with care and sagacity* He expected it 
to be ratified by the Legislature. They cherished the vir- 
tues of their leader, whom they admired for his wisdom, 
respected for his disinterested attachment to liberty, and 
loved for his benevolence. But the adoption of his code, 
implied a subserviency which was incompatible with true 
independence. What was his surprise, when he found the 
fruits of his enlightened and anxious labours, promptly re- 
jected by the Colonial Assembly \ 

In the formation of this body, the pioneers of Maryland 
manifested their adherence to the maxim, " all power is in- 
herent in, and springs from, the people." The whole popu- 
lation assembled, after the manner of the ancient republics, 
to enact laws for their future government. This demo- 
cratical mode of enacting laws, was continued until the 
year 1639, when the augmented number of the colonists 
rendered it impracticable. Then it was that a legislature 
was formed, upon the representative plan,* consisting of 
the proprietary and popular departments. — With such a 
scheme of social order, animated by religion and virtue, no- 
thing could prevent the happiness of the people, but a change 
in the councils of the province. Rational liberty had been 
established. The popular voice was heard in every election. 
The inalienable rights of humanity had been consulted in 

* See Rams. Hist U. S., vol. i. p. 117 ; also Bozman's Hist Maryland, 
vol. ii. p. 109. 

40 xabyland Limmrr. 

the principles of the punitory system. The Christian, 
of whatever denomination, could plead his cause with his 
Maker, without the dread of human restraint or coercion : 

44 The poor Indian, whose untutored mind, 
Sees God in clouds, or heart him in the wind/* 

was aided in his aspirations, and taught to bow the knee, 
at the shrine, not of an idol or a demon, but of a good and 
living Manitto. But alas, the halcyon which, in its tran- 
quil flight, was dipping its pinions beneath the smooth sur- 
face of the social waters, was only the harbinger of an 
impending storm. The restless spirit of Puritanism, which, 
upon the supremacy of Cromwell, had bound England hand 
and foot,* and which had shown itself in such unamiable 
phases in New England, penetrated even to the deliberative 
hall of Maryland, and was observable in the legislative acts 
of the Colony.f 

In the year 1654, when the sun of Cromwellian power 
shone in the blaze of its zenith, various acts and orders 
were passed by the General Assembly, under " Commission 
from his highness, the Lord Protector." Among these is 

• Vide Walker's " Sufferings of the Clergy," part i. p. 200 ; also Robert- 
son f s Hist, of America, vol. ii. p. 259 ; also Harris's Life of Cromwell, p. 437 ; 
though a very partial work. See, among the migrations to Virginia to es- 
cape the danger of the Protectorate, John Washington, the ancestor of the 
Father of his Country. Rams. Hist U. S. vol. L p. 35. 

t Maryland and Virginia experienced, in their full force, the restrictions 
imposed on commerce and navigation, during the whole period of the Pro- 
tectorate, while in New England, Cromwell permitted these laws to be so 
relaxed as to be anfelt See Ramsay's Hist. U. S., vol. i. p. 34. See his 
peculiar kindness to the colonies of New England referred to, ibid. pp. 59-60; 
also Robertson's Hist, of America, vol. ii. pp. 230-360. 


one entitled " An act concerning Religion."* The lan- 
guage of the act was devised for the benefit of Puritans 
only ; and though the Roman Catholics, who were the ori- 
ginal, settlers, seemed to be exclusively pointed at, yet it is 
manifest that the subtle arts of Cromwell's genius had been 
at work, to elbow out of the colony, by sly and indirect 
legislation, another class of religious professors. 

The cruelty of this law is only equalled by its perfidy. It 
illustrates the point and moral of Esop's well known fable 
of the Snake and the Frog. The people whom the tolerant 
acts of the first adventurers, had invited into the settlement, 
turned upon their hosts, and forced upon them the alterna- 
tive of either abandoning the colony, or being deprived of 
their civil and religious franchises. But let it not be for- 
gotten that though Protestant intolerance was thus tempo- 
rarily fostered in the colony ; — a feature, certainly, the most 
repugnant of all others to our institutions at the present day ; 
— yet in all else, — in the liberty established by the Roman 
Catholic settlers ; in the deputed assemblies ; in the trial by 
jury; and in the diffusive right of popular suffrage; the 
people cherished with watchful circumspection, all the out- 
works of a republican state. 

If we consider the moral and political condition of pro- 
vincial Pennsylvania, we shall perceive, where, in common 
with Maryland, and the more southern as well as the other 
middle colonies, the genius of freedom imbibed the milk, 
which warmed and nourished the life-blood of its infancy, 
in this hemisphere. The colonial fabric is not imposing, 

* Vide Bozman'f Hist of Maryland, vol i. p. 195; ibid. toI. ii. p. 512. 





but commends itself for the simplicity of the whole, and the 
consistency of its several parts. It is easy for rulers to 
make general professions in favour of liberty, while their 
practice may be characterized as tyrannical. Among those 
rulers who figure most prominently in the history of man- 
kind, there are few beside Penn, who firmly carried out 
their principles into act, and made their doctrines the basis 
of their practice. Like Washington, who despised glory , 
at the expense of his country and his honour, Penn was 
deaf to the voice of ambition when it called him from the 
path of duty. The friendship of a monarch,* though it 
opened to him the door to title, opulence, and fame, was 
made subservient only to promoting the great principles of 
his life and the welfare of his colony. At the present day, 
the statistics of crime and the lights of experience, are 
slowly combining to impress the unchangeable truth, that 
free institutions without virtue, and mental cultivation with- 
out religious morality, cannot preserve our national ex* 
istence. Above a century and a half ago, Penn taught, . 
with a more than human sagacity, that lesson to his pro- 
vince. The following passages from his writings, may serve 
to elucidate his sentiments, and display the standard by 
which he may be judged. These sentiments pour a flood 
of living light on the present day. " Nothing," says he, 
41 weakens kingdoms like vice; it does not only displease 
Heaven, but disables them. * * What then should be 
more concerned for the preservation of virtue than govern- 
ment ? That, in its abstract and true sense, is not only 
founded upon virtue, but without the preservation of virtue 

* James II. 

pknm's sentiments and acts. - 48 

it is impossible to maintain the best constitution that can be 
made. * * In the many volumes of the history of all ages 
and kingdoms of the world, there is not one instance to be 
found, where the hand of God was against a righteous nation, 
or where the hand of God was not against an unrighteous 
nation, first or last ; nor where a just government perished, 
nor an unjust government long prospered. Kingdoms are 
rarely so short-lived as men ; yet they also have a time to 
die ; but as temperance giveth health to men, so virtue gives 
time to kingdoms ; and as vice brings men betimes to their 
graves, so nations to their ruin." 

It was upon the foundation of such a theory, that he reared 
his colony. No sooner had the patriarch with his family of 
emigrants, arrived on the shores of the Delaware, than they 
immortalized the place of their landing, by the enactment of 
a code, which proclaims justice to the Indian, clemency to 
the offender, and toleration to every believer under Heaven. 
But these acts however vital in their relations to a rational 
scheme of liberty, it was well known would prove an 
empty and delusive boon, to an ignorant or a vicious popu- 
lation. It was therefore enacted, that schools should be 
provided, at the public expense, for the poor ; and industry 
and trades were enjoined, to keep them from idleness and 
preserve them from want. A provision of the Great Law, 
required that " the laws shall be one of the books taught in 
the schools" of the province. It is not necessary here to 
say more, respecting the .treaty made with the Indians 
under the .spreading elm of Shackamaxon, than that it is 
the only treaty, which the historical records of all time 
have preserved to us, which, according to the Abb6 
Raynal, was never sworn to, and never broken. One of the 

44 pink's vnwa of liberty. 

articles of Perm's "Certain conditions and concessions/ 9 
&c., agreed to by the intended emigrants in 1681, pro- 
vides that a jury, to consist equally of Englishmen and 
Indians, were to decide all differences between them.* 
This unusual concession of privilege to a savage tribe of 
men, could only have its origin in that deep and unalter- 
able respect for human rights, which governed all the 
actions of the founder. In after times, the right of a 
foreigner to a jury, de mediatate linguae, was disputed in 
a court of law, but a judicial decision was pronounced, 
establishing its legality.f Not content with these provi- 
sions in favour of natural liberty, he destroyed the Eng- 
lish rule of primogeniture, and established a more repub- 
lican canon for the descent of estates. 

The political opinions of Penn, may fairly be inferred 
from the civik ^regulations, which were adopted for the 
government of his province. His definition of liberty is at 
once enlightened and democratic. It manifests the liberal 
views which he cherished, and his clear conception of the 
true nature of that representative system, which he designed 
to introduce. " Any government," he observes, " is free to 
the people under it, whatever be the frame, where the laws 
rule, and the people are parties to those laws; and more 
than this is tyranny, oligarchy, and confusion."! In con- 
formity with these ideas, he summoned all the inhabitants 
to attend personally, for the purpose of making laws. But 
an assembly so entirely popular, was waived by general 

* See Proud's History of Pennsylvania^ (Appendix,) vol. ii., Part I- No. 1, 
Sec. 14, p. 4. 

t Respublica vs. Mesca, voL i. ; DalL Rep. p. 73. 

X Vide Preface to the "Frame of the Government of the Province of Penn- 
sylvania,* 9 in Proud's History of Pennsylvania, vol. ii. (Appendix, No. 2,) p. 7. 


consent, it being found that it was more convenient to 
appoint delegates to represent the people, in the form of a 
legislature. The legislative body soon after its formation, 
had the power conferred upon it, of originating as well as 
acting on bills, and the treble vote of the governor was 
relinquished as slightly savouring of aristocracy. This 
framework of the province was formed in the year 1662. 
Notwithstanding the flood of one thousand emigrants which 
poured into the settlement, during the first year of its exist- 
ence, and the many reverses which were brought about by 
the unsettled state of political affairs in England, this policy 
continued for many years without a material change. At 
the time when Cotton Mather and his associates were pur- 
suing at Salem, and in other parts of Massachusetts, the 
imputed offence of witchcraft, with an unwise and cruel 
severity, a Pennsylvanian jury, under the eye of Penn, who 
presided at the trial, brought in a verdict, that the accused 
" was guilty of having the common fame of being a witch, 
but not guilty in manner and form as she stands indicted."* 
The minds of the founder and the more intelligent of his 
colonists, were happily exempt from the absurd infatuation 
respecting witchcraft, which prevailed among all classes, in 
some of the sister provinces. The case referred to is the 
only one, which, as it may happen to be viewed, either 
stains or illustrates the judicial annals of the colony. 

It was thus that he attempted to protect from internal ene- 
mies, as he feared no rupture from without, the elements of 

* The curious reader may see an account of this trial, in Hazard's Re- 
gister of Pennsylvania, vol. i. p. 108; also in Colonial Records of Pennsyl- 
vania, vol. i. p. 40. This trial took place on the 27th December, 1683. 


popular freedom. The toleration of all religious professors, 
and the immunity of none from the common burthens, was 
a maxim which formed the corner-stone of the social pile; 
while generous justice to the Indian, and merciful charity 
to the offender, naturally entered as constituent parts of the 
edifice. The whole structure was a simple and unadorned 
but majestic temple, which was consecrated to the one 
purpose of protecting the natural rights and inviolable 
liberties of mankind. 

The principles which were thus asserted and maintained, 
did not die with the great man, who gave them here the 
sanctuary of a home. They continued in energetic opera- 
tion, through the whole period of our colonial history. They 
yet live, dispensing to distant lands, the genius of that spirit 
to which we owe their introduction. 

The long absence of the Founder in England, combined 
— with other causes of alienation — to excite a disposition 
among the colonists, unfavourable to his pecuniary rights 
and interests. They began to murmur at the quit-rents, 
which he had reserved,with their assent, in his convey- 
ances of land ; they withdrew the imposts which had been 
voluntarily granted to him, as a means of revenue; and in 
the fervour of temporary estrangement, they even refused 
to concur in those great schemes of social improvement, 
which lay nearest his heart. Such was the veneration in 
which all united in holding his character, that more well 
founded objections than these, would have been heard only 
in whispers, during his life. But on his demise, old com- 
plaints were revived, and new ones superadded, against his 
successors. The deputy governors, whose indiscretions 
had fanned the first spark of discontent, now by folly and 


misgovernment, blew it into a flame. Two distinct parties 
were formed, with opposite views and variant pretensions. 
Those *who espoused the cause of the governors, were called 
the proprietary party, and those who arrayed themselves in 
opposition, were distinguished as the popular side. These 
factions became heated against each other, into an irrecon- 
cilable feud. Bickerings and heart-burnings disturbed the 
tranquillity of private life, and wordy turbulence charac- 
terized these parties in the assembly. Dr. Franklin, whose 
Historical Review is now admitted to be only an emana- 
tion of partisan extravagance, enlisted all his sympathies in 
the popular cause. He followed the example of Loyd, the 
celebrated opponent of James Logan, and other champions 
of the people, who figured in the preceding age; and em- 
ploying all the power of his acute and commanding intel- 
lect, in attacking, with the shafts of wit and argument, the 
old bugbears of proprietary right and proprietary preroga- 
tive, he soon made them sufficiently odious. The" points to 
which these dissensions gave rise, were warmly disputed, 
down to that period when colonial contests were neutralized, 
in the absorbing question which then presented itself, of 
foreign subjection or national independence. 

The vigilance and distrust of the colonists were no doubt 
at first awakened, by symptoms of political encroachment, on 
the part of the depluty governors, without the warrant of the 
founder. It cannot be denied that this, in combination per- 
haps with other trivial causes, was not without its influence. 
But it may not escape the attention of the philosopher, in 
reading this page of our colonial history, that these alterca- 
tions owed their existence, in part, to the sentiments which 
Penn had himself inculcated in his colony. He had taught 


the colonists to love and cherish constitutional liberty, in its 
most comprehensive sense. He had taught them that as men 
they were all equal; that every one, without distinction of 
class or sect, who believed in the existence of a Deity, and 
owned land at a penny an acre, was a freeman ; and that 
the majority in every state were entitled to govern. He 
taught them that, humanity had rights, of which even the 
most debasing criminality cannot divest it. He taught them 
that no one was so humble, not even the poor Indian, but 
was entitled to justice, and the offices of kindness and charity. 
Above all, he taught them that every man, whether Chris- 
tian, Jew, or Mahometan, had the natural right to worship 
his Creator in his own way, without having his eyes, when 
turned upward in adoration, to rest upon the suspended 
sword of the civil magistrate, ready to descend upon his 
devoted head. These lessons had been imprinted upon their 
hearts; they were cherished as their best and amplest 
earthly boon ; they were transmitted to their posterity as 
their richest inheritance* It is hardly necessary to say, that 
the party contests sharpened their vision for the perception 
of distant, perhaps imaginary danger ; nor that in the pre- 
tensions, which, as partisans they were found to assume, 
they transcended the doctrines of their great preceptor. It 
is no unusual case in the history of the human mind, to find 
the teacher far behind the disciple, who was indebted to him 
for his original precept. But however extravagant may 
have been some of the political tenets of the popular party, 
among the colonists, those who held them in check, came 
from the strife too deeply imbued with the principles of 

* See Appendix, T. 


Dickinson's farmers' letters. 49 

natural justice and eternal liberty not to repel with indig- 
nant patriotism all attempts to invade them. True, the 
Royal Charter had expressly reserved to parliament the 
right of imposing taxes;* true, the colonial prosperity and 
social happiness had not been sensibly diminished by the 
exercise of this power ; true, as champions of the proprie- 
tary interest, they were united by the closest ties of sym- 
pathy and affection with the mother state; and true, the 
religious scruples of many of the colonists were opposed to 
war. These circumstances would make them deplore the 
occurrence of an open rupture, but could not render them 
insensible to those great principles of freedom which they 
came hither to support and establish. It was these princi- 
ples which made a John Dickinson, whose "Farmers' 
Letters" sowed the seeds of the revolution, and whose 
addresses to the king were as instrumental in precipitating 
that event, as his letters of Fabius were to confirm the 
hearts of the people, when that momentous period was past. 
It was to these principles we are indebted for Charles 
Thompson, whose eulogy is written, in undying characters, 
in his unostentatious and patriotic acts. On the popular 
side stands, beside Dr. Franklin and many others, Dr. Benja- 
min Rush who was not more eminent for his literary and 
medical deserts, than he was decided in his patriotic councils. 
The popular party in truth were not only ready but courted 
the contest. Their swords were sharpened against the 
enemies of their country, by the very arguments with which 
their proprietary antagonists had been so often over- 

* Vide 20 Sec. of Charter, in Proud's Hiit. of Penns. vol. i. p. 185. 



It cannot be that Pennsylvania, with these facts embla- 
zoned on her early history, will relinquish to the Massa- 
chusetts and Connecticut colonies the unparticipated honour, 
of fostering those maxims of social liberty, which are justly 
regarded as fundamental, in our present system of govern- 
ment Like them the external frame of colonial polity was 
popular and democratical ; the representative plan was 
adopted; schools were established; useful industry was 
promoted; justice, equality and right were recognised in 
the internal administration. In these respects, all the colo- 
nies stand upon the same common ground. But the 
greatest and best, the vital and distinguishing features of 
our present political system, are, the freedom of the state 
from all the trammels of ecclesiastical restriction, and the 
equal eligibility of all churches to its highest honours and 
richest rewards. In the establishment of these, the senti- 
ments of the people derived no support, from the doctrines 
or example of the Massachusetts and Connecticut colonies. 
It may be doubted, if all the colonies had been peopled by 
men of similar views and policy with those of New Eng- 
land, whether the angelic form of religious freedom, now 
our presiding and guardian genius, had ever descended to 
crown the happiness, or bless the social charities of the 
present United States. 

The Puritan settlements permitted freedom to their church 
members, but refused it to all others under the severest pains 
and penalties. Their freedom was that of men who appro- 
priated all human rights as belonging to themselves, while 
they perversely denied them to the rest of mankind.* 

* See Hume's Hist Engd. vol. vi. p. 164. 


Id justification of this policy, it is maintained by one class 
of writers, that the Puritan pilgrimage to New England, 
had in view only the enjoyment of the Puritan religion,* 
and that in order to guard it from danger, defensive laws 
became necessary. Do these apologists forget, that if this 
were the original motive of the enterprise, it was never 
known or communicated to the Parent State; that the 
emigrants of 1630 ardently professed a different purpose ; 
and that there was no warrant in the Charters for such an 
establishment?! But admit that this plea displays the real 
groundwork and essential principle of the colonial action ; 
—is the motive assigned, of a character large and disin- 
terested, or limited and selfish? Where is the boasted 
glory of a system, which requires in its defence the attribu- 
tion of an aim so barren, of a design so humble ? What 
becomes of the moral sublimity of that example, on which 
the New England historians delight to dwell ? 

The plea of necessity has been the plea of restrictive 
tyranny, from the beginning of time.J If the system of 
exclusion and severity be defended on this ground, what is 
it but the general plea of cruelty and despotism, the world 
over ? The Christians were persecuted by the Jews and 
Pagans, because Hebraism and Paganism were in danger. 
The Protestants endured the persecutions of the Roman 
Catholics, because Catholicism was in danger. The Epis- 

* See Hist Disc, by Prof, Kingsley of New Haven., p. 46, and man? 

t See " Historical Account of the Propagation Society" by David Hum- 
phries, pp. 38-9 ; also Robertson's Hist. America, vol. ii. p. 246. 

X dee on this subject Harris's Charles I. pp. 232-3. 



copalians, for the same identical reason, retaliated these per- 
secutions upon dissenters. It is the refinement of sophistry 
to teach, that the object of either of these persecutions was 
the preservation or recognition of natural liberty. If it be, 
and if/ear or necessity can excuse wrong or justify oppres- 
sion, then we must snatch from undeserved reproach, from 
the sentence of unmerited obloquy, those tyrants and despots 
whose memories history has so long covered with disgrace. 
The liberty for which the eastern colonists were clamo- 
rous, was the liberty of an aristocracy who monopolize 
every benefit to themselves. It was the liberty of the Barons 
of Runemede, who in their anxiety to restrict the authority 
of the King, and, to amplify their own, wholly overlooked the 
privileges of the people. It was a liberty which seemed 
less to arise from philosophy than instinct It was less an 
abstraction, as an inalienable attribute of human nature, 
than the offspring of mistaken religious zeal. 

This slight and imperfect review of our colonial history, 
shows the errors into which those writers have fallen, who 
ascribe so important an agency to the maxims and policy 
of the Puritan fathers, in the establishment of this republic. 
It may be truly said, that the political vine and fig-tree which 
shot forth at the revolution, were not indigenous to this soil 
nor of spontaneous growth, but exotics which were planted 
by the first settlers of the respective colonies, in whose 
shade and beneath whose shelter, they had reposed in other 
lands. They struck deep, and flourished here, by means of 
a propitious climate and a judicious culture. The political 
agriculturist, when he surveys the vast arms which they 


have thrown over the land, encircling the most distant tracts 
of our territory in their embrace, will trace their roots not 
only to the East, but he will find them mingling with the 
soil alike of every valley and every hill throughout the ex- 
tensive regions of that Union whose banner waved in com- 
mon triumph at the revolution. 


A.— p. 8. 

Among the works referred to, may be mentioned the various 
replies to Neal's History of the Puritans, which are seldom to be 
met with in New England. Heylin may be thought to have 
erred as much on one side, as Neal on the other. Neal is 
found in almost every library in New England, but the answer 
to that very partial work by Bishop Maddox and Dr. Grey, al- 
most nowhere. As further evidence of the feeling on this sub- 
ject, a collection of the Blue Laws of the New Haven Colony, 
was not to be found in print, except among the curious, until the 
year 1838, the only edition known being that of London, printed 
in 1656. The edition of 1838, published among other curious 
matter, at Hartford " by an Antiquarian," does not, however, con- 
tain the laws previous to the time of Eaton. Those celebrated 
laws never having existed, except in MS. ; are not now in exist- 
ence, the records being lost or destroyed. All we know of them is, 
that p^&io&s&vexe ip£i*bt£s£s /eieifiicfed in 1655 ; — the history by 
Peters toeing {regarded* ftrr the triost part, as fabulous. Our Hart- 
ford ^kti|d^ta*otgser?QS\in:his pnefoce, " The compiler is aware 
that £o*n)4 $v% &fcUife # ?t§lierti{ in this 'community, may be dissatis- 
fied with the publication of a part of these important antiquities, 
apprehending that the literary or moral character of the Puritan 
Fathers of New England, may be implicated by such publication. 

The suppressing, or rather neglecting, their publication for one 
hundred and eighty-two years, is far more reprehensible than 
any thing contained in the Blue Laws themselves." Vide "The 
Blue Laws of New Haven Colony, usually called," &c. &c., by 
an Antiquarian, pp. 6-7, (Hartford, 1838.) 


B.— p. 14. 

Vide Short's History of the Church of England, vol. ii. p. 230 
et seq. ibid. p. 259 ; also Fuller, who says in his Church History, 
lib. xi. page 7, " The Puritans of this age (that of Elizabeth,) 
were divided into two ranks, some mild and moderate, contented 
only to enjoy their own conscience ; others fierce and fiery, to the 
disturbance of Church and State." Ibid., p. 178, it is stated that 
Lord Burleigh desired the Puritans to frame a better liturgy than 
the one in use ; thereupon a schism arose, and four distinct parties 
were formed. 

" The first classis framed a new one, somewhat according to 
the farm of Geneva* 

" The second, disliking it, altered it in six hundred particulars. 

" The third quarrelled at these alterations, and resolved on a 
new model, 

" The fourth classis dissented from the former. 

"Thus," continues Fuller, "because they could not agree 
among themselves, that wise statesman (Burleigh) put them off 
for the present, until they could present him a pattern icith a 
perfect consent" 

C— p. 16. 

See " Some Considerations proposed to the citizens of Lon- 
don," &c, by Isaac Pennington, (Works fo. Lond. 1681,) p. 
140, in which he says, " O ye great ones ! The Lord did not 
throw down the greatness of the nobility, for you to rise up in 
their places," &c. 

D.— p. 18. 

The author of "The European Settlements in America," &c, 
contends that the Roman Catholics were more harshly treated 
than the Puritans, in England, see vol. ii. p. 220. Hawes says, 


a slight submission to mitred authority, would have made unne- 
cessary their exposure to the privations and hardships of a 
residence in the New World. See Tribute, &c, p. 118-9. 

E.— p. 19. 

The principles of this Charter are readily seen. The grant, 
is in the free and common socage, and not in capite, nor by 
Knight's Service. (Hazard's State Papers, vol. i. p. 245). 
The tenure of office is not for life, or an indefinite period, but is 
made dependent upon conduct, and determinable by the majority. 
The right of election to office, and the right of removing from 
office, are expressly recognised. (lb. p. 248.) The freemen are 
to be chosen by " the governor, (or in his absence, the deputy 
governor of the said Company, for the time being,) and such 
of the assistants and freemen of the said Company as shall be 
present, or the greater number of them so assembled" p. 247. 

Nothing is said in the Charter, respecting the qualifications to 
freemanship, except what is contained in the following passages: 
" That it shalbe latcfuU and free for them and their Assignes, at 
all and every Tyme and Tymes hereafter, out of any our Realmes 
or Domynions whatsoever, to take, leade, carry, and transport, 
for and into their Voyages, and for and towards the said Plan* 
tacon in Newe England, all such and so many of our loving 
Subjects, or any other strangers that will become our loving Sub- 
jects, and live under our Allegiance, as shall wHlinglie accom- 
pany them in the same Voyages and Plantacon. * Pro- 
vided, that none of the saide Persons be such as shalbe hereafter 
by especial Name restrayned by Vs, our Beires, or Successors," 
p. 249. In p. 251, the Charter provides, " That all and 
every the Subjects of Vs, our Beires or Successors, which shall 
goe to and inhabite the said Landes and Premisses hereby 
mencded to be graunted, and everie of their Children which 
shall happen to be borne there, or on the Seas in goeing thither, 
or returning from thence, shall have and enjoy all liberties 
and Immunities of free and naturaU Subjects within any of the 
Domynions of Vs, our Heires or Successors, to all Intents, Con- 



struccons, and Purposes whatsoever ', as yf they and everieqfthem 
were borne within the Realme of England" 

It is further provided, (p. 253,) that the Company shall "have 
full and absolute Power and Authoritie to correct, punishe, par* 
don, governe, and rule all such the Subjects of Vs, our Heires and 
Successors, as shall from Tyme to Tyme adventure themselves in 
any Voyadge thither or from thence, or that shall at any Tyme 
hereafter, inhabite within the Precints and Partes of Newe 
England aforesaid, according to the Orders, Lawes, Ordinances, 
Instruccons, and Direccons aforesaid, not being repugnant to 
the Lawes and Statutes of our Realme of England, as afore- 

It is evident from these provisions that the colonists laboured 
under no restrictions, as to the amount of liberty which they might 
give to the inhabitants. The stipulation on the contrary was, that 
they should not be curtailed of any of the liberties and immunities 
which they were entitled to as free and natural-born subjects of 
the Realm of England. Whether the policy adopted disfran- 
chising all who were not church members, no matter what their 
estates or personal respectability, was not an abridgement of the 
rights of British subjects, is a question too plain for discussion. 
The propositions made by the Commissioners of Charles II. to 
Connecticut in the year 1665, contain this requisition, "that all 
men of competent estates, and of civil conversation, (though of 
different judgment) may be admitted to be freemen, and have 
liberty to choose, or to be chosen officers, for the military and 
civil." Letters, &c, by R. R. Hinman, pp. 62-3. 

The word, freeman, in the Charter, was intended at moat to 
signify a freeholder, i. e., that every English natural born subject 
who had a freehold, should be entitled to the rank of a freeman* 
Britton, (c. 32,) whose definition is adopted by Blackstone, 
describes a liberum tenementum or freehold, to be " the pos- 
session of the soil by & freeman" 2 Bl. Coin., p. 104. In the 
colony of Virginia, according to Beverly, the term was leas 
restricted. " Every freeman," says he, " (by which denomina- 
tion they call all but indented or bought servants,) from sixteen 
to sixty years of age, is listed in the militia." Beverly* s History 
of Virginia, p. 233. 



F.— p. 20. 

Hutch. Hist. vol. i. p. 219. But before this, see Se well's 
Hist., p. 272 (Lond. ed. fo. 1772) for Mandamus from the king ; 
also Propositions by his Majesty's Commissioners to the Governor 
and General Court of Connecticut, made April 20, 1665, in which 
are recommended that "all men of competent estates and of civil 
conversation, (though of different judgment) may be admitted to 
bb freemen" and " that all persons of civil lives, may freely enjoy 
the liberty of their consciences, and the worship of God in that 
way which they think best" &c. (See Propositions and Answer 
in Hinman's Letters, &c. being original documents, pp. 62-3) ; 
also Mass. Hist. Coll. 2d Series, vol. viii. p. 76. 

G — p. 20. 

It was necessary for the minister to certify, that the candidates 
for freedom were of orthodox principles, as well as of good lives, 
&c. See note in Hutch. Hist. Mass., vol. i. p. 31. 

H.— p. 24. 

Vide Isaac Penington's Works sparsim, (Lond. fo. ed. 1681) 
particularly " An examination of the grounds of causes," &c. 
part i. pp. 199, 208, 224, 225, 233, el seq. ; also "Somewhat 
relating to Church Government," &c. &c. part ii. page 400, et seq ; 
also " Misrepresentations of one concerning Church Government 
cleared," part ii. p. 418, et seq. I lay the greater stress on this 
authority because his father, Sir Isaac Penington', was a member 
of the Parliament who condemned Charles I. and was much tinc- 
tured with admiration of Cromwell. The author here quoted, 
had been an Independent before he became a Quaker, and con- 
tinued to feel through life a more than ordinary solicitude for his 
former party, in opposition to the Episcopalians and Roman 
Catholics. He writes rather in sorrow than in anger. 


I. — p. 25. 

An ingenious and well informed writer, but of rather tart 
spirit, eloquently remarks, with reference to the causes which 
stayed the fury of religious persecutions in New England ; 
" Charles was restored — Endicott died, and when the sun seemed 
to be turning into darkness and the moon into blood, the wheels 
of the car of destiny appeared suddenly to roll backward, and 
a glimmer of humanity began to dawn.' 9 Vide The Churchman, 
vol. v. p. 857, May 2, 1835. 

K — p. 25. 

John Checklejr, in the first quarter of the 18th century, re- 
printed Leslie on Episcopacy. He was arraigned at Boston, 
heavily fined, and bound with two sureties to keep the peace. 
See also An Act of the Connecticut Colony against Quakers y 
Ranters, &c. passed in the year 1705, disallowed by Queen 
Anne in Council. See Proud's Hist. Penna., (note) vol. i. p. 465. 
, Bradford, in his History of Boston, pp. 49-50, denounces the 
folly of a toleration which may tend to misrule. 

L.—p. 28. 

The voluntary compact adopted by the adventurers, in 1639, 
contained no -explicit provision respecting religion. They 
only resolved to maintain the faith or discipline " which we 
now profess? which, as is well known, were those of Geneva. 
The penal system was modelled, both in Connecticut and New 
Haven Colony, upon the basis of the Levitical code, which 
punished many offences with death. " It is not easy to say what 
was the precise nature of the criminal law, before the time of 
Eaton in 1655, as the early regulations of Connecticut were not 
preserved in print, and some of the manuscript records of New 
Haven are lost, mutilated or destroyed. Of that celebrated 
code which has bee*n denominated " the blue laws," we know 



only what can be gathered of its character from contemporary 
annalists, and from the laws of Eaton which succeeded, and in 
some instances preserved them. See infra Appendix A. 

M— p. 29. 

Vide on this subject " European Settlements," &c, vol* ti. 
p. 220 ; also Felt's Annals, pp. 175, 327 ; also Isaac Peningfon, 
who says, in addressing New England, " Look over your 
writings, consider the cause again in a more meek and upright 
spirit, and ye yourselves will easily see, how in your heat ye 
have mistaken, and dealt more injuriously with others than ye 
yourselves were ever dealt with" (Works, Lond. ed. 1681, fo. 
p. 223.) ; also Se well's Hist. Quakers, p. 200 ; also Savage's 
Winthrop, vol. ii. p. 109-149. 

N.— p. 30. 

It wilt le observed in Norton's New England Memorial, (which 
was written, it is said, on board the Mayflower,) among the reasons 
assigned for the colonists abandoning Holland, was, their desire 
to live under their natural Prince. 

O. — p. 31. 

Vide Order in Massachusetts for proclaiming Charles II. king. 
Hazard's Hist. Coll. of State Papers, vol. ii. p. 593. The address 
of Massachusetts to Charles II*, bearing date August 7th, 1661, 
displays so ardent a loyalty, that I am tempted, in view of this 
and its other characteristics, to introduce it here, in extenso : 

[Massachusetts Records, 7th August, 1661.] 

To the High and mighty Prince Charles the Second by the Grace 
of God y King of Great Britain, France, and Ireland, Defender 
of the Faith, fyc* 

" Illustrious Sir, 

« That Majesty and Benignity both sat upon the Throne where* 
unto your Outcasts made their former Address, Witnes the second 


Eucharistical Approach unto the best of Kings, Who to other 
Titles of Royalty, common to him with other Gods amongst 
men, delighted herein more peculiarly to conform himself to the 
God* of Gods in that he hath not despised nor abhorred the Afflic- 
tion of the Afflicted, neither hath he hid his Face from him, but 
when he cried he heard. Our Petition was the Representation 
of an Exiles Necessities : This Script, gratulatory and Lowly, is 
the Reflection of the gracious Rays of Christian Majesty : There 
we sought your Favour by presenting to a compassionate Eye 
that Bottle full of Tears shed by us in this Jesimon ; Here also 
we acknowledge the Efficacy of Regal Influence to qualify these 
Salt Waters. The Mission of ours was accompanied with these 
Churches sitting in Sackcloth ; The Reception of yours was the 
holding forth the Sceptre of Life. 

"We are deeply sensible of your Majesty's Intimation relating 
to Instruments of Satan acted by impulse Diabolical (not to say 
whence he came to us) went out from us because he was not of 
us. God preserve your Majesty from all Emissaries agitated by 
an infernal Spirit under what Appellations soever disguised. 
Luther sometimes wrote to the Senate of Mulhousen to beware 
of the Wolfe Munster. 

" Royal Sir, 

" Your just Title to the Crown enthronizeth you in our Con- 
sciences, your Graciousness in our affections ; — That inspireth 
us unto Duty, this naturalizeth unto Loyalty : — Thence we call 
you Lord, hence a Saviour* Mephibosheth, how prejudicially 
soever misrepresented, yet rejoiceth that the King is come in 
Peace to his own house ;— Now the Lord hath dealt well with 
our Lord the King : May New England under your Royal Pro- 
tection be permitted, still to sing the Lords Sodg in this Strange 
Land : It shall be no grief of Heart for the Blessing of a People 
ready to perish, daily to come upon your majesty, the blessing 
of your poor People, who (not here to al ledge the innocency of 
our cause, touching which, let us live no longer than we subject 
ourselves to* an orderly Trial thereof) though in the particulars 
of Subscriptions and Conformity, supposed to be under the Hal- 
lucinations of weak Bretheren, yet craue leaue with all Humility 


to say Whether the voluntary quitting of our Natiue and dear 
Country, be not sufficient to expiate so innocent a Mistake, (if a 
Mistake) let God Almighty, your Majesty, and all good Men judge. 
" Now, he in whose hands the Times and Trials of the Children 
of Men are, who hath made your Majesty remarkably parallel 
to the most eminent of Kings both for Space and kind of your 
Troubles, so as that vere Day cannot be expected, wherein they 
drove him from abiding in the Inheritence of the Lord, saying 
Go serve other Gods, make you also (which is the Crown of all) 
more and more like unto him in being a Man after Gods own 
Heart, to do whatsoeuer he will : Yea, as the Lord was with 
David, so let him be with your most Excellent Majesty, and 
make the Throne of King Charles the Second both greater and 
better than the Throne of King David, or than the Throne of any 
of your Royal Progenitors. So shall always pray, v 

" Great Sir, 

" Your Majesty's most humble and Loyal Subjects, 

« JOHN ENDICOTT, Governor." 

P.— p. 32. 

See the honeyed expressions of allegiance to King Charles II., 
in an Act passed by Massachusetts against treason, in }he year 
1678, the year of the famous Popish Plot, so called. Death is 
denounced for imagining the destruction of the king's person, or 
of the style, honour, or dignity of the kingly office. See also the 
definition of treason enlarged in 1696, Report by Messrs. Ran- 
toul and others, on Capital Punishment (read in the House of 
Representatives of Massachusetts in 1836) p. 67. 

Q.— p. 34. 

See sixth article of articles qf confederation, according to which 
two commissioners from each jurisdiction, are to be chosen, 
being all in church-fellowship with us, requires' the article. 
"Hinman's Letters" &c. (being a collection of original Docu- 
ments relating to Connecticut,) p. 33. 


R.— p. 36. 

In reply to the depreciation of bookish lore by the Puritans, 
South observed, " Granted that God does not stand in need 
of human learning, still less has he need of human igno- 

S. — p. 36. 

The literary precisians, and purists of the present day, in 
Boston and Cambridge, seem hardly to be the descendants of 
their own progenitors. It is quite opposed to our notions of the 
New England clergy, whom we are accustomed to regard as 
men of grave and sober, if not of grim visage, to find them 
indulging in whimsical conceits, in concocting anagrams, and 
making puns. But so it was. The vibe of a quaint age, in 
the mother country, had a prolonged existence in the retired 
colonies of New England. James I., was himself a punster* 
Addison tells us, that his taste for that species of humour, was 
very decided, and that he made few Bishops or Privy Coun- 
sellors, who had not " signalized themselves by a clinch or 
conundrum." Cotton Mather, who was a contemporary of 
Addison, brings these follies down to a later period. Witness 
his Magnolia, especially his "Remarkables of Divine Provi- 
dence among the people of New England." He is a fair 
representative of a numerous class. The Rev. Mr. Wilson, an 
eminent Puritan divine of an early day, was a noted anagram- 
maker. On the death of Wilson, his memory in turn, was 
appropriately celebrated by anagrams. „ 

What contributed more than any thing else to the prevalence 
of a bad taste, was the popularity of Du Bartas, a French poet 
of the age of Henry IV., whose works, in Sylvester's transla- 
tion, was the standard of literary excellence, for a long time, in 
Massachusetts. Every body adopted him as a model, in writing 
verse, and his foolish productions passed through thirty editions. 
A Mrs. Bradstreet, of Massachusetts, whose poetry was in high 


repute, received the most delicate and flattering commendation 
which colonial wit could bestow, in an anagram drawn from her 
name, which made out the words, a second Du Bartas, 

T. — p. 48. 

Consult, among other authorities, which might be cited, 
respecting colonial Pennsylvania, Proud's History, Hazard's 
Register of Pennsylvania, in 15 vols., and a History of Penn- 
sylvania, in German, by the late Professer Ebeling of Ham- 
burg. A part of this impartial and learned work, will be found, 
in a beautiful English dress, in the first volume of Hazard's 
most valuable work now referred to. The translator is the 
venerable and eminent Mr. Du Ponceau of Philadelphia, who 
undertook the labour, with, no view to profit, but simply to make 
known the high merits of a foreign work to English readers. 
His version terminates at the death of William Penn in 1718, 
comprising about one-fourth of the entire book, which J>rings 
down the history to the year 1802. See Hazard's Register of 
Pennsylvania, vol. i. p. 341, et seq ; also consult the excellent 
History of Pennsylvania, by Thomas F. Gordon, Esq., of Phila* 
delphia, whose work, though it does not display a full apprecia- 
tion of William Perm's character (ex. gr. p. 176,) is nevertheless 
distinguished for fidelity, discrimination, and talent. See what 
Mr. Gordon says of the constitutions of the other colonies, pp. 









The revolution of 1775, and the subsequent difficulties 
occasioned by a patriotic republican community, struggling 
for liberty, and to free themselves from the tyrannical op- 
pression of British bondage, without the means of support- 
ing an army, led to considerations, which eventually 
resulted in a resolution to give to the soldier a permanent 
reward for his toil and pain, in defending the country. 
The rapid depreciation of continental money, and the 
consequent rise in articles of necessity, from January, 1777, 
until February, 1781, rendered it essential that some addi- 
tional provision should be made, not so much as a bonus 
or premium to induce men into public service ; but as an 
act of justice towards those who bore the heat and burden 
of the day ; those who had, from zealous patriotism, left 
their families, connexions, and homes, to save a beloved 
country from ruin and disgrace. 



Impressed with a deep sense of indispensable duty on 
this occasion, the legislature, as early as the 7th of March, 
1780, passed a law declaratory of their design that the 
officers and soldiers of this state in the service of the 
United States, who should serve during the war or die in 
the service, should have lands granted to them at the end 
of the war, as a donation or gift, to remunerate them in 
some degree for services rendered, for the payment of 
which the continental wages were so inadequate. 

By an act of the 12th March, 1783, the metes and 
bounds of the space in which these donation lands were to 
be located, were particularly described, viz., from the 
mouth of Mohulbuckitum on the Allegheny River, up that 
river to the mouth of Conewango, thence north to the south 
boundary of the state of New York ; thence west, along 
that line to the northwest corner of Pennsylvania ; thence 
south, along the west boundary of the state last mentioned, 
to a point due west of the mouth of Mohulbuckitum afore- 
said ; and thence due east, along the north boundary of the 
Depreciation lands, to the place of beginning. 

By an act of March 24th, 1785, deputy surveyors were 
to be appointed, of the districts comprised within these 
limits, from District No. 1, to that of No. 10 ; each deputy ■ 
was enjoined by law and directed by the Surveyor-General 
to complete the work committed to his care, on, or before 
the first day of February, 1786. 

By this act a Major-General is to have 2000 acres ; 
Brigadier 1500; Colonel 1000; Lieutenant-Colonel 750; 
Surgeon, Chaplain, Major, 600 each ; Captain, 500 ; Lieute- 
nant, 400 ; Ensign and Surgeon's mate, 300 each ; Sergeant, 
Sergeant-Major, Quartermaster Sergeant, each 250 ; and 

: L- * - - J - - " 


each Drummer, Fifer, Corporal, and private soldier, 200 
acres, and allowance. 

Twenty-seven miles of the west ends of Districts No. 5 
and 4, and about nineteen miles of the western parts of 
Districts No. 3 and 2, lie in Mercer County. 

In September, 1785, the undersigned was called on by 
G. Evans, Esq., of the city of Philadelphia, who had been 
appointed by John Lukens, the then Surveyor-General, to 
be deputy surveyor of the 2d and 3d Districts. 

On the first day of October, 1785, I left Washington, 
Pa., in company with Robert Smith, Samuel Craig, 
Francis Beadle and others, to assist Mr. Evans in making 
surveys. We arrived at Pittsburg (called Fort Pitt) on 
the second day of the same month, and on the eighth, we 
arrived in the 3d district, and commenced our business* 

Beginning on the east, we worked westward with two 
compasses, and carried ten ranges with us, keeping the 
tents and the provisions in the centre ; in this way, we 
progressed until the 26th of October, when we closed our 
fall's work, at a place near where Joseph Shannon now 
lives, three miles southwest of the borough of Mercer. 

That day at about 12 o'clock, we set out for Fort Pitt, 
our horses loaded with skins killed by our Indian hunter, 
who supplied us the whole time with venison, fat and more 
than we could use ; we had no bread for twelve days, but 
experienced no inconvenience from this deficiency. Bears, 
wolves, deer, and Indians, in every direction, in plenty ; 
peaceable and useful. 

On the day we set out for the white settlement, we saw 
three bears on and near one tree ; we hastened to the tree, 
but before we arrived at the spot, one ran off, one came 


down, and the other fell about forty feet, and all took to 
the swamps, every one its own course. There were ten 
of us including the Indian ; we pursued the bears about 
fifteen minutes, but gave up the chase, and gathered to- 
gether and pursued our course, which went about south, 
25 degrees east. 

At about three miles distance from the bear tree, we 
discovered a man was missing ; we discharged our guns, 
and hallooed, but all to no purpose ; we saw him no more. 

On the 29th we arrived at Fort Pitt, and separated each^ 
to his own home, never to meet again. 

On the sixteenth day of April, 1792, 1 received a com- 
mission to be deputy surveyor of the- 4th and 5th Districts, 
then under a new arrangement called the 3d, General 
Brodhead was Surveyor-General. This commission was 
given under the Act of 3d April, 1792, for the sale of 
vacant lands north and west of the Ohio and Allegheny 
Rivers, and Conewango Creek. Although this district ex- 
tended eastward to the Allegheny River, including the 
town of Franklin, then called Venango, consisting of the 
garrison and a few cabins, yet the western and better part 
of it, was included in Mercer County as now laid out ; the 
residue of this county is comprised within the 4th and 6th 
Districts, new arrangement : the deputy surveyors of which 
were Thomas Stokely and John Moore. Although the 
former of these gentlemen understood neither theory nor 
practice, yet he received the appointment for his activity 
and bravery in the massacre of Paoli, in the Revolution. 
Thus went the offices and rewards in those days, and thus 
go pensions and places in these days, without very much 
respect to necessity or fitness, in many cases. 




From the 3d of April, 1792, until October, 1794, no at- 
tempt was made to settle Mercer County ; this inaction of 
the public, when a fine country was opened by law for their 
reception, for nearly three years, was occasioned by the 
danger of the savages in that region. 

In June, 1794, John Powers was killed and scalped, 
eighteen miles from Fort Franklin, towards Pittsburg. 
The bones of this man were left exposed on the surface of 
the ground, until May, 1796, when his head, which bore the 
plain mark of the incision of the scalping knife, and a hole 
in the skull two inches square, was found by a surveyor 
and his party and taken to Washington, Pa. 

In October, 1794, and February, 1795, 453 land war- 
rants were entered in my office in Pittsburg for land, 
chiefly in Mercer County. In the spring of 1795, 1 made 
arrangements to execute the surveys on those entered the 
preceding February. Those entered in October, one- 
hundred in all, were laid on Chenango a year after they 
were entered, by a deputy. On the first day of May, 1795, 
after having collected hands and provisions, tents and the 
necessary apparatus for the woods, our party set out for 
the Indian country, and on the fourth, crossed the Ohio at 
Christlo's Ferry, and arrived at Mackintosh (now Beaver 
town). Whence we proceeded up Beaver, to the old 
Moravian and Cuscusca towns ; and on the tenth unloaded 
our horses at Beech Swamp, four miles southwest of the 
spot where Mercer now stands. John Paxton and Dorsey 
Blackman our pack-horsemen, returned home with the 
horses a different route from that which we pursued in 
going out ; this was through fear of meeting the Indians, 
or that the Indians would waylay them on the trail as they 

70 KKHrABKfl OK < 

returned home; these fears were excited from seeing 
Indians, as we travelled out. 

On the thirteenth day of May, 1795, 1 made the first 
survey in my district. We continued our business until 
the 7th of June, without any visible risk or danger ; but on 
that day, when my men and myself were sitting in the 
tent late in «the evening, I discovered something white 
waving in the air, about forty yards from the camp* I 
immediately went to the place ; there was an Indian behind 
a large oak, who had a letter from the officer commanding 
at Fort Franklin ; he had split a small stick, and having 
put the letter in the split, was waving it about until I dis- 
covered it 

I took the letter and read as follows : — » 

" Sir — 

" Having received information of two men's being killed 
by Indians, last Wednesday evening, near the mouth of 
Little Coneaught, in passing it on the borders of the district 
where I've heard you are at work, I send the bearer 
hereof, a friendly Indian, to find you if possible and give 
you this notice, that you may be on your guard, in case of 
the approach of any other hostile parties. 

" I am, sir, your humble servant, 
(Signed,) " Jh. Heth. 

" Captain 3d S. Legion, 

" Commanding Fort Franklin." 

* June 6th, 1795." 

" Findley and McCormick were the unfortunate men. 

u Mr. Benjamin Stokely* by a friendly Indian.** 


Having taken the Indian into the camp — given him 
something to eat, and invited him to stay with us till 
morning, I wrote to Captain Heth, by the Indian, whose 
name was " Scandashawa," as follows : — 

" To Captain Heth, Franklin :-— 

" Sir,r— This evening I received your kind letter by the 
Indian, for which you will please to accept my unfeigned 
thanks. It is, sir, with much satisfaction that I find a friend 
so near, and in possession of the means of securing our 
safety, should it be found necessary to claim your protec- 

" The times look dark and dangerous, and we have no 
doubt of the facts stated, but being engaged in the business 
of surveying land, on a large and extensive scale, it would 
be extremely inconvenient at present to lose much time in 
watching the motion of the enemy. I have therefore con- 
sulted my brave companions in this critical conjuncture, 
and we have concluded to proceed on with our work at all 
hazards ; but on any unfavourable change in the aspect of 
the perils which seem to surround us now, we intend to 
avail ourselves of that protection which we are well as- 
sured it will be no less your duty than your inclination to 

(Signed,) " Ben. Stokely, 

" In the woods. 

"June 7th, 1795." 

The next day, June the 8th, I received a letter from 
General Taylor, then at Franklin ; an associate Judge of 
Washington County, an elderly gentleman, and an old and 


particular friend. As the General was a man, honest, 
friendly, and sincere, his letter had some weight with my 
men, and on a second balloting whether we should relin- 
quish our business at present, or proceed, it was determined 
six for going home, and six for going on with the surveys : 
The question being put, shall we proceed with the surveys. 
Yeas, W. Ewing, Adam Deim, Samuel Craig, N< Lewis, 
Robert Linton, and B. Stokely. Nays, David Norris, Jos. 
Swearingen, .Wm. Connell, George Hackney, Levi Jacobs, 
Wm. Jacobs. 

Thus divided, and three surveyors being in the affirma- 
tive, our company was so broken that we concluded to 
return home, and therefore set out June the 9th, for Pitts- 
burg. — Judge Taylor's letter, the efficient cause of this 
decision among us, read as follows, to wit : — 

« Fort Franklin, 8th Jane, 1795. 

" Dear Sir, — I wish to inform you that I conceive you 
and your partiee in dangar. There is a partiee of Indians 
out who seem to entend hostil meshures with the surveyors ; 
how fare the may go it is doubtfully but I would recommend 
i your coming in heare as soon as posable ; perhaps in a few 
1 day it may be better known how fare or how many the 
partiee is. There is a number of people going off; I would 
be glad to see you before I go off I shall remain at this 
place a few days untill it may be better known the disposi- 
tion of the Indians, — if it appears favourable will go to 
Cusawago. I would be glad to know your opinion, with 
respect, in what way you will make your return of the 
surveys made on improvements rights, as I am about pur- 



chising som ; and a number is waiting for your approving 
of these surveys that the have already made. 

" It will not be nesassary to tell you the damage done, as 
Mr. Swearingen has heard all the news of this place ; but 
the number qow known to be killed is five. 

. " I am truly your sincear 

" Friend and humble servant, 
(Signed,) " Henry Taylor." 

B. Stokely, D. S. Y. 

There are three objects in view in giving the copy of 
this letter, — the first is to show the danger and peril of the 
times in which the preparatory measures were taken to 
settle Mercer County; the second, to show the singular 
friendship from the General towards me, notwithstanding a 
very disagreeable misunderstandings between him and my 
brother, Col. Thomas Stokely, on a point of military dis- 
cipline ; and the third object is to manifest to the public 
that a man may be good and great without much know- 
ledge of literature. — In October, 1795, I returned to the 
woods with a full set of hands only for one compass. The 
provisions we left in June preceding could not be depended 
on, and therefore we brought fresh flour with us and de- 
pended in some degree on wild meat for our support ; but 
such was our bad luck in procuring venison or bear, that 
our hunter, Jno. Moore, killed but one deer the whole time 
from Oct. 19 to Nov. 30, 1795. Under pressing necessity, 
were we obliged to search for Beech Swamp, where we 
had left our meat in kegs, in May of that year. This 
bacon, when found, was blue with putrefaction, and stunk so 
as to be distinctly noticed near twenty yards ; of this, such 


was our hunger, did we eat, nay more, we feasted for some 
days; at length, closing our range, five miles north of 
Mercer, we set out for Mackintosh, on the 28th of Novem- 
ber, 1795, and, after sinking our raft in crossing Chenango, 
wetting many things, and losing some, we arrived at that 
place the second day of December, hungry and tired, but, 
on getting refreshment at a public house, the only one then 
in the place, kept by Samuel Johnston, we were very soon 
as well as ever. Our party this tour was composed of 
seven, viz., W. Ewing, Joseph Davidson, Noah Lewis, Jos. 
Brooks, John Moore, Jabez Coulson, and myself. On the 
9th of May, 1796, we returned to the woods, a third tour. 
The ratification of Wayne's Treaty, on the 22d of Decem- 
ber, 1795, having, as we supposed, secured our safety, we 
surveyed and improved the county, without fear or trem- 
bling. Returned to the white settlements the 13th of June, 
1796, and on the 14th of October following, I sat down as 
an actual settler, with my family, a wife and three chil- 
dren, on the very spot where I now reside, at Coolspring, 
three miles northeast of the borough of Mercer. 

My wife was the first white woman that settled in 
Mercer County ; she saw no white female but one, as 
prisoner among the Indians, until April, 1797. During the 
winter of 1796-7, Indians were very numerous, trouble- 
some sometimes, and useful sometimes ; we purchased 
' two thousand eight hundred and forty-six pounds of venison 
of them, fifty skins, some fur, and a few bear- skins. 

I had two oxen and two cows ; on the 7th of December, 
1796, they left me, in a course towards Pittsburg. I pur- 
sued one day and gave up the chase ; on the 17th they 
returned. The snow fell 22d of November, went off 13th 


of February; fell the 19th, went off in March. It was an 
early spring ; good grass and plenty the 10th of April. 
On the 9th of March, one cow died, for the want of food 
only. Having an opportunity, I sent a letter to the white 
settlement, offering twenty dollars for six bushels of Indian 
meal, but failed to get any. The 28th, the other was near 
dying ; to save her life, I ripped open a pack-saddle pad, 
took out a part of the straw stuffing, cut it short, put on 
warm water and a pint of flour, reserving the residue of 
the padding for a future day ; she recovered,-— sharp times ! 
In the spring of 1797, as early as the middle of February, 
the county began to settle, so that in a few months the 
neighbourhood began to assume the appearance of civili- 
zation. To me, who had been so long alone, and none but 
Indians to commune with, and particularly to my wife, the 
change was exceedingly acceptable. It might be con- 
ceived, but cannot be easily expressed, when one day she 
saw two white women, the Misses Rice, coming to see her 
on a visit, the pleasure and satisfaction she felt at this cir- 
cumstance. The settlement at Coolspring being among 
the very earliest in the county, it may be considered as 
begun in the spring of 1797, though many had made small 
beginnings in 1796, but returned to the old settlements in 
the fall of that year, and returned again when I had re- 
solved the great problem, that the Indians were no longer 
dangerous neighbours. In the summer of 1797, 1 sent my 
plough irons forty-two miles to be sharpened, and paid 
upwards of two dollars for it. The first mill was built in 
1798, by Peter Wilson, an old and respectable settler, who 
settled in this county early in April, 1797. On the 23d 
and j24th of August, in the year last mentioned, took place 


the memorable compromise between the agent of the 
N. A. Land Company and the settlers who had been placed 
on the land by certain individuals, in opposition to the 
Company's title. The leaders of the opposing party were 
Messrs. M'Williams, Dunning, Morrow, and Tannehill, of 
Pittsburg. In this general settlement, however, of conflict- 
ing claims, peace was restored, and the settlers were made 
sure of their lands without any further contention. Al- 
though the Act of 1792 never could be so construed as to 
sustain any but two kinds of title, viz., — one under the 
eighth section, beginning with an actual bona fide resident 
settlement, and ending with money to be paid to the state 
within ten years from the passage of the act, free of inte- 
rest ; — and the other under the ninth section, commencing 
with money, and ending with labour and residence ; yet 
did the leading influential men, from a spirit of mere spe- 
culation, endeavour to monopolize large bounds of this and 
the adjoining counties, obtained settlers, made agreements, 
established settlements on surveys made without authority, 
promised a title, and in a word went on to complete the 
claim for their settlers, as if they had been supported by 
law until, as I have before observed, the compromise of 
August, 1797, put to rest all disputes, with the exception of 
a few individuals, who chose to try title at law, but failed. 
In 1798, the Rev. Jacob Garwell, member of the Metho- 
dist Episcopal Church, preached at Peter Wilson's, in the 
woods, and shortly afterwards in my barn. This year 
seed potatoes sold for 81 33 a bushel ; wheat was first 
reaped in this county this year, the seed of which had in 
1797 cost $2 25 per bushel ; corn had no' price; wild meat 
was yet easily obtained. In the year of 1798, the small- 


pox broke out and spread among the Indians, who had it 
in many cases extremely severe. 

In 1797, on the 19th day of September, was born the 
first white child in Mercer County, — Ariadne, my fourth 
child, — not a woman but the mother present This was a 
severe trial to me. In 1799, the first missionaries were sent, 
to preach to the settlers ; these were the Rev. J. Stockton, 
E. Macurdy, J. M'Lene, Wm. Wick. But the labours of 
the reverend gentlemen were not greatly blessed, or, in 
other words, no visible change was seen among the people 
until the next year, 1800, nor indeed until 1801, to any 
extent; but in that year and the next, 1802, under the 
preaching of the Rev. Samuel Pait, many of the most 
wicked, loose, and irregular, were brought to see the 
wickedness of their former life, and the necessity of 
fleeing from the wrath to come. The first storekeeper was 
E. Magoffin, — the first lawyer that settled in Mercer was 
E. S. Sample. The first Board of Commissioners was 
composed of Robert Bole, for three years, Andrew Den- 
niston, two years, and Thos. Robb, for one year. The 
first D. Surveyor, John Findley. The first President Judge, 
Jesse Moore ; Associates, A. Wright, A. Brown, and W. 
Amberson. It may be necessary here to remark, that Mr. 
Amberson, not residing in the bounds of Mercer County at 
the time it was struck off Crawford, nor within the latter 
county one year previous to that event, the tenure of his 
commission was not quite consistent with the constitution. 

It does not appear from any discovery made in the 
first settlement of this county, that it ever was a place 
where many elk and buffalo haunted ; one buffalo horn and 
a few elk horns were found in 1795 and 1797 ; and a few 


elk have been seen, and one killed, near the western boun- 
dary of the county, since the settlement commenced. The 
animals which are now seen and sometimes taken, are 
foxes, red and gray, raccoons, opossums, wild-cats, deer, 
a very few white hares, and an animal called a wolvereen, 
of the feline or vulpine species, supposed to be engendered 
between a wolf and a fox, or a fox and a wild-cat. It is 
one of the swiftest animals in the woods, a common cur- 
dog is left with ease, and being sensible of its own. supe- 
riority in running, it will play around, as if it were mere 
amusement. It is bold and cunning, and has never been 
taken by any white man since the county was first settled ; 
and only by Indians before. 

The climate of this county may be considered, in its 
general character as cold and wet. Winter usually sets in 
about the latter end of November, and corn is seldom 
planted much before the latter end of May, which makes 
nearly six months of cool, cold, and wet weather. Snow is 
seldom more than eighteen inches deep ; but on the 3d of 
February, 1800, and the 3d of February, 1818, it was about 
three feet. Frost is seen, some years, in every month. 

This county has always been subject to annual tornadoes, 
which seldom happen before the middle of May, nor after 
the summer solstice. In 1785 a tremendous one took place: 
the course was from northwest to southeast, commencing 
in Lackawanack township, thence through Springfield and 
the east end of Slippery Rock into Butler County, tearing 
and prostrating everything that stood in its way ; but as 
' there were no buildings nor any improvements, the damage 
was not felt ; but on the night of the 4th of June, 1801, a 
severe snow-storm began in Pymatuning township, and 


passing from northwest to southeast through Delaware, 
Coolspring, Springfield, and Wolf Creek, laid the timber 
level with the surface of the earth, in almost every place. 
It was about forty perches wide, and in the centre, about 
two rods wide it was unusually severe. My own loss was 
in part as follows : — The destruction of timber, about forty 
perches in width and upwards of two miles in length, two 
hundred pannel of fence laid flat and scattered near fifty 
yards ; rails were forced into the hard ground eighteen 
inches — every house, barn, or stable, stripped of its cover- 
ing in less than the space of one minute — clapboards blown 
above a mile, — bars torn down, and one heavy black oak 
bar found seven years afterwards, in a swamp about two / 
hundred perches from the place from which it was blown. 
In one place about two hundred rails had been blown in a 
pile, and a large cow lay on the top of all ; she had been 
blown across ploughed ground near forty yards. A dead log 
twenty-two feet long, and twenty one inches in diameter, 
being a large limb of a very big oak which had fallen, and 
by the weight had been forced into the ground, and had lain 
so for some years ; this fork, as I have described it, was 
blown endwise four feet and turned over — and such was 
the fury of the elements, that the rough bark was blown 
from the white oaks, that stood the blast until they were 
quite smooth in many places. This excessive force was 
principally confined to a space in the centre of the gale, 
about forty feet wide. Among other valuable timber, I 
lost about four hundred fine sugar trees. One man lost a 
mare, and had his place completely ruined; and many 
others were greatly injured. The noise of the wind and 
rain and thunder was such that no distinction could be 


noticed; it was one universal roar, impossible to be de- 

Thus pent and sequestrated from all aid in this awful 
crisis, with a wife and five small children, drenched with 
rain, our fire nearly out, the night dark, except whop the 
vivid flash gave us a glimpse of the havoc all around, — I 
cannot describe my feelings on that dreadful visitation. 
From the least estimate I can make bf the time this ruin 
was effected on my premises, I think it did not exceed two 
minutes. Such a change in so short a time appeared to 
me different from anything I had ever before or since 
experienced. There are some places where the wind had 
fallen from above, and crushed everything before it, and 
having spent its force on the ground left no farther signs of 
destruction, but just in these spots, some not more than two 
perches square. Such is the nature of the timber pros- 
trated in a hurricane which happened in 1785, now near 
forty-eight years ago, and yet very visible in its effects, it 
is quite sound in hundreds of places, but chiefly in these 
cases it is chestnut. 

The county is generally healthy, and nothing of an en- 

demical character can* be distinctly known to exist in this 


county; coal-pits are few and near the surface, and in 
quality partakes of the bituminous kind. The bridges in 
this county are numerous, and some good, but they are so 
frequently destroyed, repaired, and new ones building, that 
on this head little need be said, as the present situation will 
not remain the same six months. One small beaver-dam 
may be seen in ruins on Otter Creek, two and a half miles 
from Mercer. Some attempts have been made to procure 
salt water, but to no purpose. 


The Courts of Justice are now held at Mercer, the 
fourth Mondays of March, June, September, and Decem- 
ber ; President-Judge, John Bredin ; Associates, A. Brown, 
W. Amberson ; Pro., W. S. Rankin ; Reg. and Rec, S. 

Physicians not residing in the borough are Dr. Axtell, 
Dr. H. Cossitt, Dr. Wiley, Dr. Mitcheltree, Dr. Hull, Dr. J. 
Cossitt. Those who reside in the borough are Dr. Magof- 
fin, Jr., and Dr. Magoffin, Dr. Gleazon, Dr. Coffey, and 
Dr. Johnston. 

Ministers of the Gospel not residing in the county, but 
who have congregations or hearers in the county, and 
occasionally preach within the county, are Mr. Glenn, 
Presbyterian; Mr. M'Lene, Seceder; Mr. Black, Cove- 
nanter ; — and a number of itinerant Methodist preachers, 
whose labours are divided throughout the county to the 
best advantage. 

With respect to the variation of the needle, I would just 
remark, that in 1785 we found the variation to be 2£° east ; 
in 1795 we found it 3°; but knowing that a difference 
existed among compasses, in some 30' and in others 1°, we 
were not able to determine what the precise difference 
was. We have since pursued the oldest lines with the 
same degrees we run in 1795, and find no material varia- 

In Mercer Cotinty no measures of defence or security 
were taken against the Indians, except in one place, where 
a Mr. Mackmillon erected a block-house in Coolspfing 
township ; but they never had the honour of an attack. 

The Indian mode of killing bear is to have twelve or 
twenty dogs, a bow, and sheaf of arrows ; thus equipped, 




accompanied by a squaw, the man enters the swamp, pre- 
ceded by all his dogs, and on starting Bruin, the dogs imme- 
diately seize him by the hind parts; the bear turns to 
relieve himself from the disagreeable incumbrance, which 
detains him some time, while the hunter comes up and 
discharges an arrow into his body — the arrow having a 
dart on the point with barbs on the edge. The animal is 
then under the painful necessity of stopping to pull it out; 
at this time the dogs seize him again, and the hunter gives 
him another shot ; the squaw, to her business, gathers up 
the arrows and hands them to her husband, — and thus they 
proceed until the poor animal, lacerated and torn by the 
arrows and the dogs, yields up his breath, and the contest 
is over. 

There are some large piles of stones, called Indian 
graves, where the ground has been totally cleared of stones 
for several acres to make the pile. 

The amount of taxes laid on seated, unseated, and per- 
sonal property for 1832, is $17,926 66, composed of the 
following items, and applicable to the following purposes, 

1st County tax on seated and personal property 

2d. Road tax on seated and personal property 

3d. County tax on unseated property 

4th. Road tax on unseated property 

5th. State tax 

$7790 67 
6217 87 
1324 32 
1056 43 
1537 37 

Note. — The 1st and 3d items go to pay the county expenses, such as the 
jurors, elections, &c. 

The 2d and 4th are exclusively applied to repairing the roads already 
made, and in opening new ones. 

The 5th is to pay the interest on the State loan for internal improvements. 











The fourth grand division of our world, America, is di- 
vided into two great parts, the first of which lies to the 
south, and comprises the following provinces: — 

1st, The Golden Castilia, which again contains the colo- 
nies of Papaya, New Grenada, Carthagena, Venazola, 
Nova Andalusia, and Paria. 

2d, The land of Guyana, in possession of the Dutch, of 
which they were desirous to lease a part lying between the 
rivers Paria and Amazones to the Count Hanau in 1669. 

3d, The land of Brasilia, belonging to the Portuguese, in 
the which are the cities of St. Salvator, Olinda, and Per- 

4th, The land of Chile. 

5th, The land of Peru, the metropolis of which is Lima, 
in which city the Spanish viceroy has his residence. This 
province bounds on the Andes, among which there is much 
gold to be found. The aborigines are a race of giants of 
ten' feet stature. 


In this Southern America there are two great rivers, the 
Amazones, and the Rio de la Plata. Upon the borders flaws 
the stream Panama or Isthmus, on which the rich produc- 
tions of the country are brought to the sea-shore, and 
thence transported to Spain. 

The second part, or North America, comprises 

1st, The land of Nicaragua, Guatimala, Nova Hispania, 
and Chersonesa, which expand to the Mexican sea. 

2d, The land of Flowers (Florida). 

3d, Virginia, which belongs to the English. 

4th, Nova Belgia, the chief town of which is New Am- 

5th, Nova Anglia, in which land is the city of Cam- 
bridge, where the Bible has been printed in the Indian 

6th, The lands Canada, Nova Gallia, Terra Corte Realis, 
Terra Labrador, and Nova Britannia. 

Of this entire American continent, very little was known 
until 1441, for none of its inhabitants had ever ventured 
across the ocean to Europe. 

The first discoverer of this western world was Christo- 
pher Columbus, an Italian, a native of the village of Cu- 
curco near Genoa, descended from the noble family Pilus- 
troli, a profound scholar, and an experienced navigator. 

Having observed, while on the isle of Cadiz, that at cer- 
tain seasons of the year the wind blew from the westward 
for many days together, he concluded that it must come 
from some undiscovered country in that direction, and he 
offered to proceed on a voyage to discover said land, 
provided the Genoese republic would furnish him with 
several suitable vessels. Upon his being refused it, he next 


applied to Henry VII., king of England, with no better 
success. He also waited upon Alfonsus, king of Portugal, 
with no better success, but finally Ferdinand and Isabella, 
sovereigns of Castilia, granted him three small ships, with 
which he set sail in August, 1492, and after a month he 
came to the island of Comera, where he laid in some pro- 
visions, and thirty days after he arrived at the isle Guar- 
glysna. He next visited the islands of Cumana and Haiti, 
which last he named Hispaniola; here he built a fort. 
After he had examined into the resources of these coun- 
tries he resolved to return to Spain, to announce his good 
fortune to the King and Queen, and arrived again safely, 
without having lost a single man on his expedition. The 
king was much pleated with the new discovery, and con- 
ferred upon Columbus the title Admirandus. He after- 
wards made some other voyages to the Insolas Fortunatus, 
and to the Canaries, on which there are two miraculous 
fountains, one of which, if persons drink the water there- 
from, it causes them to laugh immoderately, even so as to 
cause death, but if they immediately take a draught from 
the other fountain, it will stop the laughing effect at once. 
He also visited the isle of Teneriffa, in which there is a 
great and terrible volcano. Finally he came to the island 
where the cannibals reside, and because he landed there 
on a Sunday, named it Dominica. After making these 
discoveries, he returned, by way of Cumana and Jamaica, 
to Spain. 

Anno Christi, 1495, the above-mentioned king Ferdi- 
nand, sent the noble Florentine, Vesputius Americus, with 
four large ships, into these regions, for the purpose of 
making further researches and discoveries. Americus was 


the first European that reached the continent, where he 
saw great numbers of the naked inhabitants; and after 
cruising about some time among the islands, he returned 
to Spain in the year 1498. The newly discovered conti- 
nent was named America in honour of him, and now 
contains many rich and valuable colonies and trading ports 
belonging to the Spanish, French, English, and the Hol- 



Although, after the successful expeditions of Columbus 
and Americus, many colonies had arisen in this western 
world, such as Nova Hispania, Nova Gallia, Brasilia, Peru, 
Golden Castilia, Hispaniola, Cumana, Jamaica, Nova 
Anglia, Florida, Virginia, &c, it so happened, anno 1665, 
by means of the skilful and enterprising navigators sent 
out under the auspices of Caroli Stuardus /., king of 
England, a new and large country was discovered, lying 
far beyond the above-mentioned colonies. For the time 
being, however, no name was given to it, inasmuch as the 
natives roamed about the forests, not having any fixed 
residences or towns from which any name could have 
been derived, but they lived here and there in the wilder- 
ness in Tuguriis, or huts made of the bark of trees. 

About the time of this discovery, the Duke of York, 
having great numbers of Swedes and others under his 
control, commanded that a town should be commenced on 
the Delia Varra river, which was fortified, and he called 


the place New Castle ; he likewise granted to the Swedes 
large privileges, to induce them to remain there, and to 
cultivate the lands, intending to settle it, also, with English 
emigrants. The Swedes began to clear away the forests, 
and soon became a flourishing community. 

About this time, the unheard-of tragedy was enacted in 
England, that the king was taken by his own subjects and 
beheaded ; his son, the heir to the throne, pursued for his 
life, but he managed to make his escape, through the in- 
strumentality of his general, Lord Penn, who carried him 
to France in disguise, for which goodly service, Penn's 
entire estates were confiscated or destroyed ; and he him- 
self died in exile, before the restoration of the prince. 

Upon the reinstating of Carolus II., on the throne of his 
father, he was visited by William Penn 9 the only son of 
Lord Penn, and he received him very graciously. In con- 
sideration of the services of his father, he presented to him 
this entire region, together with the colony of New Castle, 
for ever. This royal bounty bears the date, April 21st, 
1681. Penn now published it in the city of London, that 
he intended to establish a colony there, and offered to sell 
lands to all such as wished to emigrate. Upon this, many 
persons offered to go, and Penn accompanied them thither, 
where he founded the city of Philadelphia, in 1682. A 
German society also contracted with his agents in London, 
for several thousand acres of land, to establish a German 
colony there. The entire region was named Pennsylvania, ' 
which signifies Penn's forest lands. 



Contains Penn's charter and plans of settlement, which 
are already well known in the English language. 



The German Society, commissioned myself, Francis 
Daniel Pastorius, as their licensed agent, to go to Pennsyl- 
vania and to superintend the purchase and survey of their 

I set out from Frankford on the Mayne, went to London, 
where I made the purchase, and then embarked for 

Under the protection of the Almighty, I arrived safely 
at Philadelphia, and I was enabled to send my report home 
to Germany, on the 7th of March, 1684. 

The lands I purchased, were to be as follows : — fifteen 
thousand acres in one tract, on some navigable stream. 

Three hundred acres in the City Liberties, which is the 
strip of land lying between the rivers Dellavarra and 
Scolkill, above Philadelphia. 

Three lots in the City proper, for the purpose of building 

Upon my arrival, I applied to the Governor, William 
Penn, for warrants, so as to survey and take possession of 
the aforesaid lands. 

■^■WP^»"^F— 1»^ "^*ww»«lPlir^»^ ^ , i p ii 


His first answer, concerning the three hundred acres in 
the Liberties, and the three lots in the city, was this : — 
11 That these could by right not be claimed by the German 
Company, because they had been purchased after he had 
left London, the books closed, and all the lots previously 
disposed of." He, however, had three lots in the city sur- 
veyed for me, out of his youngest son's portion, instead of 
those above-mentioned. 

Beginning to number the houses from the Dellavarra 
river, our trading-house is the ninth in order. 

Our first lot in the city is of the following dimensions. 
It has one hundred feet' front, and is four hundred feet 
deep. Next to it is to be a street; adjoining it lies the 
second lot of the same size as No. 1. Then another street 
Lot No. 3 joins this street, its size being the same as the 
other two. On these lots, we can build two dwellings at 
each end, making in all, twelve buildings with proper 
yards and gardens, and all of them fronting on the streets. 

For the first few years, little or no profit can reasonably 
be expected to accrue from these lots, on account of the 
great scarcity of money in this province, and also that as 
yet, this country has no goods or productions of any kind 
to trade with, or export to Europe. 

Our Governor, William Penn, intends to establish and 
encourage the growing and manufactory of woollens ; to 
introduce the cultivation of the vine, for which this country 
is peculiarly well adapted, so that our Company had better 
send us a quantity of wine-barrels and vats of various 
sorts, also all kinds of farming and gardening implements. 
Item, several iron boilers of various sizes, and copper and 
brass kettles. Item, an iron stove, several blankets and 



mattrasses, also a few pieces of Barchet and white linens, 
which might be sold in our trading-house here, to good 

On the 16th of November last, a fair had been held at 
Philadelphia, but we only sold about ten dollars worth at 
our trading-house, owing altogether to the scarcity of 
money, as has been already mentioned. 

As relating to our newly laid out town, Germanopolis 
or Germantown : it is situated on a deep and very fer- 
tile soil, and is blessed with an abundance of fine springs 
and fountains of fresh water. The main street is sixty, 
and the cross street forty feet in width. Every family 
has a plot of ground for yard and garden, three acres 
in size. 


Treats of William Penn's laws, which are already 
known in the English language. 




The situation of Pennsylvania is like unto that of Naples, 
in Italy. This region lies in the fortieth degree of north 
latitude, is bounded on the east by the Dellavarra River, 
and extends in length 75 miles, in breadth 45.* 

* German miles, one of which is equal to five English or American 

OF FSNN97LVA10A. 91 

The islands bordering upon this province are New Jer* 
sey, Marieland, and Virginia. In these regions, several 
new and beautiful stars and constellations are visible, 
which have heretofore, been entirely unknown to the Eu- 
ropean astrologi and learned ones. 

The river Dellavarra is so beautiful a stream, as not to 
have its equal among all the rivers of Europe. 

It is navigable for vessels of one hundred tons, thirty 
miles beyond Philadelphia ; it separates Pennsylvania from 
New Jersey. At Philadelphia it is two, and at New Castle 
three miles wide ; is abundantly stocked with the finest fish, 
as is likewise the river ScolkiU. 

The springs and fountains of water are innumerable. 

The woods and copses are filled with beautiful birds of 
great variety, which proclaim their Creator's praises, in 
their pleasantest manner. There is, besides, a great abun- 
dance of wild geese, ducks, turkeys, quails, pigeons, part- 
ridges, and many other sorts of game. 


Are omitted, as containing nothing of interest to the 

English reader. 



The Governor, William Penn, laid out the city of Phila- 
delphia, between the two rivers Dellavarra and ScolkiU, 


naming it with the pious wish and desire, that its inhabi- 
tants might dwell together in brotherly love and unity. 

The Delia varra is deep enough, so that the largest ves- 
sels ^can come up close to the bank, which is but about a 
stone's cast from the city. 

Another English Company have laid out the new town 
of Frankfort, five miles above Philadelphia, at which, now 
so flourishing and pleasant place, they have already esta- 
blished several good mills, a glass-house, pottery, and some 
stores and trading-houses. 

New Castle lies forty miles from the ocean, on the 
Dellavarra, and has a very good harbour. 

The town of Uplandt is twenty miles above New Castle, 
on the river, and is a fine large place inhabited mostly by 

On the twenty-fourth day Octobriis, anno 1685, have I, 
Francis Daniel Pastorius, with the wish and concurrence 
of our Governor, laid out and planned a new town, which 
we called Germantown or Germanopolis, in a veijy fine 
and fertile district, with plenty of springs of fresh water, 
being well supplied with oak, walnut and chestnut trees, 
and having besides excellent and abundant pasturage for 
the cattle. At the commencement, there were but twelve 
families of forty-one individuals, consisting mostly of Ger- 
man mechanics and weavers. The principal street of this, 
our town, I made sixty feet in width, and the cross street 
forty feet. The space or lot for each house and garden, I 
made three acres in size ; for my own dwelling, however, 
six acres. 

Before my laying out of this town, I had already erected 
a, small house in Philadelphia, thirty feet by fifteen in size. 


The windows, for the want of glass, were made of oiled 
paper. Over the door I had placed the following inscrip- 
tion:— r 

Parva dornos, Bed arnica bonis, procul este prophani; 

at which our Governor, when he paid me a visit, laughed 
heartily, at the same time encouraging me to build more. 

I have also obtained 15,000 acres of land for our Com- 
pany, in one tract, with this condition, — that within one 
year at least thirty families should settle on it ; and thus 
we may, by God's blessing, have a separate German pro- 
vince, where we can all live together in one. 



Inasmuch as this region lies in the same degsee of lati- 
tude as Montepelier and Naples, but has a much richer 
soil, and that better watered by its many springs and 
rivulets, it is but reasonable to suppose that such a 
country must be well calculated to produce all kinds of 
fruit. The air is pure and serene, the summer is longer 
and warmer than it is in Germany, and we are cultivating 
many kinds of fruits and vegetables, and our labours meet 
with rich reward. 

Of cattle we have a great abundance, but for want of 
proper accommodation they roam at large for the present 

Sugar and syrup we import from Barbados, and he that 
has not money, barters with such articles of produce as 


he may have. The articles of trade between the Indians 
and the Christians consist of fish, birds, deerskins, and the 
furs of beavers, otters, foxes, &c. ; they usually exchange 
these things for liquor, or else for their own kind of money, 
which they call wampum, and consists of red and white 
sea-shells, which are neatly prepared, and strung like 
beads. These strings of wampum they make use of to 
decorate themselves with. Their king wears a crown 
made of the same. 

Twelve strings of the red are valued as much as twenty- 
four white ones. They like this kind of money much 
• better than our silver coin, because they are so often de- 
ceived by it, not being able to distinguish the counterfeit 
from the genuine, and as they cannot well calculate the 
difference in its value, they dd not much like to take it. 

The money in circulation among ourselves is Spanish 
and English coin. Gems and precious stones we have 
none, neither do we desire any. We would not give him 
any great thanks who would dig them out of the earth, 
for these things which God has created for good and wise 
purposes, have been most shamefully abused by man, and 
have become the servants of human pride and ostentation, 
rather than being conducive to the Creator's glory. 



Although this far-distant land was a dense wilderness, 
-—and it is only quite recently that it has come under the 


cultivation of the Christians, — there is much cause of 
wonder and admiration how rapidly it has already, under 
the blessing of God, advanced, and is still advancing, day 
by day. The first part of the time we were obliged to 
obtain our provisions from the Jerseys, for money, and at 
a high price, but now we not only have enough for our- 
selves, but a considerable surplus to dispose of among our 
neighbouring colonies. Of the most needful mechanics we 
have enough now, but day-labourers are very scarce, and 
of. them we stand in great need. Of mills, brick-kilns, and 
tile-ovens we have the necessary number. 

Our surplus of grain and cattle we trade to Barbados, 
for rum, syrup, sugar, and salt The furs, however, we 
export to England for other manufactured goods. 

We are also endeavouring to introduce the cultivation 
of the vine, and also the manufacture of woollen cloths 
and linens, so as to keep our money as much as possible in 
the country ; for this reason we have already established 
fairs to be held at stated times,* so as to bring the people of 
different parts together for the purposes of barter and 
trade, and thereby encourage our own industry and prevent 
our little money from going abroad. 



The inhabitants may be divided into three classes. 1. 
The Aborigines, or, as they are called, the savages. 2. 
Those Christians who have been in the country for years, 


and are called old settlers. 3. The newly arrived colo- 
nists of the different companies. 

1. The savages, or Indians, are in general, strong, 
nimble, and well-shaped people, of a dark, tawny com- 
plexion, and wore no clothing whatever, when the first 
Europeans came to this country ; now, however, they hang 
a blanket about their shoulders, or some of them also have 



They have straight black hair, which they cut off close 
to the head, save one tuft, which they leave stand on the 
right side. Their children they anoint with "the fat of the 
bears and other animals, so as to make their skin dark, for 
by nature they would be white enough. They cultivate 
among themselves the most scrupulous honesty, are unwa- 
vering in keeping promises, defraud and insult no one, are 
very hospitable to strangers, obliging to their guests, and 
faithful even to death towards their friends. 

Their huts or wigwams they make by bending down 
several young trees, and covering them with bark. 

They use neither tables nor chairs, nor furniture of any 
kind, except, perhaps, a single pot or kettle to cook their 

I once saw four of them dining together in great enjoy- 
ment of their feast. It consisted in nothing more than a 
pumpkin, simply boiled in water, without salt, butter, or 
spice of any kind. Their seat and table was the bare 
ground, their spoons were sea-shells, wherewith they 
supped the warm water, and their plates were the leaves 
of the nearest tree, which, after they were done their meal, 
they had no occasion of washing, or any need of carefully 
preserving for future use. I thought to myself on witness-, 


tag this scene, how these poor savages, who have never 
heard of the Saviour's doctrines and rtiaxims of content- 
ment and temperance, how far superior they are to our- 
selves, so called Christians, at least so far as these virtues 
are concerned. 

They are otherwise very grave and reserved, speak but 
little, and in few words, and are greatly surprised when 
they hear much needless and even foolish talking and tale- 
bearing among us Christians. 

They are true and faithful in their matrimonial relations, 
abhorring licentiousness in the extreme. Above all do 
they despise deception and falsehood. They have no idols, 
but adore one great good Spirit, who keeps the devil in 
subjection. They believe in the immortality of the soul, 
and, according as they have lived in this world, do they 
expect a reward or punishment in the future. 

Their peculiar mode of worship consists principally in 
singing and dancing, during which they make use of the 
most singular contortions and positions of the body, and 
when the remembrance of the death of parents or dear 
friends is brought to their mind, they break forth into 
the most piteous cries and lamentations. 

They are fond of hearing us speak about the Creator of 
heaven and the earth, and of his wisdom and divine power* 
and particularly do they listen with emotion to the narra-* 
tive of the Saviour's life and sufferings ; but it is greatly to 
be regretted that we are not yet sufficiently acquainted with 
their language, so as to explain the great plan of salvation 
to them fully. 

They behave with the greatest respect and decorum 
whenever they attend public worship in our churches ; and 


16 GBoeufcmoAi. mruftiok 

it is my firm belief that m*ny of these poor American 
savages will in the great day rise up in judgment, with 
those of Tyre and Sidon, against our own wicked and 
perverse generation. As regards their domestic arrange- 
ments, the men attend to the chase, hunting, and fishing ; 
the women bring up their children, instructing them in 
virtue and honour. They raise some few vegetables, such 
as corn and beans, but as to any extensive farming and 
cultivation, they concern themselves, nothing about it, but 
are rather surprised that we, as Christians, should have so 
many cares and anxieties as. to our support and nourish- 
ment, just as if we did not believe that God will and can 
sustain and provide for us. 

They speak a most beautiful and grave language, which 
sounds very much like the Italian, although it has entirely 
different words. 

They are in the habit of painting their faces with various 
colours, and the women as well as the men are very fond 
of tobacco. 

2. The earlier Europeans, or old settlers. These never 


had the proper motives in settling here, for instead of 
instructing the poor Indians in the Christian virtues, their 
only desire was gain, without ever scrupling about the 
means employed in obtaining it 

By these means they have taught those natives who bad 
dealings with them, nothing but deception and many other 
evil habits, so that there is very little of virtue or honesty 
remaining on either side. 

These wicked people make it a custom to pay the 
•savages in rum and other liquors for the furs they bring 
rto them, so that these poor deluded Indians have become 
«6jry intemperate, and sometimes drink to such excess that 

OF Fft*H*YXYA>i*A. 90 

they can neither walk aor stand. On sack occasions they 
often eommit thefts And other vices. 

3. The newly arrived colonists of our and other compa- 
nies* We who have come over to this land with good and 
honest intentions, have purchased considerable tracts of 
land, where we will settle, and endeavour to live in happi- 
ness and contentment, and we are living in the hope and 
expectation that we can in time do something for the 
eternal welfare and salvation of the aborigines. May our 
God prosper and bless our undertakings I 



The aborigines of this country bad their own chiefs and 

We Christians acknowledge as our Governor and chief 
magistrate the oft-named and excellent, the Honourable 
William Penn, to whom this region was granted and givep 
as his own, by his majesty of England, Carolus IL, with 
the express command that aU the previous and future cvlo* 
nists should be subject to Perm's laws and jurisdiction. 

This wise and truly pious ruler and governor did not, 
however, take possession of the province thus granted 
without having first conciliated, and at various councils 
and treaties duly purchased from the natives of this country 
the various regions of Pennsylvania. He, having by these 
means obtained good titles .to the province, under the sanc- 
tion and signature of the native chiefs, I therefore have 
purchased from him some thirty thousand acres for my 
German colony. 

Now, although the oft-meutioped William Penp is onepf 



the sect of Friends or Quakers, still he will compel no man 
to belong to his particular society, but he has granted to 
every one free and untrammelled exercise of their opinions, 
and the largest and most complete liberty of conscience. 



The native Indians have no written religious belief or 
creed, and their own peculiar ideas, which are by no means 
so rude or so barbarous as those of many other heathens, 
have to be transmitted from the parents to their children 
only per traditionem. 

The English and the Dutch adhere to the Calvinistic 

The colonists of William Penn are nearly all Quakers. 

The Swedes and Germans are Evangelical Lutherans, 
under the jurisdiction of the Bishop of Upsala. The 
Swedes have their own churches ; the name of their clergy- 
man is Fabricius, of whom I must say with deep regret, 
that he is an intemperate man, and as regards spiritual 
things very dark and ignorant We in Germantown have 
built a little chapel for ourselves, 1686, but did not so much 
care for a splendid stone edifice, as for having an humble 
but true temple devoted to the living God, in which true 
believers might be edified to the salvation of their souls. 


The ministers here might have an excellent opportunity to 
obey and practise the command of the Saviour, " Go ye 
into all the world and preach the Gospel ;" but unfortu- 
nately they seek more their own comfort and ease than 
they do the glory of the Redeemer. 




The principal participants in this society of ours are the 
following named gentlemen. 

Jacob von De Walle, Dr. John Jacob Schuetz, and 
Daniel Behagel, all of Franckfort-on-the-Mayne. 

Gerhard von Mastricht, of Duisburg ; Thomas von Wy- 
lich, and John Lebrunn, of Wesel. 

Benjamin Furly, of Rotterdam ; Philip Fort, of Lon- 

These persons will attend to and care for all letters and 
papers for our colony, and will also assist and give advice 
to all such as desire to emigrate, if such applicants be of 
good moral character and standing, and their motives and 
intentions for emigrating are honest and good. 

In Pennsylvania the whole direction and management of 
the colony has been intrusted to my hurhble abilities, for 
the time being ; and may the Almighty give me the proper 
wisdom and strength to fulfil all my arduous duties. 



From the month of April until in the fall of every year, 
there are vessels sailing to Pennsylvania, at frequent times, 
from England, principally from the port of Deal, although 
there is no fixed time or day set for sailing, and persons 
are therefore compelled to watch their opportunity. When- 
ever there is a company of thirty-five or forty passengers 
together, exclusive of the ship's crew, a vessel is despatched. 


Every grown-up man pays for his passage the sum of £6 

sterling, or thirty-six rix dollars. For a female or servant, 
twenty-two rix dollars. £1 sterling is equal to six rix 




After I had left London, where I had made all my ar- 
rangements with Penn's agent, and arrived at Deal, I hired 
four male and two female servants, and on the 7th of June, 
J 683, set sail with a company of eighty passengers. Our 
ship drew thirteen feet of water. Our fare on board was 
poor enough. The allowance of provision for ten persons 
per week, was as follows :*— three pounds of butter j daily, 
four cans of beer, and one can of water ; every noon, two 
dishes of peas ; four times per week salt meat, and three 
times salt fish, which we were obliged to cook, each man 
for himself, and had daily to save enough from dinner to 
serve for our suppers also. And as these provisions were 
usually very poor, and the fish sometimes tainted, we were 
all compelled to make liberal use of liquors, and other re- 
freshments of a similar nature, to preserve the health amid 
such hard fare. Moreover, it is the practice of the mas- 
ters of these vessels to impose upon their passengers in a 
shameful manner, by giving them very short allowances ; 
it is therefore advisable not to pay the passage in full, in 
England, but to withhold a part until the arriving in Ame- 
rica, so that they are obliged to fulfil their part of the con- 
tract. Furthermore, it is advisable to endeavour to obtain 
passage in vessels bound to Philadelphia direct, inasmuch 

»^ ^ ^»»-^^»pi»^»-^ ^y-w^i ■ ■ ■ i ■ i „ T^^^t>» i I mil/ | !■■■» « I I Lr^gpi 

of wmmmanAfAVMAi 103 

as those who come to such, landing at Upland, are sub- 
jected to many and grievous molestations. 

On the 16th day of August, 1083, we came in sight of 
the American continent, twit did not enter the Capes of 
Delaware until the 18th ejusdem. The 20th ejusdem, we 
passed by New Castle and Upland, and arrived towards 
evening at Philadelphia, in perfect health and safety, where 
we were all welcomed with great joy and love by the go* 
vernor, William Penn, and his secretary. He at once 
made me his confidential friend, and I am frequently re- 
quested to dine with him, where I can enjoy his good 
counsel and edifying conversations. Lately, I could not 
visit him for eight days, when he waited upon me himself, 
requesting me to dine with him, in future, twice in each 
week, without particular invitation, assuring me of his love 
and friendship toward myself and the German nation, 
hoping that all the rest of the colonists would do the same. 



Our German society have in this place now established 
a lucrative trade in woollen and linen goods, together with 
a large assortment of other useful and necessary articles, 
and have entrusted this extensive business to my own 
direction; besides this they have now purchased and hold 
over thirty thousand acres of land, for the sake of es- 
tablishing an entirely German colony. In my newly laid 
out Germantown, there are already sixty-four families in a 
very prosperous condition. Such persons, therefore, and 
all those who still arrive, have to fall to work and swing 
the axe most vigorously, for wherever you turn the cry is, 


Itur in antiquam sylmm, nothing but endless forests; so 
that I have been often wishing for a number of stalwart 
Tyrolians, to throw down these gigantic oak and other 
forest trees, but which we will be obliged to cut down our- 
selves, by degrees, and with almost incredible labour and 
exertion; during which we can have. a very forcible illus- 
tration of the sentence pronounced upon our poor old father 
Adam, that in the sweat of his brow he should eat his bread. 
To our successors, and others coming after us, we would 
say, that they must not only bring over money, but a firm 
determination to labour and make themselves useful to our 
infant colony. Upon the whole, we may consider that 
man blessed whom the devil does not find idling. In the 
mean time, we are employing the wild inhabitants as day- 
labourers, for which they are, however, not much inclined ; 
and we ourselves are gradually learning their language, so 
as to instruct them in the religion of Christ, inviting them 
to attend our church services, and therefore have the 
pleasing hope that the spirit of God may be the means of 
enlightening many of these poor heathens, unto their souls' 
salvation. To Him be honour, praise, thanks, and glory, 
for evermore. Amen. 

The remainder of the work contains nothing of interest 
to the general reader, and consists of family letters, &c, 
which have little or ne bearing on the subject-matter of the 
book. In the latter part of it is a translation of William 
Penn's description and plans of settlement of Pennsylvania, 
which closes the work. 


The following circular was distributed, in the early part 
of 1845, very extensively through the state, and the suc- 
ceeding papers in the volume were received in reply to it. 


Hall of the Historical Society, 

Philadelphia, January, 1845. 


The Historical Society of Pennsylvania has instructed 
us to transmit to you the following letter, with the request 
that you will reply to it yourself, or exhibit it to such per- 
sons in your neighbourhood as will probably feel an interest 
in its contents. 

The object of the Society is to collect whatever written, 
printed, or traditionary evidence, may be attainable in 
relation to the early settlement, progress, and present con* 
dition of the United States and Territories, but particularly 
of Pennsylvania. 

It is hoped that persons in possession of any of the ma- 
terials for history will feel a patriotic interest in contributing 
to the general purpose, either by favouring the Society with 
loans or donations, or by giving information in reply to the 
following questions : 

I. Can you give any information concerning the first 
settlement of your township, or section of country, the 


circumstances attending it, and the motives which led to it ; 
or of any letters, journals, &c, likely to throw light on its 
early history ? * Also concerning the number and condition 
of the first settlers, of what nation they chiefly were, and 
the names of the principal persons ? 

II. If there are living in your vicinity any aged persons 
or others, familiar with either the earlier or more recent 
history of your county, or of the state, will you please 
mention their names and residence? And should such 
persons not feel disposed to reply directly to the Society, 
will you hand this letter to some one who would be willing 
to commit to writing their statement in reference to what 
they may recollect of past events, and their replies to 
the following, or any additional questions which may be 
suggested, and to transmit the same through you to the 

A. Do you know of any old or remarkable house 
formerly or now standing in your neighbourhood ? 

B. Can you give any information respecting the 
number of houses or inhabitants in any of your towns 
or townships at different times since the first settle- 

C. Have you ever heard of any papers of historical 
or local interest in the possession of any individuals in 
your county ? If so, can you mention the names of 
such persons, or say whether or not such papers, &c, 
are yet in existence ? 

D. What was the character or appearance of the 
country as far back as you can remember, and what 
improvements in any respect have you since noticed ? 


E. What wild animals do you remember to have 
seen in your county ? 

P. Have you ever heard your grand parents or 
others describe their views of things as they found 
them at the first settlement ? 
III. Are there any persons in your county, who, feeling 
an interest in the history of our state, have made collec- 
tions of historical papers, letters, commercial letter-books, 
documents, &c, of date either prior or subsequent to the 
Revolution, or who possess any 

G. Ancient books or relics ; 

H. Legal or judicial papers, opinions, &c., illus- 
trative of the history of our courts of law or of our 

I. Ancient state or county maps or charts, or other 
maps, &c. ; 

J. Medals or coins, particularly money struck prior 
to 1800; 

K. Sermons, magazines, pamphlets, old newspapers, 
or volumes of modern newspapers, or any extracts 
from newspapers, which are of historical or local 
interest ; 

L. Drawings, &c, of any private houses, public 
btrildings, &c, and drawings or plans of fortifications, 
battle-grounds, or battles ; 

M. Drawings, prints, or portraits, of any of the go- 
vernors, judges, or other eminent men of our State, or 
• of those connected in any way with the settlement or 
history of our state or country ; 

N. Copies of records, manuscript or printed laws, 
and proceedings of any public bodies, of a political, 


religious, literary, or other character, that have at any 
time existed among us ; 

O. Accounts of universities, colleges, academies, 
schools, and charitable institutions, the date of their 
establishment, and the history of their origin, endow- 
ment, and progress ; 

^P. Topographical descriptions of cities, towns, bo- 
roughs, counties, or townships. 

Q. Accounts of the population, births, longevity, 
deaths, endemical or local diseases, facts relative to 
climate, soil, products, natural resources, meteorology, 
or general employment of the inhabitants of each 
district ; 

R. Biographical notices in manuscript or print of 
any eminent persons, or of any persons in respect to 
whom remarkable events may have happened. 
IV. Are there any tables of family descent of those con- 
nected with the settlement or history of the county or state, 
which the proprietors would be willing to communicate ? 

Y. What public libraries have you, and what number 
and description of books do they contain, and what is the 
extent of their resources t 

VI. What newspapers, magazines, or periodicals, have 
been or now are published in your county, and when was 
the first printing press or newspaper established, and by 

VII. What poems or other compositions are in existence 
written by persons in your county, and which illustrate its 
literary history 1 

VIII. What histories of any of your towns or townships, 


or of your county* have been published, or has any one col- 
lected materials for such a purpose ? 

IX. Is or was there once standing any ancient church 
in your neighbourhood ? If so, will you please state the 
date of its erection, and, as far as you may be able to 
ascertain them, the names of the clergymen who have suc- 
cessively officiated, with the dates of their removal by 
death or otherwise; and whether there are or were any 
ancient inscriptions on the walls of the church or on the 
tombstones in the grave-yard, and of whom ; or any other 
facts of interest relating to the subject of this question? 
Possibly if this letter were submitted to the clergyman at 
present the pastor or rector of such church, he might be 
able to transmit through you every information, and be 
induced to write a history of his church. 

X. Are there any ancient dockets, records, or documents, 
of historical or local interest, in the public offices at the 
county town ? 

XL Is there any peculiar legal custom connected with 
the administration of the law, or any peculiar notion, cus- 
tom, or superstition, prevailing among the people of your 
township or county ? 

XII. Mention any interesting civil or criminal trials 
which have taken place in your county, and state whether 
or not an account of them has been published, or what 
persons can furnish an account of them. 

XIII. Are there any Indian graves, mounds, or battle- 
grounds, in your neighbourhood, or those who recollect 
when Indians lived in your vicinity, or who are in posses- 
sion of relics of them, or of anecdotes or narratives relative 
to wars or treaties with them, and of the general inter- 


course between them and Europeans, or among the Indians 
themselves ; the Indian names of mountains, rivers, creeks, 
flats, valleys, towns, or other places, &a, and the origin of 
such names; vocabularies, or other indications of Indian 
language, accounts of missionaries, public messengers, and 
travellers among the Indian tribes ; or any other informa- 
tion respecting them or their origin ? 

XIV. Are there any soldiers of the Revolution, or those 
who recollect it, living in your county, and who are dis- 
posed to communicate through you their recollections ; or 
persons who are in possession of any revolutionary songs, 
ancient ballads, letters, papers, narratives, orderly books, 
journals, &c., either written or printed, relating to that pe- 
riod, or of any well-authenticated information of the men, 
battles, or incidents of the Revolution ? 

XV. If there are any persons in possession of letters and 
other materials for history described in the foregoing ques- 
tions, could they be induced to part with them under the 
pledge that the Historical Society will carefully preserve 
them in its archives, with becoming acknowledgments for 
the donation; or if not, would they give the Society per- 
mission to copy such of them as might be deemed particu- 
larly important or interesting 1 


In communicating information with regard to any book 
or manuscript, &c., please furnish the following particu- 

Title, name of writer, date, and general nature of the 
book or document 


Do not omit in your reply anything of local or historical 
interest, because it may seem trivial or unworthy of no- 
tice, or may not be embraced in the foregoing questions. 
Collect all you can ; whatever it may be, it will be clear 

If you are unable to answer any particular question or 
branch of a question, please designate it merely by its 
number, &c. 

Leave a margin of about an inch at both sides of the 
page of your answer, in order that it may be properly 
bound with others which may be received. 

The names of donors, and of those who acknowledge the 
receipt of this letter, or communicate any information, will, 
unless it shall be otherwise requested, be properly noticed, 
and also preserved upon the journals of the Society. 

All donations of manuscript will be carefully preserved 
in the fire-proof of the Society. 

In order to avoid the heavy expense of postage, be 
pleased to request those who may be disposed to reply to 
this letter to send their communications through you, as 
postmaster, to the Society. Private opportunities for the 
transmission of donations, would be preferred. 

Please address your communications to the Correspond- 
ing Secretary, No. 99 Spruce Street, or to the Recording 
Secretary, No. 108 South Fourth Street, or to any other of 
the officers of the Society. 

This occasion is embraced earnestly to entreat all per- 
sons to prevent, as far as it may be in their power, the loss 
of letters or documents which have bearing upon the his-* 
tory of our state or country. Many papers of great in- 


terest have been already lost through the indifference of 
their owners, but we hope that no one whom this appeal 
shall reach, will fail to assist us in the endeavour to preserve 
the evidences of our history. 

In concluding we would say, that the motives of the 
Society in sending you this letter, are of a public nature, 
and that whatever collections shall be made will be for the 
benefit of the people of Pennsylvania. 

w<""m ,'M*'* 1 * ipm i' ' jw i" 


■ ■.■■■■ i ■ --<• — 







Meadville, August 1, 1846. 

In reply to the circular received last year, from the 
Society, I would say that, though a native of the county, 
I am too young to be acquainted personally with its earliest 
history, but have employed my first leisure time in pro- 
curing such information as I could, from the most authentic 
sources within my reach. But few of the first pioneers 
to this county are now living, and but a small number of 
those who do survive have minds which have stood the 
wear of time and infirmities of age sufficiently to retain 
and describe, with satisfactory clearness, the events of 
early life. 

In doing justice to one of them, at the present time, I 
should say, that many of the facts hereinafter related, I 
have gathered from the lips of Mr. Edward Randolph, now 
(with the exception of Mr. Cornelius Van Horn) the oldest 
settler in the commonwealth, west of French Creek. 
Though young at the time, Mr. Randolph took a prominent 




part in the first settlement of the county, was occasionally 
employed by the officers of government, and had other- 
wise an opportunity of becoming well-informed about its 
early history. For fifty-seven years he has lived in this 
county, forty-nine of which have been spent upon the 
farm where he now resides, about two miles west of 
Meadville. Tall, erect, venerable, and active, his vigour at 
the age of seventy-four, adds another to the many instances 
of a hardy constitution, acquired by exposure in youth 
to the vicissitudes of a border life. When I called upon him, 
I found him at work alone in his sugar camp, and while 
seated on a log in front of his boiling-kettles, recounting his 
reminiscences of past events, he seemed indeed an appro- 
priate historian of times when men's 'homes were the open 
air, and their whole stock of furniture an iron vessel like 
the one before us. 

That part of the state of Pennsylvania which is now 
called Crawtokd County, waB separated from the county 
of Alleghany in the year 1800, and was first explored 
by white American citizens, with the view of making a 
permanent settlement, in the year 1787. North of it, at 
Leboeuf, the French, and south of it, at Venango, the 
Freneh and English, had previously .had military posts, and 
a few white men were found by the first pioneers residing 
among the Indians, by whom they had been captured 
during the revolutionary war, and whose maimero and 
habits of living they bad adopted. (See Note I,) 

(1787.) The first persons who visited the county to 
examine its character, with the intention of occupying k, 
were David and John Mead, who, escaping from the diffi- 

oftAwvoftD covrnrr, *a. lit 

colties they had encountered, in the -conflicting claim* 
between Connecticut and Pennsylvania, left their home* in 
Northumberland, in the summer of 178*7, and, travelling 
westward, explored the valley of French Creek. 

They found the soil rich and productive, and many of 
the finest portions of the valley covered with herbage 
and grass, the forest trees having apparently been long 
previously removed by some prior occupants of the county, 
giving' to the cleared portions, at this time, much the ap- 
pearance of a natural prairie. Prepossessed with the looks 
of die county, the Meads, on their return, made a favour- 
able report, and in the spring of 1788, a small company, 
consisting of David Mead, John Mead, Joseph Mead, 
Thomas Martin, John Watson, James F. Randolph, 
Thomas Grant, Cornelius Van Horn, and Christopher 
Snyder, started from Sunbury, with the intention of 
making the valley of French Creek their future place of 

Van Horn and Snyder arrived at Sunbury, from New 
Jersey, about the time that Mead and his comrades were 
preparing to leave, and they united themselves with the 
party. They reached French Creek, as appears by a 
memorandum kept by Van Horn, on the 12th day of May, 
and encamped and spent their first night under a large 
cherry tree east of the stream, near wheite now stands 
Kennedy's Bridge. The next day was spent in explore* 
tion, and the party then moved across French Creek above 
the mouth of the Cussewago Creek, and erected a tempo- 
rary structure to live in. They then commenced plough- 
ing in one of the old Indian fields, with four horses to the 
plough, and after breaking up some eight or ten acres, 


they planted them with corn. A freshet in the stream 
' soon after destroyed their crop, and it was replanted again 
in the month of June. 

In the selection of farms, Thomas Grant chose the tract 
on which Meadville, the county seat, is now situated, but 
for some reason left it again in the fall, and returned to 
live in Northumberland. 

The same autumn, David and John Mead brought out 
their families. John chose for himself a farm west of the 
creek, about a mile north of what is now Meadville, and 
David selected at first the tract immediately south of his 
brother, but soon after removed to the tract Grant had 
left, and built his cabin on the east bank of the stream, in 
what is now tlje north part of the village bearing his 
name, and where at present stands the tasteful residence of 
Mr. William A. V. Magaw. 

On the tract which Van Horn had surveyed for himself 
stood an old Indian cabin, on the west side of the creek, 
into which he moved, and remained until October ; during 
this month, he received a visit from Archibald Davison, 
Archibald's father, and Jacob Van Horn, who spent about 
a week with him, and then all four returned to New 

(1789.) In this year Frederick Baum, Robert Fits 
Randolph, and Darius Mead, the father of David and John 
Mead, brought out their families. Sarah Mead, a daughter 
of David Mead, was born during the same season, being 
the first birth in Crawford County (as now organized). A 
saw-mill was commenced to be built, by Matthew Wilson, 
for David Mead, and was completed the following year. 
In the fall, Cornelius Van Horn made a second visit to 


French Creek, and remained until Christmas, \vhen he re- 
turned to New Jersey. 

(1790.) In the spring of the following year (1790), the 
saw-mill having been finished, the little colony, with cha- 
racteristic enterprise, assumed the importance of an export- 
ing community, and the first raft of boards that ever 
descended the Alleghany River, was taken from this mill, 
and, together with a raft of logs, was run to Pittsburg. 
The hands on board were, Edward Randolph, John Ray, 
William Wilson, James Randolph, Frederick Baum, Tunis 
Elson, and John Gregg. The lumber was sold at one 
dollar and fifty cents per hundred, to Major Isaac Craig, 
quartermaster in the army at Pittsburg. 

A canoe loaded with baggage and provisions, for Mead- 
ville, had been pushed up the river, by James F. Ran- 
dolph and Joseph Mead, as early as 1788. 

In October (1790), Cornelius Van Horn, in company 
with Thomas Lacey, Peter Colsher, and Matthew Colsher, 
having with them a wagon and two horses, left New 
Jersey, and set out for Cussewago, by the way of Philadel- 
phia and Pittsburg. At the latter place, the wagon was 
sold, the horses put out for the winter, and the party 
ascended from thence to the Cussewago in a canoe. 
During the whole of this year, the colony seems to have 
been undisturbed, and the settlers worked in peace upon 
their farms. 

At the time of its first occupation, Crawford County 
appears to have been a kind of border or neutral territory, 
between the eastern Indians or Six Nations, who had 
made treaties of peace with the whites, and the western 
Indians, who still remained hostile. The nearest settlement 

118 incident* nr ram basm bistort of * 

or village of the eastern Indians, was that of Coraplanter, 
on the Alleghany River, at Tinneshantago, a word which, 
in the Indian dialect, signifies, " burnt town,** the village 
having been once destroyed by fire, by order of General 
Brodhead, The nearest settlements of the western Indiana 
were at Cuyahoga and Sandusky. The neutral ground 
was occupied principally by nomadic parties of Indians* 
who lived by hunting, and a few Indian families, who had 
cabins along the valley of French Creek, and at the mouth 
of the Coneaut Creek, in Ohio. Among the tatter, living 
at the mouth of Coneaut Creek, was an Indian chief of 
the name of Canadaughta, to whom, and his three son* 
(Flying Cloud, Big Sun, and Standing Stone), the white 
settlers were indebted for many acts of kindness, and 
friendly protection, bestowed upon them on their first 
arrival in the west* 

(1761.) About the first of April in this year (mi), 
Flying Cloud gave ndtice to the settlers on French Creek, 
that the western Indians (Wyandotts, Shawanees, &c.) 
were meditating an invasion. Immediate preparation was 
oiade for the approaching attack, On the second day of 
April, all the women and children were collected and sent 
in canoes down French Creek to the garrison at Franklin* 
a small military post established in 1787, under the care of 
Captain Hart In connexion with this incident, and the 
deeds of blood perpetrated by the western Indians which 
followed it, it is pleasant to record some of the strongly 
marked acts of kindness shown to the settlers by the 
Indians who were friendly. 

On the occasion referred to, Halftown (a futi-blooded 
Indian chief, and a half-brother to Cornplanter), of whose 
fidelity the early settlers speak in the emphatic language, 

<HU.WFQ3tI> COUNTY, FA. 119 

that he was as true a man as General Washington, sent 
six of his warriors on each side of the stream, to keep pace 
with the canoes, and guard them against an ambuscade 
and attack from shore. 

Halftown then placed himself at the head of his remain- 
ing force, amounting to some fifteen warriors, and with 
the white settlers who had remained, lay in wait during 
the whole day, on the east bank of the creek, at a fording- 
place (now Kennedy's Bridge), in expectation that the 
hostile Indians (of whom eleven had been seen by William 
Gregg in the morning, on Davis's Hill, four miles below) 
would select that as the most convenient place for crossing 
the stream. The day bring spent without any further 
appearance of the enemy, the Indian chief and his men 
passed the night at the house of David Mead, a double log 
cabin, before alluded to. The next day, the settlers took 
their cattle and movable effects, and left for Franklin. 
*They progressed but six miles, and encamped for the night 
on the east bank of ihe creetf, opposite Bald Hill, in one of 
the old prairie-like clearings. On the fourth of April, they 
reached Franklin in safety, having been accompanied the 
whole distance by Halftown, and his men. Mr. Randolph, 
who was along on the occasion referred to, and who was 
otherwise well acquainted with this chief, in describing 
his personal appearance, speaks of him as having been 
about five feet ten inches high, well made, with an un- 
usually good countenance, indicating great intelligence 
and a most unwavering firmness. 

The garrison at Franklin was commanded at this time 
by Ensign John Jeflfers, from Connecticut. Two old and 
well-known citizens of Crawford County, Samuel Lord 


Esq., and John Wentworth (now both deceased), were 
soldiers under him, and had assisted in the construction of 
the fort, in 1787. 

The year of '91 was one of danger and anxiety to the. 
western settlers in Pennsylvania. About the first of May, 
Cornelius Van Horn, Christopher Lantz, William Gregg, 
and Thomas Ray, voluntered to leave the fort at Franklin, 
and return to Meadville, with their guns in their hands, 
and endeavour to put in a crop of corn. To do this, it 
was necessary that Van Horn should first get his horses 
from Pittsburg ; and accordingly he went after them. In 
Returning, he was obliged to follow a wild path through 
the woods, from Pittsburg to Venango, and he describes his 
ride as lonely, desolate, and disagreeable. Crossing the 
Slippery Rock Creek the first day, he encamped for the 
night in a deep ravine. He had obtained some bread and 
two pounds of butter at Pittsburg, out of which he made 
his supper, and then threw himself on his blanket to sleep 
with his gun by his side. Shortly afterwards, he was 
awakened by the crackling of the fire, and found that, 
spreading among the dry leaves, it had communicated 
itself to his butter. In his endeavours to extinguish the 
flame, his hands were so severely barned, as to prevent 
him from sleeping any more for the night. At daybreak 
he found that his harness was much injured by the fire, 
and that the horses he had turned out to browse had 
wandered away, so that it was ten o'clock before he was 
able to find them, and resume his journey. 

The second day, he progressed as far as Sandy Creek, 
and slept again in the woods. On his route he encountered 
one Indian, who was on his way .to Slippery Rock, and 


whose good will he endeavoured to gain by sharing with 
him, from his bottle and his remaining stock of bread. 
On the third day, he reached Franklin in safety, where he 
found the officer, with about twenty-five of his men, pre- 
paring to set out in a few days for Erie. 

On the fifth day of May (Christopher Lantz being too 
unwell to accompany them), Cornelius Van Horn, William 
Gregg, and Thomas Ray, having returned to Meadville, 
went to their field to plant it with corn. They worked 
during the morning, Van Horn ploughing, and the others 
planting until noon, when Ray and Gregg returned to 
their cabin for dinner, leaving Van Horn ploughing alone, 
they engaging to bring his dinner to him. Shortly after 
they left, Van Horn, who had laid his gun on the bag of 
corn, at the end of the furrow, observed his horses to 
appear frightened, and on turning round, discovered two 
Indians running towards him. The foremost one threw 
down his bow and arrows, knocked off Van Horn's hat, 
and drew his tomahawk to strike. Van Horn, who, 
though short, was a stout-built man, seized the tomahawk 
and held it with such force that the Indian could not wrest 
it from him. The second Indian, having laid down his 
gun, now came up, and endeavoured to get a stroke with 
his tomahawk, but Van Horn managed to keep up so 
much action, and to throw the other Indian so frequently 
between himself and the danger, that he could not accom- 
plish it Van Horn pleading for his life, the Indians 
conferred a moment together, when one of them, who 
spoke English, after cautioning him with an oath to make 
less noise, told him they would spare him, and that he 
might go with them. The Indians commenced unharness* 


ing the hoc Ms* but Van Horn requested them to lake the 
gears along, promising to plough for them. They took 
each a horse, and Van Horn ran between them* Crossing 
the Cussewago near its mouth, and going west, up a ravine* 
for about a quarter of a mile, they came to where two 
other Indians were waiting for them on the hilL Here the 
Indians inquired of Van Horn the situation of the settle* 
ment, and on learning how things stood, three of them took 
up their arms and went back* leaving the remaining one, an 
elderly Indian, in charge of the prisoner. After remaining 
about three quarters of an hour, the Indian put Van Horn 
on one of the horses, while he rode the other, and they 
pursued a dim Indian path until they came to Goneaut 
Lata After, crossing the outlet they dismounted. The 
horses were fettered so that they cotrid not escape, and the 
Indian then tied the rope,, which confined the arms of his 
prisoner, to a tree, and left him; going back upon the trait, 
it is supposed, either to fish in the lake or to watch if they 
were pursued* When left alone, Van Horn, who had 
given ur> his knife and powder-horn to the Indian who 
had captured him, began to search in his pockets to see if 
he could find any instrument to escape with. He fortunately 
discovered a small toy^knife, which he had picked up the 
day before. It was deplorably dull, but, after whetting it on 
the key of his chest, and sawing awhile, he succeeded in 
cutting off that part of the rope which confined him to the 
tree. He immediately ran down the outlet, crossed it, and 
after straggling through the swamp, succeeded in making 
his way eastward, until he came to a path leading up 
French Greek, which he followed until he reached a small 
nursery of apple trees be had planted near Kennedy's 

ra*WMNU> COUFTT, FA* 128 

Bridge. Finding the nursery full of weeds, and apprehensive 
if the fire got among them that his trees would be injured, 
he commenced weeding, as well as he could with his arms 
fettered. He had been at work but a few minutes, when 
be heard some one call to him from across the creek. 
Fearful of danger, he dared not to answer; but when the 
call was repeated, he recognised the voice of John Frede- 
baugh, an old acquaintance. He immediately left his 
work, and, though the water was deep and cold, he waded 
through it to Fredebaugh, who conducted him to Ensign 
Jeffers, who, with thirty soldiers and three Indians, was at 
Mead's boose. Jeffers cut the cord which bound Van 
Horn, and immediately ordered sentinels to be posted, and 
sent part of his men to the island for his horses, intending 
at once to leave for Franklin. The horses were all found 
but the Ensign's, and be with his n\en left, leaving behind 
two Indians and Van Horn, the latter refusing to go, until 
he had collected some articles he wanted. He passed the 
night with the two Indians under some oak trees, east of the 
present village, and in the morning, finding he had nothing 
to eat, he returned to the field where he had the day 
before been made a prisoner ; and where he discovered, in 
a bucket, the dinner which had been brought out for him 
the day before, by Gregg and Ray. After breakfast, 
having succeeded in catching the missing horse of Ensign 
Jeffers, he put his own saddle upon it, and gave it to one 
of the Indians to ride, while the other Indian and himself 
took a canoe, and descended to Franklin by water. The 
Indian on horseback was not heard of afterwards, and 


probably took his booty and rode off with it to the west. 
William Gregg and Thomas Ray, whom we left going 


to their cabin, after dinner went out to where they had 
left Van Horn, and found that he was gone, and immedi- 
ately after discovered the three Indians approaching them. 
They retreated, but as Gregg was crossing the Cussewago 
Creek, near its junction with French Creek, he was shot 
through the thigh, and disabled for further flight He 
called to Ray to assist him. Rby stopped, and the Indians 
came up. Both Ray and Gregg appear to have been 
panic-stricken, or they might have defended themselves. 
The Indians took Gregg's gun (their own being unloaded) 
and shot him with it, as he was seated on the bank of the 
creek. They scalped and left him, taking Ray with them as 
a prisoner. They followed the trail of the Indian who 
had preceded them, and on arriving at Coneaut Lake 
found their comrade, and learned from him that Van Horn 
had made his escape ; a circumstance which, the Indians 
told Ray, was entirely in his favour, as they had deter* 
mined to risk taking with them but one prisoner, and that 
either he or Van Horn must have perished, if the latter 
had not eluded them. Indeed Ray, throughout this matter, 
seems to have had an unusual run of good fortune. After 
undergoing the usual vicissitudes of Indian captivity on his 
way to the west, his captors brought him at last in the 
neighbourhood of a British garrison, near Detroit; here 
Ray, who was a Scot by birth, recognised one of the 
British officers (a Captain White) as a fellow-countryman, 
whom he had seen in Scotland. On making known his 
situation to Captain White, the latter, with generous bene- 
volence purchased his liberty from the Indians, gave him 
a suit of clothes, and paid his passage in a schooner to 
Buffalo. On reaching the latter place, Ray met with a 


Mohawk chief, of the name of Stripe Neck, who. resided 
at Meadville, and who conducted him to Franklin, and 
from thence he proceeded to join his family at Pittsburg, to 
the agreeable surprise of his relatives and friends, who had - 
relinquished all expectation of having him return. 

During this season Darius Mead (the father of David 
and John Mead) was made a prisoner by two Indians, 
while ploughing in a field adjacent to the fort at Franklin. 
The Indians conducted him to near the Shenango Creek, 
in Mercer County, where he was found dead the next day, 
by a friendly Seneca chief, named Conewyando, who sent 
his daughter, a young squaw, to the fort at Franklin, to 
give notice of it to his friends. It is supposed that Mead 
was killed in an attempt to escape, as by his side, when 
found, was lying, also dead, one of his captors, whom 
Conewyando recognised as a Delaware chief, called Cap- 
tain Bull. Bull was known to the settlers as a professedly 
friendly Indian, but his fidelity had been suspected. 
From appearances, Mead, during the night, had got Bull's 
knife, and killed him with it, but was himself overcome, 
and killed by the fcther Indian : the latter is reported to 
have afterwards died of the wounds he received in the 
struggle. Two men (Luke Hill, originally from Connec- 
ticut, and John Ray, a revolutionary soldier from North- 
umberland) went out from the garrison at Franklin, and 
found Mead and Bull lying together as above described, 
and buried them. 

It was also during the month of April, in this year, that 
seven men were killed in a cabin by the Indians, near Free- 
port, on the Alleghany River, when Agnes Clark, wife of 
Richard Clark, made her miraculous escape, with her 


child id her arms, by leaping on the backlog on the 'fits, 
and springing from thence over the low chimney of the cabin. 
This, however, belongs to the history of another county. 

These murders, and the frequent alarm of Indians about 
'this time, caused the settlement on French Creek, at Mead- 
ville, to be for a time abandoned, and in 1702 so white 
settlers resided in Crawford County* 

(1793.) In the spring of 1793, some of the first set- 
tlers, whose apprehensions had subsided, or regardless of 
the danger, returned to their farms, and about twenty 
more persons came out about this time, from the neigh- 
bourhood of the. Susquehanna. During the course of die 
summer, notice was received through Flying Cloud, that 
the western Indians were preparing for another attack, 
and the county was again deserted until late in the fall 
and winter, when several persons returned to MeadviHe. 
Cornelius Van Horn and Matthew Wilson, in the fell of 
'£2, having obtained a couple of young panthers, took them 
to the east, and appear, from notes kept by Van Horn, to 
have exhibited them at- Pittsburg, Philadelphia, New York, 
and, after the intermediate places, finally at Boston, where 
Van Horn {who had purchased Wilson's interest in the 
animals at New York) disposed of them, and returned to 

Ensign Lewis Bond, with a small detachment of twenty- 
four men, appears to have guarded, during a part of this 
season, the house of David Mead, which bad been fortified 
with a stockade, to serve as a garrison,— *but he and his 
men were called elsewhere before notice of the Indian 
invasion was given. 

(1794) In the early part of this year (1794), the set- 

tiers organized themselves into a military company, and 
Cornelius Van Horn was chosen captain. 

A blockhouse was also built for the protection of the 
inhabitants, in the upper story of which was mounted a 
cannon. It was a rough log building, with the second 
story projecting beyond the lower one, and having a 
sentry-box on top. It was situated east of Water Street, 
immediately south of the present residence of J. W. 
Farrelly, 'Esq., where it remained standing until the sum- 
mer of 1838, when, in the progress of improvement in the 
village, it was removed. In the month of May, a small 
garrison was established at Waterford, twenty-two miles 
north of Meadville, by Major Dennis. 

The farms about Meadville wore cultivated this year by 
the inhabitants, who worked in small companies, ever on 
the alert to anticipate the danger and avert the evil with 
which they were as constantly threatened. On the tenth 
day of August, James Dickson (commonly known, to dis- 
tinguish him from a namesake, as Scotch Jemmy), while 
in search of his cows, about half a mile north of the 
village, on the farm of Samuel Lord, Esq., was attacked by a 
party of Indians in ambuscade. He was wounded by the 
first fire of his adversaries in the shoulder, in his hip, and 
his band, and while stooping, to see if he could discover 
any of his concealed foes, that he might return their fire, a 
ball passed through his hat, just grazing the crown of his 
head. Whereupon the old man, who seems to have been 
of good pluck, returned them a shout of defiance, exclaim- 
ing in broad Scotch, " Come out of that, you rascals, and 
fight us fair." The Indians showing no disposition to 
assent to so reasonable a proposition, Dickson commenced 


a retreat for the village. The Indians followed him with 
tomahawks, their guns being unloaded* but were afraid to 
approach too near to him, he having retained his fire. 
The old man insisted to the day of his death, that once, 
when he was just in the act of firing, a low voice said to 
him, " Don't shoot;" whereupon he reserved his load, and 
thereby preserved his life* When Dickson came near to 
Mead's mill he shouted for help, and was heard by Luke 
Hill, who gave the alarm. Flying Cloud, who was here 
at the time, and three or four men, immediately started in 
pursuit, and Dickson, wounded as he was, was with diffi- 
culty dissuaded by his wife and friends from joining them. 
The hostile Indians, however, escaped the impending re- 
taliation, by a timely retreat 

Rumours of Indian invasions were rife during the whole 
of this year ; but this appears to have been the only attack 
made upon the settlers at Meadville. 

The wife of Darius Mead died this summer at Meadville, 
being (except those occasioned by the Indians) the first 
death in Crawford County among the white inhabitants. 

(1795.) The year of '95 was distinguished in Northwest 
Pennsylvania by the commencement of some improve- 
ments of a public and permanent character. In the spring 
Mr. M'Nair was employed to cut a road from Waterford 
to Presque Isle harbour. Captain Grubb (since an asso- 
ciate judge in Erie County), Captain Russell Bissell, 
and Captain Levant, commenced the construction of a fort 
about the same time on the harbour near Erie. One of 
the persons employed as carpenter in the construction of 
this fort, was Mr. James Gibson (now deceased), well 
known both at Pittsburg and Meadville, as the keeper of 


an excellent hotel. The first wagon which travelled the 
new road cut out by M'Nair was loaded with tools for 
the fort, and was driven by Mr. Edward Randolph, of 
whom I have before spoken. Mr. Randolph speaks of 
crossing, on this trip, a bridge built by the French, made of 
chestnut timber, and said to be forty-five years old, the 
wood of which was still sound. 

The year of '95 was also marked by several sanguinary 
incursions of the western Indians. Early in June, Thomas 
Rutledge and his son, a lad about sixteen years of age, 
were killed by the Indians near the M'Nair road, about a 
mile south of Erie. The boy when found still showed 
symptoms of life, and was carried to Waterford, where 
his wounds were carefully dressed by Dr. Thomas R. 
Kennedy (now deceased), a physician in Meadville, but 
he survived but a few hours. 

On the third day of June, James Findlay and Barnabas 
M'Cormick, engaged at the time in splitting rails for John 
Haling, below Meadville, about a mile west of the present 
aqueduct for the canal, were destroyed by the Indians. 
A report of guns having been heard, search was made for 
them, and they Were found where they had been at work, 
both dead, having been shot and scalped by their savage 
assailants. Their bodies were brought to town, placed in 
one coffin, and interred in the Meadville cemetery. On 
the fifth day of June, the same band of Indians robbed the 
camp of Mr. William Power, who was engaged as deputy 
surveyor, in making surveys of tracts in what is now 
South Shenango Township. James Thompson, the hand 
who had charge of the camp at the time, was taken 
prisoner, but subsequently effected his escape. While in 


190 incidents in «an SARtr siereBY of 

custody of the Indians, be. became aware of the misfortune 
which had happened to Findlay and M'Cormiek, from 
seeing their scalps in possession of the Indians, which 
he recognised by the colour of the hair. The scene where 
Power's camp was robbed is known to the inhabitants at 
the present day, as the " White Thorn Corner." » 

For the purpose of establishing a town at Presque Isle, 
and protecting the frontier, on the eighth day of April, 
1703, and again on the eighteenth day of April, 1794, the 
legislature offered a bounty of a lot and outlot to- each of 
the first two hundred persons who should build and reside 
for three years at that place. These acts, however* having 
failed in their object, were repealed on the 18th day of 
April, 1795. 

The treaty of General Wayne with the western Indians, 
made on the 3d day of August, '95, and ratified on the 23d 
of the following December, brought peace, so far as the 
Indian hostilities were concerned, to the settlements in 
Northwest Pennsylvania. From that period, this portion 
pf the state began to improve more rapidly, and though 
its prosperity was checked for a time by the contest which 
immediately after arose between the actual settlers and the 
warrant-holders under the act of '92, about the titles to 
lands west of the Alleghany River, yet the interruption was 
but brief, and in 1805, the rights of those holding by 
warrant under the commonwealth, having ultimately pre* 
vailed in the United States Gourt, (which decided that' 
where the warrant-holder had endeavoured to make his 
settlement within two years, and was prevented by force 
of arms, or imminent danger from the enemies of the United 
States, he was excused by doing so subsequently,) repose} 


again smiled upon the west, and no barrier any longer 
presented itself to the occupancy of the country by that 
hardy class of men, who, coming from the eastern portions 
of our own country, or escaping from the over-populated 
provinces of Europe, became here, on easy terms, pro- 
prietors of the soil and found among the hills and valleys 
of the west abundance of room and a peaceful home for 
themselves and families. 

During the year of '95, the towns of Erie, Warren, and 
Franklin, were surveyed and laid out by Andrew Ellicott, 

(1802.) In 1802, an act was passed incorporating a 
seminary of learning in Meadville, and David Mead, 
James Gibson, with five other persons, were appointed 
trustees. A brick building was erected for the purpose, 
which was completed in the fall of 1805, when a school 
was opened in It, under the care of the Rev. Joseph 
Stockton, who gave instruction in the Latin and Greek 
languages, and the common branches of an English educa- 
tion. The building was a one story edifice, containing 
two rooms; it was situated in the extreme eastern part of 
the village, where it remained standing for about twenty 
years, when the lot attached to it was sold to Mr. Arthur 
Cnllum, who removed the academy to make room for a 
dwelling-house; the trustees have since erected a larger 
and more commodious building for academic purposes in a 
central part of, the village. 

In 1805, the first newspaper in the state west of the* 
mountains was established at Meadville, by Thomas At- 
kinson and W. Brendle, — the latter, however, remained in 
the concern only some eight • months, when he sold out, 


and Mr. Atkinson became the sole proprietor. The title 
of the paper was the " Crawford Weekly Messenger/' and 
the editorial leader in the first number, published on the 
second day of January, 1805, announces the paper to 
be republican in its politics, but that its columns will be 
open to all who think their principles or political connex- 
ions injured, as freely to the one side as the other, with 
the wholesome restriction, that the discussions should be 
liberal, candid, and decent. This commendable rule 
seems to have been observed for the first few numbers of 
the new paper, but shortly after, when the contest began 
to increase in warmth between the friends of Mr. Snyder 
and Governor M'Kean, we find the political essays in the 
Messenger marked with the same bitter personalities 
which mar and disfigure similar contests at the present 
'day ; such, however, was not the character of the editorial 
matter. The editor himself was a man of mild disposi- 

He continued to edit and publish his paper, until within 
about four years of his death, which took place in '37. 
Regular files of this Journal have been preserved, and were 
devised by Mr. Atkinson to his son, Monroe Atkinson, who 
still retains them. (See Note III.) 

I had hoped from the files of the Messenger to have ob- 
tained much relating to the early history of the county ; 
but though it is interesting to look over, as containing the 
marriages, and deaths, &c, of many of the oldest citizens, 
to one who was acquainted with them, yet its columns are 
principally occupied, (as it perhaps is natural they should 
be,) rather with giving to its readers a knowledge of what 
was going on in the world abroad, than in communicating 


to those elsewhere, information of what was transpiring in 
the little community at home. 

It appears that in March, 1805, one of the highest 
freshets ever known to the settlers occurred in French 
Creek, attended with the destruction of considerable pro- 
perly. In December of the same year we find a statement 
of the business dope on this stream in the salt trade, 
a business which now, with the improved facilities of trans- 
portation, has been entirely transferred to other channels. 
During the rise of water in this month, it appears that 
eleven flat-boats and six keel- boats passed down French 
Creek, carrying about 2230 barrels of New York salt, 
valued at Mead vi He at $11 per barrel, and worth 
$24,530, but selling at Pittsburg at $13 per barrel, and 
amounting there to the sum of $28,990. The revenue that 
might be derived from tolls in this trade is pointed out by 
the editor, as an inducement for the opening of a turnpike 
to Erie. A matter worthy of notice is the contrast 
between the present price of salt (which is $137 per 
barrel) and that which it bore in 1805, when it sold for 
eight times as rrluch. 

Though out of place, I may mention that I find, in 1805, 
a farmer in this county, recommending to agriculturists, as 
a tried and successful remedy for the smut in wheat, to let 
the grain for seed become more fully ripe than that which 
is used for grinding, a remedy which is recommended as 
a discovery by some of the agricultural papers of the 
present year. 

At the time the Messenger was first published, the paper 
on which it was printed had to be brought from Pittsburg 
on horseback. The mail was carried in the same way, 


arriving once a week, sometimes by the way of Franklin, 
sometimes through Mercer; and the carrier who brought 
the foreign news, generally brought with htm the paper 
upon which it was to be republished at home. 

The first volumes of the Messenger contain a history of 
most of the cotemporaneous events of any interest; the 
foreign intelligence, the congressional and legislative pro- 
ceedings, the impeachment and trial of Judge Chase, and 
of the Judges of the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania ; of 
the times when the assertion of popular rights was car- 
ried far towards the verge of ultraism, and when new 
social and civil, commercial and political relationships and 
interests springing up, developed individual character, 
modified old habits and opinions, and made almost every 
man in the community a student of law, and an imaginary, 
If not a real professor, of the science of legislation. 

On the 13th day of March, 1800, David Mead, and on 
the 14th day of the same month, John Kelso, received 
commissions appointing them Associate Judges for the 
county of Crawford. Thomas Huston Kennedy was ap- 
pointed Prothonotary, &c, at the same time, and on the 
second day of August in that year, the late Hon. Henry 
Baldwin, was appointed as deputy Prosecuting Attorney 
for the commonwealth. The first court that appears, by 
the record, to have sat in the county, was held by Judges 
Mead and Kelso, on the 6th day of July, 1800. The 
number of suits, appeals, &c», brought to this term, appears 
to be ninety-five. On the 20th day of December, 18001, 
William Bell received a commission as Associate Judge, 
in the place of David Mead, who resigned. And the 

• • 

c*aw*o*d oovirry, *a. 185 

third session of the Court was held at Meadville, on the 
6th day of April, 1801, by the Hon. Alexander Addison, 
President, arid the Hon. William Bell, associate judge. 
The average number of suits and appeals to a term for the 
first year after the organization of the county, was sixty- 
five. The average number to a term, during the year 
1845, whs two hundred and forty-five. 

Regretting that so much of the information collected is 
confined almost entirely to the Indian invasions, which 
being of paramount importance to the settlers at the time 
they occurred, are remembered with more distinctness 
than anything else; the rest of my paper will be occupied 
with- a more methodical reply to the inquiries made in the 
circular of the Historical Society. . 

: i « 5 


• It i$ 'impossible now to ascertain the motives which 
actuated the first settlers in emigrating to this county. 
The 4 contest between claimants under the Connecticut and 
Pennsylvania titles to lands in Northumberland, seems to 
have led to the first visit of David Mead. After much 
trouble and controversy, he lost his farm near Sunbury, 
and subsequently received indemnity from the common- 
wealth, by the grant of lands west of the Alleghany; 
Cornelius Van Horn was also involved in that controversy, 
and received a partial equivalent in money from the state 
for the losses he sustained. The greater part of the first 
settlers came from the Susquehanna River, probably in 
quedt of better and cheaper lands. 

186 iNoioiNxt IK m uui mraosr of 


A. There are no houses In this neighbourhood remark- 
able for their antiquity. The oldest house now in Mead- 
vide is probably one which stands on the west side of 
Water Street, belonging to the estate of H. C. Bosler, de- 
ceased. It was built in 1796, of hewed logs, and, though 
much dilapidated, is still occupied. 

B. The number of houses or inhabitants, at any given 
time since the first settlement, cannot now be satisfactorily 
obtained. In 1814 the entire population of the county was 
estimated at 5765. (See Note IV.) 

C. There are several ancient papers of historical interest 
in this county. An original deed between Lord Baltimore 
and the sons of William Penn, is in the possession of J. S. 
Kiddle, Esq., who has kindly permitted me to make an 
abstract of its contents. It purports to be a deed between 
the Right Hon. Frederick Lord Baron of Baltimore, in the 
kingdom of Ireland, only son and heir at law, devisee, and 


residuary legatee, of the Right Hon. Charles, late Lord 
Baltimore, deceased, proprietor of the Province of Mary- 
land in America, of the one part, and Thomas Penn and 
Richard Penn, Esqs., sons and devisees, under the will of 
William Penn, their late father deceased, true and absolute 
proprietaries of the Province of Pennsylvania and the 
three lower counties of New Castle, Kent, and Sussex, on 
Delaware, of the other part. The deed is dated July 4th, 
1760; is a voluminous, formal instrument, covering six 
large sheets of parchment, and made and executed for the 
purpose of settling the boundaries of their respective 

ckawpokd cotmnr, pa. 187 

Mr. Riddle has also an original commission from 
Thomas Penn and Richard Penn, proprietaries, as above, 
to John Penn, dated 11th August, 1766. The commission 
refers to a former one, and reappoints him Lieutenant- 
Governor, from the 1st December, 1766, to 1st December, 
1769. This instrument is recorded in Rolls Office for the 
Province of Pennsylvania, in Com. Book A, vol. 3, page 
269, on the 2d April, 1767. And at New Castle, in Book 
V, page 42. Also a commission from Thomas and 
Richard Penn, to John Penn, dated 24th August, 1769, 
continuing him as Lieutenant-Governor, until 1st Decem- 
ber, 1772, recorded in Commission Book A, vol. 3, page 
528, and recorded in New Castle, in Book Y, page 6. 

Mr. Joseph C. G. Kennedy has also in his possession 
some documents of historical interest, among which are 
an ancient drawing of Fort Du Quesne; one of the orderly 
books of General Washington while at Cambridge in Mas- 
sachusetts, and an original letter-book of James Logan, 
secretary of William Penn, commencing about the year 


1718, and containing letters for some ten or twelve years. 
Mr. Logan seems to have written his letters in this book, 
from which copies were sent to his correspondents. These 
letters are quite interesting, as showing the state of things 
at that time. 

In one of his letters, addressed to Mrs. Penn, after the 
death of her husband, he informs her that, according to the 
best of his judgment, the northwest corner of the province 
is about the middle of Lake Ontario (or Lake Frontignac) ; 
that there are no navigable rivers except the Delaware 
and about sixty miles of the Susquehanna, and that the 


latter river is rather .a detriment than a benefit to the 
province; that west of it there is no land worthy of culti- 
vation, and that it would be difficult to obtain one hundred 
thousand acres west <of that river suitable for settlement la 
another letter, he speaks of the first silk made in the pro* 
vince. Mr. Kennedy has also an original order of his Ma- 
jesty, of 25th April, 1738, to the inhabitants of Maryland 
and Pennsylvania, commanding the observance of peace. 

D« I do not remember anything remarkable in the cha- 
racter or appearance of this county, that would seem to be 
worthy of especial notice. Geologically, it belongs to tht 
upper secondary formation, is apparently destitute of cal- 
careous rock, except in very thin veins, and does not contain 
within it much bituminous coal; layers of it, it is true, have 
been found in some half-dozen places, in different parts 
of the county; but they have not generally been of suffi- 
cient thickness to afford much encouragement to the miner. 
This section of country is abundantly supplied with excel* 
lent, water, and presents as great a variety of large and 
valuable timber as* perhaps, any other county in the Estate. 
Three main streams, the Shenango in the southwest* Oil 
Creek (so named from springs upon its margin, which 
annually produce large quantities of petroleumor Seneca 
oil), in the east ; and French Creek, with its tributaries, the 
Muddy Creek, Cussewago, and Sugar Creeks* traverse the 
county from north to south; and in the northwest, Coneaut 
Creek takes its rise, whose waters, after passing through a 
portion of Erie County, finally discharge themselves into 
Lake Erie,: in the state of Ohio. A long each of the above 


streams are rich and productive valleys. The fertility and 
extent of the valley along French Greek, are alluded to by 
General Washington, in the notes he kept of a visit made 
by him to Fort Lebceuf (now Waterford), in the year 

Near the source of Coneaut Creek, about eight miles 
west of Meadville, is Coneaut Lake, the largest entirely 
inland lake in the province ; it is from three to four miles 
in length, end from three quarters to a mile, or upwards, in 
width. The lake is now used as a reservoir for the Erie 
Canal (which was opened' last year for navigation), and for 
that purpose its waters have been raised by an embankment 
across the outlet, some eleven feet above their original 

About four miles northwest of this lake, at the summit, 
the Erie Canal passes through a formation of quicksand 
extending about a mile and a half along the line, and 
averaging some two feet in thickness. The sand lies 
from fourteen to sixteen feet below the surface of the 
ground* which here is a Black Ash and Hemlock swamp, 
formerly very wet, but now dry, being drained by the 
canal. From the yielding character of this sand, this portion 
of the line was a very expensive one to toake, the cost of 
constructing some two miles and a half where it prevailed, 
to a greater or less extent, being estimated at $213,000. 
Filing, from eighteen to twenty-four feet deep, had to be 
resorted to, forming a perfect wall on each side of the 
canal, with cross timbers for a floor, all so compact and 
firmly united, as toi resist the inward and upward pressure 
of the sand. To one unaccustomed to it, this sand seems 
a very strange kind of material. In constructing the canal, 


wagons could be driven across the bed of it, provided the 
team was kept in motion ; but if a horse stood upon it for a 
moment or two, even long enough to drink, be would gra- 
dually sink into it, and it would adhere to his limbs with a 
tenacity that no power of his could overcome. A country- 
woman, with a child in her arms, undertaking to cross the 
canal one day, where the water was about a foot deep, 
stopped for a moment to let her horse drink; when she 
attempted to pursue her way she found herself suddenly 
thrown into the water, and her horse so firmly planted in 
the mud, that it required the spade of one of the labourers 
before he could be extricated. When a wagon crosses 
it, it undulates with a wavelike motion. Yet, notwith- 
standing its yielding nature, a lock can be built and made 
to stand upon it, if piles are driven around it to prevent any 
lateral motion of the sand. 

At the upper end of Coneaert Lake, near Brightstown, is 
a formation of shell-marl. It covers an area of about 
thirty-three acres, and from examination, appears to be 
seven feet thick at the upper end, and about two feet and 
one half at the lower. The shells are minute, of the genus 
Planorbis, and abundant ; this marl is worked into brick 
form and burned, when it makes a pretty good quality. of 
lime, though not very white. 

The improvements for the last twenty, and especially for 
the last ten years, have been very great. The main line of 
Erie and Beaver Canal passes through the western part of 
the county, and not only affords facility in getting to mar- 
ket with the ordinary articles of export, but has also created 
new objects of commerce. 

Timber which before was regarded as useless, or at 


best required to be reduced to ashes before it became 
available to the farmer, is now converted into staves and 
lumber in various forms, fof the New York market. The 
feeder of this canal, passing through the county seat, has 
increased the business of the village and reduced the rates 
of transportation; while the transfer of the carriage of 
heavy articles from the turnpike to the canal, has had a 
decidedly beneficial effect upon the roads* Less than thirty 
years ago, the mail from Pittsburg arrived in Meadville but 
once in a week, and was carried on horseback ; now a 
mail stage arrives daily from Pittsburg and Erie, and 
terweekly from Bellefonte via Franklin. At the former 
period, there was but one public building in Meadville, the 
lower story of which was used for a jail, the upper for a 
court-house, and on Sunday for religious services ; there are 
now a frame and five brick churches, a large brick court- 
house, with rooms for the county offices, a brick academy, 
two brick houses for schools under the new system, a brick 
college, a brick arsenal, and a brick building for a theolo- 
gical institute. There is also a considerable improvement 
in the class of buildings now being constructed, both in the 
town and country ; more attention paid to taste in archi- 
tecture, and more regard to convenience in the plan of 
arrangement. Within two years past, a large manufactory 
for the making of picket fence has been put in operation 
by Messrs. H. and C. Cullum, at.Bemustown, two miles 
north of Meadville. This establishment, doing all its work 
by machinery, affords its wares at so cheap a rate, that the 
farmer may now have his yard or his grounds inclosed 
with an ornamental fence, at a cost little if any beyond 


what he formerly paid for a rough one of simple post and 

With the physical improvement of the county, there has 
also been a corresponding moral and intellectual progress 
in the inhabitants; frhile school-houses and churches have 
multiplied, distilleries and taverns have diminished* On 
the subject of ardent spirits, the change of popular senti- 
ment has been so great, that at the last session of the legis- 
lature an act was passed authorizing' tire inhabitants of 
this (with many other counties in the state),tp determine 
at the spring election in '47, whether any licenses what- 
ever, shall be granted for the sale of vi&ous or spirituous 
liquors for the ensuing year, except such as are wanted for 
sacramental or medicinal purposes. 

The facilities of country mails, by distributing news- 
papers and periodical literature, have also done something 
towards educating and improving the popular mind. 

The art of manufacturing paper from straw, was first 
discovered and successfully practised in America, by Co- 
lonel William Magaw, a resident of Meadville, in the year 
1827. Colonel Magaw was previously the proprietor of a 
paper-mill, and was led accidentally to: the discovery by 
chewing a stalk of rye straw which had been used in the 
letching of ashes, the alkali having affected the texture of 
the straw, so as to make it easily converted into pulp. 
Large quantities of wrapping paper are now made of this 
material, and also boards for the binding of books. Though 
the art of making paper of straw, by some process* was 
known prior to that time, in Europe, yet the discovery 
of preparing the straw with alkalies, was an original one 
with Colonel Magaw, and has been a highly useful one to 
the community. 

E. The wild animals that have been seen in thi* county 
since its settlement are— the elk, deer, panther, wolf, bear, 
wildcat, fox, marten, otter, polecat, beaver, groundhog or 
woodchuck, opossum, raccoon, hare, rabbit, black, gray, 
red or pine, flying, and ground or striped squirrels, musk- 
rat, mink, weasel, porcupine, field-mouse, deer-mouse, com* 
mon rat and mouse. 

< The elk and panther are now entirely extinct, and the 
. wolf, the bear, and the beaver, altogether or very nearly so. 
Among the birds which visit this county annually, either 
to build or touching it in their migration to a more northern 
region; are the bald and gray eagle, rarely seen; the hen- 
hawk* fish-hawk, pigeon-hawk, sparrow-hawk, the white, 
the cat* and screech owl ; the swan, wild gpose, black- 
duck, mallard, woodduck, shelldrake, teal, btrtterbolt, loon, 
dipper, water-hen, plover, jacksnipe, sandsnipe, kingfisher, 
turkey, pheasant, partridge or quail, woodcock, rail, pigeon, 
dove, whippoorwill, robin, thrush, catbird, cuckoo, lark, 
oriole, bluejay, fieldfare, martin, the barn-swallow, bank- 
swallow, oven-swallow, bluebird, wren, cowbird, bob-oMink 
or reed-bird, yellowbird, redbird, blackbird, red-wing, star- 
ling, black, or large woodpecker, red-headed woodpecker, 
gray woodpecker, flicker, cedar-bird or toppy, the crook- 
bill, meadow-hen, greenbird, and a variety of small birds 
with whose species I am not familiar. The oven-swallow, 
which is now quite common, made its first appearance in 
this county only some eight or ten years ago. They now 
come annually, in great numbers, and build long rows of 
oven-shaped nests, constructed of mud, under the eaves of 
the barns, with a small aperture in one side for an en- 


The snakes that are found in Crawford County, are the 
black and the yellow rattlesnake ; the former of which is 
most frequently found in swampy or wet land, and the 
latter, upon hilly or drier ground; water-snake, large black- 
snake, growing from five to seven feet in length ; the small 
black-snake, or .white-ringed viper; the brown, or house- 
snake ; the garter-snake, and green-snake. All these spe- 
cies are innocuous, except the rattlesnake, and it is fortu- 
nately now almost extinct. 

F. The preceding pages contain about all that I have ever 
heard, concerning the condition of the country when first 
settled. When first visited by the whites in '87, in 'the 
valley of French Creek were old meadows, destitute of 
trees, and covered with long wild grass and herbage, re- 
sembling the prairies; but by whom those lands were 
originally cleared, will probably for ever remain a matter 
of uncertainty. 

The Indians alleged that the work had not been done by 
them ; but a tradition among them attributed it to a larger 
and more powerful race of inhabitants, who had preoccu- 
pied the country. Whether some far-straying Frenchman, 
or straggling Spaniard, whose wanderings have been un- 
recorded, made this first opening in the primeval forest, or 
whether some semi-civilized tribe of Indians from the 
central regions of America, leaving the sunny south, pushed 
their canoes up the Ohio and Alleghany, and settling in 
the western regions of Pennsylvania, were finally subdued 
and destroyed by the fiercer and more warlike tribes of the 
north, may be an interesting subject for speculation ; but 


the records are too ambiguous and indistinct, to solve the 
questions which they raise. 

While on this branch of the subject, I would mention 
that in the year 1834, while engaged in surveying in the 
extreme western part of the county, near Sorrel Hill, I 
came across trees that had been blazed one hundred and 
twelve years before that time. On blocking these trees, 
the mark of the axe or edged instrument was very perfect 
and distinct. 


I am not aware of any one that has made any collection 
of the matters and things classified under this head. 

A periodical called the "Alleghany Magazine," was 
formerly published in Meadville, by the late Reverend 
Timothy Alden, in which there were some interesting arti- 
cles on Indian names, and matters pertaining to the early 
history of this section of the state. The Magazine was 
commenced in 1816, and continued for* about a year. 
Copies of it are preserved in the library of Alleghany Col- 
lege, and in several of the private libraries in this place. 
I am told that Mr. Alden, in his lifetime, had a manuscript 
narrative of a Mr. Gibson, who was at a very early day, a 
prisoner among the western Indians. I have made some 
inquiry for this manuscript among the heirs of Mr. Alden, 
but, as yet, have been unsuccessful in finding it 

G. None but those referred to in pages 136 and 137. 

H. None. 

I. None. 





L. None. 
M. None. 

N. None. 

O. None. 

P. None. 

Q. None. 

R. None, that I know of, except an interesting descrip- 
tion in the Alleghany Magazine, before referred' to, of a 
young lady in Meadville, who is apparently possessed of a 
twofold state of consciousness ; entirely unconscious in her 
second state of what she has known and learned in her 
primary one, and when relapsing into her first state, equally 
forgetful of what has occurred in her second state. 

The first change came on her after a slight indisposition, 
when her mind returned to the blank vacuity of infancy, 
and she was obliged to commence in her learning with the 
alphabet, and to be introduced to friends and acquaintances 
with whom she had long been familiar. 

Three or four changes have taken place in her mind, 
though none now for several years. The subject of this 
mental phenomena is engaged at present as teacher in one 
of the primary schools in Meadville, and is a lady of 
sprightly disposition, and poetic turn of mind.* 

I am not aware of any tables of descent that have been 
preserved, of the families of the first settlers of the county. 

A memoir of General David Mead, the pioneer to the 
waters of French Creek, is given in Alden's Alleghany 
Magazine, on page 77. He was born at Hudson, in the 

* See a full account of this singular case in Day's Historical Collections of 


state of New York, about the year 1751. In. the year '74, 
he was married to Agnes Wilson, sister of the Honourable 
Thomas Wilson, of Northumberland. In '96, having lost 
his first wife, he was again married, to Janet Finney, 
daughter of Robert Finney. 

During the revolutionary war he lived at Sunbury, where 
he kept a public house, and at the close of the war removed 
to Wyoming, where he had a farm. Driven from it after 
a long conflict arising from the Pennsylvania and Connec- 
ticut disputation of title, he removed to the west, arid settled 
on French Creek. He was a man of uncommon bodily 
strength, six feet three and one-half inches high, and large 
in proportion. He died at Meadville, on the 23d day of 
August, 1816. 

Robert Fits Randolph, another of the first settlers, came 
from Essex County, in the state of New Jersey ; his ances- 
tors came originally from Scotland. He was born about 
the year 1741 ; and in 1812, at the advanced age of seventy- 
one, on an alarm's being given of the war with England, he 
started for Erie, with four of his sons and two of his grand- 
sons, to volunteer in the service of his country. He tra- 
velled some fifteen miles to the Coneauttee Lake, in Erie 
County, where he was persuaded by some of his relatives 
to return. He retained his vigour many years afterwards, 
and died at Meadville, at a very advanced age. 

Edward Randolph, a son of Robert Fits Randolph, and 
heretofore spoken of as one of the first settlers, was born 
in what is now Lehigh, formerly Northampton County, on 
the first day of March, 1772. In 1773, his father moved 
from Northampton to Northumberland, and in 1789, the 
old man- and his wife, with some of their children, viz.* 


Sarah, Taylor, James, Edward, and Robert, in the month 
of November, emigrated to what is now the county of Craw- 
ford. The route they pursued passed by the places where 
Bellefonte and Milesburg now stand, and through Chinka- 
kemoose (the Indian name for Oldtown), by Franklin. 

Of the family of Robert Randolph, three sons, viz., Tay- 
lor, Esaac, and Edward, still survive. The latter, who was 
seventeen years of age when he first moved west, was a 
volunteer in the arrriy in the year '91, and did duty at 
Franklin from the first of April to the first of July. He 
then went to Pittsburg, and in the spring of '92, entered 
the service of the United States, in transporting provisions 
from Pittsburg to Franklin. During this year, he and 
Daniel Ransom were sent by government to build a mill 
for Cornplanter, at Tinneshantago. Ransom, who was the 
millwright, for some reason did not build the mill, and after 
remaining at Cornplanter's village for four months, Mr. 
Randolph returned to his former occupation of transporting 
provisions. During the year '93 he carried a part of the 
time to Franklin, and a portion of the season to Meadville, 
for Ensign Bond. In September of this year, he was em- 
ployed by Major Isaac Craig, to take charge of a boat 
loaded with ammunition, under Colonel Clark, to Cincin- 
nati ; the latter being on his way to join General Wayne. 
In December, Mr. .Randolph returned to Pittsburg, and 
from thence went to Meadville. On the first of May, 1794, 
he again descended to Pittsburg on a raft of boards from 
Mead's mill. At Freeport, then called Buffalo station, they 
were hailed from shore by the officers at the station, and 
took on board William Cousins, who had been wounded in 
his hip by the Indians, near the mouth of the Kiskeminetas 


Creek. A canoe had gone just before, bearing the body of 
John Carter, killed by the Indians, and Peter Kintner, 
wounded in the arm. 

They were taken to their former home, about six miles 
above Pittsburg. On reaching Pittsburg, Mr. Randolph 
was employed by General John Wilkins, to go as an ad- 
vance guard for Major Denny, from Pittsburg to Water- 
ford, a distance of one hundred and twenty miles. At 
Meadville, Mj\ Randolph became sick, and his brother, 
James Randolph, conducted Major Denny from thence to 
Waterford. Having returned to Pittsburg, Mr. Randolph, 
about the first of July, fell in with Captain John Heath, on 
his way with troops to Franklin, and they kept in company 
with their canoes. The party celebrated the fourth of July 
at Catfish Falls (about four miles above the Great Western 
Iron Works), feasting themselves upon a saddle of venison, 
and a big pike which they had captured in the river. 

About the first of August, a soldier having been killed by 
the Indians, near Franklin, Captain Heath wrote to Robert 
F. Randolph, for some men competent to act as spies. He 
recommended Luke Hill, John Wentworth, John Baum, 
and Edward F. Randolph. Mr. Randolph engaged in this 
service, ,and served from the beginning of August to the 
beginning of September as a spy, and in carrying expresses 
from Waterford to Pittsburg. His only roads were Indian 
paths, and at night he bivouacked with no other protection 
than his blanket. In August, 1795, Mr. Randolph and his 
brother Taylor, were employed by Major Craig to go to 
Erie as teamsters, to help build the fort. Robert Randolph, 
their father, furnished three yoke, and Cornelius Van Horn 
. one yoke of oxen for this purpose. Mr. Randolph worked 


at Erie until November, when he returned to Meadville. 
In 1797, he married Benjamin Wilson's daughter, Elizabeth 
Wilson, and settled on the farm where he now resides. 
In 1812, he was for three days at Erie with the troops, 
and went to Buffalo as teamster for the commissary. 

Cornelius Van Horn, another of the first settlers is still 
living, now at the advanced age of ninety-five. His body 
and mind, however, have both become very frail, and his 
recollection of things cannot now be relied upon ; the old 
man, a few years since, commenced a narrative of his life, 
but the manuscript remained unfinished, and, unfortunately, 
was commenced so late in life, that but a few of the 
prominent events of his* history in early life were remembered 
by him, and recorded. And in these his memory had 
evidently failed him as to dates. 


There are two libraries of some magnitude, in this 
county. The principal is the one attached to Alleghany 
College, which contains from seven to eight thousand 
volumes, of books, pamphlets, &c, embracing many stan- 
dard works of great value, and comprising volumes on 
literary, historical, and scientific subjects, in nearly all the 
ancient and modern languages. 

The other library is that connected with the Theological 
Institute, and containing between two and three thousand 
volumes. In the private library of Mr. Frederick Huide- 
koper, one of the professors in this school, is a work 
printed in 1475, and entitled, " Sermones Aurei Sancti, quos 
compilavit Leonhardus de Utino." The mechanical exe- , 


cution of the work, which is a large book, and bound literally 
in boards, is quite creditable to the artists of that age. Pre- 
sident Stebbens, of the same institution, has in his private 
library a work of similar character, printed in 1519, each 
chapter of which is commenced with an illuminated or 
embellished letter. It is a large book, with the same kind of 
substantial binding as that mentioned above. 

In the library of Alleghany College are also some works 
of very great antiquity. 


There are three newspapers now published in this county, 
the "Meadville Gazette," "Crawford Democrat," and 
" Meadville Republican." The first newspaper published 
in the county was commenced in 1805, as mentioned on 
page 131. 


I know of no works published in the county illustrating 
its literary history. The poetry has generally been of a 
fugitive character, and, with other compositions on literary 
and scientific subjects, has found its way to the public 
through the ordinary channel of the newspapers. 


A Mr. Say appears to have collected some facts relating 
to the history of this and other counties in the state, and 
published a work, of which a small number of copies only 


appear to have been struck off. It is out of print, but I have 
not learned why. 


X. XL 



I do not know of any civil trials which have taken place 
in the county involving principles of general interest, that 
are worthy of note. Among the subjects of criminal trials, 
but two persons, convicted of homicide, in the county, have 
suffered the highest penalty of the law. The first a native 
of Quebec, of the name of Van Holland, who, while serving 
in the army in the West Indies, received a coup de soleil, 
which affected his mind permanently ; he wandered out to 
this county, and in the winter of 1815-16, while sleeping 
over night in a cabin, he arose in the night and murdered 
the man at whose house he was staying, with an axe. 
The man's wife and child escaped from the cabin, and con- 
cealed themselves for the night under a bank of a ravine, 
where they pearly perished from cold. Notwithstanding 
a good deal of cunning and adroitness practised by Van 
Holland to escape, he was at last captured by his pursuers, 
tried, and convicted. He was a man of great physical 
power, -and at one time nearly made his escape from 


prison by bending with his hands the iron bars under the 
hearth in his room. At the time of execution, he pushed 
the deputy employed by the sheriff from the scaffold, and 
endeavoured to jump upon him, but was frustrated in his 
design by the rope, which prevented him from jumping so 
far. The man subsequently died from the effect of his 

After Van Holland's death, letters were received request- 
ing a suspension of execution, if not inflicted, in order that 
he might give some explanation of a murder committed in 
New Brunswick, in which it is supposed he was impli- 
cated. He was a man of very respectable connexions, 
and was no doubt partially deranged. 

The other person punished capitally, was David Lam- 
phier, who killed a constable with the stroke of an axe, 
while attempting to arrest him. It was a hasty act, with- 
out premeditation, and a foolish warning previously given 
to the constable to keep away from him led principally to 
his conviction. 


There are many traces of Indian inhabitants still met 
with throughout the county. There were originally two 
circular forts about a mile below the present village of 
Meadville. The one in the valley, on the farm of Mr. 
Taylor Randolph, and the other a quarter of a mile below, 
on the bluff point of a high knoll, where a small stream 
puts into the creek, or now into the canal. The plough, and 
annual tillage of the soil, have now destroyed them. There 
was also a mound still to be seen a short distance above 



the fort, which stood in the plain. It is now nothing but 
a smooth eminence, some two or three feet high, and ex- 
tending from north to south, some fifteen or twenty feet, 
and about twice as much from east to west. It is de- 
scribed, however, by Mr. Esaac Randolph, one of the 
oldest settlers, on whose farm it stands, as having been 
composed originally of two mounds, connected by a narrow 
neck between them. The material of one of the mounds, 
he represents as having been of gravel, and the other of 
alluvial earth. The ground around the mound is allu- 
vial, without stone, and it is evident the material was car- 
ried from some distance to construct the mound, as there 
was no ditch or excavation near it, from which it could 
have been taken. The mound stands some thirty rods 
from the stream, where gravel is abundant. 

The fields in the neighbourhood abound with small pieces' 
of Indian crockery, resembling common earthenware, ex- 
cept that it is not glazed, nor so well burned. 

In ploughing in the neighbourhood of the above mound 
some years ago, an Indian grave was discovered, covered 
with a large stone, under which, among the bones, were 
found some interesting relics. Among the rest, some sharp 
instruments of agate or other hard stone, shaped in the 
form of a segment of a circle, from three to five inches 
long, and having one edge, and the points very sharp ; they 
were probably used either for surgical instruments, or for 
tattooing, &c. Indian arrow-heads of flint, and axes of 
greenstone, are frequently found in the flats along the creek, 
and occasionally the remains of pipes for smoking, carved 
out of stone. A small idol, carved in the form of an owl, 
out of soapstone, was found a few years since, and is now 


in the cabinet of Mr. Frederick Huidekoper, in Meadville. 
A small turtle, either a petrifaction, or a relic of Indian 
sculpture, has lately been discovered in excavating for a 
furnace on the Big Sugar Creek ; it is now in the possession 
of Mr. J. Russell, at Russellville, in Venango Cqunty. The 
fossil is a siliceous stone, and was unfortunately and wan-* 
tonly broken by the labourers who exhumed it ; the pieces, 
however, have been obtained and preserved by Mr. Rus- 
sell. The head and front part of the body are entire ; the 
head a little distorted, but very distinct. Prom a hasty in- 
spection I had of it in passing Mr. Russell's, a few days 
since, I should be inclined to believe it a specimen of In- 
dian sculpture, and an idol of the Delaware, or some other 
tribe of Indians, who regarded the turtle as sacred. 

The most perfect of the Indian fortifications in the county, 
is a circular fort, still in a tolerable state of preservation^ 
which stands on a point of land projecting into the Pyma- 
tuning Swamp, in North Shenango township. The area of 
the fort includes some two acres of ground, now covered 
with large timber. The breastwork is about three feet high, 
and the fosse from two to three feet deep ; there are from 
four to five places of egress from the fort, where there are 
intervals in the ditch. The breastwork has probably origi- 
nally been fortified with a stockade, and the portals occu- 
pied with gates. On the land side, or the side opposite to 
the swamp, is another breastwork, some twenty or thirty 
yards from the fort, and now less distinct. 

In the interior of the fort, there are a great number of 
places where there is a slight depression in the surface, as 
though a hole had been dug some two feet in diameter. In 
excavating in these places the ground has a bnrnt look, 


and among the earth are small pieces of charcoal, indi- 
cating that these holes have been receptacles for fire, and 
were probably made use of in cooking. On the top of ihe 
breastwork trees are now growing, one of which, a white 
oak, measured more than ten feet in circumference. In the 
neighbourhood of the fort are Indian graves and remains, 
that have not yet been explored. I'hope to make a further 
and more satisfactory report at a future day, to the Society 
on this subject. 

The Pymatuning Swamp, in the vicinity of this fort, is a 
subject of interest to the geologist. From ten to twelve 
miles long, and from a half to two miles in width, it has 
every appearance of having once been a lake whose bed 
has been gradually filled up with the accumulation of vege- 
table matter. Covered with the cranberry vine, with occa- 
sional clumps of alders, and islands of larch and other 
timber, the subsoil is so loose that a pole can be thrust into 
it from ten to twenty feet. Ditches that have been cut 
through it, for the purpose of draining, exhibit fallen timber 
below ground, and the dead stumps of trees still standing 
in place, show, by the divergence of their roots, that the 
surface of the soil is now from two to three feet higher 
than it was when the trees were standing and growing. 

This swamp was the home of the last beaver that was 
caught in the county. It is probable that the present marsh 
was a shallow lake at the time the above fort was occupied 
by the Indians. 

I am not able to give the signification of many of the 
Indian names, of which, unfortunately, too few have been 
preserved. The dialect of the Pennsylvania Indians ap- 
pears to have been much softer than that of the New Eng- 


land tribes, and the names imparted by them to mountains 
and rivers, much more euphonious. Cussewago, the In- 
dian name for a creek in Crawford County, signifies " big 
snake," probably from the sinuosity of its course, though 
tradition says it was named so from a blacksnake seen on 
its banks. Coneaut, the name of a lake, signifies " snow- 
place," and may get its origin from the snow which re- 
mains on the bosom of the lake, after having thawed away 
in the spring from the adjacent lands. 

Alleghany, in Delaware language, means " great war- 
path." Monongahela signifies " muddy water." Ohio, 
"beautiful water;" the Indian pronunciation was something 
like Ho-hee-yu; the river of this name, with the Indians, ex- 
tended above Franklin. Connewango signifies " the dead 
water is above," it being the outlet of Chautauque Lake. 


I have not, as yet, been able to obtain anything under 
this head, except the narrative of incidents in the life of 
General Hugh Mercer, which is herewith transmitted. 

Mr. Joseph C. J. Kennedy has an ancient copy of a 
letter written by a prisoner in Fort Du Quesne, a copy of 
which he will no doubt furnish to the Society, with other 
matters which I believe he intends shortly submitting. 

I might mention, under this head, that Mr. Frederick 
Huidekoper has in his possession a visiting card of Colonel 
George Washington, which was devised to him by a son 
of the late Honourable Henry Shippen, in whose family it 
had been preserved. It is simply a plain piece of paste- 
board, except that the ends are gilt, with the name and 



title written on it, as above, by Washington himself. Mr* 
James Allison, of Beaver County, is also in the possession 
of an original letter of attorney of General Washington, 
written by himself and framed in the clear and business- 
like manner characteristic of its author. 

When at Warren, a few days since, I met with an old 
parchment, in the possession of Mr. Robert Falconer, of 
Sugargrove, which purports to be a declaration of trust, 
dated the 27th February, 1799, and executed by Herman 
Le Roy, William Bayard, James M'Evan, of New York, 
and Thomas Morris, of Ontario, setting forth that they had 
in their hands certificates of certain three per cent, stooks, 
of the interest of which they were to pay $250, annually, 
during his life, to the Indian chief Cornplanter, and after 
his death, to his family. This document is now the pro- 
perty of Charles O'Bail, the oldest son living, of Corn- 

Cornplanter was a half-breed Indian chief (whose father 
was a white man, named O'Bail) ; he was a man of great 
integrity, and the firm friend and ally of the whites. He 
died a few years since, aged upwards of ninety. He had 
testimonials of friendship signed by Washington and Jeffer- 
son, which he valued highly, and preserved with great 


I have met with nothing under this head, except what is 
heretofore narrated. Any of the persons referred to will 
cheerfully permit the Society to take copies, and would no 
doubt aid in the obtainment of them if desired. 




Among the Indians, the first white settlers found, as mentioned on 
page 114, several prisoners who had been captured during the revolu- 
tionary war ; among them were Lashly Malone, taken at Bald Eagle, 
below Milesburg; Peter Krause, taken on Duncan's Creek, near the 
head of the Monongahela, in Virginia. 

Elijah Matthews, taken at Grave Creek, in Ohio ; Nicholas Rosen- 
crantz, the son of a minister, and Nicholas Tanewood, taken from 
the Mohawk ; the former was subsequently a captain in the army. 

Matthews, Rosencrantz, and Krause, were married to squaws, and 
when the first settlers came to the county, the two former had 
children eight or ten years old. When the Indians left the country 
they went with them. 


The Indian chief, Stripe Neck, spoken of on page 125, was a very 
aged Mohawk chief, who lived in the year 1789, on the west bank 
of French Creek (near Kennedy's Bridge), where he and his family 
occupied three small cabins. When the old man died, he was 
buried by the settlers on the south bank of the creek, near the pre- 
sent residence of Mr. Samuel Torbett, Jr. This mark of attention did 
much to secure the good will of the Indians residing here towards 
the settlers. The grave was disturbed a few years since, in the 
building of a tannery for Mr. Kennedy Davis. 


The files of the Crawford Messenger, alluded to on page 132, have 
since passed into the hands of Mr. Joseph C. G. Kennedy. 







In Alden's Alleghany Magazine, page 294, the population of the 
townships in Crawford County, for the year 1816, is estimated as 
follows : — Mead Township, taxables, 300 ; Wayne, 105 ; Oil Creek, 9 1 ; 
Bloomfield, 28; Rockdale, 127; Venango, 112; Cussewago, 94; 
Beaver, 66; Coneaut, 64; Sadsbury, 135; Shenango, 165; Fallow- 
field, 126; and Fairfield, 100; total, 1513. Computing about five 
inhabitants to each taxable, would give the population of the county 
at 7,565. 

Meadville, the county seat, was originally planned in 1790, by 
General David Mead; but the plan was enlarged and matured in the 
year '95 by Major Roger Alden and Dr. Thomas R. Kennedy. The 
plot for the town was divided into seventy-five squares, by-streets, 
alleys, and lanes. One square, called " The Diamond, 77 laid off in 
the form of a parallelogram, measuring three hundred feet east and 
west, by six hundred feet north and south, was designed for public 
use. On the east side of this square now stands the court-house, a large 
and commodious brick building, erected in 1825, and planned by 
Mr. Strickland, of Philadelphia. On the west side stands the Epis- 
copal church, a neat brick edifice, in the Gothic style, from a plan 
by Bishop Hopkins, of Vermont. And on the south is the Unitarian 
church, a brick building in Grecian style with Doric columns, from 
a plan of Captain George W. Cullum, of the United States Army. 

In 1817, Meadville contained about eighty families. The popu- 
lation at the present time, 1846, is about two thousand. 

The first minister of the Gospel, at Meadville, was the Reverend 
Joseph Stockton, lately of Pittsburg, now deceased ; who was settled 
over the Presbyterian congregation in 1801. He removed to Pitts- 
burg in 1808, and was succeeded by the Reverend Robert Johnston, 
now living at the forks of the Yougheogany River. 



General Hugh Mercer was born in Scotland; his father was a 
Presbyterian clergyman, and educated his son Hugh, for a physician. 

NOTES. 161 

After he had completed his studies, he received an appointment, and 
Bailed for several years as surgeon, aboard of an East Indiaman. 

About the year 1750, he emigrated to America, landed in some 
port in Maryland, and entered in partnership with Doctor Ross, of 
Bladensburgh, an eminent physician. A few years after, he moved 
to East Conococheage, now Franklin County, near Greencastle; 
where he remained in practice of medicine until after Braddock's 
defeat The Indians then began to murder the frontier inhabitants 
of Pennsylvania, at which time there were raised several companies 
of troops, by the government, and placed at stations or forts on the 
frontiers. One at Auchwik, named Fort Shirly, commanded by Cap- 
tain George Croghan and Doctor Hugh Mercer, his lieutenant. Soon • 
after, Croghan was appointed superintendent of Indian affairs, with 
the rank of colonel, and Mercer succeeded to the command. Shortly 
after this he marched with his company, under Colonel John Arm- 
strong, to attack Kittaning, an Indian town, noted for its chief or 
head man, Captain Jacobs, who, with many other of the Indians, was 
killed, and the town burnt. During the battle, Captain Mercer re- 
ceived a gunshot wound in his right arm, which shattered the bone • 
he was sent to the rear under the protection of a small guard, and 
unfortunately missed joining the main body, when they retired, after 
the destruction of the town. The guard was attacked, and all were 
killed except Mercer himself, whom the Indians observed to be 
wounded, and passed, expecting to get him on their return,* but 
while the Indians were destroying the guard, Mercer hid himself in 
a thicket of hazel so as to elude their search, although they were 
often very near to him. When they were gone, he set out for the 
nearest settlement, and wandered for two weeks without any suste- 
nance or support, except a rattlesnake which he had killed. In the 
mean time, his wound had become maggoty for want of proper 
dressing, and, to add to his suffering, his shoes were worn out and 
his feet much injured. He at length reached Fort Shirly, where he 
found a few roasting ears of corn that had been left by a scouting 
party of rangers, who had been in pursuit of Indians. From thence 
he proceeded to Lancaster, for the cure of his wound. When he 



reached that city, he was so emaciated by pain, starvation, and fa- 
tigue, that his former most intimate acquaintances did not recognise 
him. After his recovery, he was appointed to the command of two 
companies, stationed at Shippensburgh, in a garrison called Fort 
Morris, and continued there until the campaign opened against Fort 
Du Quesne, when he was appointed to the command of a new regi- 
ment, called New Levies, added to the two former regiments raised 
by the province of Pennsylvania, commanded by Colonel J. Arm- 
strong and £. Burd, and served three campaigns under Generals 
Forbes, Stanwix, and Moncton, against Fort Du Quesne ; and when 
it was evacuated by the French, and the regular troops retired into 
winter quarters, Colonel Mercer was left commandant at Pittsburg, 
and remained until a general peace was concluded, when he re- 
moved to Fredericksburg, in Virginia, and settled in a very exten- 
sive practice of physic, until the beginning of 1776, when he was 
appointed a Brigadier General by Congress, in the Revolutionary 
army. He commanded a brigade at the capture of the Hessians at 
Trenton, and soon after fell gallantly fighting, at the head of his 
troops, at Princeton. 

The above narrative of incidents in the life of General Mercer, is 
by Doctor William Magaw, who died at Meadville about twelve 
years ago. He was surgeon of the ninth Pennsylvania regiment, 
and his oath of allegiance is dated at Valley Forge, on the 11th day of 
May, 1778. 


Since writing the foregoing, I have understood that a copy of the 
Alleghany Magazine has been presented to the Society, by Mr. 
Frederick Huidekoper, through Mr. Tyson. 


Two of the relics spoken of on page 154, are in the possession of 
the family of Professor Andrew Norton, at Cambridge, in Massa- 

NOTES. 163 

chusetts. Similar instruments, made of volcanic glass, from Mexico, 
are said to be in the collection at the Athenaeum, in Philadelphia. 

To the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, the foregoing imperfect 
sketch of the early history of the County of Crawford is respectfully 
presented, by 

A. Huidekoper. 

Meadville, September 12, 1846. 





7th of March, 1846. 

Sie, — A letter from the Officers of the " Historical So- 
ciety of Pennsylvania/' to the Postmaster at this place, has 
been handed to me, with a request to answer it. I have 
had some conversation with my grandfather, who has fur- 
nished me with some information, in reply to the queries 
propounded in that communication. I will endeavour to 
answer them in their order. 


The first settlers of Franklin, were William Wilson, John 
Andrew, Samuel Ray, and the widow Dupree. The latter 
kept a tavern, before the town was laid out, under the 
protection of the fort She was a decent, intelligent woman, 
and afterwards married John Andrew. 

Samuel Lord, John Wentworth, and George Sutley, were 
soldiers in the garrison in 1795. They afterwards settled 
in the country, and became very respectable citizens. 

Those persons named are all dead. Andrew, the widow 


Dupree, Ray, Lord, and Sutley have left descendants in 
western Pennsylvania. 

Among the first settlers in Franklin, after those men- 
tioned, were George Power, Edward Hale, Abraham Sel- 
der, Mark Hulen, George Fowler, Alexander M'Dowell, 
Samuel B. Magaw, Wm. Connely, and Samuel Hays. Of 
these, Power, Connely, Selden, and Hays are now living. 
The latter is the late Congressman from this district, and 
at present Marshal for the Western District of Pennsyl- 
vania. The first settlers were principally Pennsylvanians. 
Afterwards the New Englanders immigrated to this country 
and overran it generally. They form a respectable portion 
of the community to this day. There are but few Germans 
in the county of Venango ; Richland Township was settled 
by them in 1810. 

The first settlers were poor people, who came here to 
support themselves by "farming" and who had left their 
homes in the older counties, to obtain lands her6 by " actual 
settlement" They experienced a great many hardships 
and privations, having to go to Pittsburg and Westmore- 
land County for their subsistence, until they were enabled 
to produce for themselves. The transportation was by 
pack horses, and by canoes up the river. There was 
danger, for sometimes they were wounded by the Indians. 

I do not know of any letters, &c, except one, now in the 
possession of the heirs of Benjamin Stokely, of Mercer 
County, written by Captain Heath of Fort Franklin, and 
sent by the hands of an Indian, informing Mr. Stokely, who 
was then surveyor of the 3d and 6th districts, of the murder 
of Finley and McCormick, near the mouth of Coneaut, 
which will be mentioned hereafter. 


The first settlers in western Pennsylvania were, David 

Mead, Nicholas Van Home, and Fitz Randolph, who 

have all left descendants. 


There are no persons living here, other than those I have 
mentioned heretofore, who could give any correct informa- 
tion in reference to the early settlement of this country. 

A. The Supreme Court of Pennsylvania has held its 
session in an old log house on Liberty Street, now weather- 
boarded, and occupied as a grocery store, in Franklin. 

B. Can give no information as to that. 

C. I have not heard of any papers of historical or local 


E. Bears, beavers, elk, deer, wolves, panthers, wild cats, 
foxes of various kinds, and pole-cats, have all been seen in 
this county — and of poisonous serpents, the rattlesnake, 
viper, and copperhead. 

F. I have often heard my grand-parents describe their 
views of things as they found them here, but recollect 
nothing more than I have related. 


I know of no person in our county, who has made col- 
lections of historical papers, &c. 

6. Indian relics in abundance have been found in this 
county ; such as stone axes, stone currying knives, " darts" 

■ i*iiiw i iJUBUQ^w^gpop^jv^vr*^ ' ■ ' ■ ' m<^^^^^^^^^^^^Hm^^mm^m^^i^mmmmi 


A stone axe was found, and sent to Lambden's Museum, 
in Pittsburg, by Wm. Connely. 

H. Bones of an animal of the mammoth species have 
been found, and are now in the possession of Aaron McKis- 
sick, Esq., of Sandy Creek Township. 

Cornplanter's heirs, at Cold Spring, in Warren County, 
are in possession of some very valuable manuscripts, of 
speeches made in council, and a parchment treaty, signed 
by General Washington, and countersigned by General 
Knox, who was then Secretary of War. The treaty was 
between the United States and the Six Nations. 


No tables of family descent that I know of. 


There is a small public library in town ; its resources are 
very limited. 


There are three papers published in Franklin. Their 
names are "Venango Democrat," "Democratic Arch," and 
" Franklin Gazette." The former two support the present 
state and general administrations. The latter gets but a 
slim support for itself. They are all read with avidity ; 
our community being fond of the news. 

The first paper here, the " Venango Herald^" was esta- 
blished in 1820, by John Galbraith, who has been since a 
member of the Legislature, and of Congress; and is now a 
distinguished lawyer in Erie. 


. VII. 

I do not know of any poems, &c. 


I believe there have been no histories of our towns, town- 
ships, or county printed, nor have materials been collected 
for that purpose. 


There was a church built by the Moravians, and fur- 
nished with a bell in 1770, eighteen miles above Fort 
Venango, on the Alleghany River, east side. The bell was 
presented to the society by the brethren of Bethlehem. 
Some of the Indians were converted to the faith of this 
church by the exertions of the missionaries. 


I do not know of any ancient dockets, &c. 

Nor is there any peculiar legal custom, superstition, &c. 


There was only one person ever tried in this county for 
murder. Robert Scott was tried in 1825, for the murder 
of a man by the name of Davison. He was acquitted on 
the ground of insanity. 



French Creek was called Venango, by the Indians. 
Cornplanter said it took its name from a notch carved in a 
tree, at its mouth, and which bore some fancied resemblance 
to an unmentionable characteristic of the female sex. The 
creek was called Lebceuf River by the French. 

On the 7th of June, 1795, two men by the names of Fin- 
ley and M'Cormick, who had commenced an " improve- 
ment" on French Creek, near the mouth of Coneaut Creek, 
had been making rails, and whilst at it, were shot down 
and scalped. One of the settlers happening to come there, 
saw the dead bodies. He came to Fort Franklin, and re- 
ported the circumstance to the commander of the garrison, 
who immediately ordered out a detachment of soldiers to 
capture the Indians; — no trace of them, however, could be 
found. These men, Finley and M'Cormick, were buried 
in the woods, near where they were shot, about fourteen 
miles from where Franklin now stands, and in what is now 
Crawford County. 

The same year, within a mile and a half of where Erie 
now stands, a man and his son, named Rutledge, from 
Cumberland County, were killed by the Indians. The father 
was shot dead on the spot. The son was badly tomahawked. 
He was taken to Fort Leboeuf (now Waterford), where 
medical aid was afforded, but all in vain. The boy died 
in about seven days. 

It was well ascertained by persons who were captives 
with the Indians at that time, that these murders, as well 
as other barbarous depredations in western Pennsylvania, 
had been committed by hostile Indians of the Pottawattomie 


and Wyandotte tribes, as was fully proved by the declara- 
tions of the Indians themselves, after arriving at Detroit 
with the scalps. The same Indians also reported that they 
had lain in ambush, and watched the movements of the 
troops whilst building the fort at Presque Isle. 

It would be well to mention here, that no depredations 
on the part of the Seneca Indians were ever known, after 
the treaty of amity and friendship with the United States, 
at Fort Stanwix. 

William Connely and George Power, who are still living, 
were both in the country at the time those transactions took- 

The former had a brother, who, in company with a Mr. 
Wallace, were both killed the same year, by the Indians, 
on the path leading to Fort Pitt, or Pittsburg. 

A man by the name of Robison, was tried in Pittsburg, 
for killing an Indian, at Franklin, in '95, and acquitted. 
The case will be found in Addison's Reports. 

There are a number of Indian graves in this town and 
county. Some of the remains have been dug up, and rings 
and trinkets have been found in the graves. A little kettle 
of brass was found on one of the skulls. 

Mr. Abraham Selder lives about a mile from Franklin. 
He could give all the information that any other one could, 
on the subjects embraced under your thirteenth question. 


I know of three men, • soldiers in the "Revolution." 
Thomas Carter, of Dempseytown; James Dougherty, of 



Plum; William Brown, of Canal. Dougherty was impri- 
soned at Quebec. He killed Indians on the Sinnemahoning, 
in company with Peter Grove, Van Camp, and others, in 
Clinton or Potter County. Dougherty is nearly one hundred 
years old ; Carter about eighty-eight. 


I know of no persons in the possession of letters and other 
Oiaterials for history. If, however, any can be found, the 
fact will be communicated to you. 

I have handed your communication to a young gentle- 
man of my acquaintance, who will give you some addi- 
tional information about the increase/^ the county, and its 
improvements ; he will perhaps, get Mr. Selder's and Mr. 
Power's accounts of the first settlement of this country. 

In the " Historical Collections of Pennsylvania," under 
the title " Venango County," you will find much informa- 
tion. That article is, as far as I can learn, generally cor- 
rect in all its features. 

In conclusion, sir, I am happy if I have imparted any in- 
formation which can be of any interest whatever to your 
learned Society. 


Your obedient servant, 

J. S. M'Calmont. 

Within the last year, a rolling-mill has been erected on 
the creek, near the town of Franklin, by Rock, Dangerfield 



& Co. There is a nail factory in connexion with it. It 
does a good business. It is the only one in the county, but 
there are a number of blast furnaces. I send you three 
newspapers, as specimens ; one of them has a notice of the 
rolling-mill in it. Yours, &c. 

j. s. arc. 






Gentlemen, — Your circular reached me about ten days 
ago, and I have improved all the spare time I had since 
then to obtain the information you desire. Having lived 
forty-three years in this county, and kept a public house the 
last twenty-two years in this place, which enables me to be 
tolerably well acquainted with the inhabitants of the county 
in its early settlement, as well as at the present time, I 
will endeavour to answer a part of your inquiries, in as 
condensed a manner as possible. 


This place is situated at what has been commonly called 
the Forks of French Creek, a place where the east and 
west branch of French Creek unite, two and a half miles 
west of the southwest corner of the state of New York, 
and on the north side of the triangle line. The union of 


these two streams forms a flat, which contains about two 
thousand acres of fine alluvial land. That part occupied 
by this village lies between the forks of these two streams, 
and was settled by the French and Indians, as early as 
1750, and was surveyed in the tenth donation district, by 
David Watts, in 1785. David Watts and William Miles 
afterwards settled this tract under the Act of Assembly of 
1792, and in 1822 William Miles laid a village on this spot, 
and named it Wattsburg, in honour of David Watts, who 
was his brother-in-law. In 1833 it was incorporated, for the 
convenience of the inhabitants, on account of the location's 
being at the south margin of Venango Township. 

The name of this stream was originally called by the 
Indians Venango, which in their language means, "crooked." 
This is a matter of tradition, as handed down by some of 
the few Indians living here when the white settlement 
commenced, and this accounts for the nagpe of Venango's 
so often being used in this part of Pennsylvania, as 
Venango Township, in this county, Venango in Crawford 
County, and Venango County, at the mouth of this stream. 

This county was settled first by two classes of people. One 
class came on with Judah Colt, the agent of the Pennsylvania 
Population Land Company in the year 1797, and were mostly 
from Connecticut, Massachusetts, and New York. The 
inducement offered to these settlers by the Company were 
one hundred acres of land for $100, and one hundred more 
for settling the same. The other class were from the 
eastern part of Pennsylvania, and mostly of Irish descent. 
This latter class were induced to come on and settle under 
the act of 1792, through the influence of certain individuals, 
who told them that the Company had forfeited all right to 



these lands, and they were now subject to settlement under 
the act above recited. This caused a great difference of 
feeling and opinion between the settlers under the Company 
and those who settled under the act of 1792, and caused 
what has commonly been called the Actual Settlement 
War. This difficulty was in a few years settled by a 
decision of the Supreme Court in favour of the Company's 
title. The actual settlers then settled with the Company, and 
bought their lands, or left the country. Among the first 
settlers of this county, were William Miles, Hon. John 
Vincent, Rufus S. Reed, Judah Colt, Elisha Marvin, Henry 
Loomis, Zalmon Tray, John Carson, James Donaldson, 
Cyrus Robinson (father of the writer of this), Gen. John 
Phillips, Timothy Tuttle, Joseph Shattuck, and a family of 


I have collected all I could on this subject. 

A. There was erected on this site, in the year 1797, by 
William Miles, a large blockhouse, made of hewed pine 
logs, for the purpose of a storehouse to store provisions in 
that were boated up this stream from Pittsburg, for the use 
of the early settlers of this country, and was commonly 
called the Middle Storehouse. This building was used 
but a few years for that purpose, but was suffered to stand 
until the village began to settle. In 1826, Mr. Richard 
Seares, built a saw-mill near where this building stood, and 
in 1828, took it down and sawed the logs up for pine 
boards and posts, &c> some of which are still in exis- 


B. Not by any better authority than the United State* 

C, D. The character of this country, in 1797, was one 
entire wilderness. It is now about one half or more im- 
proved, and some parts of it is in a high state of cultiva- 

E. In the first settlement of this country some elk were 
to be found, they, however, soon disappeared. Deer, 
bears, wolves, wild turkeys, were very plenty ; the bear 
and wolf, were very troublesome ; at present but few of any 
of these animals are to be found, and none inhabit this 

F. Often, as per this letter. 


Not that I know of. 

G. There were a great quantity of Indian arrows found 
in ploughing this improvement, and stone axes, but from 
carelessness have not been preserved. 

H, I, J, K, L, M, N, O, P, Q, R, IV, V, VI. This 
information you will likely receive from Erie, the county 
seat of this county. 


There was a meeting-house built in this Venango Townr 
ship, in 1802, by a few Presbyterians, of round logs, and in 
1806 was rebuilt with hewed pine logs, and is now in good 
repair : this is called the Middlebrook Church, and some of 
the oldest settlers have very strong partialities in favour of 


this building, as their ancient place of worship. And so 
strong are their attachments to this place of worship, that 
they still keep up separate congregation* and have occa- 
sional preaching at this house, although almost all of them 
are much better accommodated at the Presbyterian house 
in this place. I called upon the clergyman of this place, 
Rev. L. Stright, who furnished me with the records of the 
church, from which I have made a condensed extract, from 
the commencement up to the present time. Although I 
condensed the latter part, the first part of the records from 
1802, or rather the report of the committee, is adopted in 
full up to lgl8; from that to the present time, I abridged 
the records, but they contain all that is of moment or 
interest to this Society. * 

Report of a Committee of the Session of Middlebrook 
Congregation, appointed by a resolution of that body passed 
on the 17th of January, 1833, to collect all the information 
which can be found either from documents or oral testi- 
mony, so as to give a concise history of the church of said 
congregation, from its foundation, together with all elections 
of elders, reception of members, dismissals, deaths, &c, 
and whatever else is proper to place on the sessional 
records; up to July, 1826. 


In the year 1798, settlements were made in this region. 
Many of the first settlers migrated from the eastern settle- 
ments of Pennsylvania, where they had enjoyed the light of 
the Gospel, and some were professors of religion of the 
Presbyterian order. The loss of Gospel ordinances, and 



sanctuary privileges, was felt as a great want, and inclined 
the people, at an early day, to associate for the purpose of 
obtaining preaching of Presbyterian ministers. Some sub- 
scriptions had been raised, and some preaching obtained 
from the Rev. Messrs. Satterfield, Keneday, Robert Pat- 
terson, McMillan, Woods, Wiley, Lee, Dodd, Wright, and 
others, when, in 1802, the members were regularly formed 
into a church by the Rev. Elisha McCurdy, and organized 
by the election and ordination of James Hunter, John 
Phillips, and John Wilson, Ruling Elders. (The two 
latter were not then church members.) The church then 
consisted of the following members received ]jy letter: — 

Adam Reed and Martha Reed wife, Nathaniel Wilson, 


Thomas Smith a«d Sarah Smith wife, James Hunter and 
Elizabeth Hunter wife, John B. Jones, old Mrs. Jones, 
Margaret Phillips, Nancy Allison, Thomas Miles, Joseph 
Berry, Abram Norcross, Daniel Wilson, William Allison, 
Jane Miles, Elizabeth Johnson. 

From the organization in 1802 to 1812, no stated preach- 
ing was enjoyed by the congregation. Their dependence 
for the word of life was on supplies. During this period 
Rev. Messrs. Woods, Redick, Eaton, Tait, Boyds, Wright, 
McDonald, and others, occasionally supplied the congrega- 
tion. It was -a rule during this time, and indeed, until a 
settled ministry changed the mode of payment, to pay a 
minister four dollars for a Sabbath-day's preaching, and 
two dollars for a week-day's ; which was punctually and 
promptly paid. The following members were received 
into the church from the year 1802 to 1812: — Eliza Reed, 
John Wilson, Joseph Megahan, Thomas Printis, Betsy 
Dickson,; Hannah Wilson, John Carson and Rachel Carson 


wife (since dismissed by letter) ; Jane Megahan, William 
Dickson, John Phillips, Betsy Wilson. 

In the spring of 1812, the Rev. John McPhirren received 
a call for one third of his labours, preached about six months 
and withdrew. The following . members were received 
from 1812 to 1818: — James Donaldson and Polly Donald- 
son wife, Thomas E. Reed and Lydia Reed Wife, Mary 
Yost, Nancy McNair, Elizabeth Jones, Samuel Smith, 
Sarah Smith, John Smith, Eliza Smith, Jane Davidson. 

Up to September, 1823, fifteen members were added. In 
September, 1823, Rev. John Barrett came and continued to 
labour in the congregation for about fifteen months, and 
then left. In February, 1826, Rev. Absalom M'Cready, a 
licentiate of the Presbytery of Erie, came to Wattsburg, 
and in September, 1826, settled in this place as the pastor 
of the Middlebrook congregation. The church then con- 
sisted of forty members. June 16th, 1827, thirty members 
were admitted. In 1828, ten members were admitted. 
June 26th, 1831, to the end of the year, seventy-seven 
members were admitted. In 1832, twelve members were 
admitted. In 1833, eight members were admitted. 

1833. This year the congregation was divided, one con- 
gregation, called the Middlebrook Congregation, the other 
the Wattsburg Congregation, and Rev. Absalom M'Cready 
closed his labours, and accepted a call to Warren, Pennsyl- 

In November, 1833, Alexander McCandless, a licentiate 
of the Washington Presbytery, commenced preaching at 
Wattsburg and Middlebrook. The Presbytery of Erie, in 
session at Northeast, 13th of November, 1833, recognised 


Wattsburg as a separate congregation, by a resolution of 
that body. 

April 1st, 1834, Rev. Alexander McCandless left. In 

1835, twenty-four members were admitted. April IsH 

1836, Rev. J. B. Wilson commenced labours for one year ; 
left, May 1st, 1837. In 1838, there were thirteen members 
admitted into the church. In 1 839, eleven members were 
admitted. In September, 1838, Rev. Lawrence Stright 
commenced his labours in this church, and continues up to 
this time. The two churches have been much blessed by 
his labours from time to time, and large accessions have 
been made to the church under his labours ; but owing to 
the fluctuating population of this country, I do not think 
that the church contains as many members at this time as 
at some former periods. 

The Methodist Episcopal Church have also a meeting- 
house in this place, and quite a respectable 1 Congregation 
supplied by itinerant preachers according to their church 
discipline, and in general are supplied with men of good 
talent, and zealous in the cause of religion. 

Gentlemen, — In answering this letter, I have been com- 
pelled to do it in rather too much haste for want of time 
to devote to the subject, and I have not answered all of the 
questions that I might have done, because, I supposed in 
all probability, some one at Erie would answer the other 
questions, as they had means of answering more correctly 
than I could without going there ; but such facts as I have 
been able to collect, I have fully transmitted. 

Your obedient servant, 

L. Robinson, P. M. 


Wattsburg, Erie County, Penna. 

March 24th, 1846. 


Gentlemen, — In my answer to some of your inquiries 
which I made on the fifth of this month, I made some 
remarks in answer to Question A, and gave a description 
of an old storehouse, which was erected at this place about 
the year 1798. I had addressed a letter to the Hon. John 
Vincent at Waterford in this county, but had not then re- 
ceived an answer. A day or two afterwards I received 
his answer, and have thought best to forward it with this 

In my last I concluded with Question IX. 


This you will probably receive from the county town. 


In the township of Amity, immediately south of this 
place, there is a society formed of physicians, calling 
themselves Thomsonians ; they are organized in a society 
composed of male and female, and of all ages from fifteen 
upwards, amounting to about twenty in number ; and are 
so tenacious of their principle, that they have a constitution 
and by-laws which prohibit any member of the society 
from employing any other kind of medical aid, under any 


circumstances whatever ; and all discoveries made by any 
member of the society, of new diseases, or treatment of the 
same, is made known to each individual member of the 
society. These people are so prejudiced in favour of ad- 
hering to their principles, that they have been known to 
suffer much, rather than violate their rules. 

I am respectfully yours, 

L. Robinson, P. M. 





The Township of Economy, Beaver County, State of 
Pennsylvania, seven miles long, by five miles wide, border- 
ing west on the Ohio River, and south on Big Sewickly 
Creek (which creek is the dividing line between Alleghany 
and Beaver Counties), had been a part of New Sewickly 
Township, until 1826, when it was struck off and named 
Economy, after the town of Economy commenced being 
built in the year 1824, by the Harmonie Society, a body of 
Germans, who under the superintendence of George Rapp, 
removed from the kingdom of Wurtemberg, in the year 
1804, arrived mostly at Philadelphia, and settled on a tract 
of land, from five to six thousand acres, on Connonquenes- 
sing Creek, in Butler County, State of Pennsylvania. 

It being all woodland, the first families who arrived from 
the seaport, had to shelter in the woods, not a single house 
being on th§ whole tract. The united exertions, however, 
of these enterprising foreigners, soon overcame the hard- 


ships and difficulties of a backwoods life, in putting up log 
houses for themselves and for those who were coming. 

Many of the families had not a dollar left after defraying 
expenses of a long journey. The rich supported the poor, 
until they could bring into action their desired object in 
forming an association, founded on a community of pro- 
perty. After a few months' time, and after some prelimi- 
nary arrangements, this society was fully organized on the 
15th February, 1805, upon the principles of the Primitive 
Church, recorded in the Acts of the Apostles, chapters ii. 
and iv. The town of Harmonie was laid out and built up 
with great rapidity ; in a few years much land was cleared, 
and the culture of the grape introduced, a woollen factory 
and mills established, and all the ordinary mechanical 
branches brought into action ; as well for the accommoda- 
tion of the society, as for the whole neighbourhood, which 
filled up rapidly, as soon as this settlement was organized. 
Not many years had elapsed, however, before it was dis- 
covered that although Harmonie was situated several 
degrees south of their location in Germany, where the 
grape flourished well, they were here subject to frequent 
injury by the late frost in the spring, and early frost in the 
fall season. 

This fact, and the inconvenience and expense of land 
carriage, in bringing to market the surplus of their industry, 
induced them to sell their whole possession, and remove to 
better land, and to a milder climate, on the navigable Wa- 
bash River, Indiana Territory, in the year 1815, where 
they purchased over 30,000 acres of very fertile land ; some 
from second hands, but mostly from government, and com- 
menced a second time in the woods. In a few years they 



had again built up a fine town called Harmonic, and cleared 
several thousand acres of land. 

The surplus produce, such as flour, beef, pork, butter, 
lard, &c, was taken to the New Orleans market. The 
woollen and cotton goods, as well as the surplus of the me- 
chanical productions, were sold to the citizens of the neigh- 
bourhood. The grape flourished here very well, and in a 
short time, domestic wine was made in quantities, of a 
variety of grapes. 

This location, where they remained ten years, although 
very suitable in many respects, did not agree with the con- 
stitution of the majority of the society ; they resolved to sell 
out, and settle somewhere in Pennsylvania. Accordingly, 
the spot now occupied by them was selected and purchased 
in the spring of 1824, consisting of 3000 acres, bought from 
eight or ten different owners ; a portion of wljich was 
already cleared, more being added, mostly by hired labour, 
it soon had the appearance of a well-cultivated farm. The 
pine lumber of the Alleghany being cheap, and conveni- 
ently procured, the erection of brick and frame houses in 
the town of Economy, went up with astonishing rapidity. 
Having by this time cultivated more taste for manufactur- 
ing, they erected large woollen and cotton factories, a steam 
grist-mill, a large hotel for the accommodation of strangers, 
storehouses, a large brick building for a town hall, con- 
taining in several apartments a museum of natural curiosi- 
ties, and an extensive cabinet of minerals ; also a brick 
church, supplied with a high steeple, two bells, and a large 
town clock ; a roomy school-house, apothecary shop, and 

Public worship is attended to twice on Sunday, and once 


during the week ; their religion approximates that of the 
Lutheran creed. Mr. George Rapp, now in his 88th year, 
still vigorous, with full mental faculties unimpaired, de- 
livers his discourses with great force and animation. No- 
where does an audience bestow more attention and devotion 
to the Word, than the Society at Economy ; this fact is 
maintained by every stranger who has visited them during 
divine service. Having taken pattern after the primitive 
church, as above stated, it is evident each member con- 
scientiously endeavours to embrace the principles laid down 
by Christ and his apostles, without the practical exercise 
of which, they frankly assert, they could not prosper as a 
society at all. 

In the year 1826, they made the first attempt with the 
silk-worm. Gradually increasing and improving, they have 
of late annually produced from five to six thousand pounds 
of cocoons ; the silk of which is made into satin, velvet, 
florentine, cravats, ribbons, &c. Samples of which, having 
been sent to the different exhibitions in our seaport cities, 
they have had the satisfaction of having awarded gold 
medals, and honourable diplomas, at various times. 

The products of the soil are brought into common barns, 
thrashed by steam power; the grain is brought into grana- 
ries, where the miller receives supplies for the flour and 
meal for the families of the Society. The butcher takes 
from the common flocks of fat cattle, &c, and supplies all 

Each mechanical branch, with its foreman at the head, 
furnishes supplies, each in his proper line of business. All 
surplus of woollen, cotton, silk, and other goods, are de- 
posited in a common store ; where sales are made, and the 


proceeds appropriated to furnish the wants of the Society, 
such as wool, cotton, dye-stuffs, salt, iron, glass, paper, gro- 
ceries, &c, &c. 

This Society own the tract of land called Legionville, 
No. 21, Leet's district, bordering upon the Ohio River; 
upon which General Anthony Wayne had his winter quar- 
ters, with fifteen to eighteen hundred men, in the winter 
of 1792 to 1793. Some fifteen to twenty stone chimneys 
were yet standing when the purchase was made, in 1824; 
but have since been removed. 

A few deer are killed yearly about here. 

The inhabitants of this township apart from the Society, 
about seven hundred souls, are mostly employed in farming. 
Products : wheat, rye, corn, barley, oats, &c. 

The Society, at Economy, have a library of upwards of 
one thousand volumes. 

R. L. Bakee. 

Economy, 10th August, 1845. 

. • 






At the commencement of the 17th century, the Iroquois 
had been forced by their Algonkin enemies from the seats 
occupied by the former, near the St. Lawrence. After 
having in turn driven to the south the Satanas (or Shawa- 
nos), who dwelt near the New York lakes, the Iroquois 
took possession of the country thus acquired. The Al- 
gonkins being at length repelled, and even driven down the 
St. Lawrence, the Iroquois, rendered more warlike and 
independent by their successes, and strengthened by the 
confederation which their former weakness had suggested, 
began that system of conquests the vestiges of which were 

* These Notes were not written for publication ; but recent inquiries re- 
specting the Indians of the lower Susquehanna having rendered it probable 
that the memoranda given in the text may be serviceable to some persons 
interested in our aboriginal history, the publication committee of the Society 
have requested the use of the MS., for this volume of the Memoirs. The 
particular references to authorities have been mislaid ; and the writer has 
not leisure to retrace them in time for/the issuing of the volume. It is be- 
lieved, however, that the mention of authors, treaties, &a, made in the Notes, 
will suffice for the direction of those readers who may desire to consult the 
originals quoted. 


everywhere discernible upon the arrival of the colonists 
under William Penn. As early as the period above de- 
signated, they had penetrated to the bays of Delaware and 
Chesapeake ; and were pursuing with various success, hos- 
tile enterprises against the tribes located near the head of 
the latter inlet, and upon the Susquehanna, Potomac, and 
other streams whose waters are discharged by the Chesa- 
peake into the ocean. Captain Smith, in the year 1608, 
while exploring the bay, found the western shore deserted 
from the Patapsco upward ; and opposite, upon the eastern 
shore, and eastward of the Susquehanna, were settlements 
of the Nanticokes and Tockwoghs, fortified to defend them 
against the Iroquois, or Massawomeks, as they were called 
by the Indians of that region. At the head of the bay he 
met eight canoes filled with Massawomeks, who had de- 
scended the Susquehanna, and who were now returning 
from an expedition against the Tockwoghs. At two days' 
journey up the Susquehanna, lived the Susquehannocks; 
who numbered six hundred warriors, and who were pali- 
saded in their towns to resist their mortal enemies from the 
northward. Upon an inspection of Captain Smith's map, 
it appears that the Susquehannocks were settled at about 
twenty-one miles in a right line from the mouth of the 
river. About five and a half or six leagues higher up, is 
marked a village of Quadroques; and about five leagues 
above these were the Tesinigh, distant by a straight course 
from the embouchure of the Susquehanna about fifty or 
fifty-five miles. Here then we have our first account of 
the Indians resident within the circuit of Lancaster County. 
The three villages just referred to, were between its northern 
and southern boundaries. The opening of our historical 


view is such as to prepare us for the changes which fol- 
lowed in course of time the discoveries of Captain Smith. 
A powerful confederacy is presented, carrying its conquests 
over a belt of country more than two hundred miles broad ; 
besieging the inhabitants in fortified towns; and repeating 
its incursions with remarkable boldness and constancy. 

It were easy to surmise that the villages then situated 
on the left or eastern bank of the Susquehanna, contained 
a population springing from the same stock ; and that this 
was. common to them with the Nanticokes and Tockwoghs. 
Their location, their union with one another as objects of 
attack to the Massawomeks, the traditional history of the 
Lenape division, and a variety of other topics might be 
advanced to favour the idea of a common origin. Mr. 
Gallatin unhesitatingly adopts this view of their relation- 
ship. But as no specimens of their language are known to 
remain, and they have not been made the subjects of very 
special notice by our chroniclers, they will be left, as Cap- 
tain Smith has left them — undetermined. 

Some years elapsed after the exploration just mentioned, 
before the domestic condition of the nascent colony of 
Virginia allowed of any diversion of its resources to the 
further survey of the neighbouring territory. Chalmers 
mentions a voyage of John Pory, who sailed to the head of 
Chesapeake, and then crossed over land to the South River 
(or Delaware) ; but we have no details of the Susquehan- 
nocks. In the year 1631, Claiborne, so long a source of 
internal disquiet to the colony of Lord Baltimore, obtained 
a license to trade with the Indians in parts for which no 
patent had been granted ; and he established his chief 
trading settlement in what is now Kent County, in the 


state of Maryland. He also fixed a post at the mouth of 
the Susquehanna ; whence he trafficked with the Susque- 
hannocks, and others at and near the head of the bay, and 
where he acquired the influence which he subsequently 
employed to the injury as well of the Susquehannocks as of 
the colony of Maryland. In the petition which he pre- 
sented to the King in 1638, he alleges that "he had set up 
a plantation and factory upon a small island at the mouth 
of a river at the bottom of Chesapeake Bay, in the Susque- 
hannock's country, at the desire of the Indians, and pur- 
chased the same of them, by means whereof he hoped to 
draw thither the trade of beaver and furs which the French 
then wholly enjoyed, in the Grand Lake of Canada." At 
the same time that Claiborne was opening his commerce 
with the natives in his vicinity, the Swedes were planting 
themselves upon the South (Delaware) River and Bay ; and 
the accounts which have reached us of the state of the tribes 
near which Fort Christina was erected, are conclusive of 
the inroads which the Iroquois had made upon the inde- 
pendence of the prior occupants of the soil. This fort was 
nearly in the same latitude with the settlement of the Sus- 
quehannocks mentioned by Captain Smith, and distant 
from it less than fifty miles in a straight line ; and Cam- 
panius informs us that within a few miles of the fort were 
several bodies of the " Maquas" (or Iroquois), who lorded 
it over the other Indians so that they scarcely dared to 
stir without the approbation of their conquerors. 

The efforts of Lord Baltimore's government to enforce 
the proprietary's title within the limits of Claiborne's 
settlement, met as they were by strenuous opposition, led 
to intrigues with the Indians of the Susquehanna tribes ; 



who were prejudiced against the new colony of St. Mary's 
by all the motives, real or imaginary, which the trader 
could urge against his antagonists. The natural results 
were hostilities on the part of the Indians ; from which it is 
not to be supposed that they escaped without serious loss. 
They were followed, as usual, by purchases of land. 
About 1654 (as appears from the statement of the commis- 
sioners who represented Maryland at the treaty of Lan- 
caster, in 1744), almost all the land from Patuxent and 
Choptank Rivers, was sold by the Susquehannocks to the 
government of Maryland. From Chalmers we learn that 
Claiborne was at that time in the administration of affairs 
in Maryland, under Cromwell ; and probably his old con- 
nexions with the Indians were employed in favour of the 
sale. That the Iroquois had not yet effected the complete 
reduction of the Susquehannocks, is evident from the speech 
of Canassatego, an Iroquois chief, at the treaty above cited. 
He said, that at the period of the Maryland purchase, 
(1654), the " Conestogo or Susquehanna" tribe settled on 
the land, had a right to sell; but since then, the Five 
Nations had conquered them ; and that the remaining terri- 
tory, viz., on the Cohongoronta (or Potomac), could be 
purchased only from the confederacy. It is not clear to 
what limits northwardly,* the land thus bought of the Sus- 
quehannocks extended. A century elapsed before the 
northern boundary of Maryland was finally run ; and it is 
well known that the claim of Lord Baltimore reached far 
beyond the line of Mason and Dixon, as it is now traced. 
However this may be, the Susquehannocks continued near 
their old seats for some years after the grant in question. 
In 1660, they assisted the Marylanders against a tribe 


called Janadoas by Mr. Chalmers, and Sanadoas by Mr. 
Gallatin, who says they were Oneidas. 

Mr. Evans, in his Analysis (2d ed., a. d. 1755), says 
that Belly in the service of Maryland, at the fort whose 
remains were then (i. e. 1755), still standing on the east 
side of the Susquehanna, about three miles below Wright's 
Ferry (now Columbia), "by the defeat of many hundreds, 
gave them a blow that they never recovered of; and for 
that reason the Confederates (as he styles the Five Na- 
tions), never claimed but to the Conewago Falls; and that as 
the Susquehannocks had abandoned the western shore of 
Maryland before their conquest, and the English found it 
mostly derelict, the Confederates confined their claim to 
the northward of a line drawn from the Conewago Falls to 
the North Mountain, where it crosses the Potomac, and 
thence to the head branches of James River." The reason 
here assigned, does not, however, accord with that stated 
by Canassatego ; who admitted the validity of the sale of 
1654, only because it was made before the conquest of the 
Susquehannocks. Mr. Evans does not fix the date of Bell's 
engagement, and it is not mentioned by Chalmers, nor by 

In 1664, the province of New Netherlands fell under the 
dominion of the English, and assumed its present title of 
New York; and public intercourse was then for the first 
time opened between the English and the Five Nations. 

A firm alliance was contracted by these parties, which, 
while it secured the risirtg power of the English, afforded 
to the confederacy a valuable ally against the French of 
Canada and their Algonkin auxiliaries. Freely supplied 
with fire-arms and ammunition, the Iroquois did not rest 



satisfied with their hostilities on the side of the St. Law- 
rence, but resumed with renewed vigour, their old enter- 
prises against the southern tribes. The passage of bands 
of armed warriors through the limits of the colonies could 
not be other than inconvenient to the whites. Friendships 
had been formed, and treaties solemnly ratified by Mary- 
land and Virginia, with their red neighbours; and the 
obligations of allies were more frequently appealed to by 
the unfortunate victims of the Confederated Nations, than 
consisted with the situation or resources of the colonists. 
In 1677, the governor of Maryland sent Colonel Courcey 
to Albany, to negotiate with the Five Nations ; and both 
parties tp the conference held gave promises of amity ; but 
some of the Oneidas, Onondagos, and Senecas, were out 
at the time of the negotiation, and one body of them fell 
upon the Susquehanna Indians, who were in league with 
Maryland. ■ Four of these were killed, and six were 
taken prisoners; five of the latter, falling to the share 
of the Senecas, were sent back, in conformity with the 
treaty ; the sixth was detained by the Oneidas. No trea- 
ties, however, could restrain the Cayugas and Oneidas 
from a repetition of hostilities. Their elder brother, the 
Mohawk tribe, manifested a steadiness of faith which con- 
trasts strongly with the wavering resolutions and the 
treachery of other members ; and which shows that even 
around the great council fire at Onondago the spirit of 
independence was active. A series of overtures and re- 
monstrances were made on the part of Maryland and Vir- 
ginia, after Colonel Courcey's visit to Albany in 1677 ; but 
only a few years had elapsed, when the storm of war burst 
with fatal violence upon the Susquehannocks, and they 


ceased to exist as a separate tribe. The period of their 
final overthrow is conjectured by Mr. Gallatin, to have 
been after 1664, and before 1682. This conjecture may be 
reduced to more narrow limits. 

At the treaty of Lancaster (1744), one of the speakers, 
(Tachanoontia) said, " All the world knows we conquered 
the several nations living on Susquehanna, Cohongoronta 
(or Potomac), and on the back of the great mountains in 
Virginia. The Conoys and others feel the effects of our 
conquests, being now a part of our nations, and their lands 
at our disposal." Another speaker, Gachradodow, of the 
Oneidas, said, " We remember that we were employed by 
Maryland to conquer the Conestogos, and the second time 
we were at war with them we carried them all off." This 
assertion of the last speaker is rather remarkable, when 
viewed in connexion with Mr. Colden's account of the re- 
peated remonstrances of the agents of Virginia and Mary- 
land, against the attacks of the Five Nations upon the Sus- 
quehannocks ; and is certainly open to question. Mr. Boz- 
man says that in 1634 the Susquehannocks " were in the 
practice of making frequent excursions on their neighbours, 
partly for dominion, and partly for booty ; of which last 
women were mostly desired by them;" and it may be in- 
ferred that these marauders attacked some of the Nanti- 
cohes in friendship with Maryland; and that the Five 
Nations being applied to for their influence, reduced the 
troublesome people to subjection, as the most effective mode 
of quieting their warlike inclinations. It should be observed, 
however, that the example given by Mr. Bozman is that of 
the Yoamacos, who were attached to the Powhatan nation; 
and this was found by Captain Smith in a state of hostility 


with all surrounding tribes. The Susquehannocks were 
subdued much later than 1634, and at a period when their 
intercourse with the Nanticokes and Ganawese appears to 
have been generally of an amicable nature. Mr. Griffith, 
in his " Sketches of the Early History of Maryland," says 
that in 1674 the Legislature of Maryland enacted a law 
for subsidizing the Susquehanna Indians against the Sene- 
cas, whom the Dutch, temporarily restored to the govern- 
ment of New York, had excited against the English 

Mr. Gallatin refers to some preface to the treaty of 
Lancaster of 1744, in which he says it is stated that 
" the residue of the Conestogos or Susquehannocks, who 
were carried away by the Five Nations, were adopted 
by the Oneidas, and, when they had forgotten their lan- 
guage, were sent back to Conestogo, where they were 
then living, and speaking Oneida." To the copies of that 
treaty known to the writer, (which were printed by Frank- 
lin immediately after the conclusion of the conference, and 
with which the manuscript of Du Simitiere corresponds,) 
there is no such preface. Yet, assuming the statement to 
be well founded, it would be erroneous to apply to all of 
the Indians of the Five Nations settled at Conestogo what 
could not be true of more than a part ; for, as we shall see, 
there were "Mingos" at Conestogo, as early as 1701, and 
indeed during William Penn's first visit to his province. 
In 1720, Governor Keith laid before his council a draft of a 
letter to the President of New York, in which he states that 
"when William Penn came to treat with the Indians for 
the Susquehanna, finding they Were a branch of the Five 
Nations, he treated with those nations for the purchase of 
their lands, through Col. Dongan, Governor of New York ;" 




and he adds, that this purchase was confirmed to Penn 
about twenty years before. At the treaty of Lancaster, in 
1744, Canassatego alleged that, a great while before, Brother 
Onas had gone to Albany to buy the Susquehanna lands, 
but the Governor of New York had advised the Five Na- 
tions not to sell them to Onas, but rather to put them into 
his hands, and that he would keep his hands shut close, and 
not part with any of them; that accordingly they had 
trusted him, but that some time after he had gone to Eng- 
land and carried the lands with him, and sold them to 
Brother Onas for a large sum, and that afterwards when 
they wanted to sell Onas some lands, he told them that he 
had bought those of Susquehanna already from the Gover- 
nor of New York ; though when he came to understand 
how they had been deceived, he very generously paid them 
for the lands over again. A strong confirmation of this 
is afforded in la speech of the Onondagos and Cayugas, at 
a conference held at Albany, in 1684, with Lord Howard, 
of Virginia, and Col. Dongan ; in which the speaker for 
those tribes said, that the agent of the great Penn had ap- 
plied to the Five Nations to buy the lands on Susquehanna, 
which they had refused to sell, because they preferred that 
the Governor of New York should have them. In addition 
to the foregoing, may be cited the valuable tract of Messrs. 
Duponceau and Fisher, on the Great Treaty ; particularly 
their quotation from Mr. Thomson, of a speech made by 
Tannewhannegah to Governor Gordon, in 1727, in which 
a like statement is made of Penn's first application, and its 
denial by the confederates. 

Mr. J. F. Watson, in a paper published in the third volume 
of the Society's Memoirs, gives a copy of a deed from eleven 


kings and sakamakers to Thomas Holmes, dated 1085, 
which purports to convey a tract laid out on an accom- 
panying plan. The limits marked extend to the Susque- 
hanna, " three miles," says Mr. Watson, " above the mouth 
of the Conestogo;" covering of course, a great part of 
Lancaster County. That this deed was without the au- 
thority of the Onondago Council may be inferred from 
what has now been exhibited ; and such an inference is 
rendered more probable, by the fact that in other cases 
deeds have been executed by private individuals, and after- 
wards disavowed and avoided by the supreme authority ; 
and that throughout the intercourse of the English with the 
Five Nations, it was si principle that no lands controlled by 
the latter could be transferred without formal approbation 
given at the seat of government of the confederacy. 

Upon the whole, we may conclude that the Lancaster 
lands fell into the power of the Five Nations at some time 
between 1677 and 1684. It may be further observed, that 
at a conference held by Gov. Evans at Conestogo in 1707, 
some Nanticokes from the head of the Chesapeake, who 
were present, said that they had been at peace with the 
Five Nations for twenty-seven years, and that they were 
tributaries of the latter. That this was a forced alliance 
is sufficiently evident from the tribute, without invoking the 
authority of Mr. Thomson's note in the Appendix to Jef- 
ferson's Virginia. It would seem probable, then, that about 
the time of the conquest of these Nanticokes (t. e. 1680), 
their neighbours and friends, the Susquehannocks, passed 
under the yoke of the confederacy. That the settlements 
on the Susquehanna were not in consequence left vacant, 
is clear from the numerous references to the Susquehanna 


Indians, which accompany our first notices of the proceed- 
ings of Penn's people ; and it seems equally manifest that 
the conquest preceded the arrival of Markham, only by 
three or four years at the most; probably by little more 
than a single year. Yet in the able article of Messrs. Du- 
ponceau and Fisher, above cited, it is said that " probably 
long before" the arrival of Penn, " the valley of the Susque- 
hanna, on the southern frontier of this commonwealth, was 
inhabited by a tribe of Indians of the Iroquois stock ;" and 
in a note, Dr. Franklin's. pamphlet on the massacre of 1763, 
and the vocabulary of Campanius are referred to, in support 
of the assertion, that the Conestogos were of the Five Na- 
tions. Why they were "probably" there "long before" 
Penn's arrival, is not stated by the authors. The vocabu- 
lary of Campanius is not of the language of the Conestogo 
Indians, but of the Minquays or Mingos (Iroquois,) who were 
near the Swedish fort; and it was compiled by the grand- 
father of the author referred to, at a time when, assuredly, 
the Susquehannocks had not been substituted by Iroquois. 
The meaning of the "preface" quoted by Mr. Gallatin, 
appears to be simply that at some time prior to the treaty 
of Lancaster (1744), a portion of the Conestogo tribe, who 
had become nationalized amongst the Five Nations, found 
their way back to the ancient dwelling-place of their 
people. It is not easy to decide how long a period would 
be required for such a merger of individuality as would 
substitute one language for another. The peculiarities of 
adoption amongst the Indians of our country, were such as 
to favour a speedy change of this sort 

Mr. Watson mentions as remarkable, that " Fort Demo- 
lished" is noted upon the plan of the Holmes purchase; and 


he says, " at this early period — before Perm's day — a fort 
had been constructed by Christian people, on the bank of 
the Susquehanna." But as we have already seen, the history 
of that river affords more evidence than this, of the presence 
of white men upon its shores, prior to the time of Penn. 

Having now traced the history of the Lancaster settle- 
ments to the last quarter of the seventeenth century, it is 
proposed to follow them into the middle of the eighteenth ; 
but with less adherence to the order of events, than to that 
of the dates at which appeared those notices from which 
the facts to be stated have been derived. The minutes of 
the Provincial Council will be a principal authority. 

At the beginning of the eighteenth century we find settled 
upon the Susquehanna, within the bounds now under con- 
sideration, Mingos and Shaivanos, who w T ere in close friend- 
ship with the Ganawese inhabiting the northern branches 
of the river Potomac, within the province of Pennsylvania 
as then reputed. In the spring of 1701, William Penn held 
an important treaty with " Conoodagtoh, king of the Sus- 
quehanna Minquays, or Conestogo Indians ;" Wopaththa 
(alias Opessah), king of the Shawanos; and Weewhinjough, 
chief of the before-mentioned Ganawese. The sanction of 
the Five Nations was afforded in the presence of Ahookas- 
songh, brother of the head chief at Onondago. It was at 
this treaty that Col. Dongan's purchase was confirmed to 
the proprietary. In the same year, Shemekenwhoa, one of 
the chiefs of the Shawanos of Conestogo, complained to 
Penn that one Sylvester Garland had fraudulently conveyed 
some rum into the tribe, and had given him (the chief) a 
cask, on pretence that it was a present from the govern- 


ment ; and that the Indians had been persuaded to drink, 
and were afterwards much abused. This Garland was 
shortly held in a recognisance to sell no strong liquor to 
the Indians. In October of this year, the sachems and some 
of the people came from the Susquehanna to take leave of 
the proprietary, who was then about to embark for Eng- 
land. The Shawanos were, as we shall see, under special 
obligation to him, for the liberty which they enjoyed of 
peaceable settlement within the province. 

The encroachments of the Virginians upon the Ganawese 
forced some of these Indians from their villages ; and we 
find them, like the Shawanos, taking refuge in the Quaker 
colony. They removed to the neighbourhood of Conestogo, 
where, as. they said to Secretary Logan, " they hoped to 
live peaceably." The provincial government was always 
vigilant with respect to the introduction of new tribes 
within its jurisdiction ; although, with pride be it spoken, 
the hapless wanderer was never denied shelter and protec- 
tion against the oppression of unscrupulous neighbours. 
To ascertain the position of the new-comers, and to, allay 
some uneasiness which had arisen on their account amongst 
the Indians previously resident at Conestogo, were the 
objects which induced the provincial council, in October, 
1705, to request a journey on the part of Mr. Logan, to the 
Susquehanna. He accordingly went first to Conestogo, 
" as the chief place ;" and upon conference there, he gave 
to the Maryland Indians permission to stay until the Gover- 
nor of Maryland could be treated with in their favour. He 
stated then the fact that some Indians (then called Pis- 
cataways), about five years before (i. e. in 1700), when 
they came to settle in Pennsylvania, visited Philadelphia, 


with the Conestogos and Shawanos, who engaged to our 
government for their peaceable deportment* While Mr. 
Logan was employed in his mission, he resided principally 
among the Shawanos. He paid a visit to the Ganawese 
settlement, some miles above Conestogo, at a place called 
Connejaghera, above the fort, and held several conferences 
with them. 

In the spring of the following year (1706), the chiefs of 
the Conestogos, Shawanos, and Ganawese Indians, upon 
the Susquehanna, came to confer with the government at 
Philadelphia. The chief of the Conestogos exhibited a 
white belt of twenty-one rows, with three hands wrought 
in it in black. He said that this was a pledge of peace for- 
merly delivered by the Onondagos to the Nanticokes, when 
they made them tributaries; that the Nanticokes were under 
some apprehensions of danger from the Five Nations, and 
had brought this belt with them to Conestogo, with another 
like it, in order that, whichever route the Confederates 
should take, one of the belts might be exhibited to them 
before they passed through Pennsylvania, and that they 
might see that they had made peace, and that the provincial 
government was at peace with the neighbouring Indians. 
This little incident evinces the terror inspired by the Confede- 
racy, the sanctity of the public pledge of peace, and the con- 
fidence of the Nanticokes in the friendship of Brother Onas. 

* Bozman tells us, that when Leonard Calvert, brother of Lord Balti- 
more, came over to found his colony, he 'sailed forty-seven leagues up the 
Potomac to Piscatawatfi where were found many Indians assembled, and 
among them an Englishman, Captain H. fleet, who had lived there several 
years, in great esteem with the natives. In 1669, it appears from Griffith's 
" Sketches," that there were still some Indian settlements there. 


The Shawanos, old enemies of the Five Nations, partook 
of the apprehensions of the Maryland Indians ; and pro- 
longed conferences were held in Philadelphia, to assure 
them of the protection of the government. In 1707, 
Governor Evans visited Conestogo. Some strange Indians 
had arrived there, — Nanticokes, from Seven Towns, who 
had waited ten days to see the Governor. They had twenty 
belts of wampum, which they were carrying as a tribute 
to Onondago. The Conestogo sachems ordered Indian 
Harry, the interpreter, to speak in English to the Nanti- 
cokes, who all understood it, as follows: — "You are going 
to the Onondagos, — be sure keep on your way — many may 
tell you several things to fright you, and that they are 
great men, and you will be killed ; yet keep on your way 
and believe them not, for you will find the King of the 
Five Nations a very great one, and as good a king as any 
amongst the Indians.' 9 

It appears, from the Governor's report of the proceedings, 
that he first arrived at Pequehan, a Shawano settlement, 
where he saw Opessah and some other chiefs. At nine 
miles from Pequehan, at a place called Dekanoagah, on 
the Susquehanna, he met in conference some Senecas, 
Shawanos, Canois, and 'Nanticokes. The Senecas were of 
Conestogo. He returned to Pequehan, and remained there 
until the following day, when he had a conference with 
Opessah and his Shawanos, and some Indians of the Five 
Nations. During his stay at Pequehan, some Shawanos 
arrived there from Carolina to settle ; and upon his return 
to the city, a message was sent to the chief at Pequehan, 
desiring him to come to Philadelphia to give account of 


the strangers. Shortly after (i. e. in 1707), a message ar- 
rived from the queen and principal men of Conestogo, in 
relation to the unlawful settlements which some whites 
were making on branches of the Potomac. Thomas 
Chalkley, who visited Conestogo in 1706 (the year in 
which Governor Evans was there), tells us in his journal 
that he saw an old queen named Ojuncho, who had great 
authority, and spoke frequently at the councils of the chiefs. 
Upon his expressing surprise at such interference of a 
woman in public business, he was told by the chiefs that 
this was "because some women were wiser than some 
men." The interpreter added, that " for many years the 
Indians there had done nothing without the counsel of an 


ancient grave woman." This would carry us back into 
the seventeenth century; and we find William Penn, in 
1663, writing to the free-traders, that "although the suc- 
cession to the dignity and authority of sachem was always 
by the mother's side, yet no woman inherits" His observa- 
tion was probably confined to the Lenni Lenape ; but that 
Ojuncho possessed a real influence in the public councils 
at Conestogo, is too clear for question. Both Governor 
Evans and Mr. Chalkley speak of the Conestogos as 

In 1710, Opessah, the chief of the Shawanos at Pequehan, 
visited the Delawares, then seated near the Brandywine, 
and gave occasion to reports of a hostile intention on his 
part; but it was soon ascertained that he had no unfriendly 

* On Mr. Oldmixon's map of Pennsylvania, which must have been prepared 
from materials obtained before 1708, the fort of the Susquehanna Indians is 
marked on the west bank of the river, at least ten miles above the mouth of 
Conestogo Creek. 


designs. In the summer of the same year Colonel French 
and Henry Worley visited Conqstogo, where they met 
chiefs of ihe Tuscaroras and Senecas, and Opessah. In 
the September following, Queen Ojuncho and some of the 
Conestogo chiefs, with a few Conois, laid before the 
council at Philadelphia, four bundles of skins, furs, &c., to 
wipe away the effect of evil reports, and to confirm the 
pre-existing amity. In the spring of 1711, the same queen 
sent a request that the Governor would, with his old coun- 
sellors, visit Conestogo to adjust some difficulty which had 
arisen with the Shawanos, about the murder of one Le Fore. 
This request was complied with, and the Governor availed 
himself of this opportunity to ask the friendly offices of the 
Indians towards the Palatines, who were already settled 
near the Peqqea. A conference was held with the Senecas 
and Shawanos, Opessah speaking for the latter. In the fall of 
the year 1714, a deputation of Conestogo Indians appeared 
at Philadelphia, and said that, as they lived near the Shawa- 
nos, they thought it right to acquaint the government that 
Opessah, late king of the Shawanos, had absented himself 
from his people for about three years, and refused to re- 
turn; and that Cakundowanna had been newly elected 
king. In the summer of the next year (1715), Opessah 
presented himself in the city, ift a company of chiefs of the 
Delaware and Schuylkill Indians, led by Sassoonan, a well- 
known chief, who recommended Opessah to the attention 
of the government on account of his hospitality to the 
Indians who had occasion to pass near his residence. 
Where this was, is not stated. In the year 1717, the mur- 
der of a Delaware Indian led to a conference by Governor 
Keith, at Conestogo, with the chiefs of " the Conestogo or 


Mingo Indians, the Delawares, Shawanos, and Ganawese, 
all inhabitants upon or near the river Susquehanna." At 
another conference, held at Philadelphia, in 1718, there 
were present Conestogos, and Methawewach, chief of the 
Shawanos, above Conestogo. As Pequehan was below, 
there must have been at this time at least two Shawano 
towns in that vicinity. In June, 1719, Colonel French 
held a council at Conestogo, at which were present Cana- 
towa, queen of the Mingos; Sewana, king of the Sha- 
wanos; Wightomina, of the Delawares; Wininehack, of the 
Canawages ; and Captain Civility, the interpreter, who was 
a war-captain of the Conestogos. 

In the year following (i. e. 1720), Mr. James Logan 
visited the Susquehanna, and met the chiefs of the " Mingo 
or Conestogo" Indians, and the sachem or chief of the 
Shawanos, to whom he thus spoke : " Your people of Cones* 
togo, about twenty years ago" (i. e/near 1700), "brought 
the Shawanos to Philadelphia to see Governor Perm, and 
then promised the Governor that they would answer for the 
Shawanos;" and he then charged upon them a breach of 
this engagement. The chief of the Shawanos answered, 
that " with the king, who was then living (Opessah), the 
people had differed, and he left them, and they had then no 
chief; therefore some of therh applied to him (the speaker), 
to assume the charge thus left vacant ; but he had only the 
name without authority, and could do nothing. He coun- 
selled them, but they would not obey : therefore he could 
not answer for them." *' Divers who were present, both 
English and Indians, confirmed the truth of this." 

At a council held at Conestogo, in 1721-2, by Mr. Logan 
and Col. French, there were present Conestogos, Shawanos, 


Ganawese, Cayugas, and Delawares. Sevanna is men- 
tioned as a chief of the Shawanos. The warrant which 
was issued in 1722, for the survey of Springetsburg manor 
recites, that the three nations of Indians on the north side 
of the Susquehanna, the Conestogos, Shawanos, and Conoys, 
were disturbed, &c. At a conference held in 1723, Whi- 
whingee, a Ganawese chief, enumerates four nations on the 
Susquehanna, viz. : Conestogos, Shawanos, Ganawese and 
Delawares. In 1728, the peace which had subsisted be- 
tween the Conestogos and Shawanos was threatened with 
rupture, on account of two of the former people having 
been killed by some of the latter. In this year a message 
arrived in Philadelphia, from the Shawanos, at Pechoquelin, 
near Durham iron works, that the Flat-heads, (doubtless 
the Choctaws, old enemies of the Shawanos,) had come 
into the province to make war on the Indians there ; and 
that eleven men who had gone out against them, had had 
some difficulties with white men.* A council was held at 
Conestogo, a few days after the receipt of this message, at 
which were present, besides the Conestogos, Shawanos, and 
Ganawese, some Brandy wine Delawares. Captain Civility, 
(who is in one place called Tagodrancy, and in another 
Taquatarensaly,) interpreted from the Delaware language 
into the Mingo and Shawanese; and there was also an 
interpreter from Delaware to Ganawese. 

It was in this year (1728), that Lancaster city was 
founded, there being then upon its site a single dwelling of 

* Mr. Gordon, in his Gazetteer, speaks of a skull of a Flat-head having 
been found in 1829, near Bainbridge, on the Susquehanna, in the north- 
western corner of Lancaster County. See also Hazard's Register, vol. iv. 
p. 384. 


a very humble description. Up to this period, the region 
to which these memoranda have principally referred,, was 
comprised within the limits of Chester County. In the 
year following, the county of Lancaster was marked off. 

Three years later (i. e. 1732), at a conference held at 
Philadelphia, with some Indians of the Five Nations, 
Thomas Penn being present, it was stated that the Sha- 
wanos who were settled to the southward, being made un- 
easy by their neighbours, about sixty families of them came 
up to Conestogo, about thirty-five years before (i. e. near 
1698), and desired leave of the Susquehanna Indians, who 
were planted there, to settle on the river. That they ap- 
plied to government, and the proprietor arriving soon after 
(1699), the chiefs of the Shawanos and of the Susquehan- 
nas came to Philadelphia, and asked permission to make 
a settlement. That the proprietor agreed to this ; that from 
that time greater numbers of the same Indians followed, 
and settled on the Susquehanna and Delaware, and as they 
joined the Susquehanna Indians, who were dependent on 
the Five Nations, they (the Shawanos) fell under the pro- 
tection of the latter : that four or five years before, some of 
their young men had committed disorders, and though the 
government of the province had fully made up with them, 
yet being afraid of the Six Nations,* they had removed to 
the Ohio, and had lately put themselves under the protec- 
tion of the French. The government desired their return, 
and a large tract was offered them on the west side of the 
Susquehanna, around the principal town where they had 
been last settled. 

• Six by the union of the Tusearoras from Carolina, about the year 1713. 


The writer has deferred to this place a notice of the 
critique of Messrs. Duponceau and Fisher, in their valuable 
paper before referred to, upon some reasoning of Mr. Red- 
mond Conyngham, published in the 15th volume of Hazard's 
Pennsylvania Register. Mr. Conyngham, it seems, had 
endeavoured in some way to connect the application of the 
Shawanos with the Great Treaty; arid as the date (1698) 
given in the Votes of Assembly would not accord with 
this view, instead of altering his hypothesis he suggested 
an error in the record. The reviewers say that " the first 
application of the Shawanos must have been in 1682, to 
Markham and the commissioners, who, there is every 
reason to believe, made a treaty with them, which was 
afterwards confirmed by William Penn himself at Shaka- 
maxon : and that upon fresh difficulties arising, these were 
settled by a new treaty with Penn in 1701." It would be 
gratifying to know what reason there is for supposing the 
Shawanos to have made their application so early as 1682. 
The character of the authors of this assertion secure for it 
respect; yet it must be apparent that the statements of 
Secretary Logan and of Gov. Gordon to the Indians at 
Conestogo, fortified by the legislative record, are irrecon- 
cilable with the early date which has been mentioned. 

In 1734, the wrongful settlements of claimants under 
Maryland grants occasioned disturbances in the neigh- 
bourhood of Conestogo. About this time, the Ganawese 
are mentioned by Shekettimy, at a conference, as seated be- 
tween Pextang and Conestogo, nearly where Mr. Logan 
found them thirty years before. At the treaty of Philadel- 
phia, in 1742, held by Governor Thomas, there were some 
Shawanos; four Conestogos who spoke the Oneyiut (or 



Oneida) language ; and four " Canoyias or Nanticokes" of 
Conestogo. No Delawares are mentioned except those 
from Shamokin and the Lehigh fork. Canassatego urged 
that the whites should be prevented from settling on the 
Delawares' land upon the Juniata. In 1744, the same chief 
said that, some time before, the Conoy Indians had sent a 
message to advise the government that they were ill used 
by the whites in the place where they had been living ; and 
that they had come to a resolution of removing to Sha- 
mokin, (higher up the river,) and requested some small 
satisfaction for their land. Governor Thomas replied, that 
he well remembered that one of the Conoy Indians had 
come down with a paper, setting forth that the Conoys had 
resolved to leave the land reserved for them by the Pro- 
prietary, but he made no complaint of ill usage from the 
whites; that the reason which he gave for their removal, 
was that the settling of the white people all round them 
had made deer scarce, and that therefore they chose to re- 
move to the Juniata, for the benefit of hunting. At a con- 
ference held at Philadelphia, in 1744, with some Delawares 
from the upper part of the Susquehanna, one of the chiefs 
said that the Conoys from below had moved higher up, to 
be near them. They have left their name in the Conoy, or, 
as it is now called, Coney Creek, in the northwestern part 
of Lancaster County. The treaty of Albany, in 1746, was 
held by New York with the Six Nations ; but notice having 
been sent to some other Indians, Captains Staats and Wo- 
men appeared at Albany, on the 26th of September, with 
Indians living on the Susquehanna. Probably they were 
from villages much higher up than Lancaster County. 
Governor Thomas, who was making efforts to supply aid 


in the war then going on against the French, and who sent 
four military companies to Albany, despatched the public 
interpreter, Conrad Weiser, among the Susquehanna In- 
dians, doubtless including those at and near Conestogo; 
and it was expected by the Governor of New York that 
Mr. Weiser would raise at least 300 warriors ; but when 
he arrived at Albany he had not a single Indian with him.* 
The eagerness of some of the confederacy to take up the 
hatchet ; their restlessness while the affairs of the English 
colonies on the side of the French remained unsettled ; and 
the evident inclination of the General Council to use their 
influence with either of the principal parties to the pending 
contest, as might most benefit themselves, must have been, 
in some degree at least, communicated to the subordinate 
council at Conestogo. Special overtures from the French 
themselves, were directed to the Pennsylvanian villages. 
At a conference held at Philadelphia, in 1732, with some 
Shawanos from Alleghany, the chief who spoke said that 
a message had been sent by the French of Canada to the 
Conestogos. French traders were always aiming at their 
favour; and it appears to have been one of the charges 
against Governor Evans, that he gave to those dangerous 
visiters too great indulgence. While Governor Thomas 
was endeavouring to put his province in a state of defence, 
at the same time that he exported troops to New York, 
he organized and disciplined the militia of Lancaster 
County to resist the inroads of the Shawanos, who were 
daily expected on our frontier. The influence of military 
preparation was thus combined with the causes before 

* See Treaty of Albany, and Gordon, 250-1. 


enumerated, to render doubtful the position of the Cones- 

A few years now sufficed to bring about an important 
change in the aspect of Indian affairs upon the Susque- 
hanna. The rapid increase of the white population near 
that river; the defection of the Shawanos; the removals 
continually increasing in number towards Shamokin, the 
Wyoming Valley, and the West Branch ; and the final out- 
burst of warlike feeling amongst all the unchristianized 
Indians upon the main river and its tributaries, had so 
lessened the Conestogo settlements, that in 1763 they con- 
tained few if any remains of their former population, be- 
side the little flock of converts under the supervision of the 
Brethren of Bethlehem. These harmless dependents con- 
tinued only until December, 1763, when, as is too well 
known, they were cut off by a party from Pextang and 
Donegal Townships. 

If the object of the writer of these notes had been to give 
a full history of the Indians who were at any time resident 
within the county of Lancaster, many authorities, easily 
accessible, might have been referred to, and materials ob- 
tained for an extended dissertation. 

The detail which has been given, sustained as it is by 
much contemporary testimony, appears to open the way 
for a few general statements. 

It appears, then, that from some period before the year 
1608, down to about the year 1680, Lancaster County, or 
that portion of it which lies upon the Susquehanna, was 
inhabited by a number of Indians known to the colonists as 


Susquehannocks. These people were objects of attack to 
the Five Nations. They were in possession of arms ob- 
tained originally from the French; who were, therefore, 
indirectly at least, known to them. About the year 1631, 
a regular traffic was opened with them from Claiborne's 
trading post ; and upon the settlement of Maryland under 
Lord Baltimore, wars, treaties, and purchases, were had 
with them by that colony. They were sometimes in arms 
against their neighbours of the aboriginal stock ; they at 
length became dependent upon the protection of the whites 
against the New York Confederacy; and finally, before the 
arrival of William Penn, they were overthrown and ab- 
sorbed by the Five Nations. A settlement was soon planted 
by the conquerors, at Conestogo, which subsequently be- 
came the chief post and place of council of the Indians 
seated on the Susquehanna, below its fork. The residents 
there, were of the Five Nations; chiefly of the Seneca 
tribe, but comprising sometimes Oneidas, Cayugas, and 
Tuscaroras. About the year 1698, some Shawanos from 
the southward applied to the Conestogos, and through 
these to William Penn's government, for permission to 
settle near Conestogo; which being granted, they esta- 
blished themselves upon Pequea Creek, under Opessah, their 
principal chief. They remained there during at least a 
quarter of a century; branching off, however, above Cones- 
togo, and westward of the river. Opessah retained his 
position at their head until the year 1711, when he abdi- 
cated, and an election took place, which resulted in the 
nominal elevation of Cakundawanna to the successorship ; 
but the people being refractory, there was an intefregnum 
in effect, which lasted several years. As early as 1728, a 


few of them emigrated to the Ohio, and these were gradu- 
ally followed by the remainder ; so that before the middle 
of 1 the eighteenth century they had wholly removed from 
the county of Lancaster. 

Soon after the arrival of the Shawanos, or about the 
year 1700, some Ganawese, from the Potomac, were, upon 
application to the Proprietor, and upon the security of the 
Conestogos and Shawanos, permitted to remove within the 
province. They fixed their principal village between Pex- 
tang and Conestogo, and kept it there for at least thirty 
years. The Nanticokes of Maryland made frequent visits 
to Conestogo, and at length some of them settled near it. 
Those called Conoys (who are sometimes confounded with 
the Nanticokes, as in the reports of treaties, and sometimes 
distinguished from them, as by Mr. Heckewelder, who 
says they were the same as the Ganawese), subsequently ap- 
peared in the same vicinity as did also a body of Dela- 
wares. The former began to shift their ground before the 
year 1744 ; the latter, although occasionally mentioned as 
present in conference with the provincial government, never 
occupied a prominent post, and they soon retired to the 
Juniata. As early as 1711 there were Palatines settled 
near the Pequea, who were promptly admitted to the friend- 
ship of the neighbouring tribes. From first to last, the 
paramount authority of the Five Nations is manifested in 
the superintendence of their organ, the Conestogo Council, 
and in the respect yielded to this by the surrounding In- 
dians. Peace and free intercourse were maintained amongst 
all of them, until after their villages began to be disturbed 
by the gfeneral movement of their brethren to the north and 


It must be obvious that any traditions respecting the 
tribes above mentioned, while they remained within the 
limits of Lancaster County, had their origin prior to the 
year 1763 ; and if of much older date than this, they must 
have been derived through persons who were living whilst 
the Indian settlements presented that diversity of aspect 
which has just been sketched. The first border settlers 
were not very competent judges of historical matters, nor 
very nice critics upon aboriginal peculiarities; and what- 
ever facts were within the sphere either of their perception 
or their comprehension, come to us now over a tract of 
nearly a century of time. While, therefore, we yield some- 
thing to that probability of truth which locality or integrity 
may create, we have little reason to prefer any account 
orally transmitted, in circumstances and during an interval 
of time such as have existed in the present case, if that ac- 
count is inconsistent with the general testimony of writers 
upon its subject. Perhaps, in this respect, no part of our 
state was more unfavourably situated than Lancaster County, 
prior to the year 1750. Ten years before this, the Indians 
had been embarrassed by the advances of the borderers; 
and probably still earlier there were apparent symptoms of 
that antipathy which has generally marked the intercourse 
of frontier men and savages. At least four or five consi- 
derable villages of different tribes were within the county ; 
smaller villages were scattered around these. Different 
dialects, different customs, were in close proximity. That 
must be a singularly fortunate tradition which, faithful 
to its original, could convey to us living at the middle 
of the nineteenth century, accurate details of the customs 
of one of those villages — uncorrupted specimens of one of 


those dialects, as they were in the first quarter of the 
eighteenth century. 

The praptfcal .value of suggestions such, as these may 
be illustrated by.sqipe of the collections which have been 
made of or*L traditions ip : Lancaster and other counties. 
The late Mr. Redmond Conyngham has given to the press 
notices of certain Indians, named " Piquaws," whose wig- 
wams are stated to have been scattered along the Pequea 
Creek; and who were governed by Tana wa, their king, 
who is said /to have resided in the natural meadow, at the 
great flats. These Indians are reported to have come 
into Pennsylvania about the year . 1630 ; and from Mr. 
Conynghapi's cqntext it will be inferred that their removal 
was on account of the encroa chmer.t of v hitesettlers in 
the south. They are described as faithful and disinterested; 
and hospitable and respectful to white strangers. Their 
lives are represented as innocent, their manners simple, their 
disposition friendly* They are asserted to have been of 
the Algonkin ,t,ribe; and to have been frequently called 
Delawares by the Europeans. Their chief, Tanawa, knew 
William Penn. " When Tanawa yvas asked by a member 
of council whether his tribe belonged to the Five Nations, 
he replied, « Once we were free in the forests, like a deer* 
now like a panther, we hide in the thick branches of the 
cedar — we were a tribe of a powerful nation, we pay tri- 
bute to the Five Nations — they gave us their name — we 
were not of their nation.' " 

" Are you Delawares V* 

"The Delaware? were a tribe. of the same great nation. 
Your people call us Delawares— we are Piquaws."* 

* "An Address on the Early Settlement of the Valley of the Pequea, by 
Redmond Conyngham, with an appendix, &c, 1842." 


We have seen that the Shawanos had a considerable 
village at the lower part of the Fequea ; and that they re- 
mained upon this stream during a number of years, branch- 
ing off through the neighbouring country. They were 
thus located when the whites first settled in the vicinity. 
There can be little doubt that they gave to the creek its' 
name. It is well known that their nation was distributed 
into four leading tribes,* of which the first was the Piqua. 
Mr. Gallatin does not scruple to apply this name, without 
explanation, to the Pequea. It seems to have been common 
for these people to have their own tribal name affixed to 
the places of their settlement. Thus we have one Old, and 
two New Ckilieothes, in what was formerly the Ohio Ter- 
ritory. At least three places called Piqua were settled by 
Shawanos in the same region ; one of these, on a branch of 
the Miami, was one of the reported birthplaces of Tecum- 
seh, according to Mr. Drake. 

Mr. Conyngham gives us no authority for the date of 
removal from the south (1630), which was too early for 
the Shawanos, or indeed for any of the Indians, except 
those comprehended under the appellation of Susquehan* 
nocks. The Shawanos and Nanticokes called the Dela- 
wares " Grandfather ;" and all these were of the Algonkin 
stock, as were the other tribes whose removal from Mary- 
land has been noticed above. The character, however, 
attributed to the " Piquaws," shows clearly that they must 
resemble the Nanticokes more than the Shawanos. How 
far the latter were influenced by the benevolence and in- 
tegrity of the Quakers, and the debt of gratitude incurred 

* Mentioned by Mr. Johnson, vol. i., Archaeologia Americana ; and by 


towards these, it is not easy to determine. Certainly their 
general conduct indicated anything rather than mildness 
and peaceableness. They were the first of the Lancaster 
Indians who were suspected of hostility; the first with 
whom any serious difficulty arose because of the death of 
a white man ; the first of whom complaints were made by 
the provincial government to the general guardian of the 
peace, the Conestogo Council ; the first to leave their vil- 
lages for the Ohio River ; and the first to join the French 
against the British colonies. From the war of 1745 to the 
peace of 1815, they have secured everywhere a reputation 
for eminent ferocity. 

If, then, we regard the name of the Piquaws as Shawano, 
it becomes necessary to suppose that the people received 
that name after the settlement of the Shawanos within the 
limits of Lancaster County. It could not have been borne 
by them at the arrival of William Penn, when they are 
said by Mr. Conyngham to have been settled on the stream 
now called Pequea. It is evident that, in this case at least, 
there has been a blending of details which the clearness of 
history would require to be separated. If we assume that 
the people in question had villages upon the Pequea while 
William Penn was in the province, and that their chief as- 
sisted at the " great treaty" ; then we cannot believe that 
they were Shawanos, Nanticokes, Conoys, or Ganawese. 
They may have been Delawares, or they may have be- 
longed to the tribe conquered by the Five Nations shortly 
before the arrival of the white governor. The latter sup- 
position accords with the statement of Tanawa, that they 
paid tribute to the Five Nations and were called by the 
name of the latter, but were not of those nations. 


It is well known that at the arrival of the first colonists 
in Pennsylvania, the Lenni Lenape occupied a wide range 
in New Jersey and Pennsylvania, extending northward 
toward the upper branches of the Susquehanna, southward 
towards Maryland, and eastward to the ocean. Some of 
them were seated upon the Brandywine Creek, the west 
branch of which heads not far from the principal sources 
of the Pequea. It would be thence probable that some of 
them have, at some period, lived on the Pequea; but the 
people usually distinguished in our annals as "the Susque- 
hanna Indians," or " the Conestogo Indians," when refe- 
rence is intended to those within the limits now bounding 
Lancaster County, were of the tribes mentioned in the 
foregoing notes. 

Mr. Conyngham says in a note, that " the Piquaws were 
frequently called Delawares by the Europeans." If we 
might rely upon this statement, and upon the traditionary 
one given in the name of Tanawa, it would follow that, 
notwithstanding the absorption of his tribe by the Five 
Nations, the former retained their political relationship 
to the Lenni Lenape so far as to be reckoned (by the 
whites at least) as a part of their nation. It would be 
profitless, however, to speculate upon this subject, with no 
better light than is afforded by a tradition of the origin 
and character of which we are not informed. * # # 



JMowal Inmtq of fforaaqtoiraia. • 



This Association shall be denominated " The Historical Society of 


. The object of the Society shall be the elucidation of the civil and 
literary history of the State. 


The Society shall be composed of 

1st. Contributing members, who shall be residents of the City or 
County of Philadelphia; 

2d. Corresponding members, who shall be persons residing in other 
parts of Pennsylvania; and 

3d. Honorary members, who shall be persons residing out of the 

Clergymen who may be members of the Society, shall be exempt 
from the annual contribution. 

The Officers of the Society, who shall be annually chosen at the 


monthly meeting in February, shall be a President, four Vice-Presi- 
dents, two of whom shall be inhabitants of the City or County of Phi- 
ladelphia ; a Treasurer, a Foreign Corresponding Secretary, a Domestic 
Corresponding Secretary, a Recording Secretary, a Librarian, and a 
Curator. All the elections of officers shall be decided by a majority 
of ballots. 


It shall be the duty of the President, and in his absence of one of 
the Vice-Presidents, to preside at the meetings of the Society, and pre- 
serve order therein. If two or more of the Vice-Presidents should 
happen to be present in the absence of the President, the precedence 
shall be given to him who has been for the longest period a member 
of the Society. 

Should neither the President nor any of the Vice-Presidents be pre- 
sent, the Society may choose a President pro tern., who shall discharge 
the duties of President at the meeting at which he shall be chosen. 


The Treasurer shall have charge of all the moneys and other funds 
belonging to the Society. He shall collect the subscriptions of the 
members, and other income of the Society, and shall pay such claims 
against the Society, as shall have been regularly ordered to be paid 
by the Executive Committee. He shall annually present at the stated 
meeting of the Society in February, a statement of his receipts and 
disbursements during the preceding year. 


The Foreign Corresponding Secretary shall conduct the correspon- 
dence of the Society with all persons out of the State of Pennsylvania. 


The Domestic Corresponding Secretary shall conduct the corre- 
spondence of the Society with all persons within the State of Penn- 



The Recording Secretary shall keep full and correct minutes of the 
proceedings of the Society, and shall notify the members of the Society 
of any special meeting that may be called. 



The Librarian shall have charge of all the books and manuscripts 
belonging to the Society, and shall present a report to the Society at 
the stated meeting in February, in every year, of the condition of the 
library during the preceding year. 


The Curator shall have charge of all the property of the Society 
not in the custody of the Librarian or Treasurer. 


Sect. 1. There shall be annually chosen a committee of nine mem- 
bers, to be called the Executive Committee, who shall have charge of 
the financial and business arrangements of the Society. They shall 
hold stated meetings at the hall of the Society, on the fourth Monday 
of every month, and may hold special meetings on the call of their 
chairman, and upon such notice as their own By-Laws may provide. 
Other members of the Society may be present at any of these meet- 
ings, but without the privilege of voting therein. They shall select 
from their own number a Chairman and a Secretary. Once in three 
months, their minutes for the preceding quarter shall be read to the 
Society. They shall have power to make such By-Laws as they may 
deem expedient for their own government. 

[Sect. 2. Providing for the election in February 1848, is obsolete.] 


Vacancies, occurring in any of the offices of the Society, or in the 
Executive Committee, shall be filled by an election at the next stated 


meeting of the Society, for the unexpired term of the person vacating 
the office. / 


The Society may elect contributing, corresponding, or honorary 
members, at any of their stated meetings, the candidates having been 
proposed at any previous stated meeting. All elections shall be by 
ballot, and rive black balls shall prevent the election of a candidate. 


The Society shall meet on the second Monday evening of every 
month, but the President, or in his absence from the city and county 
of Philadelphia, one of the Vice-Presidents, may call a special meet- 
ing, by giving at least three days' notice thereof, in at least two of the 
daily papers published in the city of Philadelphia. 

Five members of the Society shall constitute a quorum. 


This Constitution may be amended at any stated meeting of the 
Society j provided that three months 7 notice of the intended amend- 
ments shall have been previously given, and two-thirds of the mem- 
bers present at the meeting at which the proposed amendments shall 
be discussed concur in the adoption thereof. 

*#* fy resolution of the Society, three dollars has been fixed as 
the amount to be annually paid by each of the contributing members. 
The* payment of twenty dollars at one time constitutes a member a 
life member. 













It was ascertained in 1846, that, through the assistance of a 
gentleman employed in a public office in London, copies of the 
many important state papers and historical documents among 
the records of the Board of Trade, which are necessary to 
supply the materials wanting in the early history of Pennsyl- 
vania, could be obtained on very favourable terms. A few gen- 
tlemen, mostly connected with the Historical Society of Penn- 
sylvania, subscribed a sum sufficient to procure, a complete 
catalogue of the papers relating to Pennsylvania and Delaware, 
as the first step towards procuring copies of the most important 
of these documents. The following is a copy of the catalogue 
of these papers, received from the State Paper Office, in London. 
It has been very carefully prepared, and the original manuscript, 
on drawing-paper, is most beautifully executed. It affords the 
Society great pleasure to be permitted to publish it. 

State Paper Office, 

Westminster, London. 

The following Catalogue of Papers relating to Pennsylvania 
and Delaware, down to the year 1718, has been compiled from 
the documents deposited at the State Paper Office, and which are 
chiefly embraced in the collection transmitted from the Board of 
Trade in the year 1842. The confused state of these docu- 
ments has rendered it no easy task to collect every material his- 
torically interesting to the above-named states, and the reference 
which is subjoined to every document will sufficiently show that 
no pains have been spared to make the search as perfect as 

With a view of making the catalogue complete, every docu- 
ment which was sent to or received from either of the two colo- 
nies, was carefully noted — even such correspondence as led to 
the issue of some circular letters or new regulations from Eng- 
land, were noticed with equal care. The subjoined references, 
though perhaps somewhat too long, will at all times be a guide 
to the recognition of the documents, even should they be dis- 
persed. , It is also necessary to notice that no allusion has 
herein been made to entries, when the original documents were 
to be found ; and that the length of each document is defined by 
the number of folios affixed thereto, each folio consisting of 
seventy-two words. As, however, this estimate has been made 
at a rough calculation, a paper, when copied, may be found to 
contain more or less than the stated number. 

V. Fr. Kuczynski. 

1847, July 3. 



March 10, New York. Copy of an old Grant of Land 
on Delaware River by which the reserved rent is 
payable to the Crown — (inclosed in Col. Quary's 
letter to the Board of February 25, 1702-3.) 

Proprieties B. T. Vol. 7. L. 33. (5 folios.) 


June 14. The Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plan- 
tations to Sir Joseph Werden, At. Gen., inclosing 
a copy of Mr. Penn's petition, and desiring his 
opinion "whether such a plantation or settlement 
would anyways entrench upon the patent of his 
Royal Highness or otherwise prejudice the same." 
(Rough draft.) 

N. B. There is a note on the back of the same, 
that the copy of Mr. Penn's petition was sent to 
Lord Baltimore's Agent. 

Pennsylvania B. T. Vol. 1. (4 folios*) 

June 23. Mr. Richard Burke (Agent for Maryland) to 
Mr. Seer. Blathwayte, in answer to the letter from 
the Board of Trade of the 14 June, suggesting the 


1680. boundaries for Mr. Perm's petitioned for tract of 
land. (Original.) 

Pennsylvania B. T. Vol. 1. (3 folios.) 

June 23. Sir Joseph Werden to the Board of Trade, in 
answer to the letter from the Board of the 14 June, 
giving his opinion how far Mr. Penn's petition may 
be complied with. (Original.) 

Pennsylvania B. T. Vol. 1. (5 folios.) 

October 16. Sir Joseph Werden to Mr. Blathwayte, in- 
forming him that his Royal Highness the Duke of 
York is willing to accede to Mr. Penn's request, 
that he may have a grant of the tract of land on 
the north of Newcastle Colony, and on the west 
side of Delaware River. (Original.) 

Pennsylvania B. T. V. 1. (3 folios.) 

November 8. Mr. Secretary Blathwayte to Sir Jo. Wer- 
den, with a draft of a grant presented by Mr. Penn 
to the Board of Trade, in order to be passed to 
him desiring Sir Joseph's opinion upon the same. 
(Rough draft.) 

Pennsylvania B. T. V. 1. (3 folios.) 

November 18. Mr. Seer. Blathwayte to Sir Jo. Wer- 
den, inclosing an extract of so much of the patent 
which Mr. Penn is 'soliciting as it concerns the 
boundaries, in order that he may make his objec- 
tions to in on behalf of the Duke of York. (Draft.) 
Pennsylvania B. T. V. 1. (2 folios.) 

November 18. Mr. Seer. Blathwayte to the agents of 
the Lord Baltimore, desiring their attendance at 
the next meeting of the Board, in order to receive 
their objections (if any) against the proposed patent , 


1680. to Mr. Penn, before the final resolution on the said 
patent shall pass. (Rough draft.) 

Pennsylvania B. T. V. 1 . (3 folios.) 

November 20. Sir Joseph Werden to Mr. Secretary 
Blathwayte, in answer to his letter of the 18th of 
the same month; — after remarking upon the imper- 
fection of the then existing geographical survey of 
America, suggests that the wording of Mr. Penn's 
patent be such as to leave Newcastle twenty or 
thirty miles beyond it, free, and to be bounded on 
the east by the Delaware River. (Original.) 

Pennsylvania B. T. V. 1. (4 folios.) 

November 23. Sir Joseph Werden to Mr. Secretary 
Blathwayte ; informed Mr. Penn of the substance 
of his letter of the 20th of the same month, and, 
upon a discourse, found him (Mr. P.) willing that 
twelve English miles north of Newcastle be the 
boundary of his patent. (Original.) 

Pennsylvania B. T. V. 1. (2 folios.) 

December 16. Secretary Blathwayte to Mr. Burke, re- 
questing his attendance at the Board, on the 18th of 
the same month, which day was appointed for hear- 
ing the exceptions of Lord Baltimore against the 
draft of Mr. Penn's patent. (Draft.) 

Pennsylvania B. T. V. 1. (3 folios.) 

(1680.) Mr. Attorney-General's observations upon the 
several clauses in Mr. Penn's Grant which were hot 
in accordance with the laws of Great Britain, but 
which were in Lord Baltimore's patent. (Private 

Pennsylvania B. T. V. L (2 folios.) 


(1680.) Lord Chief Justice North's Report to the Board of 
Trade upon the petition of Mr. Penn for a grant of 
land, stating that the boundaries proposed by Mr. 
Penn do intrench upon Lord Baltimore's province 
of Maryland. (Rough draft.) 

Pennsylvania B. T. V. 1. (5 folios.) 

" Lord Chief Justice North's Memoranda, consist- 
ing of the drafts of several clauses for Mr. Penn's 

Pennsylvania B. T. V. 1. (13 folios.) 

" Rough draft of the restrictions proposed to be 
inserted in Mr. Penn's Patent. 

Pennsylvania B. T. V. 1. (2 folios.) 

" Rough draft of the boundaries of Pennsylvania, 
as settled by Lord Chief Justice North. 

Pennsylvania B. T. V. 1. (3 folios.) 


February 24. Board of Trade to the King, submitting the 
draft of a Charter, constituting Mr. Penn absolute 
Proprietary of Pennsylvania, to his Majesty's ap- 
probation. (Draft.) 

Pennsylvania B. T. V. 1. (2 folios.) 


April 10, Westminster. Mr. Penn to Lord Baltimore, re- 
commending Captain Markham, as his kinsman and 
• deputy, to treat about the boundary line between 
Maryland and Pennsylvania. (Copy inclosed with 
the order of Council of January 8, 1707-8.) 

Maryland B. T. V. 5, Fl. 60. (4 folios.) 
August. A narrative of what passed between the Lord 


1681. Baltimore and Captain Markham, in 1681 and 
1682, in relation to the boundaries between Mary- 
land and Pennsylvania — inclosed with the order of 
Council to the Board of Trade, of January 8, 
1707-8. (See also 1682, Aug.) 

Maryland B. T. V. 5. Fl. 60. (6 folios.) 

October, Custom-House. An account of merchandizes 
exported to the Plantations in America from Lon- 
don, in October, 1681, where mention is made of a 
ship John Sarah, Henry Smith, master, burden 
100 ts., bound for " Pensilvania." (Entry.) 
Plant. Genl. B. T. V. 32. p. 80. 


February 28. An attested copy of the Pennsylvania 

Pennsylvania, B. T. V. 1. 

April 2. Letter from the King to Lord Baltimore, in- 
forming him of the grant of Pennsylvania being 
made to Mr. Penn, and stating the bounds of that 
province. (Entry.) 

Maryland B. T. V. 7. p. 83. . (6 folios.) 
June 17. Extract of a letter to Lord Baltimore, from the 
Commissioners appointed to settle the bounds be- 
tween Maryland and Pennsylvania. (Copy.) 

Maryland, B. T. B. C, P. 2. (2 folios.) 

August 19, Windsor. Letter from the King to Lord Bal- 
timore, about adjusting the bounds between the pro- 
vinces of Maryland and Pennsylvania. (Entry.) 
Maryland B. T. V. 7. p. 84. (6 folios.) 


1682, August 24. Copy of Conveyance of Newcastle, &c, 
from the Duke of York to Mr. William Penn — pre- 
sented to the Board of Trade by Mr. Edw. Ran- 
dolph, with his memorial of the 19th of February, 

Proprieties B. T. V. 5. F. 72. (14 folios.) 

August 24. Copy of Conveyance of the Delaware country 
from the Duke of York to Mr. William Penn— 
presented to the Board of Trade by Mr. Edw. Ran- 
dolph, with his memorial of the 19th of February, 

Proprieties B. T. V. 5. F. 71. (15 folios.) 

August — . A narrative of the whole proceedings between 
Lord Baltimore and Captain Markham, Lt. Govr. 
of Pennsylvania, and between Lord Baltimore and 
Mr. Penn. (Original, signed by Lord B.) 

Maryland B. T. V. 1. B. C. P. 4. (50 folios.) 

September 25, Pennsylvania. Mr. Markham to Lord Bal- 
timore, offering his reasons for not concurring with 
his lordship on the subject of the boundary line. 
(Attested copy.) 

Maryland B. T. B. C. P. 29. (3 folios.) 

December 13. An account of the conference held between 
Lord Baltimore and Mr. Penn, at the house of 
Colonel Thos. Tailler, in the Ridge, in Anne Arun- 
dell County. (Attested by Lord B.) 

Maryland B. T. B. C. P. 3. (40 folios.) 

December 13, Whitehall. Order in Council to prevent 
abuses in transporting servants for the Plantations 
in America. (Entry.) 

Plant. GenL B. T. V. 82. p. 87. (15 folios.) 


1682, December 17, Chester. Copy of an act of Assem* 
bly of Pennsylvania, passed at Chester, uniting the 
three lower counties to the province— presented to 
the Board of Trade by Mr. Edw. Randolph, with 
his memorial of the 19th of February, 1700-1. 

Proprieties B. T. V. 5. F. 73. (12 folios.) 


February 8. Lord Baltimore to the Marquis of Halifax, 
inclosing an account of his conferences with Mr. 
Penn and Mr. Markham. (Original.) 
Maryland B. T. V. 1. B. C. P. 6. 

March 2. Certificate of the Commissioners for settling the 
boundary line between Maryland and Pennsylvania 
with regard to the latitude of Palmer's Island. 

Maryland B. T. V. 1. B. C. P. 7. (1 folio.) 


April 13. R. Sawyer to the King, describing the bounds 
of Newcastle and Delaware Bay, as it was granted 
to the Duke of York upon his surrender of the 
former grant. (Original.) 

Maryland B. T. V. 1. B. C. P. 48. (6 folios.) 

May 31, Hampton Court. Order of Council upon the peti- 
tion of Rich. Burke (Lord Baltimore's agent), pray- 
ing that the grant of Delaware to the Duke of York 
may not pass the Great Seal, referring the same to 
the consideration of the Board of Trade. (Original.) 
Maryland B. T. V. 1. B. C. P. 5. (3 folios.) 

June 11. Lord Baltimore to Mr. Blathwayte, inclosing 


1683. copies of his conferences with Mr. Penn and Mr. 
Markham, in 1682; also, a substance of what 
passed between him and Mr. Penn, at their private 
conference at Newcastle, 29 of May, 1683. (Ori- 
ginal: the two first conferences are duplicates of 
the documents formerly sent.) 

Maryland B. T. V. 1. B. C. P. 21. (15 folios.) 

June 12, Patuxent. Lord Baltimore to the Marquis of Ha- • 
lifax, informing him that he had another conference 
with Mr. Penn, but in private, and desires to be 
heard personally before the Board, before anything 
shall be decided in the boundary question. (Ori- 

Maryland B. T. V. 1, B. C. P. 10. (3 folios.) 

June 12. Lord Baltimore to Sir Leoline Jenkins, desiring 
that no request of Mr. Penn be granted, until he is 
heard at the Council Board. (Original.) » 

America and West Indies, V. 389. (3 folios.) 

August 1, Philadelphia. Mr. Penn to Mr. Bridgeman, with 
thanks for the favours bestowed upon him — recom- 
mends Captain Markham, whom he sends as agent 
to the Court — also, sends a present of the country 
produce. (Original.) 

America and West Indies, V. 388. (6 folios.) 

August 6. Mr. Penn to the Board of Trade — is surprised 
to hear that Lord Baltimore made his report to the 
Board about their conference respecting the fixing 
of the bounds, which report is against Mr. Penn's 
consent, and for that reason he finds himself under 
the necessity of stating every particular with regard 
to the above-named conference. (Original.) 

Pennsylvania, B. T. V. 1. (23 folios.) 


1683, August 18, Custom-House. Presentment of the Com- 
missioners of the Customs, praying that instructions 
may be given to the governors of plantations, and 
likewise to the Chief Governor of Ireland, to inforce 
the law to prevent frauds in trade. (Entry.) 

Plant. Genl. B. T. V. 32. p. 96. (16 folios.) 

October 18, Newcastle. Mr. Penn's proclamation prohi- 
biting all persons to settle on the land betweep Dela- 
ware River and Chesapeak Bay* without his leave. 

Maryland, B. T. V. 1. B. C. p. 32. (2 folios.) 

December 7, Patuxent. Lord Baltimore to Mr. Blath- 
wayte, thanking him for the intelligence that no- 
thing shall be done by the Council in the Delaware 
business until he or his agents were heard. (Ori- 

Maryland B. T. V. 1. B. C. P. 23. (5 folios.) 

December 11. Lord Baltimore to Sir Leoline Jenkins, de- 
siring to prevent Mr. Penn obtaining the grant of 
the Delaware Bay. (Original.) 

America and West Indies, V. 389. (4 folios.) 


February 12. Notes on the subject of the Grant of Dela- 
ware, presented to the Council on behalf of the Duke 
of York. 

Maryland, B. T. V. 1. B. C. P. 22. 
February 27, Whitehall. Order in Council for passing a 
Law in the Plantations against pirates and priva- 
teers. (Entry.) 

Plant. Genl. B. T. V. 32. p. 103. (3 folios.) 


1683-4, March 8, Newmarket. Circular letter from the 
King to the governors of the American Planta- 
tions, commanding them that the "Jamaica Act" 
against pirates and privateers be passed. (Entry.) 
Plant. Genl. B. T. V. 32. p. 104. (2 folios.) 


March 26, Philadelphia. Copy of a Grant of Land on De- 
laware River, made by Mr. Penn, by which the 
reserved rents are made payable to himself. (In- 
closed in Colonel Quary's letter of February 25, 

Proprieties B. T. V. 7. L. 34. (3 folios.) 

April 6. Lord Baltimore to Sir L. Jenkins. He is going 
to embark for England about the end of April, and 
hopes to be heard in person by the Privy Council, 
in defence of that right which Mr. Penn labours to 
deprive him of. (Original.) 
America and West Indies, V. 389. (3 folios.) 

May 12, Matapany Sewall. Deposition of Mr. Garrett 

van Sweringen concerning his knowledge of the 

settling of Delaware Bay and River, to the south- 

.ward of the 40th degree northern latitude by the 

Dutch and Swedes. (Original.) 

Maryland, B. T. V. 1. B. C. P. 35. (35 folios.) 

June 30, Inner Temple. Sir Edw. Herbert to Mr. Blath- 
wayte, desiring him, in behalf of the Duke of York, 
to represent to the Lords of the Committee the 
prejudice his R. H. may suffer by any further 
delay in deciding the dispute between Mr. Penn 
and Lord Baltimore about the Delaware. (Ori- 

Maryland, B. T. V. 1. B. C. p. 25. (2 folios.) 


1084-5, February 6, Whitehall. Circular letter from the 
Board of Trade to the Governors of the Planta- 
tions for proclaiming King James the Second. 

PJant. Genl. B. T. V. 32. p. 121. (3 folios.) 
February 7, Whitehall. Order in Council to stop all ves- 
sels suspected to go to the Plantations. (Entry.) 
Plant. GenL B. T. V. 32. p. 127. (2 folios.) 
February 9, Whitehall. Order in Council for a Ketch to 
be prepared for carrying the Proclamations to the 
Plantations. (Entry.) 

Plant. Genl. B. T. V. 32. p. 128. (2 folios.) 
February 13, Whitehall Order in Council for the Embargo 
on Plantation Ships to be taken off. (Entry.) 

Plant. Genl. B. T. V. 32. p. 128. (2 folios.) 
February 13. Mr. Markham's receipt for a Packet di- 
rected to Mr. Penn. (Original.) 

Pennsylvania B. T. V. 1. (1 folio.) 

February 13. A printed Proclamation for Pennsylvania, 
proclaiming King James the Second King of Eng- 
land, &c. (Original.) 

Pennsylvania B. T. Vol. 1. (4 folios.) 

March 17. Mr. Markham's answers to Lord Baltimore's 
allegations against him (sworn to before the Com- 
mittee by Mr. Markham). 

Maryland, B. T. V. 1. B. C. p. 26. (12 folios.) 

March 17. An Account of the Conference held between 

,Mr. Markham and Lord Baltimore on the subject 

of the Boundary Line in 1682, presented and sworn 

to by Mr. Markham. (Original.) 

Maryland B. T. V. 1. B. C. p. 28. (15 folios.) 



1684-5, March 17. Extract of a Letter from Colonel Mark- 
ham to Lord Baltimore, explaining the reason why 
he did not attend his Lordship on the appointed day. 
Maryland B. T. V. 1. B. C. p. 27. (2 folios.) 


April 1, Whitehall. Order in Council for the Commanders 

of the King's ships to seize all Vessels that Trade to 

the English Plantations contrary to Law. (Entry.) 

Plant. Genl. B. T. V. 32. p. 142. (1 folio.) 

April 10. Circular Letter from the Board of Trade to all 
the Governors in the Plantations, requiring to take 
effectual care that the Acts of Trade and Naviga- 
tion be strictly observed. (Entry.) 

Plant. Genl. B. T. V. 32. p. 142. (4 folios.) 

May 23. President Loyd's Proclamation upon the acces- 
sion of King James the Second. (Attested copy.) 
Pennsylvania B. T. V. 1. (3 folios.) 

June 26, Whitehall. The King's Circular Letter to all the 
Governors in the Plantations, concerning the impo- 
sitions on Sugar and Tobacco — that the insurrection 
in Scotland is put down, and that the Duke of Mon- 
mouth is pursued. (Entry.) 

Plant. Genl. B. T. V. 32. p. 145. (12 folios.) 

July 17, Whitehall. Order in Council upon a Report from the 

Board of Trade for issuing Quo Warrantos against 

the Proprietors of Maryland, Connecticut, Rhode 

Island, E. and W. Jerseys, and Delaware. (Entry.) 

Plant. Genl. B. T. V. 32. p. 230. (7 folios.) 

August 10, Windsor. Instructions (prepared by the Com- 
missioners of Customs (under Sign Manual, for the 
Governors in the Plantations, for the better putting 


1665. in execution the Acts of Trade and Navigation. 

Plant. GenL B. T. V. 32. p. 151. (60 folios.) 
August 18. Petition of Mr. Penn to the Board of Trade, 
requesting that the hearing of the Boundary question 
may be fixed for that day week. (Original.) 

Maryland B. T. V. 1. B. C. p. 31. (2 folios.) 

August 18. Petition of Mr. Pern* to the King, desiring 

that his Majesty would command the Boundary 

question between Maryland and Pennsylvania to be 

^referred to the Board of Trade, and order its speedy 

determination. (Original.) 

Maryland B. T. V. 1. B. C. p. 30. (3 folios.) 
October 11, Whitehall Circular letter from the King to 
the Governors of Plantations, about Rebels trans- 
ported for servants into their respective Govern- 
ments. (Entry.) 

PfenU Genl. B. T. V. 32. p. 172, (6 folios.) 
October 20, Whitehall. Mr. Blathwayte to the Governors 
in Ameriea about Rebels transported to America 
for servants. (Entry.) 

Plant. Genl. B. T. V. 32. p. 174. (3 folios.) 

November 13, Whitehall. Order of Council approving 

the Report of the Board of Trade of Nov. 7, 

upon the Boundary question between Maryland and 

Pennsylvania. (Entry.) 

Maryland R T. V. 7. p. 107. (6 fofiost) 

(1685.) Abstract from papers sent* by Lord Baltimore 
relating k> the Boundaries of Maryland,, Pennsyl- 
vania, and Newcastle. (Draft.) 

Maryland B. T. V. 1.. B* C. P. 5JL (3 folios.) 


1685-6, March 24, Whitehall. Memorandum from the 

Board of Trade to the Lord President, desiring 

him to move the King that an order in Council 

of the 13th of December, 1682, touching servants 

» for the Plantations, may be renewed. (Entry.) 

Plant. Genl. B. T. V. 32. p. 176. (2 folios.) 

March 26, Whitehall. Order in Council to prevent 
abuses in transporting servants for the Planta- 
tions. (Entry.) 

Plant. Genl. B. T. V. 32. p. 176. 
April 30, Whitehall. Memorandum from the Board of 
Trade and Order in Council to Mr. Attorney 
General that the several Writs of Quo Warrantos 
against Maryland, Connecticut, Rhode Island, E. 
and W. Jerseys, and Delaware, be renewed and 
prosecuted to effect. (Entry.) 

Plant. Genl. B. T. V. 32. p> 232. (4 folios.) 
December 16, Whitehall Circular letter from the Privy 
Council to all the Govrs. in the American Planta- 
tions touching the Treaty of Neutrality. (Entry.) 
Plant. Genl. B. T. V. 32. p. 236. (4 folios.) 


April 28, Whitehall. Circular letter from the Privy 

Council to the Govrs. in the Plantations, ordering 


them to publish the Proclamation for restraining 
Pirates and Privateers. (Entry.) 

Plant. Genl. B. T. V. 32. p. 289. (2 folios.) 


1687, May 18, Whitehall. Circular letter from the Privy 
Council to the Govts, in the Plantations with the 
Declaration of Indulgence. (Entry.) 
Plant. Genl. B. T. V. 82. p. 238. 
May 28, Hampton Ct. Order in Council to the Att. 
and Sol. Genls. to prosecute the Quo Warrantos 
issued against the several Proprieties and Corpora- 
tions in America. (Entry.) 

Plant. Genl. B. T. V. 32. p. 240. (i folio.) 


January 22, Whitehall. Circular letter under Sign Manual 
to all the Govrs. in the Plantations, inclosing the Pro- 
clamation for suppressing Pirates and Privateers. 

Plant. Genl. B. T. V. 33. p. 17. (10 folios.) 

January 22, Whitehall. Circular letter under Sign Manual 
to the Govrs. in the American Plantations, inclosing 
a Copy of the Instrument for quieting all disputes 
between the English and French in America. (En- 

Plant Genl. B. T. V. 33. p. 20. (13 folios.) 


June 10, Whitehall. Circular letter to the Govrs. in Ame- 
rica for celebrating the birth of the Prince. (Entry.) 
Plant. Genl. B. T. V. 33. p. 32. (2 folios.) 


1688-9, February (19). The oaths to be taken instead of 
the oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy, and a Pro- 
clamation declaring William and Mary of Orange 
to be King and Queen of England. (Entry.) 

Plant Genl. B. T. V. 3a p. 38. (4 folios.) 

February 19, Whitehall. Letter from the Council to the 
Govrs. of the Plantations, to Proclaim King William 
the Third, and Queen Mary. (Entry.) 

Plant. Genl. B. T. V. 33. p. 36. (5 folios.) 


April 15, Whitehall. Circular letter from the Earl of 
Shrewsbury to the Govrs. of the Plantations, giving 
them notice of his Majesty's intention to declare 
War against France, (Entry.) 

Plant. Genl. B. T. V. 33. p. 40. (3 folios.) 

May 2, Hampton Ct Representation from the Board 
of Trade, respecting the state of the Plantations 
with relation to the War with France, and an order 
of Council upon the same. (Entry,) 

Plant. Genl. B. T. V. 33. p. 44. <14 folios.) 

May 18, Council Chamber. Report of the Council to the 
King, touching the State of the Plantations, and 
what stores of war are necessary for their defence; 
also that the Proprietary Governments are worthy 
the consideration of the Parliament for the bringing 
them under a nearer dependence on the Crown. 

Plant. Genl. B. T. V. 33. p. 50. (4 folios) 

October 4, New York. Copy of John Forat's deposition, 
that in August last he was removed from being a 
Justice of peace in Newcastle in Pennsylvania, for 


1689. desiring that their Majesties William and Mary 
should be proclaimed. 

Pennsylvania B. T. V. 1. (3 folios.) 


April 10. An order from the Board of Trade to Mr, 
Penn to attend at their Meeting on the 17th of the 
same month. (Draft.) 

Pennsylvania B. T. V. 1. (2 folios.) 

April 28. Mr. Penn to Mr. Secretary Blathwayte. — He 
has discharged his promise given to the Lords, and 
hopes it will have the desired effect : if not, (says 
Mr. Penn) " any orders they renew will be there (in 
Pennsylvania), I believe, obeyed." (Original.) 

Pennsylvania B. T. V. 1. (2 folios.) 

December 2. Abstract of the List of Ships allowed to sail 
to the different Plantations, with their number of 
Men and Tunnage. (Entry.) 

Plant. Genl. B. T. V. 33. p. 150. (8 folios.) 
qu.? 1690. Copy of the "Golden Brief" for the ship 
Alexander condemned in Pennsylvania. 

Pennsylvania B. T. V. 1. (2, folios.) 


January 15. Copy of the Minutes of Council held at 
James Town in Virginia, containing a Report re- 
ceived from Pennsylvania, that the Inhabitants of 
that Province " have given out, that if the French 



and Indians come against them, they will go out 

and meet them without arms, and acquaint them 

they had no quarrell with them, nor would not fight." 

Pennsylvania B. T. V. 1. (8 folios.) 


March 10. Order of Council for a Commission for the 
Government of Pennsylvania and the Militia of N. 
Jerseys. (Entry.) 

Pennsylvania B. T. V. 2. p. 22. (4 folios.) 
1692, before April 2. Memorandum for the Lord President 
of the Council of the heads of a Commission to be 
passed, for Col. Fletcher to take the Province of 
Pennsylvania under his Government. (Rough draft) 
New York B. T. V. 4. B. E. P. 12. (3 folios.) 
April 2, Whitehall. From the Board of Trade to Mr. 
Attorney General, with a draft of the Commission 
for Govr. Fletcher to take the Province of Penn- 
sylvania under his Government. (Draft.) 

New York B. T. V. 4. B. E. P. 12. (1 folio.) 
May 2. Memorandum of a Report from the Board of 
Trade relating to a Commission for the Govern- 
ment of Pennsylvania. (Entry.) 

Pennsylvania B. T. V. 2. p. 23. (4 folios.) 
May 12. Order of Council upon the Report of the Board 
of Trade relating to the Commission for the Govern- 
ment of Pennsylvania. (Entry.) 

Pennsylvania B. T. V. 2. p. 24. (4 folios.) 
June 21, Newcastle. Copy of a Trial upon the seizure of 


1692. a Sloop for illegal Trade in Pennsylvania — (and a 

duplicate of the same.) 

Plant. Genl. B. T. V. 4. A. 12 & A. 12—1. (14 folios.) 

July 1. Order in Council approving of the draft of the 

Instructions to Col. Fletcher for the Govt, of N. Y. 

and Pennsylvania. (Entry.) 

Pennsylvania B. T. V. 2. p. 37. (1 folio.) 

July 16. Col. Nicholson, Lieut. Govr. of Virginia, to 
the Board. — Informs them that the Quakers in Penn- 
sylvania have fallen out among themselves, and 
requests to have the power to make them leave 
Viifpnia, if any of them should arrive there. (Ex- 
' tract.) 

Pennsylvania B. T. V. 1. (2 folios.) 

October II. The Queen's letter to Col. Fletcher for the 
Province of Pennsylvania to assist New York 
against the French. (Entry.) 

Pennsylvania B. T. V. 2. p. 40. (5 folios.) 
October 21. Col. Fletcher's Commission for the Govern- 
ment of New York and Pennsylvania. (Entry.) 
Pennsylvania B. T. V. 2. p. 26. (45 folios.) 
October 28. Instructions to Col. Fletcher for the Govern- 
ment of New York and Pennsylvania. (Entry.) 
Pennsylvania B. T. V. 2. p. 38. (9 folios.) 
November 5, Pocamoke. Copy of Mr. Randolph's letter 
to Mr. Wm. Clark, Collector in Pennsylvania, about 
negotiating Pardons for Pirates (referred in Mr. 
Penn's letter to the Board of 31 December, 1700.) 
Proprieties R T. V. 6. 9. 10. (3 folios.) 

December 5. Mr. Penn to Col. Fletcher. — Having heard 
that a Commission is sent to Col. F. to command 


1692. Pennsylvania, cautions the said Colonel " to tread 
softly and with caution in this affair," as that 
Country and the Government of it is Mr. Perm's 
property; — that there was no Quo Warranto 
brought, nor judgment, passed, against his Charter. 

Pennsylvania B. T. V. 1. (5 folios.) 

1692 or 1693. 

Extract from a letter of Mr. Penh to a " certain " person 
in Philadelphia, recommending to "insist upon 
(their) Patent with wisdome and moderation, but 
. steddy; integrity you are to hear, and obey the 
Crown of England, speaking in the language and 
voice of the Law, which this is not, but sic volo sic 
jubeo, &c." (Extract attested by Col. Fletcher.) 
Pennsylvania B. T. V. 1. (7 folios.) 


April 22 (last date). Abstracts of Col. Fletcher's letters, 
dated the 14th of February, 8th March, and 22 
of April, written to Mr. Blathwayte, where it is 
mentioned that Pennsylvania, in answer to the 
letter from the New York Council requiring them to 
assist, said, that " they have nothing to send but 
their good wishes :" and again, that Col. Fletcher 
having received his Commission for Pennsylvania, 


1693. he is going thither. — The original letters, however, 
are not with the Correspondence. 
New York B. T. V. 4. B. E. P. 37. (7 folios.) 
April 26. A list of Officers appointed by Col. Fletcher in 
the Province of Pennsylvania. (Attested Copy.) 
New York B. T. V. 5. B. P. P. 3. (12 folios.) 
April 26 to May 16. Abstracts from the Minutes of 
Council in Pennsylvania. 
New York B. T. V. 5. B. P. P. 22. (6 folios.) 
June 12, New York. Col. Fletcher to the Board.— Mr. 
Lodvick sent by the Council to give an account of 
the- Province (N. Y.) ; — can get no assistance from 
Pennsylvania; — seal wanted for that Province 
(Pennsylv'a). (Original.) 
New York B. T. V. 5. B. F. P. 1. (4 folios.) 
June 13. Instructions* from the Govr. and Council of 
New York to Col. Charles Lodvick, containing 
what he is to offer on their behalf to the Board of 
Trade. (Copy.) 
New York B. T. V. 4. B. E. P. 60. (10 folios.) 
September 15. Memorial of Charles Lodvick on behalf 
of Col. Fletcher to the Board of Trade, wherein he 
complains, that Pennsylvania will not assist N. 
York, and that if the Colonies of Connecticut, N. 
Jersey, and Pennsylvania, were incorporated with 
N.York, it would then strengthen that part of North 
America against the Enemies. (Original.) 
New York B. T. V. 4. B. E. P. 59. (9 folios.) 

August 18, New York. Col. Fletcher to Mr. Blathwayte: 
could not raise any money in Pennsylvania; — he 
conferred with the Indians, &c. ; — (the rest of the 


J 693. letter does not relate to Pennsylvania.) (Ori- 
New York B. T. V. 5. B. F. P. 6. (8 folios.) 

December 28. Order of Council with the Draft of a 
Charter proposed to be granted to Richard Haynes 
and others, to incorporate them to Trade with a joint 
stock to Pennsylvania, commanding the Attorney- 
General to prepare a Bill to that effect. (Original.) 
America & W. Indies. V. 388. (150 folios.) 
December — . Draft of a bond to their Majesties from some 
of the Members of the New Pennsylvania Trading 

America & W. Indies. V. 388. (24 folios.) 

1693, . Extracts from two letters of Mr. Penn to 

a certain person *in Philadelphia, giving him advice 
how to get the Patent restored. (Attested by Col. 
« Fletcher.) 

New York B. T. V. 5. B. F. P. 23. (6 folios.) 

1693, , Philadelphia. Copy of the Address of some 

of the Freeholders and Inhabitants of Pennsylvania 
to Col. Fletcher. 

New York B. T. V. 5. B. F. P. 4. (10 folios.) 
A Printed Copy of the same Address. (Vide.) 
New York B. T. V. 5. B. F. P. 15. 


March 5. Mr. Seer. Povey to the Attorney-General, with 

a copy of the Pennsylvania Patent. (Original.) 

Pennsylvania B. T. Vol. 1. (1 folio.) 


July (5.) Mr. Penn's Petition to the Queen, desiring to be 


1694. restored to his Government, in pursuance of the 
right of his grant under the Great Seal. (Original.) 
Pennsylvania B. 1\ V. 1. ' (4 folios.) 

July 5. Order in Council, referring Mr. Penn's Petition 
for his restoration to the Government of Pennsyl- 
vania to the Attorney and Solicitor-Gen] . (Entry.) 
Pennsylvania B. T. V. 2. p. 42. (1 folio.) 

July 12. Mr. Attorney and Solr.-Generl's Report on Mr. 
Penn's petition of July (5), touching his right 
to the government of Pennsylvania, referred to 
them by the Privy Council. (Copy.) 

Pennsylvania B. T. V. 1. (9 folios.) 

July 12. Order in Council, referring to the Board of 
Trade for their consideration the Report of Att. and 
Sol. Gen. upon Mr. Penn's Petition touching his 
right to the Government of Pennsylvania. (Original.) 
Pennsylvania B. T. V. 1. (2 folios.) 

July 13. From the Board of Trade to the Attorney- 
Gen., with the Acts of Pennsylvania, requiring his 
opinion upon the same. (Draft.) ~ 

Pennsylvania B. T. V. 1. (2 folios.) 

July 25. Mr. Attorney and Solkntor-Genl's Report upon 
the Grants to Mr. Penn, of Newcastle, &c. (Ori- 
ginal.) N 
Pennsylvania B. T. V. 1. (7 folios.) 
July 25. Mr. Attorney-General to the Board, returning 
his opinion upon the Acts passed in Pennsylvania. 

Pennsylvania B. T. V. 1. (4 folios.) 

August 1. Mr. Penn's memorial against the Law about re- 
cording Deeds. (Original.) 

Pennsylvania B. T. V. 1. (1 folio.) 


1^94, August 1. From the Board of Trade to the Attorney- 
General, requiring him to reconsider the Laws of 
Pennsylvania : — to hear Mr. Penn or his Agent con- 
cerning the same, and to attend the Board with his 
opinion at their next meeting. (Draft.) 

Pennsylvania B. T. V. 1. (3 folios.) 

August 1 & 3. Report from the Board of Trade to the 
Queen in Council upon Mr. Penn's Petition to be 
restored to the Government of Pennsytva., &c., and 
upon the laws of that Province passed in their 
Assembly, May, 1693. (Entry.) 

Pennsylvania B. T. V. 2. p. 51. (25 folios.) 

August 3. Mr. Penn's agreement given at the Council 

Chamber about the Laws of Pennsylvania. (Orig'l.) 

Pennsylvania R T. V. 1. (3 folios.) 

August 9. Order of Council disallowing two Laws of 

Pennsylvania. (Entry*) 

Pennsylvania B. T. V. 2. p. 62. (4 folios.) 
August 9* Oder of Council confirming some of the 
Pennsylvania^ Laws. (Entry.) 

Pennsylvania B. T» V. 2. p. 60. (9 folios.) 

August 9. Order in Council upon Mr. Penn's Petition, 

restoring him to the Government of Pennsylv'a., 

and revoking in part Col. Fletcher's Commiss'n. 


Pennsylvania B. T. V. 2. p. 56. (13 folios.) 
August 29. Royal Commission (Letters Patent) to make 
void the Appointment of Col. Fletcher to the 
Governt. of Pennsylv'a. (Entry.) 

Pennsylvania B. T. V. 2. p. 63. (8 folios.) 

August 21. Sign Manual to Mr. Penn, signifying her 

Majesty's pleasure as regards the quota of Men and 



1694. other assistance to be given from Penna. to New 
York. (Entry.) 

Pennsylvania B. T. V. 2 p. 58. (8 folios.) 
November 24. Mr. Penn's Commission to Mr. Markham 
to be "Governor" of Pennsylvania under him. 

Proprieties B. T. V. 1. A. 1. (3 folios.) 

November 24. Mr. Penn's Commission to John Goodson 
and Sam. Carpenter to be Assistants .to Mr. Mark- 
ham in the Governt. of Pennsylvania. (Copy.) 

Proprieties RT.V.l. A. 2. (2 folios.) 

December 14. Wm. Ford (on behalf of Mr. Penn) to 

Seer. Blathwayte, requesting that Mr. Markham be 

approved of by the Board as Lieutenant Govr. of 

Penns'a. (Original.) 

Pennsylvania B. T. V. 1. (1 folio.) 


April 1. Constitution of the Penna. Trading Company.' 

Proprieties B. T. V. 7. L. 53. (17 folios.) 

April 21, & seq. Papers relative to a Trial upon the seizure 
of the Briganteen Dolphin in Penna. (Copies of 
seven documents.) 
Plant. Genl. B. T. V. 4. A. 13. & seq. (30 folios.) 
October 16. Proposals to the Commissrs. of the Customs to 
discourage the illegal Trade in the Plantations, pre- 
sented to them by Mr. Randolph. (Copy of the same 
delivered to the Board of Trade, 1696, Aug. 17.) 
Plant. Genl. B. T. V. 4. A. 10. (21 folios.) 


1696, December 7, London. Memorial from Mr. £. Ran- 
' dolph to the Custom Commissioners about the Illegal 
Trade in the Plantations, and, in particular, in Vir- 
ginia, Maryland, and Pennsylvania, offering some 
methods for the preventiomthereof. (Entry.) 

Plant. Genl. B. T. V. 33. p. 352. (40 folios.) 


January (13), Custom House. Presentment from the Cus- 
tom Commissioners to the Lords of the Treasury 
upon Mr. Randolph's Memorial of Dec. 7, about the 
illegal Trade in the American Plant'ns. (Entry.) 
Plant. Genl. B. T. V. 33. p. 350. (6 folios.) 

January 13, Whitehall. Order in Council upon Mr. Ran- 
dolph's Memorial of Dec. 7, touching the illegal 
trade in the Am. Plant'ns. (Entry.) 

Plant. Genl. B. T. V. 33. p. 348. (2 folios.) 

January 17. Report of the Custom Commiss'rs upon 
Randolph's Memorial of Dec, 7, about the illegal 
Trade in the Plantations. (Entry.) 

Plant. Genl. B. T* V. 33. p. 365. (16 folios.) 

January 28. Report of the Committee of tne whole 
Council to his Majesty upon the Report of the 
Custom Commissioners of January 17, relative to 
Mr. Randolph's Memorial about the illegal Trade in 
the Plantat'ns. (Entry.) 

Plant. Genl. B. T. V. 33. p. 371. (5 folios.) 

January 28. Reference of Mr. Randolph's Memorial of 
7th Dec, 1695, by the Committee of the whole 


1695-6. Council, to Sr. Charles Hedges, Kn't, Judge of the 
Admiralty, for his opinion. (Entry.) 

Plant GenL B. T. V. 83. p. 373. (2 folios.) 

February 7, Admiralty. Report of Sir Charles Hedges to 
the Comtnittee of the whole Council upon Mr. 
Randolph's Memorial referred to him by the said 
Committee, January 28th. (Entry.) 

Plant. Genl. B. T. V. 33. p. 374. (2 folios.) 
February 13, Kensington. Circular letter from the Coun- 
cil to the Govrs. in the Plantations upon the pre- 
sentment of the Commiss'rs of the Customs relating 
to the Acts of Trade and the Act passed in Scot- 
land. (Entry.) 

Plant. Genl. B. T. V. 33. p. 376. (7 folios.). 
March 10, Whitehall. Circular letter from the Council to 
the Govrs. in the Plantations upon the discovery of 
the Conspiracy. (Entry.) 

Plant. Genl. B. T. V. 33, p. 378. (4 folios.) 

April 15, Whitehall Circular letter from the Council to 
the Govrs. in the Plantations, with the Act of Par- 
liament for preventing frauds and regulating abuses 
in the Plantation Trade. (Entry.) 

Plant. Genl. B. T. V. 33. p. 382. (8 folios.) 
April 20, Whitehall. Circular letter from the Council to 
the Govrs* in the Plantations relating to the designs 
of the French. (Entry.) 

Plant Genl. B. T. V. 33. p. 381. (8 folios.) 

May — . Copy of a Bill drawn and presented to Govr. 

Markham in Penns'a by the Quakers, which they 



1096. desired to purchase to be enacted for the sum of 
£200 to be given as an assistance to New York. 
Proprieties B. T. V. 1. A. & (30 folios.) 

June 25. Copy of a letter from Pennsylvania about some 
strange Indians 1 having presented themselves in the 
Province & committed some ravages — laid before 
the Board by Mr. Penn, 1696-7, Febr'y 12. 

Proprieties B. T. V. 1. A. 24. (15 folios.) 
July 6 & Aug. 2, Edinborough. Copies of two letter* 
from Scotland about illegal Trade carried on from 
Pennsylv'a — presented to the Board by Mr. Ran- 

Plant. Genl. B. T. V. 4. A. 15. (2 folios.) 
July 17.. Extract of a Presentment from the Custom 
Commiss'rs to the Lords of the Treasury about the 
execution of Penal Laws against illegal Trade in 
the Plantations, recommending to erect Courts of 
Admiralty, and to nominate Attorneys General. 

Plant. Genl. B. T. V. 34. p. 20. (5 folios.) 
July 17. Extract of a Presentment from the Custom 
Commissioners to the Lords of the Treasury, in 
' which they propose that the Govrs. of the Pro- 
prieties may be persons of good Estates and Repu- 
tation. (Entry.) 

Plant. Genl. B. T., V* 84. p. 19. (fr folios.) 

July 22, Treasury. Mr. Lowndes to Mn Popple — inclosing 

the Extract from the presentment of the Custom 

Commissioners to the Lords of the Treasury, to be 

laid before the Commissioners of Trade. (Entry.) 

Plant. Genl. B. T. V. 34. p. 18. (2 folios.) 



1696, July 23, Whitehall. Order in Council referring the 
Extract of a Presentment from the Custom Commis- 
sioners to the Lords of the Treasury of July 17, 1696, 
about the execution of Penal laws, <fcc. (Entry.) 
Plant. Genl. B. T. V. 34. p. 20. (1 folio.) 

July 31. Mr. Randolph's proposals for putting into execu- 
tion the Act for preventing Frauds, &c, in the 
Plantations. (Entry.) 

Plant. Genl B. T. V. 34. p. 25. (4 folios.) 

July 31. List of persons to be Judges, Registers, Marshalls 
in the Admiralty Courts, and also Attorneys General 
in the Plantat'ns. (Entry — presented by Mr. Ran- 

Plant. Genl. B. T. V. 34. p. 22. (5 folios.) 

August 12, Whitehall. Representation from the Board of 
Trade to the Lords Justices upon the Presentment 
of the Custom Commissioners referred to them by 
the Lords of the Treasury, wherein they move, that 
it is requisite Commiss'rs should be appointed for 
administering the oath or oaths to the Govern'rs of 
the Proprieties. (Entry.) 

Plant. Gen. B. T. V. 34. p. 26. (3 folios.) 

August 13, Whitehall. Representation from the Board of 
Trade to the Lords Justices-— expressing their opinion 
that the erecting of the Courts of Admiralty in the 
Plantations will conduce to the due execution of the 
Penal Laws; 

Plant Gen. B. T. V. 34. p. 27. (2 folios.) 

August 17. Mr. Randolph's Representation to the Board 
of Trade about the ill execution of the Acts of 



1698. Parliament relating to Trade in the Plantations 
under distinct proprieties. (Orig'L) 

Plant. Gen. B. T. V. 4. A. 11. (15 folios.) 
August 17. Names of Pirates and Scotchmen inhabiting 
and Trading in Pennsylvania, presented to the 
Board by Mr. Randolph. (Orig'L) 

Plant. Gen. B. T. V. 4. A. 14. (2 folios.) 

August 20. Order in Council upon Representation from 

the Board of Trade of August 12, concerning the 

Govers. in Plantations under district Proprieties. 


Plant. Gen. B. T. V. 34. p. 169. (2 folios.) 
August 25. Memorial from Mr. Randolph to the Board 
of Trade, about the Attorneys General in the dif- 
ferent Plantations. (OrigM.) 

Also a List of the new Attorneys General to be 
appointed, signed by Mr. Seer. Popple. 

Plant. Gen. B. T. V. 4. A. 17. (10 folios.) 
September 7. Representation from the Board of Trade to 
the Lords Justices, concerning the appointment of 
Attorneys General in the different Provinces in A me- 
• rica, stating, upon Mr. Randolph's information, the 
different charges against the then Colonial Attor- 
neys Gen'l. (Copy.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 1. A. 7. (7 folios.) 

September 10. Order in Council to the Attorney Genl. to 

consider the Representation of the Board of Trade 

concerning the appointment of Ati's Genl in the 

different Colonies in America. (OrigM.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 1. A. 7. (2 folios.) 




1690. September 23. Mr. Nelson's Memorial to the Board 
of Trade, about the state of the Northern Colonies in 
America, viz., N. Eng., R. I., Connecticut, N. York, 
Penns'a, MaryPd, and Virginia. (Orig'l.) 

Plant. Gen. B. T. Y. 0. A. 21. (36 folios.) 
September 23. Mr. Nelson's memorial to the Board of 
Trade, proposing the method of conquering Canada. 

Plant. Gen> R T. V. 4. A. 21. (14 folios.) 
September 30. Representation from the Boprd of Trade 
to the Lords Justices concerning the state of the 
Northern Colonies in America. (Entry.) :, 

Plant. Gen. B. T. V. 34. p. 59. (33 folios.) 

October 13. Commission of Gov'r Nicholson of Maryland 

to Capt'n Josiah Daniell and Lieutenants Ockman 

and Young, to seize one Day, ft Privateer supposed 

to be in Delaware Bay. (Copy.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 2. B. 3. No. 2. (4 folios.) 

October 14. Capt'n Josiah Daniell's Commission to Lieu- 
tenants Wm, Ockman and Isaac Young, for seizing 
one Day, a Pirate in Pennsyly'a. (Copy.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 1. A. 97. (3 folios.) 

October 18* Major Donaldson of Newcastle to Lt. Gov. 

Markham — informs that Gov. Nicholson sent into 

Newcastle 60 Armed Men from Maryland to search 

for Capt'n Day and his Men. (Copy.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 2. B. 3. No. 17. (4 folios.) 

October 20. s. From (Pbilada;) to does not 

approve of the manner of beating for Recruits, and 
desires to be consulted on the subject. (Copy.) 
. Propr. B. T. V, 2. B. 3. No. 4* ; (2 folios.) 


1006, October 30. Mr. Randolph's Memorial to the Board 
of Trade, soliciting the dispatch of the Attorney Ge- 
neral's Report upon a Representation about Attor- 
neys General in the Proprieties. (Orig'l.) 

Plant Genl. B. T. V. 4. A. 22. (3 folios.) 

October 30. Mr. Seer. Popple to the Att Genl about his 
Report relating to Attorneys General in the Planta- 
tions. (Entry.) 

Plant Genl. B. T. V. 34. p. 77. (2 folios.) 

November 5 f (or before.) Petition of the Proprietors of 
Carolina, Bahama Islands, Pennsylv'a, E. and W. 
Jerseys and Connect't, against the appointment of 
an Att. Genl for these provinces by the Board of 
Trade. (Copy.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 1. A. 4. (6 folios.) 

November 5. Order in Council upon the Petition of the 
Lords Proprietors of Carolina, Bahama Islands, 
Penns'a, &c, relating to the appointment of the 
Att Gen'I in the said Provinces, and referring the 
same to the consideration of the Board of Trade. 

Propr. B. T. V. 1. A. ,4. (2 folios.) 

November 10. Mr. Randolph's Memorial to the Custom 
Commissioners concerning the Breach of the Acts 
of Trade and Navigation in the several Colonies in 
America, especially m the Proprietary Govern'ts. 

Propr. B. T. V. 1. A. 6. (25 folios.) 

November 16* The Custom Commissars' Presentm't to the 
Lords of the Treasury with Mr. Randolph's memo- 
rial concerning the breach of the Acts of Trade and 

■»■■.-*.- ^--»_3- 



1696b Navigation in the several Colonies in America, es- 
pecially in the Proprietary Govern'ts. (Orig'l.) 
Propr. B. T. V. 1. A. 6. (2 folios.) 

November 19. Copy of the Minutes of Council of Penns'a 
about £300 sent to New York for the relief of the 
friendly Indians. 

Propr. B. T. V. 2. B. 3. No. 19. (3 folios.) 

November 28, Albany. Col. Fletcher to Lt. Gov'r Mark- 
ham acknowledging the receipt of his letter and 
thanks for the gift which the Council and Assembly 
of Pennsylv'a made for the Indians. (Copy.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 2. B. 3. No. 20. (2 folios.) 

December 1. Mr. Lowndes to Mr. Popple — with the Cus- 
tom Commissioners' Presentment and Mr. Ran- 
dolph's Memorial concerning the Breach of the 
Acts of Trade and Navigation in the several Colo- 
nies in Am'a, more especially in the Propr. Pro- 
vinces. (Orig'l.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 1. A. 5. (1 folio.) 

December 3. Order of Council upon a Report of the 
Board of Trade of the same date, relating to Ja- 
maica, and complaining of the protection given to 
Pirates in the Propr., commanding that the s'd com- 
plaint be communicated to the different Proprietors. 

Propr. B. T. V. 1. A. 10. (2 folios.) 

December 4. Mr. Seer. Popple to the Attorney Gen'l 
desiring his opinion ab't erecting Admiralty Courts 
in the Plant'ns. (Entry.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 25, p. 13. (1 folio.) 

December 4. Attorney General's opinion about the erect* 


1006. ing of Coort8 of Admiralty in the Plantat'ns under 
distinct Proprietors. (Orig'l.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 1. A. 7. (3 folios.) 

December 0. Mr. Penn to Mr. Been Popple informing 
him about two Laws past in Maryland prejudicial 
to the Trade of Penns'a, and desiring to be heard 
by the Board on that subject before the said Laws 
are taken into their consideration. (Orig'l.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 1. A. 9. (4 folios.) 

December 9. Memorial of Mr. Randolph to the Board of 
Trade, desiring leave to prove the Allegations in 
bis former Mem'l of Nov. 10. (Orig'l.) 

Propr. B. T. V. ]. A. 8. (2 folios.) 

December 10. Memorial of the Proprietors of Carolina, 
dahama, Pennsylv'a, Jerseys and Connect't to the 
Board of Trade relating to the Courts of Admiralty 
there. (Orig'l.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 1. A. 11. (4 folios.) 

December 17. Representation, from the Board of Trade 
to the King about the erecting Adifiiralty Courts in 
the several Proprietary and Charter Govern'ts in 
America. (Entry.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 25. p. 16. (7 folios.) 

-December 30. Order of Council upon a Report from the 
Board of Trade, dated the 17 Dec, about erecting 
of Admiralty' Courts in the Plantations under dis- 
tinct Proprieties and Charters. (Copy.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 1. A. 18. (4 folios.) 

1696 or 1697. Mr. Penn's proposals to the Lords Com- 
mittees of the H. of Lords relating to the Plantation 
Trade— also 


1696 or 1607. A list of several papers delivered into the 
H. of L. by Mr. Penn and others relating to the 
Plantation Trade — and 

A schedule of imp'ts & exp'ts into England deli- 
vered by the Custom Commissioners. (Copies.) 
Plant. Genl. B. t. V. 4. A. 60 & 61. (38 folios.) 


January 21. Petition of the Proprietors of Carolina, Ba- 
hama Islands, Penns'a, Jerseys and Connect't to the 
King praying that their Gov'rs be appointed vice 
Admirals in their respective Govern'ts. (Copy.) 
Propr. B. T. V. 1. A. 18. (6 folios.) 

February 8. Mr. Penn's scheme for rendering the North- 
ern Colonies of Am'a more useful to England. 
(Orig'l, not signed.) 

Plant Gen. B. T. V. 4. A. 40. (6 folios.) 

February 9. Board of Trade to Mr. Penn — communicat- 
ing his Maj'ty's pleasure that the Quota appointed 
by her late Maj'ty in 1692 be punctually contributed 
—that effectual Laws be made against the receiving 
-& harbouring Deserters & other Fugitives, & that 
due care be taken that no Pirates or sea Robbers 
be anywhere sheltered or entertained. (Entry.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 25. p. 87. (6 folios.) 

February 12, Mr. Penn to the Board of Trade— com- 
plaining against two Laws passed in Maryland in 
1695 being injurious to the Trade of Pennsylvania. 

Propr. B. T. V. 1. A. 22. (2 folios.) 

266 cATALoeua of papus 

1696-7, February 12. Mr, Penn to the Board of Trade, — 
objecting to the Quota ordered from Pennsylvania 
for the defence of New York. (Orig'l.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 1. A. 23. (4 folios.) 

February 13. Lt. Gov'r Markham to Mr. Penn. — In con- 
sequence of a French Privateer's having taken seve- 
ral sloops on the Coast of Pennsylv'a, he gave a 
Commission to Capt'n John Day to attack the s'd 
Privateer, which raised great clamour against him 
by Gov'r Nicholson. '(Copy.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 2. B. 3. No. 10. (18 folios.) 

February 22. Extract of a letter from Lt Gov'r Mark- 
ham to Mr. Penn. — Received a letter from Mr. 
Clark that the Marylanders continue incroaching 
upon Penn'a bounds — that Gov'r Nicholson had 
drawn up an information against this province for 
enticing and harbouring Men belonging to the Ships 
of Maryland, and sent the s'd information to the 
Magistrates of Cicil County to sign, but they re- 
fused, upon which he arrested them* 

Propr. B. T. V. 2. B. 3. No. 16. (3 folios.) 

February 24. Rich. Halliwell, Jno. Donaldson and Ro. 
French, Merchants of New Castle, to Lt Gov'r 
Markham — the Gov'r of Maryland having given 
permission to the Traders there to bring Tobacco 
from Pennsylv'a to be loaded on board there and 
transported for England, the said Merch'ts beg to 
have the liberty to carry the same over* (Copy.) , 
Propr. B. T. V. 2. B. 3. No. 15. (1 folio.) 

February 25. Commissioners of the Customs to the Board 
of Trade with a List of the names of persons pro- 


1686-7. per to be imployed in the several Courts of Admi- 
ralty in the Plantations. (Orig'l.) 

Plant. Qenl. B. T. V. 4. A. 46. (6 folios.) 

February 26. Lt. Gov'r Markham to the Merchants of 
New Castle in answer to their letter of the 24th of 
February, regretting that it is not within his power 
to grant them their request. (Copy.) 

Propr. R T. V. 2. B. 3. No. 14. (1 folio.) 

March 1. Lt Govr. Markham to Mr. Penn.— James 
Claypole was returned from Maryland, and told 
him that Govr. Nicholson is very indefatigable in 
collecting all the information he can in order to 
frame a complaint home against him; — wishes Mr. 
Penn to discourse with the Custom Commissioners 
about transporting overland to Maryland from Penn- 
sylv'a. (Orig'l.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 2. B. 3. No. 13. (8 folios ) 

March 2* Mr. Seer. Popple to Mr. Seer. Sanson (of the 
Board of Customs) about the names of persons to 
be appointed Advocates in the Plant'ns. (Entry.) 
Plant. Genl. B. T. V. 34. p. 1 1 0. (3 folios.) 

March 3. Seer. Sanson (of the Board of Customs) to Mr. 
Popple, with a List of the names of persons pro* 
posed to be Advocates in several of his Maj'ty's 
Plantations in America. •(Orig'l.) 

Plant. Genl. B. T. V. 4. A. 47. (8 folios.) 

March 4. Mr. Randolph's memorandum delivered to the 

# Board of Trade for reconciling and perfecting the 
two lists, lately received from the Custom House, of 
persons to be Officers in the Admiralty Courts & 
the Advocates General. (Orig'l.) 

Plant Genl. B. T. V. 4. A. 48. (2 folios.) 

2f6 cATAioeuB or papbbs 

1696-7, March 4. Representation from the Board of Trade to 
the king, inclosing a list of the names of the Officers for 
the Admiralty Courts in the Plantations. (Entry.) 
Plant. Genl. B. T. V. 84. p. 117. (6 folios.) 

March 9. Capt'n Daniell to Govr. Markham. — Informs 
him . that three Men deserted from his Ship, taking 
a Barge with them, and requests him to give 
himself a ** little trouble" in order to secure the 
said Deserters. (Copy.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 2. B. 3. No. 5. (4 folios.) 

March 17. Mr. Tucker, of the Privy Council Office, to 
Mr. Seer. Popple, about Officers for the Admiralty 
Court in the 3 Lower Counties depending on Penn- 
sylv'a. (Orig'l.) 

Plant Genl. B. T. V. 4, A. 54. (2 folios.) 

qu.? 1696-7. (b.) The Maryland Council's opinion upon 
the Petition of the Merchants of Pennsylvania to 
be released from duties imposed upon their Ships 
traversing the seas of Maryland, wherein they 
assert, that the Petitioners can have no claim of 
exemption from those duties. (Copy.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 2. B. 3. No. 9. (9 folios.) 

qu.? 1696-7. (a.) Penna. Merch'ts' Pet'n to Govr. Nichol- 
son, praying that none of their Vessels going thro' 
the seas belonging to Maryland be taxed or other- 
wise assized. (Copy.) 

Propr. B. T. V> 2. B. 3. No. 8. 

1697. # 

March 25. Board of Trade to Mr. Seer. Trumbull (of 
the Pr. Council) relating to Admiralty Officers for 
the 3 Lower Counties. (Entry.) 

Plant. Genl. B. T. V. 34. p. 133. (4 folios.) 


1697, March 3a Lt. Govr. Markham to Capt'n Daniel!, 
in answer to bis letter of March 9, 1696-7, rebuking 
him for the rode and indicent expressions used 
therein, when speaking of the Deserters from his 
Ship. (Copy.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 2. B. 3. No. 6, (* folios.) 

March 30. Board of Trade to Mr, Attorney General — 
desiring him to draw up a form of Bond or security 
to be taken from the Proprietors of several Colonies 
in America for their respective Deputy Governors 
who are not of the King's nomination. (Entry.) 
Propr. B. T. V. 25. p. 62. (4 folios.) 

April 8. Seer. Popple to the Att. General, requiring. him 

to hasten the Dispatch of the Bond required to be 

drawn by him on the 30th of March last (Entry.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 25. p. 64. (2 folios.) 

April (9). Draft of a Bond (presented by Mr. Att. GenL 
to the Board of Trade) to be eptered into by the 
Proprietors of several Plant'ns in America. 

Propr. B. T. V. 1. A. 38. (3 folios.) 

April 9. Mr. Att. Geol. Trevor to the Board of Trade 
with a draft of a Bond to be entered into by the 
Proprietors of several Plant'ns in Am'a. (Orig'l.) 
Propr. B. T. V. 1. A. 98. (1 folio.) 

April 14. Seor. Popple to Mr. Lowndes, Seer, of the 
Treasury, with a copy of a draft of a Bond to be 
entered into by the proprietors of several Planta- 

t lions in America, desiring that the same be laid 

before the Lords Cbmmiss'rs of the Treasury for 
their opinion. (Entry.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 25. p. 68. (3 folios.) 


1697, April 22, Kensington. The King's letter to Mr* 
Penn (being a Duplicate of a Circular letter to all 
the Proprietors) commanding him strictly to ob- 
serve the Laws for preventing of Frauds in the 
Plantation Trade under the Penalty of forfeiting 
his Patent. (Entry.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 25. p. 7t>. (3 folios.) 

April 24. Lt Govr. Markham to Mr. Penn— vindicates 
his conduct with regard to the Pirates and Privateers 
in answer to the charges brought by E. Randolph. 

Propr. B. T. V. 2. B. 3. No. 11. (7 folios.) 

April 30. Mr. Lowndes to Mr. Popple. — Informs him that 
by direction of the Lords of th$ Treasury he 
forwarded to the Commiss'rs of Customs for their 
opinion the Draft of a Bond to be entered into by 
the Prop'rs of several Plantations in America. 

Propr. B. T. V. 1. A. 42. (1 folio.) 

April 30, Westminster. Copy of the Commission given to 
Edw. Randolph. Rob. Quary, Rich. Hollewell, Ed- 
ward Chilton. John Moore, and Jasper Yates, for 
administering to the Govr. of Penna. the oath ap- 
pointed by Act of Parliament for preventing Frauds 
and regulating abuses in the Plantation Trade. 

Propr. B. T. V. 4. D. 31. (17 folios.) 

May 1. Lt Govr. Markham to (Mr. Penn) — vindicates 
his character from the accusation of being avaricious 
—sends Indian Bows and Arrows as a present — 
John Day is gone for Holland. (Copy.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 2. B. 3. No. 12. (3 folios.) 


1697, May 4. Report of the Custom Commiss'rs to 
the Lords of the Treasury, upon the Draft of a Bond 
to be entered into by the Proprietors, giving their 
opinion that the penalty ought not to be less than 
£2000, and not more than £5000. '(Orig'l.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 1. A. 43. No. 1. (2 folios.) 

May 5. Mr. Lowndes to Mr. Popple with a Report of the 
Custom Commissioners upon the draft of a Bond to 
be entered into by the Proprietors in America, con- 
cerning the amount of security to be taken from 
the said Proprietors. (Orig'l.) 

Propr. B. T. V. I. A. 43. (2 folios.) 

May 8. Seer. Popple to Mr. Penn, inclosing the form of 
a Bond to be entered into by the several Proprietors 
in Airierica, that he may comply with it as soon as 
he can conveniently come to Town. (Entry.) 

Propr. R T. V. 25. p. 74. (3 folios.) 

May 11. Letter from the Custom Commiss'rs to the Lords 
of the Treasury, inclosing a Draft of Instructions 
prepared by them for the Govrs. in the American 
Plantations relating to the observance of the Acts 
of Trade and Navigation. (Entry.) 

Plant. Genl. B. T. V. 34. p. 143. (90 folios.) 

May 20. Seer. Popple to Mr. Lowndes — expressing the 
opinion of the Board of Trade upon the Draft of 
Instructions transmitted by the Custom Commis- 
sioners to the Lords of the Treasury, and by them 
to the Board. (Entry.) 

Plant. Genl. B. T. V. 34. p. 166. (5 folios.) 

July 8* Seer. Popple to Mr. Penn, inclosing the King's 
letter of April 22, 1697. (Entry.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 25. p. 84. (1 folio.) 


1697, July 13, Annapolis, Copy of the Information of 
Thomas Robinson, Esq're, about Privateers at 

Plant Genl. B. T. V. 4. B. 49. 4. (12 folios.) 

July 30, Copy of Mr. Samuel Carpenter's letter to Mr. 
Penn, on behalf of the Penna. Government, about 
Piracy and prosecutions upon forbidden Trade. 

Propr. B. T. V. 3. B. 4. No. 2. (4 folios.) 

September 1. Copy of a Letter from Mr. Penn to Col. 

Markham, Lt. Govr. of Penna., about drawing the 

Boundary line between that Province and Maryland. 

Propr. B. T. Vol, 1. A. 52. (2 folios.) 

September 10, Philad'a. CoL Quary to the Board of 
Trade. — This letter is a Duplicate pf one dated 
Sepfr 6, 1697, in which he states, that all the goods 
under seizure in the Marshall's hands were by force 
taken away ; — application was made to CoL Mark- 
ham to have tbem restored, but he refused to do itj 
— the Merchants of Penna. send Tobacco to Scot- 
land and import the European Goods from Curasao ; 
their late Act destroys the Admiralty Court ; — the 
Judges & Judges not sworn, and, lastly, that he 
cannot proceed in his office and desires directions 
from the Board. In this letter he adds, that Mr. 
Randolph was imprisoned by the Lt. Govr. Mark- 
ham for writing to him (Mr. M.) ;— that the Law 
did oblige Col. Markham to have his Majesty's & 
Council's allowance and approbation before he acted 
as Govr. (Entry.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 25. p. 285. (15 folio*). 

(September 20) (Received). Mr. Robert Snead of Penn- 


1697. sylvania to Sir John Houblon, complaining of Col. 
Markham, Lt Govr. of that Province, in regard of 
his countenancing the Pirates. (Qrig'l — with an 

Propr. B. T. V. 1. A. 54. (26 folios.) 

September (22). Col. Robert Quary's Memorial — giving 
an account of the State of Pennsylvania, sug- 
gesting the necessity of a Vessel to cruise at the 
entrance of Delaware Bay to prevent Illegal Trade, 
and praying he might have a salary for his 
place of Judge of the Admiralty in that Province. 

Propr. B. T. Vol. 1. A. 55. (18 folios.) 

October 8. Seer. Popple to Mr. Penn, informing him that 
the Commissars of Trade desire to speak with him 
on the subject of the complaints relating to the pro- 
tection of Pirates in Penna. (Entry.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 25. p. 166. (2 folios.) 

October 15. Mr. Penn to Mr. Seer. Popple — regrets to 
hear the complaints against Col. Markham, his Dep. 
Govr. in Penna., for protecting Pirates, and suggests 
that Lord Bellomont be appointed to investigate the 
truth of the same. (Orig'l.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 2. B. 2. (9 folio*.) 

October 25, Council Office. Order of Council directing 
the Board of Trade to send the Proclamation for 
publishing the Peace to the Governors in the Ame- 
rican Plantations. (Entry.) 

Plant. Genl. B. T. V. 34. p. 186. (2 folios.) 

October 27, Whitehall. Circular letter from the Board of 



1697. Trade to the Govrs. in America, about publishing 
the Peace. (Entry.) 

Plant. Genl. B. T. V. 34. p. 190. (4 folios.) 
November 9. Mr. Penn to Mr. Seer. Popple — desires 
that a letter be sent from the Board to Govr. Nichol- 
son ordering him to desist levying any duty upon 
the Ships belonging to Pennsylvania, as the Law 
passed at Maryland to that effect will not be con- 
firmed. (Orig'l.) 

Propr. B. T. Vol. 2. B. 4. (3 folios.) 

November 13. Mr. Francis Jones of Pennsylvania to Mr. 
Penn, — tending to vindicate Col. Markham's con- 
duct in relation to Pirates there. (Orig'l.) 

Propr. B. T. Vol. 2. B. 3. (14 folios.) 

November 22. Seer. Popple to Sr. Charles Hedges, Knt, 

Judge of the High Court of Admt'y, about the Power 

of Admiralty Courts in the Plantations with relation 

to Pirates. (Entry.) 

Plant Genl. B. T. V. 34. p. 207. (2 folios.) 
November 30. Circular letter from the Board of Trade 
to' the Govrs. of Plantations with copies of the 
Treaty of Peace. (Entry.) 

Plant. Genl. B. T. V. 34. p. 208. (3 folios.) 
November. Names of Persons, who can give information 
about Pirates in Maryland, delivered to the Seer, 
of the Board by Mr. Penn. 

Propr. B. T. Vol. 2. B. 3. No. 18. (1 folio.) 
November. Col. Robt. Quary to Mr. Penn — tending to 
vindicate Col. Markham's conduct in relation to 
Pirates in Pennsylvania. (Orig'l.) 

Propr. B. T. Vol. 2. B. 3. No. 1. (7 folios.) 


1697, December 9. Representation from the Board of 
Trade to the King about the Pirates* being sheltered 
in the American Plantations. (Entry.) 

Plant. Genl. B. T. V. 34. p. 211. (10 folios.) 
December 22, Whitehall. Seer. Popple to Mr. Penn, 
desiring him to transmit to the Board the Laws 
made in Pennsylvania. (Entry.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 25. p. 188 J. (1 folio.) 

December 28. Mr. Penn to Mr. Seer. Popple, transmitting 
to the Board the Laws of Pennsylvania. (Orig'l.) 
Propr. B. T. Vol. 2. B. 6. (1 folio.) 

December 30, Whitehall. Seer. Popple to Mr. Penn — de- 
siring him to give an answer to his letter of the 8th 
of May last about the security required of him for 
his Deputy Governor. (Entry.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 25. p. 189. (2 folios.) 

1697 — . List of the Laws of the Province of Pennsyl- 
vania, transmitted to the Board by Mr. Penn, Deer. 
28, 1697. 

Propr. B. T. Vol. 2. B. 7. (10 folios.) 

1697 — . Mr. Penn's Reply to Govr. Nicholson's answer 
to the Philadelphia Merchants' complaint to him. 

Propr. B. T. V. 2. B. 4. No. 1. (6 folios.) 


January 7th, Essex Street. Seer. Popple to Sr. Thos. 
Trevor, Kn't, Attorney General, & Sr. John Hawles, 


1697-8. Kn't, Solicitor Genl., transmitting the Laws of 
Pennsy 1 vania. (Entry.) 

Plant. GenL B. T. V. 34 p. 221. (1 folio.) 
January 13th, Essex Street Letter from the Board to 
Mr. Seer. Vernon, inclosing a Representation to the 
King about the Pirates in the Plantations. (Entry.) 
Plant. Genl. B. T. V. 34. p. 222. (13 folios.) 
February 12, Philadelphia. Copy of Col. Markham's Pro- 
clamation about Pirates. 

Plant. Genl. B. T. V. 4. B. 49. 6. (10 folios.) 

February 14. Mr. Perm to the Board of Trade, relating 

to the security required from Proprietors for their 

respective Deputy Governors in the Plantations. 


Propr. B. T. Vol. 2. B. 8. (4 folios.) 
February 23, Whitehall. Letter from the Board of Trade 
to the Proprietors of Carolina, Bahama , Penn- 
sylvania & N. Jerseys, with a proclamation pro- 
hibiting his Maj'ty's subjects to enter the service of 
Foreign Princes, &c. (Entry.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 25. p. 196. (2 folios.) 

March 15, Philadelphia. Examination of Peter Claus and 
James Brown, two of Every's Crew at Philadelphia, 
relating to Pirates. (Attested Copy.) 

Plant. Genl. B. T. V. 4. B. 41. (6 folios.) 

March 21, Cockpit. Circular letter from the Board of 

Trade to the Proprietors of Carolina, Pennsylvania, 

&c, about enacting Laws against Privateers and 

Pirates. (Entry.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 25. p. 199. (5 folios.) 


1698. April 2, Philadelphia. Copy of the Deposition of 
Robert Webb, relating to the seizure and release 
of a Vessel trading illegally in Pennsylvania, in 
November, 1696. (Received from Mr. Randolph, 
May 19, 1702.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 6. I. 35. (6 folios.) 

April 25, New York. Mr. Randolph to Secretary Popple 
about Pirates and Illegal Traders — and amongst 
other things, accuses Col. Markham of favouring 
the Pirates — of breaking his oath by taking a 
Quaker's attest ; recommends the King to appoint 
Governours in the Proprieties, — and that an Attorney 
Genl. is wanted in Pennsylvania. (Orig'l.) 

Plant. Genl. B. T. V. 4. B. 42. (10 folios.) 

April 2$. Mr. Robert Snead of Philadelphia to Sr. John 
Hubland, one of the Admiralty Commissioners, 
relating to the protection of Pirates in the Govern't 
of Pennsylv. (Orig'l.) 

Propr. B. T. Vol. 2. B. 14. (5 folios.) 

April (26). Preface or Title to the new Laws of Penn- 
sylvania, transmitted by Mr. Randolph, in his letter 
to the Board of April 26. 

Plant. Genl. B. T. V. 4. B. 40. 1. (4 folios.) 

April 26, New York. Mr. Randolph to the Board of 
Trade. — He administered the oath to Col. Nichol- 
son, Govr. of Maryland, for the due execution of the 
x Acts of Trade and Navigation — Sr. Edmd. Andros 
took the oath also — arrives at New Castle and finds 
there an Arbitrary Quaker Govern't ; no oaths ad- 
ministered even upon Trials of Criminals — comes 


1698. to Philadelphia & administers the oath to Co!. 
Markham — Col. Markham protects Pirates — He 
puts Plantation Bonds in a suit at Philadelphia, but 
the Govr. does not assist him, and eludes the pro- 
ceedings in those suits, &c, &c — The Proprietors 
have not given security for their Governors — pro- 
poses the Government of the Proprietys be taken 
into the King's hands, &c, &c. (Orig'l.) 

Plant. Genl. B. T. V. 4. B. 40. (20 folios.) 

May 30. The Address and vindication of the Freemen 
of the Province of Pennsylvania to the King — 
wherein they congratulate the Kingdom on the 
peace — vindicate themselves with regard to the 
Scotch and Dutch Trade and about the Ships with 
Tobacco not going direct to England. Mr. Ran- 
dolph's irregular proceedings — The Pirates appre- 
hended in Pennsylv'a, escaped to New York, thither 
pursued and apprehended, but set at Liberty without 
Trial. — Col. Fletcher accused of countenancing the 
Pirates. — Charge ag'st Mr. Randolph for bringing 
false accusations against the Pennsylvania Govern't. 
(Orig'l — signed by the Lt. Govr. Markham, eleven 
Members of the Council, and 19 of the Assembly, 
with eleven copies of different papers inclosed with 
the Address in support of the allegations therein 

Propr. B. T. Vol. 2. B. 18. No. 1.2. 3. 4. 5. <$. 7. (70 folios.) 

May — , Philadelphia. Copy of an Act passed in Penn- 
sylvania for preventing frauds and regulating abuses 
in Trade, with Mr, Randolph's marginal notes, 



1698. transmitted to the Board in his letter of the 25th of 
Aug., 1698. (An imperfect copy.) 

Plant. Genl. B. T. V. 5. C. 18. (36 folios.) 

July 4, Philadelphia. Col. Quary to the Board with regard 
to the establishing of the Court of Admiralty in 
Pennsylvania, and the difficulties which he meets 
with on account of the Act of the Assembly which 
has taken off the obligation of an oath in all cases 
relating to the Acts of Trade and Navigation. 

Propr. B. T. Vol. 2. B. 22. (13 folios.) 

July 23, Philadelphia. Copy of a Bond given by an Illegal 
Trader. (Referred to in Col. Quary's Letter of 
the 1st of March, 1698-9.) 

Propr. B. T. Vol. 3. C. 17. (5 folios.) 

July 23, Philadelphia. Copy of a Bond given by Francis 

Bassett and John Moorehead for the Sloop Jacob of 

Albany, seized by the Collector of his Majesty's 

Customs in Pennsylvania on the 8th of July, 1698. 

Propr. B. T. V 3. C. 27. 6. (4 folios.) 

August (5). Narrative of Capt'n Robert Sneed, one of 
the Justices of the Peace in Pennsylvania, contain- 
ing his proceedings in seizing some Pirates at 
Philadelphia and committing them, and Governor 
Markham protecting & letting them escape. (Orig'l.) 
Plant. Genl. B. T. V. 4. B. 49. & (15 folios.) 

August 8, New York. Mr. Randolph to the Board of \ 
Trade. — The Pennsylvania Act about Trade is 
repugnant to the Act passed in England — Col. 
Quary intends to hold a Court of Admiralty to Try 
an illegal Trader — Col. Markham has not had the 


1698. oath legally administered to him — CoL Markhara 
has made a Scotchman a Naval Officer — The Com- 
mission for Administering the oath is in the Secre- 
tary's Office — CoL Markham took the oath, but not 
before the Commissioners — Consequence — Col. 
Markham will not let the Commissions for adminis- 
tering the oath keep the Commission — Mr. Randolph 
was abused & imprisoned — represents the necessity 
of having a small vessel well manned to cruise at 
the Entrance of Delaware Bay. (Copy.) 

Propr. B. T. Vol. & C. 26. 2. (13 folios.) 

August 9, New York. Depositions of Edward Randolph. 
— How he was abused, when in Philadelphia, by 
Patrick Robinson, a Scotchman, Secretary of Penn- 
sylvania, and reasons for it — Col. Markham will 
not appoint an Att General to prosecute Bonds, but 
demands to have the same himself— -Col. Markham 
imprisoned Mr. Randolph and required him to 
deliver up the forfeited Bonds — One of those Bonds 
delivered to Col. Markham. (Copy.) 

Propr. B. T. Vol. 3. C. 26. 3. (10 folios.) 

August 19. Mr. Yard, Seer, to Lords Justices, to Mr. 
Popple with the Pennsylvania Freemen Address of 
the 30 of May, 1698, to be submitted to the Con- 
sideration of the Board of Trade. (Orig'l.) 

Propr. B. T. Vol. 2. B. 18. (1 folio.) 

, August 25, New York. Mr. Randolph to the Board. — 
Among the other matters informs them that Mr. 
Markham passed a Law contrary to his Instr's — 
that that Law defeats the Act for preventing 
Frauds, and, if passed in England, will be a pre- 


1698. cedent for the other Proprieties, and draw away the 
People from N. Y. (Orig'l.) 

Plant. Genl. B. T. V. 5. C. 18. (12 folios.) 

August 25, New York. Queries upon one Clause in the 
Act made in the 7 & 8 Will. III., Entitled an Act 
for preventing Frauds and regulating abuses in the 
Plantation Trade, relating to Proprietors' Go vernours 
— presented to the Board by Mr. Randolph. (Orig'l.) 
Plant Genl. B. T. V. 5. C. 18. (7 folios.) 

August 25, Philadelphia. Col. Quary to the Board of 
Trade. — Two seizures were lately made in this 
Bay of East India goods — the illegal Trade is 
carried on in Pennsylvania upon a very extensive 
scale — cannot hold the C't of Admiralty as yet, as 
the Officers live a great way off, the Marshall is a 
cripple, and the Registrar is one of that Assembly 
that made the Act so prejudicial to the Admiralty 
Court (Orig'l.) 

Propr. B. T. Vol. 2. B. 29. (11 folios.) 

August 28 (Newcastle). Deposition of R't Webb, Marshall 
of the Court of Admiralty in Pennsylvania, relating 
to the taking away by force of goods under seizure 
in his Custody, by the Sheriff of that Prov'ce. 
(Incl. in Col. Quary 's letter of Sept'r 6, 1698. — 

Proprie. B. T. V. 2. B. 34. No. 1. (2 folios.) 

August 30 (Philadel'a). Col. Quary to the Earl of Bridge- 
water, complaining of the illegal Trade's being 
carried on in Pennsylvania. (Orig'l.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 2. B. 30. (6 folios.) 

September 12, Annapolis. Col. Nicholson to the Board of 


1098. Trade. — Offers his remarks upon the Act of Trade 
lately passed in Pennsylvania. (Copy.) 

' Propr. B. T. Vol 3. C. 26. 4. (8 folios.) 

September 14, Pennsylv'a. Certificate relating to a Jury's 
determining a verdict in Pennsylv'a by " hustle-cap." 
(Copy — presented to the Board of Trade by Col. 
Quary, March 31, 1702.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 6. 1. 3. (4 folios.) 

September 16, Philad'a. Col. Quary to the Board. — Lt. 
Gov'r Markham has in his hands considerable effects 
of the Pirates. — His Commission to take Pirates' 
effects into Custody of the Admiralty is of no force. 
— A French Pirate landed, plundered Lewis Town 
and took 8 or 9 ships. — The people of Pennsylvania 
are very much exposed to Pirates and to the Indians 
for want of Militia. (Orig'l.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 2. B. 35. (6 folios.) 

October 14, Treasury Chamb'r. Mr. Lownds to Seer. 
Popple inclosing an Extract of a Report from the 
Custom Commissioners to the Lords of the Trea- 
sury for the consideration of the Board of Trade. 

Plant. Genl. B. T. V. 34. p. 358. (10 folios.) 

October 20, Philad'a. Col. Quary to the Board — the irre- 
gularities of the Govern't of Pennsylvania, the con- 
tempt with which the King's Commission was treat- 
ed by Mr. Lloyd, one of the Council — the want of 
military defence makes the people who are not 
Quakers very uneasy. (Orig'l.) 

Propr. B. T. Vol. 2. B. 40. (10 folios.) 

October 27. Representation from the Board of Trade to 
the Lords Justices with the draft on an Instruction 




1698. to the Respective Gov'rs in America relating to the 
employment of Naval Officers there. (Entry.) 
Plant. Genl. B. T. V. 34. p. 368. (14 folios.) 
November 3. Order in Council approving the draft of an 
Instruction to the Respective Gov'rs in America re- 
lating to the employment of Naval Officers there, 
presented to the Lords Justices by the Board of 
, Trade Octo'r 27, 1698. (Entry.) 

Plant. Genl. B. T. V. 34^ p. 379. (2 folios.) 

Nov'r 10, 11 & 12, Newcastle. Proceedings of the Court 

of Admiralty held at New Castle by Col. Quary — 

referred to in Col. Quary^s letter of the 1st of March 

1698-9, {Attested Copy.) 

Propr. B. T. Vol. 3. C. 17. 4. * (30 folios.) 
November 19, Philad'a. Copy of a Warrant of the Court 
of Admiralty, set up by the Gov'r of Pennsylv'a, for 
seizing a Ship. 

Propr. B. T. Vol. 3. C. 17. 3. (1 folio.) 

December 1st, Philad'a. Robert Webb's Deposition about 
the affront offered to the King's person m Open 
Court in Philadelphia by Mr. David Lloyd, Attorney 
Gen'l — referred to in Col. Quary 's letter of the 1st 
of March, 1698-9. (Orig'l.) 

Propr. B. T. Vol. 3. C. 17. 1. (4 folios.) 

December 1, Philad'a. Samuel Holt's Deposition about 
the affront offered to the King's person in Open 
Court in Philad'a by Mr. Daniel Lloyd, Att. Gen'l — 
referred to in Col. Quary 's letter of the 1st of March, 
1698-9. (Orig'l.) 

Propr. B. T. Vol. 3. C. 17. 2. (3 folios.) 

December 10, Philad'a. Col. Quary to the Board of Trade 

— describes largely the irregularities in Trade com- 






1608. mitted by the People of Pennsylvania, and that the 
Acts of Parliament ha^e no force there — they have 
barbarously used Mr. Randolph the Surveyor Gene- 
ral, and concluded that by such means they have 
prevented his coming amongst them any more. 


Propr. B. T. Vol 2. B. 39. (15 folios.) 

December 19, London. Memorial of Mr. Penn to the 
Board of Trade — Offers his remarks upon the Act 
passed in Pennsylvania for preventing of Frauds 
&c. in Trade, and defends Mr. Markham and the 
People of Pennsylvania against the accusations of 
Randolph & others for carrying on an illegal Trade. 

Propr. B. T. Vol. 2. B. 38. (10 folios.) 

December 23. Extract of a Letter from Seer. Popple to 
Seer. Sanson of the Customs, about the marginal 
note relative to the Proprieties, in the draft of the 
Instructions to the several Governors in the Planta- 
tions relating to Trade. (Entry.) 

Plant Genl. B. T. V. 35. p. 1. (3 folios.) 

1698 . Copy of an Act for preventing Frauds and 

regulating Abuses in Trade within the Province of 
Pennsylvania and Counties annexed. (Copy.) 

Propr. B. T. Vol. 3. C. 26. 8. (35 folios.) 

1698 . Copy of an Act for preventing Frauds and 

regulating abuses in Trade within the Province of 
Pennsylvania and Counties annexed — brought to the 
Board by Mr. Penn, December 16. 

Propr. B. T. Vol. 2. B. 37. (60 folios.) 


1698-9, January 3, Custom House. Extract of a letter 
from the Seer. Sanson to Seer. Popple, in answer to 
his letter of Dec'r 23, 1698. (Entry.) 

Plant Genl. B. T. V. 35. p. 2. (2 folios.) 

January 5. Representation from the Board of Trade to 
the King upon the drafts of Instructions relating to 
Trade for Barbadoes, Jamaica, Rhode Island, Con- 
necticut, Pennsylvania, Carolina, and the Bahama 
Islands. (Entry.) 

Plant. Genl. B. T. V. 35. p. 3. (3 folios.) 

January 5, Kensington. Order in Council upon Represen- 
tation from the Board of Trade of the same day, 
relating to the Instructions for the different Gover- 
nors in America. (Entry.) 

Plant. Genl. B. T. Vol. 35. p. 8. (2 folios.) 

January 10. Representation from the Board of Trade to 
the King relating to Ships of War for the service 
of the Plantations in America. (Entry.) 

Plant Genl. B. T. V. 35. p. 4. (10 foliof ) 

January 19, Admiralty. Report of the Admiralty Com- 
missioners upon a Representation of the Board of 
Trade of the 10th January, relating to the Ships of 
War for the Plantations. (Entry.) 

Plant Genl. B. T. V. 35. p. 9. (8 folios.) 

February 3. Mr. Secretary Popple to Mr. Penn, inclosing 
his Majesty's Instructions relating to Trade. (En- 

Propr. B. T. V. 25. p. 307. (2 folios.) 

March 1, Philad'a. Col. Quary to the Board of Trade. — 
The Government of Philadelphia oppose and affront 
the King's 'Laws & authority, and cast scurrilous 


1698-9. reflexions on the King's person. — He has held a 
Court of Admiralty and sends the proceedings. — 
No obedience paid to that Court. — The Gov'r re- 
fuses to Deliver up the Goods of a Prize without 
Mr. Penn's Order. — Gives an account of their Act 
of Trade. — They have threatened him & the other 
Admiralty Officers. — They forcibly entered the 
King's Storehouse and took away the seized goods 
and brought an Action against the Marshall for de- 
taining those Goods. — They have affronted the King 
jn open Court. — Instance of their dislike of the Ad- 
miralty Court. — They perswade people to oppose 
that Court. — They have now set up a Court of Ad- 
miralty of their own. — They have arrested a Ship 
& proceeded against her. — They endeavour to ruin 
the Admiralty Officers. — He is " out of pocket'* and 
dares not take any Fees. — Other provinces submit 
to the Admiralty Court. — An Illegal Trader was 
seized — the Ship was condemned — the Merchants 
appealed but would not give security. — He cannot 
put the Bond in suit, nobody will prosecute for 
the King. — He desires directions from the Board. 

Propr. B. T. Vol. 3. C. 16. (24 folios.) 

March 1, Philad'a. Col. Quary to the Commissioners of 
Admiralty. — This letter is the same in substance as 
the one to the Board of Trade of the same date. 

Propr. B. T. V- 3. C. 27. 2. 

March (6). Copy of a Bill ^ depending in the House of 
Commons, that Judgments and decrees hereafter to 


1698-9. be obtained in his Maj'ties Courts of Law and 
Equity in England, may be executed in the English 
Plantations and Colonies in America. 

Plant Genl. B. T. V. 5. C. 31. (38 folios.) 

March 9, Kensington. Copy of an Order in Council upon 
a Representation frdm the Board of Trade of Janu'y 
10th, relating to Ships of War for the Plantations. 

Plant. Genl. B. T. Vol. 35. p. 32. (3 folios.) 


April 13th, Whitehall. Mr. Seer. Popple to the Attorney 
& Solicitor General, desiring them to hasten to send 
to the Board their opinion upon the Laws of Penn- 
sylvania sent to them the 7th of January, 1697-8. 

Propr. B. T. V. 25. p. 339. (1 folio.) 

May 10, 12, & 13, Philad'a. Proceedings of the Court of 
Admiralty in Pennsylvania about the seizure and 
Trial of the Ship Providence. 

Propr. B. T. V. 5. F. 59. (13 folios.) 

May 12 & 13. Copy of the Proceedings of the Court of 
Admiralty at Philadelphia, upon the petition of John 
Lumby, Master of the Ship Providence. 

Propr. B. T. Vol. C. 28. 2 & 3. (26 folios.) 

May 18, Philad'a. Col. Quary to the Board of Trade.— 
This is his 6th letter and no orders or Instructions 
received. — Mr. Penn informed those of Pennsylvania 
Govern't that he had "blown off" several of the 
complaints sent home against them. — They affront 
the King. — They take prohibited goods under sei- 
. zure. — The Assembly passed an' Act to destroy the 

288 OATAioera of txfmbb 

1699. King's C't of Admiralty & erect one of their own. 
— An account of a Ship tried for want of Registry. 
— The proceedings of the C't of , Admiralty are 
transmitted.— Officers of the C't of Admiralty can 
hardly be prevailed upon to Act, &c. — The rest is 
in substance very much like Col. Quary's letter of 
the 1st of March, 1698*9. (Orig'l.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 3. C. 28. (20 folios.) 

May (24), London. Presentment of the Custom Commis- 
sioners to the Lords Justices about the abuses in 
Trade in Pennsylvania. (Orig'l.) 

Propr. B. T. Vol. 3. C. 26. 1. (4 folios.) 

May 25, Kensington. Order of Council referring to the 
Presentment of the Custom Commissioners of the 
24th of May, 1699, with several papers relating to 
the abuses of Pennsylvania, to the considera'n of 
the Board of Trade. (Orig'l.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 3. C. 26. (2 folios.) 

(May) , Philad'a. Copy of a Libel filed at the Court of 

Admiralty in Pennsylvania by Mr. John Moore, ad- 
vocate of that Court, against the Ship Providence, 
John Lumby Master. 

Propr. B. T. V. 3. C. 28. 1. (12 folios.) 

(May) . Copy of an Act passed in Pennsylvania 

against Pirates and Privateers. — Referred to in Col. 
Quary's letter of 6 June, 1699. 

Propr. B. T. V. 3. C. 32. (10 folios.) 

(May) . Abstract of the Pennsylvania Act against 

Pirates, &c. — Referred to in Col. Quary's letter of 
the 6 June, 1699. 

Propr. B. T. V. 3. C. — . (2 folios.) 


1699, June 1, Philad'a. Col. Quary to the Board of Trade. 
— A Ship is arrived in Pennsylvania with 60 Pi- 
rates — part of them belonged to Capt'n Kidd. — The 
Ship belongs to N. Y. Merchants, and one Shelly 
commands her. — He has seized two of the Pirates 
and sent them to Burlington, had he sent them to 
Pennsylvania they would have been set at liberty. — 
He pursued two more & with the assistance of 
Col. Markham lodged them in Philadelphia. — Col. 
Markham took the goods found with the Pirates, and 
will neither deliver them to the Admiralty Officers 
nor give an account of them. — Col. Markham would 
not assist him to seize the vessel. — There is no 
Militia in Pennsylvania to defend the Country. — He 
has frequently written about the contempt of the 
Admiralty Court — The want of Salaries for the 
Admiral'y Officers makes men unwilling to serve in 
that station. (Orig'l.) 

Propr. B. T. Vol. 3. C. 30. (15 folios.) 

June 6, Philad'a. Col. Quary to the Board of Trade. — ' 
Since his last Col. Bass seized 4 more of the Pi- 
rates. — He could easily have seized the rest with the 
ships, if the Govern't of Pennsylvania would have 
assisted him. — The Assembly have passed an Act 
(not the Jamaica Act sent them from the Board of 
Trade) against Pirates. — His observations there- 
upon. — He knows not how to try the Pirates, since 
none of the Judges nor the Jury would take their 
usual oaths.— Capt'n Kidd is arrived in Delaware 
Bay ; the People frequently go on Board his Ship.— 
The Pirates brought to Pennsylvania are only con- 




1609. fined to a Tavern, those in West Jersey are at 
liberty ; the Quakers there will not let them go to 
Gaol. (Orig'l.) 

Propr. B. T. Vol. 3. C. 31. (21 folios.) 

June 12th, Admiralty Office. Lords of the Admiralty to 
the Justices — transmitting Col. Quary's letter of the 
1st of March, 1698-9, and other papers for their 
Lordships' consideration. (Orig'l.) 

Propr. B. T. Vol. 3. C. 27. 1. (2 folios.) 

June 26, Newcastle (Pennsylv'a). Capt'n Nicholas Webb 
to the Board of Trade. — The Seamen of his Ship 
in which he came to Pennsylvania, assisted by some 
Pirates, ran away with the ship and everything in 
her, leaving him on shore — he sends affidavits of 
those men who would not join the Pirates. (Orig'l.) 
Propr. B. T. V. 4. D. 5. 1. 2. 3. 4. (35 folios.) 

June 29, Whitehall. Order in Council referring Col. 
Quary's letter to the Lords of the Admiralty — (and 
by them transmitted to the Lords Justices) bearing 
date March 1, 1698-9— to the consideration of the 
Board of Trade, who are to Report their opinion 
upon the same. (Orig'l.) 

Propr. B. T. Vol. 3. C. 27. (2 folios.) 

July 3, Custom House. Seer. Sanson to Seer. Popple, in- 
forming him that the Commissions for administering 
oaths to the Gov'rs in the American Plantations 
were transmitted to the several Commissions ap- 
pointed for that purpose. (Entry.) 

Plant. Genl. B. T. V. 35. p. 57. (4 folios.) 

July 6. Draft of a Circular letter from the Lords Justices 
to the Proprietors in America, commanding them 



1699. to be very careful in causing the Acts of Trade and 
Navigation to be duly put in Execution. (Entry.) 
Propr. B. T. V. 25. p. 469. (5 folios.) 

July 6. Representation from the Board of Trade to the 
Lords Justices, 'with the draft of a Circular.letter 
for their signature to the Governors of all the Plan- 
tations in America, about Officers of the Customs & 
Officers of the Admiralty. (Entry.) 

Plant. Genl. B. T. V. 35. p. 58. (10 folios.) 

July 13. Order in Council upon the Representation from 
the Board of Trade to the Lords Justices of the 6th 
of July, 1699. (Entry.) 

Plant Genl. B. T. V. 35. p. 62. (2 folios.) 

July 27, New Castle. Copy of a deposition of Jacob Bodit 
and others about the opposition made to the Collec- 
tor of New Castle in seizing some Pirates and their 
Goods in Delaware River. (Received from Col. 
Quary, May 19, 1702.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 6. 1. 33. (8 folios.) 

July . Copies of two Depositions about Pirates' land- 
ing some goods in Delaware Bay. (Rec'd from 
Col. Quary, March 2, 1702.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 6. 1. 5. (6 folios.) 

August 4, Whitehall. Representation from the Board of 
Trade to the Lords Justices, in obedience to their 
orders of the 25th of May and 29th of June, 1699, 
relating to the abuses in Trade, &c., in Pennsyl- 
vania. (Entry.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 26. p. 20. (28 folios.) 

August 10, Whitehall. Representation from the Board of 
Trade to the Lords Justices, relating to the arrival 


1099. & encouragement of Pirates in Pennsylvania & W. 
N. Jersey, and to illegal Trade between N. Y. & 
Madagascar. (Entry.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 26. p. 66. (23 folios.) 

August 15. Mr. Mompesson's opinion relating to Admi- 
ralty Courts in the Plantations, mentioned in a letter 
from Col. Quary to the Board of 25 July, 1703. 

Propr. B. T. V. 7. M. 15. (15 folios.) 

August 17, New Castle. Copy of a Letter from Mr. Birch, 
the Collector of N. C. to (Col. Quary), about the op- 
position he met with in seizing some Pirates and 
their goods in Delaware River in July, 1699. (R'd 
from Col. Quary, May 19, 1702.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 6. 1. 34. (6 folios.) 

August 22, Whitehall. Mr. Seer. Popple to Col. Quary — 
giving him an account why his several letters to this 
Board have not yet been answered. (Entry.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 26. p. 80. (4 folios.) 

August 25, Portsmouth, EngFd. Mr. Commissary Green* 
hill to Seer. Popple, about the conveyance of a Let- 
ter from the Seer, to Col. Quary in Philadelphia. 

Propr. B. T. V. 4. D. 1. (2 folios'.) 

August 31, Whitehall. Copy of an Order of Council upon 
a Representation from the Board of Trade of the 
4th of August, relating to Pennsylvania, declaring 
their Act for preventing Frauds, &c, and all others 
contrary to the Laws of England, to be void. 

Propr. B. T. V. 4. D. 2. (3 folios.) 

August 31, Whitehall. Copy of an Order of Council upon 


1609. a Representation from the Board of Trade of the 
4th of August, about the arrival of Pirates in Penn- 
sylvania, the Jerseys, &c. — disallowing Mr. Mark- 
ham to be Lt. Gov'r of Pennsylvania, &c. 

Propr. B. T. V. 4. D. 3. (3 folios.) 

August 31, Whitehall. An Order of Council upon a Re- 
presentation from the Board of Trade of the 4th of 
August, relating to Pennsylvania, approving what 
has been therein proposed, and that the several mat- 
ters be recommended to Mr. Penn the Proprietor 
(now going thither) for remedying the several irre- 
gularities & undue practices lately committed in 
that Province. (Orig'l.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 4. D. 4. (4 folios.) 

August , Pennsylv'a. Copies of several Papers con- 
cerning the Pirates in Pennsylvania (inclosed in 
Col. Quary's letter to the Board of 20th Oct'r, 1699.) 
Propr. B. T. V. 5. E. 24. (25 folios.) 

September 12, Whitehall. Representation from the Board 
of Trade to the Lords Justices upon the Earl of 
Bellomont's letter about Capt'n Kidd and other infor- 
mation about Pirates in the West Indies. (Entry.) 
Plant. Genl. R T. V. 35, p. 63. (25 folios.) 

September 12, Whitehall. Board of Trade to the Earl of 
Jersey, Principal Secretary of State, inclosing a 
copy of Col. Webb's letter of the 26th of June, 1699, 
requesting that such use be made of it, as his Lord'p 
shall understand to be expedient for his. Maj'ty's 
service. (Entry.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 26. p. 97. (3 folios.) 

September 12, Whitehall. Board of Trade to Col. Quary. — 


1699. Reasons for not answering his letters before. — The 
PennsyPa Act for preventing Frauds, &c., made 
void. — Col. Mark ham disallowed to be Lt. Gov'r. — 
As Mr. Penn is directed to reform abuses and sup- 
port the Admiralty Officers, so those officers must 
be respectful towards him. (Entry.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 26. p. 102. (7 folios.) 

September 12, Whitehall. Board of Trade to Mr. Penn. 
— Acquainting him, that the Act for preventing 
Frauds, &c, is made void — that CoL Markham is 
disallowed to be Lt Gdv'r, and sending him the Or- 
ders in Council thereupon— ordering also that David 
Lloyd be removed from all public employments, and 
Anthony Morris from the Commission of the Peace 
— that all due obedience be given to the Court of 
Admiralty & to incourage & countenance the Offi- 
cers of the Customs — the Acts of Trade to be ob- 
served — to enact Laws against Pirates — to settle a 
Militia — nothing to be done to the prejudice of the 
Crown — to make report of the state of the Province, 
and to give an account of his proceedings in reform- 
ing abuses. (Entry.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 26. p. 98. (1 1 folios.) 

September 26, Whitehall. An Order in Council upon the 
Representation from the Board of Trade of the 12th 
of September, 1699. (Eotry.) 

Plant Genl. B. T. V. 35. p. 74. (2 folios.) 

October 3, Whitehall. Letter from the Board of Trade to 
the Attorney and Solicitor General, for the draft of 
a warrant in order whereby Pirates with the evi- 


1699. dences against them may be sent for from the Plan- 
tations. (Entry.) 

Plant Genl. B. T. V. 35. p. 75. (2 folios.) 

October 9. Solicitor & Attorney General to Mr. Seer. 
Popple inclosing the draft of a warrant for sending 
for Pirates that are in Custody in the Plantations. 

Plant. Genl. B. T. V. 5. C. 47. (3 folios.) 

October 20, London. Mr. Ph. Ford to Mr. Seer. Popple 
acknowledging the receipt of a Letter from the 
Board of Trade to Mr. Penn. (Orig'l.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 4. D. 14. (1 folio.) 

October 20, Pennsylv'a. Col. Quary to the Board of 
Trade. — Reminds the Board of the several matters 
stated in his former letters, and desires speedy direc- 
tions therein — he apprehended eight Pirates, & 
would have apprehended more if the Govern't of 
Pennsylv'a had rendered him the slightest assist- 
- ance. The Pirates are out on Bail, & the constant 
companions of the Govern't Officers — they threaten 
his life — they carry the prohibited goods from place 
to place, and threaten the King's Collectors — &c. 

Propr. B. T. V. 5. E. 24. (12 folios.) 

October 23, Kensington. Order of Council upon a Pre- 
sentment of the Commissioners of the Customs to 
the Lords of the Treasury touching a seizure of 
some Muslins, &c, by their Officers at Perth Amboy, 
& about the Gov'rs of Proprieties' being approved 
by the King. (Entry.) 

Plant. Genl. B. T. V. 35. p. 83. (4 folios.) 


1699, October 31, Whitehall. Representation from the 
Board of Trade to the King, with the drafts of Cir- 
cular letters for the Royal signature relating to Pi- 
rates, to the Governors of the several Provinces in 
America. (Entry.) 

Plant. Genl. B. T. V. 35. p. 85. (11 folios.) 
November 2, Kensington. Order of Council upon a Re- 
presentation of the 31st of October, with drafts of 
letters from his Majesty to the several Governors in 
America, relating to Pirates. (Entry.) 

Plant. Genl. B. T. V. 35. p. 104. (2 folios.) 
December 23, Philadelphia. A printed Proclamation of 
Mr. Penn against Pirates. 

Am. & W. Ind's. V. 388. (6 folios.) 

December 23, Philadelphia* Printed Proclamation issued 
by Mr. Penn for the apprehending of Pirates or any 
suspected of Piracy. 

Propr. B. T. V. 5. F. 24. (5 folios.) 

qu. 1 1699, Philad'a. Copy of a Petition from the Inhabi- 
tants of New Castle to Lt. Governor Markham, re- 
lating to Pirates, and their inability to defend them- 
selves. (Rec'd from Col. Quary, March 31, 1702.) 
Propr. B. T. V. 6. I. 4. (5 folios.) 


January 10, London. Mr. Attorney Gen'l Trevor to the 
Board of Trade — giving his opinion, that in pur- 
suance of the Act passed in the 7 & 8 W. III. for 
preventing Frauds, &c, his Maj'ty may by Commis- 
sion under great Seal of England impower the Earl 


1699- of Bellomont (Gov'r of N. Y. & Mass. B.) by name* 

1700. or the Gov'r of any neighbouring Plantation for the 
time being, to approve or disapprove any of the Go- 
vernors of the Proprieties or Charter Governments, 
from time to time. (Orig'l.) 

Propr. R T. V. 4. D. 37. (2 folios.) 

February 1, Whitehall Representation from the Board of 
Trade to the King, with drafts of Letters for his 
Maj'ty's signature to the several Governors in Ame- 
rica, for sending Pirates to England. (Entry.) 

Plant Genl. B. T. V. 35. p. 163. (6 folios.) 

February 1, Kensington. Order in Council upon a Repre- 
sentation of the same date from the Board of Trade. 

Plant- Genl. B. T. V. 35. p. 172. (2 folios.) 

February 1, Kensington. Draft of a letter for the King's 
signature to Mr. Penn, for sending to England such 
Pirates as are or may be seized in that Province. 

Propr. B. T. V. 26. p. 151. (3 folios.) 

February 0, Philad'a. Address of the Assembly of Penn- 
sylvania to Mr. Penn, in vindication of the Govern- 
ment from the complaints against it, and particularly 
for opposing the Court of Admiralty. (Orig'l.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 5. F. 25. (10 folios.) 

February 10. List of the Acts past at a General Assem- 
bly held in Pennsylvania. (Draft.) 
Propr. B. T. V. 5. F. 28. 

February 26, Philadelphia. Mr. Penn to Mr. Seer. Ver- 
non. — Brandinham and Evans, two Pirates, are con- 
fined in the GaoL — The prison is made strong and 

298 CATALOGUE OF papers 

1609- secure. — The Assembly passed Laws against Pi- 

1700. racy and Forbidden Trade. — Philadelphia is clear 
from distemper, of which 215 died, & the Country 
is much improved. (Orig'l.) 

Am. & W. Ind's. V. 888. (12 folios.) 

February 27, Philad'a. Mr. Penn to the Board of Trade. 
— He has displaced the Lt. Gov'r and others com- 
plained of. — He has called an Assembly and passed 
two Bills, the one against Piracy, the other against 
illegal Trade. — Philad'a has been much afflicted 
with sickness and mortality. — The Town and Coun- 
try extremely improved. — The General Assembly 
have addressed him in vindication of the Govern- 
ment from the complaints against it — He desires 
that Government may be protected. — If his repre- 
sentation of things be suspected, he appeals to his 
Neighbours, the Earl of Bellomont and Col. Black- 
inston. — If the Laws he left at the Board have not 
been laid before the King, he desires that may be 
deferred till the whole body of their Laws be trans- 
mitted. — He desires that Quakers may register their 
Ships without an Oath. (Orig'l.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 5. F. 23. 3. (11 folios.) 

March 1, Philadelphia. Col. Markham to the Lords of 
Trade, in answer to the accusations brought against 
him by Col. Quary and Mr. Randolph. (Orig'1.) 
Am. & W. Ind's. V. 388. (45 folios.) 

March 0, Philadelphia. Col. Quary to the Board of Trade. 
Mr. Penn's arrival had made a great change in the 
Govern't : he does not countenance or justify their 
former proceedings — The prize goods in the Govr's 


1699- hands are delivered — The Sheriff is displaced and 

1700. ordered to be persecuted for letting a Pirate es- 
cape — Two Acts, concerning Pirates & for the regu- 
lation of Trade, passed in the Assembly, which, with 
due execution, will answer the end — Mr. Penn very 
zealous in the King's service — he hopes there will 
be no occasion of sending home complaints — he 
prays to be reimbursed out of Pirates' money in 
his hands — Shelly the Pirate had been taken. 

Propr. B. T. V. 5. F. 5. (14 folios.) 

March 6, Philadelphia. Col. Quary to Mr. Vernon. — He 
shall deliver all the goods he took from Pirates to 
L'd Bellomont, and complains of the Lt. Govr. 
Markham for not assisting him in pursuing the 
Pirates. (Orig'l.) 

Am. & W. Ind's. V. 388. (6 folios.) 

March 6, Philadelphia. Col. Quary to the Board of 
Trade, inclosing Remarks on the abuses in the 
Plantation Trade, presented by him to the Custom 
Commissioners. (Origi'l — another copy in the Plant. 
Gen. B. T. V. 5. D. 41.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 5. F. 5. (36 folios.) 

March 6, Philadelphia. Mr. Moore to the Board of Trade. 
Encouraged by Colonel Quary, he desires the Board 
to recommend him for the Attorney Generalship of 
Pennsylvania and the Jerseys. (Orig'l.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 5. F. 21. (2 folios.) 

March 10, Philadelphia. Col. Quary to the Board of 
Trade. — Since Mr. Penn's arrival there, things 
begun to have a different aspect. — Mr. Penn pro- 


1689- mised to give his assistance to the King's Officers. 

1700. — He deposed Lt. Govr. Markham and Anthony 
Morrice, one of the Justices, — also called Mr. 
Lloyd to an account for affronting his Maj'ty's 
Commission in open Court, &c. (Orig'l.) 

Am. & W. Ind's. V. 388. (6 folios.) 

March 10, Philadelphia. A Duplicate of Col. Quary's 
letter to Mr. Seer. Vernon of the 6 March. 

Am. & W. Ind's. V. 388. (6 folios.) 


March 2ft, Philadelphia. Col. Quary's deposition as to 
the quantity of Pirates' goods that ever came into 
his hands. Attested by Mr. Penn and John Noll. 

Am. & W. Indies. V. 388. (3 folios.) 

April 1, Philadelphia. Mr. Markham to . He 

regrets the punishment he received from the Lords 
of Trade, but he will not labour to be restored to 
the Deputation, but petitions that he may not con- 
tinue under the King's displeasure, & that he may 
be allowed to defend himself against the accusation 
of his Ennemies. (Orig'l.) 

Am. & W. Ind's. V. 388. (4 folios.) 

April 8. An Inventory of goods taken from Bradingham 
the Pirate by Colonel Markham, attested by Mr. 
Penn. (Orig'l.) 

Am. & W. Ind's. V. 388. (4 folios.) 

April 8, Philadelphia. Deposition of Mr. Markham, late 
Lt. Gr. of Pennsylvania, concerning the Treasure 
seized by him belonging to Robert Bradingham, 


1700. apprehended on suspition of Piracy in May, 1609. 

Propr. B. T. V. 5. F. 27. (4 folios.) 

April 10, Pennsylvania. Col. Quary to the Board of 
Trade. — He has seized and condemned a Sloop 
from Curasao. Old Pirates settled at Horekills 
keep constant correspondence with any Pirates 
coming thither. — Govr. Penn active in the dis- 
covery ; committed them all to Gaol. — He is at a 
loss how to proceed against them. — If he had a 
small vessel, would no doubt be able to give a good 
account of vessels & lading. Necessity of rooting 
out the old Pirates. — Govr. Penn promises positively 
to do it. (Orig'l.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 5. F. 34. (6 folios.) 

April 28, Philadelphia. Mr. Penn to the Board of Trade. 
— He has displaced David Lloyd, the Attor'yGenL, 
and will prosecute him the next Quarter Sessions — 
Lloyd is the only Man in the Province versed in 
the Law. — He has sent two Pirates (Bradingham, 
Kidd's Doctor, and Evans) to New York with their 
Treasure. — One Wm. Stanton was seized with Bra- 
dingham but made his escape.— Gives an account 
of two other Pirates seized formerly by Col. Quary. 
Mr. Penn has seized one James Brown & sent him 
to the Earl of Bellomont.— When Kidd (The Pirate) 
was on that Coast, several people went on board of 
him from the Town of Lewis, and brought ashore 
about £300 worth x>f goods — some of them were 
old Pirates settled in Pennsyl'a, whom Mr. Penn 
ordered to be seized. — They pretend they did not 


1700* know Kidd, & that the goods were given them as 
a present by Wood & Gillam. — The Laws of 
Pennsylvania will not reach these Men, and re- 
quests orders from the Board. He is told that the 
money seized with the Pirates belong to him; he 
desires some assistance from the Board about the 
difficulties he meets with. — He sends the Laws 
past last Assembly, by one of which a great abuse 
in the weight of Tobacco Hhdsu, which Mr. Ran- 
dolph established by his Instructions to the Collectors, 
is remedied. — He has been very much pressed by 
the Pirates for a Trial, and desires directions from 
the Board. — He has ordered a Deputy Govr. to be 
named to the Board for the King's approbation. — 
He desires a clause may be put in some Act of 
Parliament for permitting Quakers to Register their 
ships without taking an oath. (Orig'l.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 5. F. 26. (30 folios.) 

May 4, Admiralty. Mr. Burchett to Seer. Popple, in- 
closing a list of the names of several Admiralty 
Officers in the Plantations. (Orig'l.) 

Plant Genl. B. T. V. 5. D. 28. (6 folios.) 

June 5, Whitehall. Representation from the Board of 
Trade to the King, relating to Admiralty passes for 
Plantation Ships. (Entry.) 

Plant Genl. B. T. V. 35. p. 213. (20 folios.) 
June 5, Whitehall. Representation from the Board of 
Trade to the King, relating to Commissions for 
Trying Pirates in her Maj'ty's Plantations in Ame- 
rica. (Entry.) 

Plant Genl. B. T. V. 35. p. 221. (27 folios.) 


1700, June 5, Virginia. Col. Quary to the Board of 
Trade, concerning the effects of the Pirates seized 
by him, and the charge he was at in pursuing them. 

Propr. B. T. V. 5. P. 35. (22 folios.) 

June 6, Hampton Court. An Order of Council authorizing 
George Larkin, Esq're, to be one of the Commis- 
sioners for the Trial of Pirates in the Plantations, 
and that for the better settling the Forms of pro- 
ceedings the said Larkin be sent with Duplicates of 
the Commissions to the several Plantations. (Entry.) 
Plant. Genl. B. T. V. 35. p. 275. (3 folios.) 

June 6, Hampton C'L An Order in Council upon a repre- 
sentation from the Board of Trade of the 5th June 
relating to Admiralty Passes for Plantation Ships. 

Plant. Genl. B. T. V. 35. p. 276. (3 folios.) 

June 11th, Admiralty. Mr. Burchett to Seer. Popple, in- 
closing a copy of the Instructions from the Lords 
of the Admiralty to the several Governors in the 
Plantations, relating to the issuing of Passes which 
will be sent to each Plantation. (Orig'l.) 

Plant. Genl. B. T. V. 5. D. 33. (40 folios.) 

June 14, Whitehall. Mr. Seer. Popple to Mr. Burchett, in 

answer to his letter of the 11th Instant abo't issuing 

Passes in the Plantations. (Entry.) Another letter 

of the same date and on the same subject, (3 folios.) 

Plant. Genl. B. T. V. 35. p. 266. (8 folios.) 

June 6th, Hampton C't. An Order of Council upon a 
Representation from the Board of Trade of the 5th 


1700. of the same Month relating to Commissions for 
Trying of Pirates in the Plantations. (Entry.) 

Plant Genl. B. T. V. 35. p. 274. (3 folios.) 

June 19. Mr. Attorney General's Report to His Maj'ty 
upon an Order of Council of the 13th of June, 1700, 
desiring him to consider how the Law stands as to 
obliging the Proprietors of Plantations to give 
security for their Deputy Gover'rs. (Copy.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 5. F. 9. (5 folios.) 

June 20, Philadelphia. Mr. Penn's Commission to Thomas 
Farmer, High Sheriff of Philadelphia, to execute 
the Office of Water Bailiff. (Copy.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 5. F. 60. (3 folios.) 

July 5. A Memorial from some of the Inhabitants of the 
Bahama Islands, Carolina, Pennsylvania, Jerseys, 
&c, relating to the State of the coin in the Planta- 
tions, presented to the Board by Mr. Tysack. 

Plant Genl. B. T. V. 5. D. 4a (8 folios.) 

July 10, Whitehall. Mr. Seer. Popple to Mr. Sansom, 
Seer, to the Custom Commissioners, about altera- 
tions in the Instructions to the Governors in Ame- 
rica, relating to Trade. (Entry.) 

Plant Genl. fi. T. V. 35. p. 305. (3 folios.) 

July 18th, Whitehall. An Order of Council commanding 
the Governors in the American Plantations to give 
to the Board of Trade a particular account of the 
Method of proceedings in the several Courts upon 
all Trials in the Plantations. (Entry.) 

Plant. Genl. B. T. V. 35. p. 309. (2 folios.) 


1700, July 19, Whitehall. Mr. Seer. Popple to Mr. San- 
son), Seer, of the Customs, about a clause in the 
Commissions to the Governors in America, relating 
to Custom House Officers. (Entry.) 

Plant. Genl. B. T. V. 35. p. 307. (4 folios.) 

July 26, Whitehall. Mr. Seer. Popple to S'r John Hawles, 

his Maj'ty's Solicitor Gen'], inclosing for his opinion, 

two Acts past at an Assembly held in Pennsylvania 

the 10th of February, 1699-1700. (Entry.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 26. p. 285. (2 folios.) 

July 30, Whitehall. Mr. Seer. Popple to Mr. Charlewood 
Lawton, Agent for Pennsylvania — communicating 
to him some extracts from Mr. Penn's letters, and 
desiring him to act as he thinks proper in order to 
procure what he desires in relation to the Public 
affairs of Pennsylvania — he is also desired to apply 
himself to L'd Baltimore in order to settle the dis- 
puted boundary line between Maryland and Penn- 
sylvania. (Entry*) 

Propr. B. T. V. 26. p. 291. (6 folios.) 

August 1, Whitehall. Circular letter from the Board of 

Trade to all the Gov'rs in America, inclosing ,a 

Copy of the Order of Council of the 18th of July- 


Plant. Genl. B. T. V. 35. p. 332. (2 folios.) 
August 1, Whitehall. Circular letter to Mr. Penn (deli- 
vered » to Mr. Lawton). relating. to the Method of 
Proceedings in the several Courts upon Trials of alt 
sorts of causes in Pennsylv'a. (Entry.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 26. p. 29a (2 folios.) 



1700, August 19, WhitehalL The Board of Trade to Col. 
Quary — glad to hear that Mr. Perm has applied him- 
self to the reformation of the irregularities in Penn- 
sylvania — they cannot decide in the matter which 
• relates to the Effects of the Pirates, but must refer 
the same to the Council — they hope that by the late 
Act of Parliament for the suppression of Piracy, 
every one in authority will thereby understand plain- 
ly their duty. (Entry.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 26. p. 310. (5 folios.) 

August 28, WhitehalL Board of Trade to Mr. Penn— 
Col. Quary wrote to the Board of Mr. Penn's re- 
forming the abuses — the Improvements of the Pro- 
vince very acceptable— an honest conduct recom- 
mended to him — he is desired to follow the orders 
about Pirates, which were sent him, and that all 
difficulties in that matter will be removed by the late 
Act of Parliament for suppression of Piracy — Two 
- Acts lately sent by him are with the Solicitor Gen'l, 
the Board will suspend their Report till the Body of 
Laws is received — Nomination of a Lt Gov'r not 
yet offered — Mr. Penn's desire that the Quakers 
may be enabled to Register their Ships without 
Oaths, and that the bounds of the Admiralty Juris- 
diction may be explained, recommended to Mr. 
Lawton's care. (Entry.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 26. p. 311. (10 folios.) 

November 5. Memorial from Mr. Randolph to the Board 
of Trade, shewing the loss the King sustains in the 
Revenue of his Customs on Tobacco, carried from 
the American Plantations to Newfoundland, Scot- 


1700. land, &c. — submitting proposals for regulating the 
Trade in the Plantations. (Orig'l.) 

Plant Genl. B. T. V. 5. D. 48. (50 folios.) 

November 5. Mr. Randolph's Journal of his Survey in 
the American Plantations commencing from Nov'r 
8, 1697, to July 1, 1700, presented by him to the 
Board of Trade. (Orig'1.) 

Plant. Genl. B. T. V. 5. D. 49. (50 folios.) 

November 6. A list of the names of Proprietory Gov'rs 
not allowed of by his Maj'ty, at the end of the list 
there is a Query ? Whether Mr. Penn the present 
Proprietor &c. be qualified ? not being first approved 
of by his Maj'ty's order in Council as by the Act 
directed. (Entry.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 26. p. 331. (4 folios.) 

November 9, Philad'a. Mr. Moore, to the Admiralty Com- 
missioners, complaining of the ineficiency of the 
Register of the Court of Admiralty in Pennsylvania, 
and tegs that no Inhibition should be granted from 
the High Court of Admiralty to vacate a sentence 
given in May 1699, against the Ship Providence. 

Propr. B. T. V. 5. P. 61. (4 folios.) 

November 14, Philadelphia. Col. Quary to the Board of 
Trade. — Incloses a copy of his Letter to the Lords 
of the Admiralty. — He is labouring under great 
difficulties. — Pennsylvania is the only Govern^ in 
America which opposes the authority of the Court of 
Admiralty. Orig'l. (Entry Propr. V. 26. p. 411.) 
Propr. B. T. Vol. 5. F. 57. (3 folios.) 

November 14, Philadelphia. Col. Quary to the Admiralty 


1700. Commissioners. — Relating to the Proceedings in the 
Court of Admiralty in Pennsylvania, and the ob- 
stacles which are thrown in the execution of his 
Commission by that Government — attested Copy. 
(Entry Propr. V. 26. p. 413,) 

Propr. B. T. V. 5. F. 58. (36 folios.) 

Decern V 8 & 13, Pennsylvania. Mr, Penn, to the Board 
of Trade — acknowledges the receipt of several let- 
ters from Whitehall, and that the orders therein 
contained shall be fulfilled. — He went to New York 
and had a conference with the Earl of Bellomont 
and other Gov'rs where they agreed on certain 
points of the internal regulation of the Colonies. — 
Col. Quary has no salary — is often obliged to be ab- 
sent upon Trade which is not for the King's service. 
— Mr. Penn appointed Mr. Charlewood Lawton his 
agent in London. (Orig'l.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 6. G. 4. (36 folios.) 

Decem'r 8 & 13, Pennsylvania. An Account of goods 
received from on Board Capt'n Kidd by some per- 
sons in Pennsylvania. (Copy.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 6. G. 6. , (6 folios.) 

December 10, Philadelphia. Copy of Mr. Penn's letter to 
the Lords of the Admiralty inclosed in his letter to 
the Board of Trade of Aug. 26, 1701. 

Propr. B. T. V. 6. G. 40. (25 folios.) 

December 12, Philadelphia. An affidavit of Mr. Burch, 
that he never traded with Gillam the Pirate. (At- 
tested Copy.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 6. G. 5. (3 folios.) 

December 20, Whitehall Mr. Seer. Popple to S'r John 



1700. (q. ? Tho's) Trevor Attorn. Gen'l desiring to know 
(for the information of the Board of Trade) whether 
he has reported to the King his opinion how the 
Proprietors may be more effectually obliged to pre- 
sent the names of the respective Gov'rs appointed 
by them for his Maj'ty's allowance or disallowance. 

Prop* B. T. V. 26. p. 405. (2 folios.) 

December* 28, Philadelphia. Copy of C. Sober's deposition 
and Mr. Portlock's Bond for money left him by Bra- 
denham — referred to in Mr. Penn's letter of 31 
Dec'r, 1700. 

Propr. B. T. V. 6. G. 9. (10 folios.) 

December 31, Philadelphia. Mr. Penn to the Board — 
gives some account of the Pirates' goods — the Peo- 
ple of Pennsylvania think they may conceal Pirates, 
he desires advice from the Board about it. — He 
sends a copy of the Proposals left with the Earl of 
Bellomont and a copy of Mr. Randolph's letter of 
Novem'r 5, 1692 about pardons for Pirates. — Mr. 
Penn is censured for his zeal against forbidden 
Trade. (Orig'L) 

Propr. B. T. V. 6. G. 7. (12 folios.) 

December — . Heads discoursed of at New York between 
the Earl of Bellomont Col. Nicholson and Mr. Penn 
for the advantages of their respective Governments, 
referred to in Mr. Penn's letter of the 31 Dec'r, 

Propr. B. T. V. 6. G. 8. (7 folios.) % 


310 cATAioeim of fafrs 

1700-1, January 14. Sir Tho: Trevor to Mr. Popple, in 
answer to his letter of Dec'r 20th, 1700, desiring to 
inform the Board of Trade that he did not make any 
Report to the Council on the subject mentioned in 
his letter, as the late Act of Parliament for punish- 
ing Pirates does not provide any means to oblige 
the Proprietors, and he hopes that a new Act of 
Parliam't will be attempted this next Session. (En- 

Propr. B. T. V. 26- p. 410. (2 folios.) 

January 19, Hampton C'L Draft of a letter for the King's 

signature to Mr. Penn directing him to contribute 


£850 sterl'g towards the Fortifications on the Fron- 
tiers of New York. (Entry.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 26. p. 406. (6 folios.) 

January 28, Philadelphia. Letter from the Vestrymen of 

Christ Church in Philadelphia about their religious 

rites' being invaded by a late Act of the Assembly. 


Propr. B. T. V. 6. G. 13. (13 folios.) 

January 28, Whitehall. Mr. Seer. Popple, to Mr. Burchet 
Seer, of the Admiralty— desiring him to communi- 
* cate to the Board of Trade such information as to 
the illegal Trade in Pennsylvania as the Lords of 
the Admiralty possess, in order to present the same 
to the King. (Entry.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 26. p. 432. (2 folios.) 

February 3. A paper presented to the Board of Trade 

by Mr. Randolph containing the names of several 

Governors of the America Plantations who were 

guilty of the breach of Acts of Trade and therefore 


1700-1. forfeited £1000 to the Crown.— Mr. Markham is 
one of them. (Orig'l.) 

Plant Genl. B. T. V. 5. D. 54. (4 folios.) 

February 3. An account of Vessels and goods forfeited 
in the Plantations for breach of the Acts of Trade, 
presented to the Board of Trade by Mr. Randolph. 

Plant. Genl. B. T. V. 5. D. 55. (15 folios.) 

February 3, London. Mr. Randolph's account of money 
due to his Maj'ty for the £rd of seizures & forfeited 
Vessels and goods detained by the Gov'rs of No. & 
So. Carolina & Pennsylvania. (Orig'l.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 5. F. 65. (5 folios.) 

February 3, London. A list of Bonds taken by Mr. Mark- 
ham, the Naval Officers and others in the Province 
of Pennsylvania, presented to the Board of Trade 
by Mr. Randolph. (Orig'l.) 

Propr. B. T. Vol. 5. F. 66. (5 folios.) 

February 3, Admiralty Office. Mr. Burchet Secretary to 
the Admiralty Commissioners, to Mr. Popple, Secre- 
tary to the Board of Trade, inclosing copies of 
several letters from Col. Quary and other papers, 
relative to Pirates, illegal Trade and Courts of Ad- 
miralty in Pennsylvania. (Orig'l.) 
* Propr. B. T. V. 5. F. 64. (200 folios.) 

February 13. Deposition of Robert Dale about goods im- 
ported from Curasao to Pennsylvania. (Orig'l.) 
Propr. B. T. V. 6; I. 10. (3 folios.) 

February 19, London. Abstract of Mr. Randolph's Me- 
morial presented to the Board of Trade setting forth 
the misdemeanours and mal-administrations of Go- 


1700*1. vernors in the Proprieties & Charter Governments 
in America. (Signed by E. Randolph.) 

Propr. B. T, V, 5. F. 69. (48 folios.) 

March 5. Mr. Randolph's memorial to the Board of Trade 
setting forth the ill condition of the Plantations on 
the Continent of America with respect to their de- 
fence against an Enemy. (Orig'l.) 

Plant. Genl. B. T. V. 5. E. 2. (36 folios.) 

March 6, Philadelphia. Mr. Penn to the Board — the im- 
proved condition of Pennsylvania is not owing to 
Pirates or unlawful Trade, but to the industrious 
habits of the People — some remarks upon an indirect 
Trade carried on with Curagao— he has appointed 
a Committee of Trade — he will send the Pennsyl- 
vania Laws by the next Ship— requests that an 
alteration in registering of Ships may be made. 

Propr. B. T. V. 6. G. 12. (10 folios.) 

March 17. Mr. Randolph's proposals to the Board of 
Trade for regulating Trade in all the American 
Plantations and in the West Indies. (Orig'l.) 

Plant. Genl. B. T. V. 5. E. 6. (12 folios.) 

March 24* Articles of high Crimes and misdemeanours 
charged upon the Governors of the Proprietary 
Governments in America, presented to the Board of 
Trade by Mr. Randolph. (Orig'l.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 6. G. & (14 folios.) 


March 26, Whitehall. Representation from the Board of 
Trade to the King, containing several charges of 


1701. misdemeanour upon the Governors of the Proprie- 
tary Plantations in America. (Entry.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 27. p. 12. (15 folios.) 

April 2. Order of the House of Commons requiring an 
Account of the complaints made to the Board of 
Trade in relation to Trade and the Courts of Justice 
in the Plantations. (Orig'l.) 

Plant. Genl. B, T. V. 5. E. 7. (1 folio.) 

April 2, Whitehall. Board of Trade to Mr* Seer. Vernon, 
with extracts of Mr. Perm's letters of the 8th & 
31st Dec'r, 1700. (Entry.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 27. p. 89. (2 folios.) 

April 10, Whitehall. Representation from the Board of 
Trade to the King, with Instructions for Mr. Lar- 
kin relating to the Trial of Pirates in the Planta- 
tions. (Entry.) 

Plant. Genl. B. T. V. 35. p. 410. (14 folios.) 

April 15, Whitehall. Board of Trade to Mr. Penn — what 
he wrote about Pirates, was communicated to Mr. 
Seer., Vernon — is desired to communicate to other 
Governours the heads of deliberations with the Earl 
of Bellomont — requested to hasten an account of 
the method of proceedings in the Courts of Justice 
in Pennsylvania. (Entry.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 27. p. 40. (7 folios.) 

April 19, Whitehall. Letter from the Board of Trade to 
Mr. Larkin, inclosing the heads of enquiries to the 
different Gov'rs in the Plantations about Pirates and 
Privateers. (Entry.) 

Pknt. Gen. B. T. V. 35. p. 417. (20 folios.) 

April 23, Whitehall. Answer of the Board of Trade to an 


1701. Order of the House of Commons of the 2d April, 
requiring an account of the complaints made to that 
Board in relation to Trade, and the Courts of Justice 
in the Plantations. (Entry.) 

Plant GenL B. T. V. 35. p. 424. (70 folios.) 

April 23, Philadelphia. Copy of a Contract made between 
Mr. Penn and the Indians in the Neighbourhood of 
Pennsylvania — (referred to in Mr. Penn's answer 
of Apr. 29, 1702.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 6. 1. 20. (20 folios.) 

April 20. Letter from the Board to the Lords of the Trea- 
sury, for assistance to be given to Mr. Randolph 
about the Bill depending in the House of Lords for 
reuniting the Government of the Proprieties to the 
Crown. (Entry.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 27. p. 47. (3 folios.) 

April 29, House of Lords. Order of the House of Lords 
requiring the Secretary of the Board to attend their 
Lordships with such Books and papers as may re- 
late to the Bill for reuniting the Government of the 
Proprieties to the Crown. (Orig'l.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 6. G. 14. (2 folios.) 

May 3, House of Lords. Order of the House of Lords 
requiring the papers in the Board of Trade relating 
to Complaints against Governors of the Plantations 
to *be laid before their Lordships. (Orig'l.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 6. G. 15. (1 folio.) 

May 6, Whitehall. Mr. Popple to Sir John Hawles, desir- 
ing him to deliver the two Acts of Pennsylvania 
sent him the 26 July last, to Mr. Randolph. (Entry.) 
Propr. B. T. V. 27. p. *5. (2 folios.) 


1701, May 8, Whitehall. Report from the Board of Trade 
to the House of Lords, in answer to their Order of 
3d of May, with List of papers relating to complaints 
against Propriety Governments. (Entry.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 27. p. 66. (70 folios.) 

May 9, House of Lords. Order of the House of Lords 

requiring all the papers in the Board of Trade that 

concern Mr. Penn to be laid before their Lordships. 

Propr. B. T. V. 6. G. 16. (2 folios.) 

May 10. List of Papers relating to PennsyPa presented 
to the House of Lords in answer to their Order of 
May 9. 

Propr. B. T. V. 27. p. 90. (24 folios.) 

July 2, Pennsbury. Mr. Penn to the Board of Trade — he 
will send the Laws by the next conveyance — he 
will condemn Gillam the Pirate's goods for the 
King's service — he had meetings with the Indians 
to dispose them to peace — the Colony is in a flourish- 
ing condition. (Orig'l.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 6. G. 31. (14 folios.) 

July 2. Mr. Randolph's memorial to the Board of Trade 
inclosing an account of his disbursements (£66-1 1- 
6) in carrying on in the House of Lords an Act for 
reuniting the Proprietary Governments to the Crown. 

Propr. B. T. Vol. 6. G. 20. (6 folios.) 

July 2. From the Board of Trade to the Lords of the 
Treasury, upon Mr. Randolph's memorial relating 
to his disbursements in carrying on in the House of 
Lords an Act for reuniting the Propriety Govern- 
ments to thd Crown. (Entry.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 27. p. 105. (5 folios.) 



1701, July 11, Whitehall. Mr. Seer. Popple to Mr. Sansom 
(Seer, of Customs) about alterations in the Instruc- 
tions relating to Trade to be sent to the Governors 
of the Plantations. (Entry.) 

Plant. Genl. B. T. V. 86\ p. 8. (4 folios.) 

July 15. Memorial from Mr. Bass to the Board of Trade 
relating to the irregularities in the Propriety Govern- 
ments, and suggesting the propriety of appointing a 
Commission to inquire into the state of things there, 
enumerating at the same time the several points for 
the inquiry. (Orig'l.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 6. G. 22. (6 folios.) 

July 24, Custom House. Mr. Savage to Mr. Popple, with 
the Clauses which are to be added to the Instruc- 
tions relating to Trade .to be sent to the Gov'rs in 
the Plantations! (Entry.) 

Plant GenL B. T. V. 86. p. 10. (20 folios.) 

August 26, Philadelphia. Mr. Penn to the Board of Trade 
— sends the Laws — answers the Board's Reports to 
the Houses of Lords & Commons relating to Pro- 
priety Govern'ts, the faults were introduced by a 
King's Gov'r — an account of the Commission of 
Water Bailiff— Irregularities of the Admiralty Court 
— Trade between Pennsylvania and Curasao — he 
has prosecuted Pirates — he defends himself against 
the charges — remarks of the prejudicial conse- 
quences of the Bill for reuniting the Proprieties to 
the Crown. Orig'l. (See also 1700, Dec'r 10, Mr. 
Penn to the Lords of Admiralty.) , 

Propr. B. T. V. 6. G. 33. (18 folios.) 

September 9. Copy oi the Certificate of Mr. John Keeble 


1701. relating to the putting in execution the Act about 
Marriages in Pennsylvania. (R'd from Col. Quary 
June 8, 1702.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 6. K. 2. (3 folios.) 

October 10th, New Castle. Copy of an Address from the 
Representatives of the Three Lower Counties to 
Mr. Penn, relating to the expense of the Assembly, 
the not sending home some Acts, to Mr. Peon's title 
to the Lower Counties, and to the Want of a Militia 
and Stores of War. Rec'd from Col. Quary M^rch 
31, 1702. (The Original draft is with the Copy.) 
Propr. B. T. V. 6. L 7. (12 folios.) 

October 15. Petition of Robert Bradinham for a Copy of 
Col. Markham's deposition relating to his Effects 
seized in Pennsylvania. (Orig'l.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 6. G. 38. (4 folios.) 

October 20. Copy of the Charter given by Mr. Penn to the 
People of Philadelphia — 'inclosed in Mr. Moore's 
letter to the Board of 5 Dec'r, 1702. 

Propr. B. T.'V. 7. L. 23. (36 folios.) 

October 24, Philadelphia. Copy of Mr. Penn's Grant to 
Mr. Carpenter, for making his wharfs in Delawar 
River Ports, to load and unload Vessels — transmitted 
to the Board by Col. Quary in his letter of 24 July, 

Propr. B. T. Vol. 6. K. 43. (IS folios.) 

October 25, Philadelphia. Address of the- Representatives 
of the 3 Lower Counties to the Board, relating to 
their ill state of defence. (Grig*!.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 6. 1. 1. (3 folios.) 



1701, October 35. Copy of Mr. Penn's Charter to the 
City of Philadelphia. 

Propr. B. T. V. 8. N. 49. (40 folios.) 

October 27, Philadelphia. Letter from the Minister and 
Vestry of Christ Church in Philadelphia to the 
Board, about irregularities in Pennsylvania. (Orig'l.) 
Propr. B. T. V. G. 1. 2. (12 folios.) 

October 27, Philadelphia. Copy of Mr. Penn's Commission 
to Col. Hamilton to be Deputy Governor of Penn- 

Propr. B. T. V. 8. N. 45. (9 folios.) 

October 28, Philadelphia. Copy of a Commission from Mr. 
Penn to the Council of Pennsylvania. (Inclosed in 
Col. Quary and others 9 letter of June 30, 1703.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 7. L. 50. (5 folios.) 

October 28. Copy of Mr. Penn's Charter of Priviledges 
to the People of Pennsylvania. 

Propr. B. T. V. 8. N. 50. (25 folios.) 

October 29, Whitehall Mr. Popple to Mr. Lawton about 
the Queries sent to Mr. Attorney & Solicitor Gene- 
ral, relating the Acts passed in Pennsylvania in 
Nov'r, 1700. (Entry.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 27. p. 310. (4 folios!) 

October 29, Whitehall. Mr. Popple to Sir E. Northey, 

Attorney Genl., with the Acts of Pennsylvania past 

in November, 1700, proposing some Queries to him 

relating to the said Acts. (Entry.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 27. p. 299. (4 folios.) 

October 29, Whitehall. Mr. Popple to Sir John Hawles, 

Solicitor Genl., proposing the same Queries as those 


1701. to Mr. Attorney relating to Acts passed in Pennsyl- 
vania in Novr., 1700. (Entry.) 
I Propr. B. T. V. 27. p. 308. (4 folios.) 

October 29. List of 72 Laws of Pennsylvania passed in 
General Assembly held at Newcastle in Novr., 1700. 

Propr. B. T. V. 27. p. 301. (12 folios.) 

October — , Philadelphia. Col. Quary to the Board. — He 

is going to sail for England, and desire the Board 

to suspend all their resolutions as regards the 

* Govern't of Pennsylvania until his arrival home. 


Propr. B. T. V7 6. H. 2. (2 folios.) 

November 4. Board of Trade to Mr. Penn, relating to 
five Men taken by a Pirate out of the John Galley 
in her voyage to Madagascar. (Entry.) 

Plant. Genl. B. T. V. 36. p. 26. (2 folios.) 
December 2, Maryland. Copy of Govr. Blakiston to Mr. 
Moore of Pennsylvania, inquiring into the irregu- 
larities of that Province and the Jerseys. (Trans- 
mitted to the Board by Col. Quary in his letter of 
24 July, 1702.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 6. K. 44. (3 folios.) 

December 17, Philadelphia. Copy of a letter from Mr. 

Robert Asheton to Mr. Penn, relating to the seizure 

of W. Righton's Briganteen. (Referred to in Mr. 

Penn's answer of Apr. 29, 1702.) 

Propr. B. T. Vol. 6. 1. 20. (5 folios.) 

December 18, Whitehall. Order of Council upon a Re- 
presentation from the Lords of the Committee for 


1701. appeals, relating to the method of Appealing from 
the Courts of Admiralty in the Plantations. (Orig'l.) 
Pn. GL B. T. V. 5. E. 22. (3 folios.) 

December — . Copy of an Act of Pennsylvania for pre- 
venting Clandestine Marriages. (Rec'd from the 
Bishop of London, June 1, 1702. Another Copy 
delivered by Mr. Penn, June 8, 1702. V. 6. K. 1.) 
Propr. B. T. V. 6. 1. 41. (7 folios.) 

December — . Caveat from the Lord Bishop of London 
against an Act of Pennsylvania about Marriages 
passed there, Octo'r 14th, 1700. (Orig'L) 

Newfoundland B. T. V. 4. D. 31. (3 folios.) 
1701, ■ Original draft and a fair copy of an Address 

from the Representatives of the 8 Lower Counties 
to Mr. Penn about their inability to contribute to 
the Quota for New York. (Rec'd from Col Quary 
March 31, 1702.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 6. 1. 6. (5 folios.) 


January 2, Whitehall. Mr. Popple to Sir E. Northey, 

requesting to hasten his Report on the Pennsylva'a 

Acts sent him the 29th of October last (Entry.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 27. p. 318. (2 folios.) 

January 10, Upland. Copy of a Letter from Mr. Yeates 

to Col. Quary, relating to some Grants made by 

Mr. Penn in Pennsylvania. (Transmitted to the 

Board by Col. Quary in his letter of 24 July, 1702.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 6. K. 42. (13 folios.) 


1701-2, January before 15th. Mr. Penn to Mr. Popple* 
relating to the Pennsylvania Laws and Queries 
which were sent to the Attorney General in Octo'r, 
1700. (Orig'L) 

Propr. B. T. V. 6. H. 1. (3 folios.) 

January 16, Whitehall. Mr. Popple to Mr* Penn, in 
Answer to Ins letter relating to the Laws of Penn- 
sylvania and Queries sent to the Attorney General. 
Propr. B. T. V. 27. p. 333. (2 folios.) 

January 24. Representation from the Board of Trade to 
the. King upon the State of defence of Rhode Island, 
Connecticut. Pennsylvania, Carolina. &c, &c. 

Plant Genl. B. T. V. 86. p. 37. (70 folios.) 
January 24, Whitehall. Board of Trade to the Earl of Man- 
chester, inclosing a Representation upon the state of 
defence of the several Plantations in America. (Entry.) 
Plant. Genl. B. T. V. 86. p. 36. (70 folios.) 
January 26, Admiralty. Mr. Burchett to Mr. Popple, with 
a List of the Vice Admiralty Commissions in the 
Plantations. (Orig'l.) 

Plant. Genl. B. T. V. 5. E. 27. (6 folios.) 
January 31, House of Commons. Order of the House of 
Commons requiring to have the state of the Planta- 
tions with relation to Trade and their security, & 
for the names of the Gov'rs. (Copy.) 

Plant Genl. B. T. Vol. 5. E. 25. (1 folio.) 
February 2, Whitehall. Earl of Manchester to the Board 
of Trade, in answer to their letter of Janti'ry 24. 

Plant Genl. B. T. V. 5. E. 24. (2 folios.) 


ftl£ oatjuatom or rjumts » 


1701-2, February 5, Whitehall Answer from the Board 
of Trade to two Orders of the House of Commons, 
relating to the Trade and security of the Plantations. 

Trade $.T. V. p. 

February 14, York. Affidavit of Thomas. Smith, relating, 
to the condemnation of the Ship Providence of 
Stockwith, Jno. Lumby, Master, in Pennsylvania in 
the year 1099, and. a Copy of the Register of the 
said Ship. 

Propr. B. T. V. 6. H. 15. 16. (10 folios.) 

February 17, Whitehall Earl of Manchester to the 
Board of Trade, inclosing Heads for a Bill for 
reuniting to the Crown several Colonies under Pro- 
prietary Governments, particularly that of Penn- 
sylvania. (Orig 9 !.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 6. H. 13. (5 folios.) 

February 18. Board of .Trade, to the Earl of Manchester, 

in answer, to bis Letter of the 17th insL - (Entry.) . 

Propr. B. T. V. 27. p. 38a (3 folios.) 

February 26, H. C. Order of the House of Commons for 
an account of the proceedings of the Board of 
Trade on the complaints made to them of the. 
Courts of Justice in the Plantations. (Entry.) 

Plant. Genl. B. T. V. 36. p. 69. (1 folio.) 

March 6. Memorial from Col. Quary to the Board in 
answer to the Affidavit of Thomas Smith, relating 
to the Ship Providence condemned in Pennsylvania. 

• . (Orig'L) 

Propr. B. T. V. 6. H. 18. (12 folios.) 

March 10, Whitehall. Answer of the Board of Trade to 


1701-2. an Order of the House of Commons of February 
26, relating to the Courts of Justice in the Planta- 
tions. (Entry.) 

Plant. Genl. B. T. V. 86. p. 75. (8 folios.) 
March 11, St. James's. Circular letter from the Lords of 
Her Maj'ty's Privy Council to the several Gov'rs in 
America for proclaiming her Maj'ty. (Entry.) 

Plant Genl. B. T. V. 36. p. 82. (7 folios.) 
March 16, Whitehall. Board of Trade to the Earl of Man- 
chester, with drafts of Warrants for her Maj'ty's 
signature to the several Gov'rs in the Plantations, 
impowering them to use the old Seals* (Entry.) 
Plant. Genl. B. T. V. 36. p. 78. (3 folios.) 
March 19. Board of Trade to Mr. Penn, commanding 
him to proclaim the Queen in Pennsylvania. (En- 
try — with several inclosures.) 

Plant Genl. B. T. V. 36. p. 8. (20 folios.) 

March 26. Col. Quary's Memorial to the Board of 
Trade, relating to the irregularities committed in 
the Plantations in America. (Grigl.) 

Plant Genl. B. T. V. 5. E. 31. (60 folios.) 
March 31. The Case of Thomas Byfield, relating to his 
. not being able to obtain an appeal from a sentence 
of a Court in Pennsylvania. (Draft.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 6. 1. 9. (3 folios.) 

March 31. Memorial from Col. Quary to the Board, pro- 
posing Mr. John Moore to be her Maj'ty's Attorney 
General in Pennsylvania. (Orig'l.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 6. 1. 11. (3 folios.) 

April 2. Board of Trade to Mr. Penn, inclosing the papers 


1702. presented to the Board by Col. Quary, March 31, 
1702, (Entry.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 27. p. 402. (2 folios.) 

April 4. Board of Trade to Mr. Penn, requiring his at- 
tendance in reference to the affairs of Pennsylvania 
and the three Lower Counties. (Entry.) 
Propr. B. T. V. 27. p. 403. 

April 7. Memorial from Col. Quary to the Board on the 
behalf and by the Order of the Representatives of 
the " People chosen into the Assembly by the In- 
habitants of the three L. C. adjoining to Pennsyl- 
vania," complaining of Mr. Penn's misgovern men t. 


Propr. B. T. V. 6. 1. 14. (9 folios.) 

(April, before 8.) Copy of an Act for reuniting the Pro- 
prietary Govern'ts in America to the Crown. (En- 

Propr. B. T. V. 27. p. 426. (12 folios.) 

April 8. Mr. Seer. Popple to Mr. Attorney General, de- 
siring to have the Laws of Pennsylvania and an 
answer to the two questions relating to them (for- 
warded Oct^r 29, 1701) returned to the Board. 

Propr. B. T. V. 27. p. 426. (2 folios.) 

April 16, Whitehall. Mr. Seer. Popple to Mr. Lawton, 

Mr. Penn's agent, with an abstract of several 

informations relating to irregular proceedings and 

other undue practices in Pennsylv'a. (Entry.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 27. p. 431. (15 folios.) 

April 17. Representation from the Board of Trade to the 

Queen upon the General State of Defence of the 


1702. PlantatioDs in America — very similar to thcf one of 
January 24. 

Plant GenL V. 36. p. 116. (70 folios.) 

April 20. Memorial from Col. Quary to the Board upon 
some informations lately received from Pennsyl- 
vania, relating to the affairs of that Province. 
(Orig'l.) ; 

Propr. B. T. V. 6. L 17. (7 folios.) 

April 21, Philadelphia. Copy of Mr. Moore's answer to 
Col. Blakistone's letter of Dec'r 2, 1701. (Trans- 
mitted to the Board by Col. Quary in his letter of 
July 24, 1702.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 6. K. 44. (3 folios.) 

April 28. Mr. Penn's answer to the abstract of complaints 
against Pennsylvania, sent from the Board to Mr. 
Lawton. (Fair Copy, but not signed.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 6. 1. 19. (20 folios.) 

April 29. Mr. Penn's answer to Col. Quary's second 
Memorial to the Board of April 20. (Orig'l.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 6. 1. 20. (13 folios.) 

May 3. Memorial from Mr. Perm, relating to goods 
seized by him, belonging to Bradehham, a Pirate. 

Propr. B. T. V. 6. 1. 42. (3 folios.) 

May 4, London. Mons'r Le Tort to Mr. Penn, relating 
to the Government in Pennsylvania. (Orig'l in 

Propr. B. T. V. 6. 1. 43. (8 folios.) 

May 7, Whitehall. Circular letter from the Earl of Not- 
tingham to all the Govrs. in America for proclaim- 
ing War against France and Spain. 

Plant. Genl. B. T. V. 36. p. 153. (3. folios.) 


1702, May 12. CoL Quary's Reply to Mr. Penn's Answers 
of April 26 & 29 to the informations relating to ir- 
regular proceedings in his Government in Pennsyl- 
vania. (Orig'l.) 

Plant Genl. B. T. V. 6. 1. 28. (15 folios.) 

May 12. Mr. Popple to Mr. Penn, requesting him to 

attend the*Board of Trade the 19th instant, on the 

subject of the complaints against his Govern't 


Propr. B. T. V. 26. p. 464. (2 folios.) 

May 19, Whitehall. Mr. Seer. Popple to Mr. Peun, with 

some Queries relating to Pennsylvania. (Entry.) 

Prop. B. T. V. 27. p. 475. (2 folios.) 

1701-2, May 19, Whitehall. Circular letter from the 

Board of Trade to the Governors in America to 

proclaim the Queen. (Entry.) 

Plant. Genl. B. T. V. 36. p. 80.. (5 folios.) 
1702, May 29. Representation from the Board of Trade 
to the Queen for New Seals for the Governments in 
America. (Entry.) 

Plant Genl. B. T. V. 36. p. 164. (2 folios.) 

May 31, St James's. Order of Council for preparing the 

, new Seals for the Governments in America. (Orig'l.) 

Plant Genl. B. T. V. 5. E. 43. (3 folios.) 

June 5. Earl of Nottingham to the Board about the 

renewal of the Commissions and Instructions for 

the Governors in America. 

Plant Genl. B. T* V. 5. E. 42. (1 folio.) 

June 11, Whitehall. Mr. Popple to Mr. Attorney Gen'l & 

Advocate Gen'l, with some Queries about the 

Qualifications of a Govr. of a Planta'n — the Powers 

of a Court of Admiralty — and whether Mr. Penn's 


, 1702b Commissions to the Wafer Bailiffs do not interfere 
* with the Jurisdiction of that Court. (Entry.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 28. p. 25. (15 folios.) 

June 11, Whitehall. Mr. Popple to Mr. Lowndes that the 

Solicitor of the Treasury may attend the Attorney 

and Advocate Gen'l upon occasion of some Queried 

: relating to the Proprietary Govern'ts. (Entry.) 

Propr. B. T. V: 28. p. 27. (1 folio.) 

June 11. Memorial from. Col. Quary to the Board of 

Trade, desiring a consideration for his .services, 

and that the three Counties may he recommended 

to Her Majesty's immediate care. (Orig'L) • 

Propr. B. T. V. 6. K. 3. (4 folios.) 

June 13. Answer of Sir John Cooke, Adv. Genl., to the 

Queries sent him the 11th ihst, wherein he statefc 

that Mr. Penn had no right to grant Commissions to 

the Water Bailiffs. (Orig'L) 

Propr. B. T. V. 6. K. 4. (6 folios.) 

June 16. Memorial, frbm Mr. Randolph to the Board, 
containing articles of complaint against "William 
Penn, Esq'e, pretended Governour of the three 
Lower Counties on Delaware Bay in America." 

Propr. B. T. V. 6. K. 5. (6 folids.} 

June 19. Mr. Penn to Mr. Popple, inclosing his com- 
plaints against Col. Quary. (Orig'L) 

Propr. B. T. V. 6. K. 9. . (14 folios.) 

June 22. Mr. Penn to the Board of Trade, with . his re- 
joinder to CoL Quary's Reply about irregularities in 
Pennsylvania. (Orig'L) 

Propr. B. T. V. 6. K. 8. (23 folios.) 


1T03, Jane S3, Whitehall. Earl of Nottingham to the 
Board, with Mr. Penn's memorial to her Maj'ty, 
praying that Colonel Hamilton may be approved as 
L't Govt* of Pennsylvania. (Orig'L) 

Propr. B. T. V. 6. K. 18. (4 folios.) 

June 28. Col. Query's answer to Mr. Peon's complaints 
against him, sent to Mr, Seer. Popple 19th inst. 

Propr. B. T. V. 6. K. 10. (80 folios.) 

June 38. Mr. Secretary Popple to Mr. Penn for an 
answer to the Queries sent him the 10th of May, 
and desiring an account of his title to the soil & 
Govern't of the 3 Lower Counties* 

Propr. B. T. V. 28. p. 55. (4 folios.) 

June 34, Whitehall. Board of Trade to Col. Query, de- 
siring him to acquaint the Gentlemen of New 
Castle that their letter to the Board of Octo'r 25, 
1701, is now under consideration. (Entry.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 28. pi 57. (3 folios.) 

June 30. Mr. Popple to Mr. Sansom, Seer, of Customs, 
with Mr. Penn's charge against Col. Quary. (En- 

Propr. B. T. V. 28. p. 06. (2 folios.) 

July 7. Mr. Attorney General and Mr. Advocate GenTs 

answer to the Queries sent them from the Board of 

Trade relating to the Proprietary Govern'ts. (Orig'l.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 6. K. 24. (12 folios.) 

July 7, Whitehall. Representation from the Board of 
Trade to the Queen upon Mr. Penn's Memorial 
that Colonel Hamilton may have the Queen's ap- 


1702. probation to be Lieut't Govr. of Pennsylvania. (En- 

Propr. B. T. V. 28. p. 102. (4 folios.) 

July 9. Minute of Council approving the Representation of 
the Board of Trade of July 7th, against Colonel Ha- 
milton's being Lt Govr. of Pennsylvania. (Entry.) 
Propr. B. T. V. 28. p. 220. (1 folio.) 

July 24, Plymouth. Col. Quary to the Board of Trade, 
inclosing several JPapers which he had received 
from Pennsylvania, offering his remarks upon the 
irregularities of Mr. Penn's proceedings in the Go- 
vernment of Pennsylvania. (Orig'l.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 6. K. 40. (18 folios.) 

August before 11. Petition of Gabriel Thomas, a Quaker, 

to the Board of Trade, praying their Lordships* 

Interest in obtaining a speedy answer to his Petitions 

presented to the Queen, — viz't: 

Petition of Gabriel Thomas to the Queen, pray- 
ing to have a Commission granted him to Collect 
Quit Rents, &c, in the County of New Castle. 

Petition of Gabriel Thomas to the Queen, com- 
plaining of the persecutions he has received from 
Mr. Penn on account of his assisting Col. Quary, 
and that he is ready to appear as evidence for the 
Crown against Mr. Penn. Also, 

A brief statement of Gabriel Thomas's case. 

Propr. B. T. V. 6. K. 33. (8 folios.) 

August 12. Copy of Mr. Penn's Reply to Col. Quary 's 
answer to his complaint against the said Quary. 
Propr. B. T. V. 6. K. 34. (20 folios.) 


1702, August 14. Memorandum of a Letter from the 
Board of Trade to Mr. Penn, with Copies of Gabriel 
Thomas's complaints against him* (The Entry of 
this letter is not made, neither is the draft to be 

Propr. B. T. V. 28. p. 168. 

August 14, Philadelphia. Copy of a letter to the Lord 
Cornbury, relating to a Paragraph in an Address of 
the Vestry of Philadelphia, in behalf of their Church, 
& requesting his Lordship to extend his Govern- 
ment over them. (Referred to in Mr. Penn's letter 
to the Board of Dec'r 22, 1703.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 7. M. 22. (10 folios.) 

August 18, Whitehall. Letter from the Board of Tradfc 
to the Earl of Nottingham, returning Mr. Penn's 
Reply to Col. Quary's answer to Mr. Penn's charge 
against the said Quary. (Entry.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 28. p. 170. (4 folios.) 

August 24, Windsor. Order of Council upon a Represen- 
tation from the Board of Trade of April 17, relating 
to the State of defence of the Plantations. (Orig'l.) 
Plant Genl. B. T. V. 5. E. 50. (8 folios.) 

August 27, Warminster. Mr. Penn to Seer. Popple, in 
answer to the letter from the Board 'of the 14th 
inst upon Gabriel Thomas's complaints. (Orig'l.) 
Propr. B. T. V. 6. K. 37. (2 folios.) 

September 9, London. Mr. Penn to the Board, in answer 
to the complaints of Gabriel Thomas. (Orig'l.) 
Prdpr. B, T. V. 6. K. 46. (2 folios.) 

September 15. Board of Trade to Mr. Penn on the 


1702. subject of the state of defence of Pennsylvania & 
a Quota of assistance for New York. (Entry.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 28. p. 221. (8 folios.) 

October 2. Petition from Mr. P&in to her Maj'ty, about 
Col. Hamilton's being Lt. Gov'r of Pennsylvania. 

Propr. B. T. V. 6. K. 51. (3 folios.) 

November 1 1. Circular letter from the Board of Trade 
to all the Governors in America for a day of thanks- 
giving. (Entry.) 

Plant. Genl. B. T. V. 36. p. 188. (8 folios-) 
November 11. Representation from the Board of Trade 
to the Queen, upon Mr. Penn's petition for her Ma- 
jesty's approbation of Col. Hamilton as Lt. Gov'r 
of Pennsylvania. (Entry.) ' 

Propr. B. T. V. 28. p. 237. (6 folios.) 

November 11. Order of Council upon a Representation 
of the Board of Trade of the same date, relating 
to Col. Hamilton's being Deputy Gov'r of Pennsyl- 
vania. (Entry.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 6. K. 53. (8 folios.) 

November 14. An account of goods and Merchandizes 

imported from Pennsylvania, from Christmas, 1699, 

to 14 Nov'r, 1702, with the Duties payable thereon. 


Propr. B. T. V. 8. N. 51. 52. 53. (18 folios.) 
November 19. Extracts from the minutes of Council of 
Pennsylvania, relating to the sitting of the three 
upper & the three Lower Counties in an Assembly, 
(Copies) referred to in Col. Quary's letter of Dece'r 
7, 1702. 

Propr. B. T. V. 7. L. 21. (8 folios.) 


1702, November 21, Pennsylvania. An Address from the 
Members of the Assembly of the 3 Lower Counties 
to the Board of Trade, praying that they may be 
recommended to her Maj'ty's immediate Govern't, 
(Orig'l,) referred to in Col. Quary's of Dec'r 7, 
1702. An original duplicate of the same was sent 
by CoL Quary in his letter of Febr'y 25, 1702-3. 
Propr. V. 7. L. 31. 

Propr. B. T. V. 7. L. 20. (6 folios.) 

November 24. Order of a Committee of the House of 
Lords to the Board of Trade, commanding them to 
attend the said Committee on the subject of the ir- 
regularities in the Proprietary & Charter Govern'ts 
and other matters. (Orig'l.) 

Propr. R T. V. 7. L. 2. (2 folios.) 

November 24. Copy of Gabriel Thomas's Reply to Mr. 

Penn's answer to the said Thomas's complaints, 

with an Affidavit of Joyce Fisher therein referred to. 

Propr. R T. V. 7. L. 1. (13 folios.) 

November 28. Report from the Board of Trade to the 

House of Lords, in answer to their order of the 

24th Nov'r* relating to the irregularities in the Propr. 

Gov'ts, & other matters. (Entry.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 28. p. 250. (8 folios.) 

November 30. Mr. Penn's answer to the four Queries sent 
him from the Board of "lYade in May and June, 
1702. (Orig'l.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 7. L. 3. \5 folios.) 

December 1. Mr. Secretary Popple to Mr. Penn, desiring 
him to comply with the Order of Council relating 
to Col. Hamilton's approbation. (Entry.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 28. p. 261. (3 folios.) 


1702, December 3. Petition of Gabriel Thomas to the 
Board of Trade about irregularities in Pennsylva- 
nia, & complaining of Mr. Penn's dealing with him. 

Propr. B. T. Vol. 7. L. 4. (4 folios.) 

December 4. Mr. Penn to the Board of Trade, inclosing 
a Declaration signed by him relating to Her Ma- 
jesties title to the 3 Lower Counties. (Orig'l.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 7. L. 6. (4 folios.) 

December 5, Philadelphia. Mr. Moore to the Board — 
sends a Copy of Mr. Penn's Charter granted to the 
Town of Philadelphia, and prays to have a salary 
allowed him. (Orig'l.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 7. L. 23. (2 folios.) 

December 7. Mr. Penn to the Board of Trade, with ex- 
tracts of Letters relating to the present state of 
Pennsylvania. (Orig'l.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 7. L. 5. (8 folios.) 

December 7, Pennsylvania. Col. Quaiy to the Board — 
after stating various matters relating to other Colo- 
nies, he begs to state that the Board's letter respect- 
ing the 3 Lower Counties was very satisfactory — 
Pennsylvania is in confusion raised by Col. Hamil- 
ton (Hambleton) — Mr. Penn has' exercised regal 
power in the 3 Lower Counties — proposes Mr. 
Yeates to be Gov'r of the Lower Counties — Mr. 
Penn endeavours to recal his Charters, but the " top- 
ping Quakers" would not let him — the Admiralty 
& Custom Officers are hindered in the execution of 
their duties — illegal Trade — bad state of the Militia 


1703. — animosity of Mr. Penn and the Quakers against 
him. (Entry.) 

Plant GenL B. T. V. 80. p. 194. (40 folios.) 
December 10. Mr. Penn to Mr. Seer. Popple, inclosing 
his Declaration relating to Her Maj'ty's right to the 
three Lower Counties, also a letter from Col. Hamil- 
ton to himself, relating to the state of Pennsylvania. 

Propr. B. T. V. 7. L. 10 & 11. (8 folios.) 
December 10. Mr. Seer. Popple to Mr. Penn, returning 
the Declaration sent to the Board Dec'r 4, and de- 
siring to send one conformable to the Order in Coun- 
cil. (Entry.) 

Propr. R T. V. 28. p. 267. (3 folios.) 

December 10. Mr. Seer. Popple to Mr. Seer. Lowndes, 

inclosing a draft of a Bond to be given by Mr. Penn 

as security for Col. Hamilton to be Deputy Governor 

of Pennsylvania. (Entry.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 28. p. 278. (8 folios.) 

December 15. Mr. Penn to the Board of Trade, with the 
Acts of Pennsylvania passed in the years 1700 & 
1701. (Orig'l.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 7. L. 12. (2 folios.) 

1702 — -. Heads of a Charter granted by Mr. Penn to 
the City of Philadelphia — transmitted to the Board 
by CoL Quary in his letter of 24 July, 1702. 

Propr. B. T. V. 6. KL 41. (4 folios.) 


1702-3, January 8* Mr. Popple, Jun'r, to Mr. Penn, about 
the Certificate of security having been given for Col. 
Hamilton. (Orig'l.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 28. p. 280. (1 folio.) 

January 12. Mr. Seer. Popple to Mr. Penn, enquiring 
whether he has delivered to the Board a complete 
Body 'of the Laws of Pennsylvania. (Entry.) 

Propr. B. T. Vol. 28. p. 281. (1 folio.) 

January 14. Mr. Penn to Mr. Popple, in answer to his 
letter about the security for Colonel Hamilton and 
about the Laws of Pennsylvania. (Orig'l.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 7. L. 16. (2 folios.) 

January 19. Mr. Penn to the Board of Trade, inclosing a 

Certificate that security has been given for Col. 

Hamilton, Lt Gov'r of Pennsylvania. (Orig'L) 

Propr. B. T. V. 7. L. 17. (5 folios.) 

January 21. Representation from the Board of Trade to 

the Queen, relating to her Maj'ty's approbation of 

Col. Hamilton for Deputy Gov'r of Pennsylvania, 

and relating to the 4 Queries sent to Mr. Penn 

sometime since' about the Courts of Judicature in 

Pennsylvania.' (Entry.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 28. p. 285. (10 folios.) 

'January 21. Copy of an order of Council upon a represen- 
tation of the same date relating to Col. Hamilton's 
approbation to be Deputy Gov'r of Pennsylvania. 
Propr. B. T. V. 7. L. 22. (5 folios.) 

January 21. Order of Council upon a Representation of 
the same date, approving Col. Hamilton for Dep'y 
Gov'r of Pennsylvania for One year. (Orig'l.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 7. L< 25. (3 folios.) 


1702-3, January 21. Copy of an Order of Council upon a 
Representation of the same date, relating to Courts 
of Judicature in Pennsylvania. 

Propr. RT.V,7.L2«. (10 folios.) 

January 21. A Testimonial of Walter Marten that the 
Quakers in Pennsylvania refuse to take the Oaths, or 
to act in the Government of that Province with none 
but themselves— (Copy) inclosed in CoL Quary!s 
letter of February 25, 1702-3. 

Propr. B. T. V. 7. L. 82. (4 folios.) 

January 25. Mr. Penn to the Board of Trade, relating to 
the Order of Council approving Col. Hamilton 
Dep'y Gov'r of Pennsylvania. (Orig'l.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 7. L. 18. (3 folios.) 

January 28. Mr. Seer. Popple to Mr. Penn, in answer to 
his of the 25th inst., also inclosing some Queries re- 
lating to Pennsylvania* (Entry.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 28. p. 204. (7 folios.) 

February 25, Philadelphia. Col. Quary to the Board of 
Trade — Great confusion in the Government of Penn- 
sylvania — the jail is crowded with criminals but the 
Quakers will not try them, they have hired some 
Gentlemen to do it — proceedings at the Courts of 
Assize-— Mr. Penn withdraws all grants & gives* 
new ones — incloses some of the grants. (Origl.) 
Propr. B. T. V. 7. L. 30. (10 folios.) 

February 25. Board of Trade to Col. Quary, inclosing 
the Order in Council relating to Courts of Judica- 
ture in Pennsylvania, and a copy of the Order for 
approving Col. Hamilton. (Entry.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 28. p. 306. (3 folios.) 


1702-3, February 26, Philadelphia. Mr. Moore, Advocate 
of the Admiralty in Pennsylvania, to the Board, de- 
siring some consideration for his service. (Orig'l.) 
Propr. B. T. Vol. 7. L. 37. (1 folio.) 

Match 4, St James's* Order of Council relating to salaries 
of Governors, and the presents made them by As- 
t semblies. 

Plant. GenL B. T. V. 7. P. 6. (2 folios.) 


March 25* Mr. Seer. Popple to Mr. Penn, inelosing the 
Earl of Nottingham's circular letter relating to the 
French and Spaniards. (Entry.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 28. p. 309. (2 folios.) 

April 2. Mr. Penn to the Board of Trade, relating to the 
regulating of Coin in the Plantations. (Orig'l.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 7. L. 27. (5 folios.) 

April 2. Representation from the Board of Trade to the 

Queen, relating to the salaries of the Gov'rs & the 

presents made them by the Assemblies. (Entry.) 

Plairt. Genl. B. T. V. 36. p. 229. (30 folios.) 

April 20. Circular .letter from the Board of Trade to all 

thfe Gov'rs in America, relating to Courts of Justice. 


Plant Genl. B. T. V. 86. p. 244. (5 folios.) 
May 4. Mr. Popple to the Attorney Genl, enquiring 
whether her Maj'ty may not by Proclamation alter 
the rates of Coins in the Plantations, notwithstand- 
ing Acts passed there. (Entry.) 

Plant. GenL B. T. V. 36. p. 247. (2 folios.) 
May 11. Mr. Penn to the Board of Trade, signifying his 


938 CATAioetNi of fapbbs 

1708. willingness to resign the Government of Pennsyl- 
vania to the Crown. (Orig'I.) 

Propr. R T. V. 7. L. 28. (2 folios.) 

May 12. Mr. Seer. Popple to Mr. Penn, in answer to his 
of 11th inst, desiring to have in writing the condi- 
tions upon which he proposes to resign the Govern* 
' ment of Pennsylvania. (Entry.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 28. p. 314. (2 folios.) 

May 18. Mr. Penn to the Board of Trade, in answer to 
Mr. Seer. Popple's letter of the 12th inst., express- 
ing his opinion that there is no necessity for him to 
write down the conditions for his resignation, as he 
has said enough to them to lay before the Queen. 


Propr. B. T. V. 7. L. 29. (2 folios.) 

May 21. Board of Trade to Mr. Penn, about the Quota 
for New York. (Entry.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 28. p. 316. (3 folios.) 

May 21. Board of Trade to the Earl of Nottingham, upon 
Mr. Penn's proposal of surrendering his govern't of 
Pennsylvania to her Maj'ty. (Entry.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 28. p. 320. (2 folios.) 

May 22. Mr. Seer. Popple to Mr. Penn, informing him 

that the Commiss'rs for Trade have sent his letters 

of proposal of surrendering his Govern't to the 

Crown to the Earl of Nottingham. (Entry.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 28. p. 321. (2 folios.) 

May 28. List of Pennsylvania Laws passed in two Gen'l 

Assemblies, one held at New Castle in Nov'r, 1700, 

and the other at Philadelphia in Oct'r, 1701, sent to 



1703. Mr. Attorney General May 28th, for his opinion in 
point of Law. (Entry.) 

Propr. B. T. Vol. 28. p. 322. (18 folios.) 

May 31. Mr. Attorney General's answer to the letter of 
Mr. Popple of May 4, relating to the regulating of 
Coin in the Plantations. (Orig'l.) 

Plant Genl. B. T. V. 7. F. 13. (2 folios.) 

June 1. Mr. Popple to Mr. Attorney Gen'l, enquiring 
whether her Maj'ty may not by her Royal preroga- 
tive settle the Rates of Foreign Coins in the Planta- 
tions, and desiring his Opinion upon a Pennsylvania 
Act relating to the Coin. (Entry.) 
x Plant. Genl. B. T. V. 36. p. 250. (2 folios.) 
June 8, Whitehall. The Earl of Nottingham to the Board 
of Trade, informing them that her Maj'ty is willing 
to treat with Mr. Penn for his Proprietary Govern- 
ment. (Orig'l.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 7. L. 35. (2 folios.) 

June 10, Whitehall. Mr. Seer. Popple to Mr. Penn, desir- 
ing to have the proposals upon which he surrender 
his Government of Pennsylvania to her Majesty. 

Propr. B. T. V. 28. p. 338. (2 folios.) 

Ju&e 15. Mr. Penn to the Board, desiring two or three 
days' time to make his proposals for surrendering 
his Government of Pennsylvania. (Orig'l.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 7. L. 36. (2 folios.) 

June 18. Mr. Penn's proposals for surrendering the Go- 
vern't.of Pennsylvania to the Crown. (Orig'l.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 7. L. 38. (9 folios.) 

June 30, Philadelphia. Col. Quary, Mr. Moore, Mr. Hal- 

846 CATALOOM OF mill 

1708. • liwell, & Mr. Yeates, to the Board — upon the de- 
mise of Col. Hamilton the Govern't fell into the 
hands of Quakers — their conduct with regard to 
administering the Oaths — the Courts are adjourned 
for a considerable time — Mr. Penn has given them 
the power of Goverrrt in the three Lower Counties 
—the 3 Lower Counties would become very valua- 
ble to the Crown. (Orig'l.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 7. L. 50. (7 folios.) 

July 2. Mr. Penn to the Board, acquainting diem of the 
death of Col. Hamilton, and proposing another De- 
puty Gov*r. (Orig'l.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 7. L. 89. (2 folios.) 

July 2. The Attorney Gen'l to the Board, about her Ma- 
j'ty's settling the Rates of Foreign coins in the 
Plantations, & about a Pennsylvania Act relating to 
Coin. (Orig'l.) 

Plant Gen. B. T. V. 7. P. 10. (2 folios.) 

July 6. Order of Reference from the Earl of Nottingham 
upon the Petition of Mr. Penn for Mr. John Evans 
to be Deputy Governor of Pennsylvania. (Origl.) 
Propr. B. T. V. 7. L. 40. (8 folios.) 

July 7. Representation from the Board for her Maj'tie's 
disallowance of the Pennsylvania Act for appoint- 
ing the rate of money or Coin within that Province. 

Propr. B. T. V. 28. p. 340. (5 folios.) 

July 7. Mr. Seer. Popple to Mr. Penn, desiring him to 
inform the Board of Trade who is Mr. Evans whom 
Mr. Penn has proposed for Deputy Gov'r of Penn- 
sylvania. (Entry.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 28. p. 345. (3 folios.) 


1703, July 8. Mr. Penn to the Board, informing them of 
the character and qualifications of Mr. Evans, whom 
he has proposed for a Dep'ty Gov'r of Pennsylvania. 

Propr. B. T. V. 7, L. 41, (3 folios.) 

July 9. Letter from the Board of Trade to the pari of 
Nottingham, inclosing a Representation to the 
Queen, wherein they express having no objection to 
her Maj'ty's appointing . Mr. Evans as Dep'y Gov'r 
of Pennsylvania. (Entry.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 3& p. 349. (3 folios.) 

July 11, Windsor. Order of Council upon a Representa : 
tion from the Board of Trade of the 9th inst., relat- 
ing to her Majesty's approbation of Mr. John Evans 
as Deputy Gov'r of Pennsylvania. (Orig'l.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 7. U 42. (4 folios.) 

July 13. Mr. Penn's declaration relating to her Maj'ty's 
title to the 3 Lower Counties upon her Maj'ty's ap* 
probation of Mr. John Evans as Dep. Gov'r of Penn- 
sylvania. (Orig'l.) 

Propr. B. T. V, 7, L. 43. (2 folios.) 

July 14. Mr. Seer. Popple to Mr. Lowndg, relating to 
security to be given for Mr. Evans, Dep'y Gov'r of 
Pennsylvania* (Entry.) 

Propr. B, T. V. 88, p. 353, (3 folios.) 

July 21. Certificate from the Remembrancer's Office ihat 
security has been given for Mr. John Evaps, Dep'y 
Gov'r of Pennsylvania. (Qrig'l.) 

Propr. B. T. V, 7. L. 44. (2 folios.) 

July 22, Whitehall- Representation from the Bpard of 
Trade for her Maj'ty's approbation of Mr. Evans 


1708. as Deputy Gov't of Pennsylvania, and inclosing a 
draft of Instructions for Mr. Penn relating to the 
Acts of Trade. (Entry) the Instructions are miss- 

Propr. B. T. V. 28. p. 356. (4 folios.) 

July 23, Whitehall. Mr. Seer. Popple to Mr. Penn, about 
Persons 9 being condemned to death in Pennsylvania 
by Judges and Juries not under Oaths. (Entry.) 
Propr. B. T. V. 28. p. 358. (2 folios.) 

July 25, Philadelphia. Col. Quary to the Board — Mr. 
Roger Mumpessons arrived in Pennsylvania to be 
Judge of the Admiralty — he is surprised Mr. Penn 
has been able to procure a Commission for Mr. 
Mumpesson — The confused state of Pennsylvania — 
concludes with his observations on the condition 
and Trade of the Plantations in General. (Orig'l.) 
Propr. B. T. V. 7, L. 51. (18 folios.) 

July 28, Bristol. Mr. Penn to the Board of Trade, in an- 
swer to the letter from Mr. Seer. Popple of July 
23, requesting to have a copy of that part of the 
Lord Crubury's letter which regards Pennsylvania. 

Propr. B. T. V. 7. L. 45. (2 folios.) 

July 30, Hampton Court Order of Council upon a Repre- 
sentation from the Board of Trade of the 7th July, 
repealing an Act of Pennsylvania for regulating the 
rate of Coin. (Orig'1.) x 

Propr. B. T. V. 7. L. 46. (6 folios.) 

July 30, Hampton C't. Copy of an Order of Council upon 
a Representation from the Board of Trade of July 


1703. 22, approving Mr, Evans for Dep'y Gov'r of Penn- 

Propr. B. T. V. 7. L. 47. (2 folios.) 

July 30, Hampton C't. Copy of an Order of Council upon 

a Representation from the Board of Trade of July 

22, approving the draft of Instructions for Mr. Penn 

relating to the Acts of Trade. 

Propr. B. T. V. 7. L. 4a (2 folios,) 

August 3, Whitehall. Mr. Seer. Popple to Mr. Penn, in 
answer to his of the 28th inst, relating to Trials in 
Pennsylvania without Oath. (Entry.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 28. p. 360. (2 folios.) 

August 4, Pennsylvania. Col. Quary to the Board of 
Trade — about the Tobacco Trade in the Planta- 
tions, & that he is going to Maryland & Virginia 
to inspect the Revenue Officers. (Orig'L) 

Propr. B. T. V. 7. M. 10. (10 folios.) 

August 6, Whitehall. Mr. Seer. Popple to Mr. Penn, with 
the Order of Council for Repealing an Act of Penn- 
sylvania appointing the. Rate of Coin. (Entry.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 28. p. 365. (1 folio.) 

August 14, Pennsylvania. Col. Quary to the Board of 
Trade — chiefly on the subject of the New Jersey 
Government. (Orig'L) 

Propr. R T. V. 7. M. 11. (15 folios.) 

August 26, Philadelphia. Letter from the Council of Penn- 
sylvania to Mr. Penn, relating to their proceedings 
in the Government of that Province after the Deputy 
Governor Hamilton's death. (Orig'l, inclosed in 
Mr. Penn's of Dec'r 22, 1703.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 7. M. 19. (20 folios.) 


1703 f September 6, Lewis, Sussex. Copy of a Letter to Mr. 
Penn from one of his Council, about his being obliged 
to appear at the Provincial Court at Annopetan, to 
defend his title to Lands taken up under Mr. Penn— 
referred to in Mr. Penn's letter to the Board, 22 
Dec'r, 1703. 

Propr. B. T. V. 7. M. 23. (6 folios.) 

September 7, Pennsylvania. Copy of a letter from Mr* 
John Moore to Col. Quary, about the Quaker Jus- 
tices in Pennsylvania refusing to take the Oath of 
abjuration — inclosed in Col. Quary's letter of Oct'r 
15, 1703. 

Plant Genl. V. 7. P. 39. (5 folios.) 

October 15, Virginia. CoL Quary to the Board'— amongst 
various matters relating to other Colonies he gives 
an account of the Proceedings in Pennsylvania re- 
specting the Trade and the encouragement of Pi- 
rates. .(Orig'l.) 

Plant Gen. B. T. V. 7. F. 37. (42 folios.) 

October 22, Whitehall. Board of Trade to the Earl of 
Nottingham, with an Extract of Col. Quary's letter 
of July 25, 1703, relating to the Judge of the Admi- 
ralty in Pennsyl'a, & the state of the Leeward Is- 
lands. (Entry.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 28. p. 386. (2 folios.) 

October 22, Whitehall. Mr. Popple, Jun'r, to Mr. Burchet, 
with an Extract of a letter from Col. Quary to the 
Board of July 25, 1703, relating to the Judge of the 
Admiralty in Pennsylv'a. (Entry.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 28. p. 384. (5 folios.) 

October 26, Philadelphia. Copy of a Dedimus from the 


1703. President and Council of Pennsylvania to qualify 
the Justices. 

Propr. B. T. Vol. 7. M. 14. (3 folios.) 

November 12, Port Lewis. Mr. Henry Brooke, Collector 
of Port Lewis, in the lower County, of Pennsylva- 
nia, to Col. Quary, about the encouragement given 
there to Pirates. (Orig'l.) 

Plant Genl. V. 7. F. 40. (14 folios.) 

November 12, Port Lewis. Mr. Brooke, Collector of Port 

Lewis, to Quary, giving an account of the encou- 

ragem't given there to Pirates. (Orig'l, referred to 

in Col. Quary's to the Board of Oct'r 15, 1703.) 

JV°. B. The letter is dated in Mr. Brooke's own 
hand, Nov'r 12, 1703, and the letter of Col. Quary 
is dated Oct'r 15, 1703, — the discrepancy of the 
dates is unaccountable. 

Plant Genl. B. T. V. 7. F. 40. (13 folios.) 
November 23. Representation from the Board of Trade 
to the Queen, relating to the Rates of foreign Coins 
in the Plantations. (Entry.) 

Plant. Genl. B. T. V. 36. p. 282. (7 folios.) 
December 22, London. Mr. Penn to the Board, with Ex- 
tracts of several letters relating to his Governm't, 
as also his answer to the complaints sent him the 
16th April, 1702. (Orig'l.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 7. M. 18. (5 folios.) 

December 22. Mr. Penn's answer to the several Informa- 
tions relating to irregular Proceedings and other 
undue practices in Pennsylvania, sent him from the 
Board, April 16, 1702. (Orig'l.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 7. M. 21. (80 folios.) 


1703 . Extracts of several letters received from Penn- 
sylvania, giving an account of the uneasy and un- 
comfortable circumstances of the People and Go- 
vernment of that Province, through the practices of 
Col. Quary — referred to in Mr. Penn's letter to the 
Board of Decem'r 22, 1703. 

Propr. B. T. V. 7. M. 20. (40 folios.) 

Qu.? 1703. Copy of the subscription obtained by Mr. 
Penn 9 of money, &c, from the Inhabitants of Penn- 
sylvania, to defray the charge of his coming over 
to England — referred to in Col. Quary's letter of 
May 30, 1704. 

Propr. B. T. V. 7. M. 38. (5 folios.) 


January 12, Whitehall. Mr. Seer. Popple to Mr. Penn, 
inclosing an Extract of a letter from Mr. Thomas 
Lawrence, Secr'y of Maryland, complaining of the 
behaviour of the Quakers at their General meeting. 

Propr. B. T. V. 28. p. 407. (2 folios.) 

February 18. Letter from the Board of Trade to Col. 
Quary, relating to his being established Surveyor 
General of Her Majesty's Plantations on the decease 
of Mr. Randolph. (Entry.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 28. p. 441. (4 folios.) 

March 2, St. James 9 . Draft of a letter for her Maj'ty's 
signature to the several Govrs. in America, relating 
to Courts of Admiralty & distribution of prizes in 
the Plantations. (Entry.) 

Plant Genl. B. T. Vol. 36. p. 347. (2 folios.) 


1703-4, March 7. Draft of a Charter for the Pennsylvania 
Company, presented to the Board by Mr. Byfield 
& other Members of the same. 

Propr. B. T. V. 7. M. 26. (100 folios.) 

March 12, Philadelphia. Dep'ty Gov'r Evans to the Board, 
giving a favourable account of the state of the 
Governm't as he found it upon his arrival in Penn- 
sylvania. (Origl.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 7. M. 41. (6 folios.) 

March 13, London. Memorial from Mr. Penn to the 
Board, containing matters of complaint against 
Col. Quary & others. (Entry.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 28. p. 459. (8 folios.) 


March 90. Draft of a Bond to be entered into by Mr. 
Byfield & other members of the Pennsylvania 

Propr. B. T. V. 7. M. 33. (3 folios.) 

April 13, Philadelphia. Copy of the condescension made 
by the Representatives of the three Lower Counties 
to the Assembly of Pennsylvania. (Inclosed in Col. 
Quary's letter to the Board of Octo'r 15, 1704.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 8. N. 10. (3 folios.) 

April 14, Philadelphia. Copy of an Address from the 
Assembly of Pennsylvania to the Dep. Govr. Evans, 
relating to the three lower counties. (Inclosed in 
Col. Quary's to the Board of Oct'r 15, 1704.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 8. N. 14. (4 folios.) 

April 15, Philadelphia (qu.?). Copy of an answer from 
the Representatives of the Province to the Repre- 


1704. sentathres of the Territories. (Inclosed in Coi. 
Quary's letter to the Board of Oct'r 15, 1704.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 8. N. 11. (5 folios.) 

May 11. Board of Trade to CoL Quary, informing him 
of Mr. Perm's assurance that no impediment shall 
be made to the Custom Officers in Pennsylvania. 

Propr. B. T. V. 29. p. 81. (4 folios.) 

May 26, Philadelphia. Copy of the Dep'y Govr. Evans's 
Proclamation requiring the Inhabitants of Pennsyl- 
vania to furnish themselves with arms for their 

Propr. B. T. V. 7. M. 43. (4 folios.) 

May 26, Philadelphia. Copy of a Proclamation for the 
settling a Militia throughout the Goverom't of Penn- 
sylvania. (Inclosed in the D'y G'r Evans's letter to 
the Board of Octo'r 10, 1704.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 8. N. 8. (4 folios.) 

May 30, Philadelphia. Dep'y Govr. Evans to the Board. 
—He is not able to find any abuses in Trade. — He 
endeavours to reconcile the animosities — gives an 
account of his proceedings with the Assembly — 
informs the Board that the Lower Counties have 
distinct Legislation. (Orig'l.) 

Propr. B. T, V. 7, M, 4?. (0 folios.) 

May 30, Virginia. CoL Quary to the Board of Trade, 
giving an account of the present state and condition 
of the Trade in Pennsylvania <fc other American 
Colonies. (Orig'L) 

Plant Genl. B. T. V. 7. G. 1$. (70 folios.) 

May 31. Draft of a letter for Her Maj'ty's signature to 


1704. the several Proprietary Goveramts in America re- 
lating to her Maj'ty's & the Lord High Admiral's 
share of Prizes there. (Entry ») 

Propr. B. T. V. 29. p» 37. (6 folios.) 

(May,) Philadelphia. Copies of two Addresses from the 
Quakers to her Maj'ty, relating to Qualification by 
an affirmation to become general to all her Maj'ty's 
subjects in Pennsylvania. (Inclosed in CoL Quary's 
to the Board of Oct. 15, 1704.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 8. N. 15. (10 folios,) 

(May,) Philadelphia. Copy of the Assembly of Pennsyl- 
vania's Address to the Dep'y Gov'r, relating to their 
refusing the Quota expected from them. (Inclosed 
in Col. Quary's letter to the Board of Oct'r 15, 1704.) 
Propr. B. T. V. 6. N. 6> (4 folios.) 

(May,) Philadelphia. Copy of an Address from the As- 
sembly of Pennsylvania to Mr. John Evans, Dep'y 
Govr., also Copy of a clause' proposed, which 
imposes the Quakers' Test on all the Inhabitants 
there. (Inclosed in Col. Quary's letter to the Board 
of Octo'r 15, 1704.) 

Propr. B. 1\ V. 8. N. 8. (13 folios.) 

(May,) Philadelphia. Copies of two Speeches of Dep'y 
Govr. Evans to the Assembly o( Pennsylvania. 
(Inclosed in Col. Quary's letter to the Board of 
Octo'r 15, 1704i) 

Propn B. T. V. 8. N. 9. (10 folios.) 

June 29. Circular letter to the Proprietors of her Maj'ty's 
Colonies in America, inclosing her Majesty's Pro- 
clamation for settling and ascertaining the Rates of 
Foreign Coin in the Plantations. (Entry.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 29. p. 39. (7 folios.) 


1704 f July 7. Additional Instructions to all the several 
Proprietors in America, relating to the . number of 
Seamen allowed by an Act of Parliament for 
Navigating of English Ships during the present 
Wan (Entry.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 29. p. 42. (5 folios.) 

July 13, Representation from the Board of Trade to the 
Queen that the Commissions for Trial of Pirates in 
America be renewed. (Entry.) 

Plant Genl. B. T. V. 3d. p. 481. (56 folios.) 

July 18, Philadelphia. Copy of a Proclamation for the 
encouragement of those in Pennsylvania who have 
taken up Arms. (Inclosed in the Dep'y Govr. 
Evans's letter to the Board of Octo'r 10, 1704.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 8. N. 4. (6 folios.) 

July 24, Philadelphia. Mr. Moor to the B'p of London, 
entreating his support against Mr. Penn, in order to 
bis retaining the place of a Collector, the late 
Collector being lately Dead. (Orig'L) 

Propr. B. T. V. 7. M. 46. (2 folios.) 

August 3. Copy of an Order of Council for the renewal 
of the Commissions for Trial of Pirates in the 
Plantations in America. 

Plant Genl. B. T. V. 7. G. 17. (2 folios.) 

August 24. Circular letter to the several Proprietors in 
America about a day of thanksgiving to be kept 
for the success of her Majty's arms near the 
Danube. (Entry.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 29. p. 45. (3 folios.) 

September 2, Philadelphia. Deputy Govr. Evans to Col. 


1704. Quary. (Original letter inclosed in Col. Qqary's 
letter to the Board of Oct'r 15, 1704.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 8. N. 12. (1 folio.) 

September 2, Philadelphia. Mr. Rolph to Col. Quary 
about Mr. Penn's being summoned before the 
Mayor's Court for an assault on the Constable. 
(Orig'ly inclosed in Col. Quary's letter to the Board 
of Octo'r 15, 1704.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 8. N. 16. (1 folio.) 

September 3, Burlington. Col. Quary to the Dep'y Govr. 
Evans, in answer to his of Sept'r 2. (Inclosed in 
Col. Quary's letter to the Board of Octo'r 15, 

Propr. B. T. V. 8. N. 13. (2 folios.) 

September 23, Philadelphia. Copy of a Proclamation 
issued by Mr. John Evans, Deputy Govr. of Penn- 
sylvania, making void the proceedings of a Court 
held there. (Inclosed in Col. Quary's letter to the 
Board of Oct. 15, 1704.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 8. N. 7. (5 folios.) 

October 10, Philadelphia. Deputy Govr. Evans to the 
Board of Trade. — Sends his Proclamation for 
settling the Militia, and the Proclamation for the 
encouragement of those who have taken up arms — 
gives an account of the Proceedings of the As- 
sembly in relation to the Quota for New York, and 
their endeavours for divesting the Govr. of the 
power of prorogation or dissolution. (Orig'l.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 8. N. 2. (27 folios.) 

October 13. Sir E. Northey's Opinion upon .the Acts of 
Pennsylvania, passed at 2 Gen'l Assemblies, the one 

859 CAfALOera op p Arras 

1704. held at New Castle in Nov'r, 1700, the other at 
Philadelphia in OctoV, 1701. (Orig'l.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 8. N. 40. (67 folios.) 

October 15, Maryland. Col. Quary to the Board of Trade. 
— Informs them that the Order in Council relating 
to Courts of Judicature is not complied with in 
Pennsylvania.— Dep'y Govt. Evans favours Quakers 
and gives no encouragement to the Admiralty or 
Custom Officers.— Disorders in the Govern't of 
Pennsylvania — the Quakers indited young Mr. 
Perm and he publicly renounced them. — He goes 
for England in order to perswade his Father t to 
resign. — No money raised for Mr. Penn, the Quakers 
are so incensed against him & his. son.—- Gives them 
an account of the Lord Cornbury*s <3overn*t. 

Propr. B. T. V. 8. N. 5. (24 folios.) 

December 25. An account of exports from England to 
Pennsylvania for 6 years, from 25 Decem'r, 1698, 
to 25 Decem'r, 1704. (Draft.) 
Propr. B. T. V. 8. N. 5f 

1704, , Several papers relating to the Pennsylvania 

Company which do not relate to the State of Penn- 

Propr. B. T. V. 7. 


January 2. Mr. Penn to the Board Of Trade, offering to 
surrender the Goverift of Pennsylvania to the 
Crown upon certain conditions. {Orig'l.) 

Propri. B. T. V. 8. after N. 1. (5 folios.) 


1704-5, January 3. Mr. Penn to the Board, in explanation 
of some expressions v in his letter to the Board 
of Janu'y 2. (Orig'l.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 8. after N. 1. (3 folios.) 

January 11. Mr. Popple to Mr. Penn with several Queries 
upon his proposals for the surrender of his right of 
Government to the Crown. (Entry.) 

Propr. B. T. Vol. 29. p. 81. (3 folios.) 

January 12. Mr. Penn's answer to the Queries sent him 
from the Board the 11th inst. (Orig'l.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 8. N. 1. (5 folios.) 

February 13, Philadelphia. Dep'ty Govr. Evans to the 
Board, owning the receipt of their Lordships' letter 
of the 29th June last with the Proclamation about 
Coin, and his remarks on the observance of the said 
Proclamation. (Orig'l.) 

Prdpr. B. T. V. 8. N. 36. (5 folios.) 

February 22, St. James's. Draft of a Circular letter to 
the Governours of the Plantations in America for 
an account of Ordinance, &c'a. 

Plant. Genl. B. T. V. 37. p. 58. (5 folios.) 
March 9. Mr. Penn to the Board, desiring to know what 
it is expected he should surrender. (Orig'L) 

Propr. B. T. V. 8. N. 26. (2 folios.) 

March 9. Mr. Popple to Mr. Penn, in answer to his letter 
of this day's date relating to the surrender of his 
government (Entry.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 29. p. 132. (2 folios.) 


May — . Copy of the draft of a new Patent, upon the 



1705. granting of which Mr. Penn is willing to surrender 
the Govern't of Pennsylvania to her Majesty. 

' Propr. B. T. V. 8. N. 80. (40 folios.) 

June (5). Draft of a surrender of the Pennsylvania Go- 
vernment to her Majesty. 

Propr. B. T. V. 8. N. 32. (9 folios.) 

June 6. Mr. Penn to the Board, inclosing his answer to 

the observations of the Board upon the draft of a 

new Charter desired by him, which were delivered 

the 5th inst (Orig'L) 

Propr. B. T. V. 8. N. 33. (12 folios.) 

June 20. Mr. Penn to the Board, desiring them to enter 
upon the consideration of the Pennsylvania Laws 
before his surrender. (Orig'L) 

Propr. B. T. V. 8. N. 34. (1 folio.) 

June 30. Mr. Penn to the Board, desiring the dispatch of 
their Lordships 9 - Report on the Laws of Pennsyl- 
vania. (Orig'L) 

Propr. B. T. V. 8. N. 37. (2 folios.) 

July 23, Whitehall. Mr. Popple to S'r Rob't Cotton and 
Sir Tho's Frankland with a copy of an Act for 
erecting and establishing a Post Office in Pennsyl- 
vania for their opinion thereupon. (Entry.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 29. p. 192. (2 folios.) 

July 26, Whitehall. Mr. Popple to Mr. Penn, inclosing 
the Board's observations upon the Acts of Pennsyl- 
vania. (Entry.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 29. p. 193. (18 folios.) 

July 28, Whitehall. Circular letter from the Board to the 

Proprietors in America to appoint a day of thanks- 


1705. giving ift their Governments for the late victory 
obtained in the Spanish Netherlands. (Entry.) 

Propr. B. Tl V. 29. p. 202. (2 folios.) 

August 31. Mr. Petal's answer to the observations made 
by the Board upon the Pennsylvania Laws. (Orig'l.) 
Propr. B. T. V. 8. N. 41. (7 folios.) 

September 1. Mr. Perm's paper containing the heads of 
what he desires from her Majesty upon his surren- 
der. (Draft.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 8. N. 42. (3 folios.) 

September 1. An abstract of the clauses contained in Mr. 
Penn's Grant of Pennsylvania, which he is willing 
to surrender to her Majesty. (Draft.) 

Propr. R T. V. 8. N. 43. (3 folios.) 

October 9. Observations upon an Act for establishing 
Courts of Judicature in Pennsylvania. (Draft, 
signed Wm. Wharton — indorsed " Mr. Penn's ob- 
servations," &c.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 8. N. 46. (3 folios.) 

October 12. Mr. Popple to Sir E. Northey, with several 

Queries relating to Mr. Penn's power given -him by 

the Charter, & Sir E. Northey's answer to the said 

Queries— dated Oct'r 10th. (Orig'l.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 8. N. 48. (16 folios.) 

October 23. Mr. Popple to Mr. Penn, with Mr. Att. GenTs 
answers to the Queries about Pennsylvania sent him 
the 12th inst. (Entry.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 29. p. 224. (1 folio.) 

November 9, Philadelphia. Dep'ty Gov'r Evans to the 
Board — (presented to them by Mr. Penn, in his let- 
ter of Febr'y 22, 1705-6.)— The People of Pennsyl- 



1705. vania are very slow in observing her Maj'ty's Pro- 
clamation about the Coin — He has formed Militia 
even there, where the Quaker? are most numerous 
— Incloses an address from the Traders and pleads 
in their favour. (Orig'L) 

Propr. B. T. V. 8. O. 35. (12 folios.) 

November 19, Gen. Post-Office. Sir R. Cotton to the 
Board, inclosing his observations upon an Act of 
Pennsylvania for erecting & establishing a Post- 
Office there, and returning a copy of the Act 


Propr. B. T. V. 8. N. 5*. (5 folios. Act, 28 folios.) 

November 20. Mr. Popple to Mr. Penn, desiring to know 
which and how many of the Laws he passed & 
signed whilst, he was in Pennsylvania. (Entry.) 
Propr. B. T. V. 29. p. 232. (1 folio.) 

November 21. Mr. Popple to Mr. Penn, inclosing the 
Post Master General's opinion on an Act of Penn- 
sylvania for Establishing a post Office there. (En- 

Propr. B. T. V. 29. p. 233. (1 folio.) 

November 21. Mr. Penn to the Board, in answer to the 
Secretary's letter of yesterday about the Laws 
signed by him in Pennsylvania. (Orig'L) 

Propr. B. T. V. 8. N. 58. (1 folio.) 

November — , Philadelphia. Address from the Traders of 
Pennsylv'a to Mr. John Evans, L't Gov'r of that 
Province, setting forth the hardships they suffer in 
their Trade thro' the late Order for regulating mo- 
ney, and from the. severity of the Custom House 




1705. Officers— (with Mr. Penh's letter of 22 Febr'y, 
1705-6). (Orig'l.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 8. O. 34. (6 folios.) 

List of Acts passed by the Dep'ty Gov'r Evans in 

the year 1705, with Mr. Penn's observations upon 

the same. Draft not signed — delivered June 28, 


Propr. B. T. Vol. 8. O. 73. (9 folios.) 


January 9, Philadelphia. Copy of the Minutes of Council 
held in Pennsylvania, upon a Conference between 
that Board and the Assembly, relating to the Ad- 
ministering of Oaths in Judicial affairs — inclosed in 
the Dep'ty Gov'r Evans's letter to the Board of 
January 19, 1705-6. 

Propr. B. T. V. 8. O. 68. (24 folios.) 

January 10. Representation from the Board of Trade to 
the Queen, relating to the Misfeazances of the Pro- 
prietary and Charter Governments in America. 

Propr. B. T. V. 29. p. 238. (38 folios.) 

January 11, Philadelphia. Address of the Assembly of 
Pennsylvania to the Dep'ty Gov'r Evans, about ad- 
ministering of Oaths in Judicial affairs. (Orig'l, 
inclosed in Dep'ty Gov'r Evans's letter to the Board 
of January 19, 1705-6.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 8. O. 67. (10 folios.) 

January 17. Representation from the Board of Trade to 
the Queen, upon the Laws of Pennsylvania, against 


1705-6. the passing of which Mr. Attorney Gen'l and the 
Board have made objections, also upon the Laws 
against which there are no objection. (Entry.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 39. p. 254. (100 folios.) 

January before 19, Philadelphia. A printed broadside of 
an Act passed in Pennsylvania for proportioning the 
Rates of money in Payments made upon contracts 
according to the former regulation inclosed in the 
Dep'ty Gov'r Evans's letter to the Board of January 
19, 1705-6. 

Propr. B. T. V. a O. 69. (20 folios.) 

January before 19, Philadelphia. Copy of an Act of Penn- 
sylvania, directing the qualifications of all Magis- 
trates & Officers, also the manner of giving evi- 
dence — inclosed in the Dep'ty Gov'r Evans's letter 
to the Board, of January 19, 1705-6. 

Propr. B. T. V. 8. O. 70. (20 folios.) 

January 19, Philadelphia. Dep'ty Gov'r Evans to the 
Board — promises copies of the several Acts passed 
the last Assembly — he sends two, one about taking 
Oaths, another about the Rate of money, and gives 
his opinion of them, as well as of several inclosed 
papers. (Orig'l.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 8. O. 66. (20 folios.) 

February 7, St. James's. Copy of an order of Council of 
the 7th instant, upon a Representation from the 
Board of Trade of the 17th of January, upon the 
Laws of Pennsylvania. 

Propr. B. T. V. 8. 0. 32. (6 folios.) 

February 7, St. James's. Order in Council relating to the 
misfeasances of the Proprietary & Charter Govern- 


1705-6. m'ts, directing the Representation of the Bo^rd of 
Jan'y 10th, 1705-6, to be sent to Mr. Seer. Hedges. 

Propr. B. T. V. 8. O. 32. (3 folios.) 

February 18, Cock-Pitt. Mr. Hedges to the Board of 
Trade, with a draft of a Bill relating to the Proprie- 
tary Gov'ts in America, desiring the Board to con- 
sider thereof. (Entry.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 29. p. 322. (20 folios.) 

February 22, Knight's Bridge. Mr. Pehn to the Board, 
inclosing a letter from the Dep'ty Gov'r of Penn- 
sylvania to the Board, & proposing some heads for 
a letter from the Board to the said Dep'ty Gov'r. 

Propr. B. T. V. 8. O. 33. (5 folios.) 

February 28. Mr. Seer. Hedges to the Board, referring a 

Petition from Bern, for settling a Colony of Natives 

of Switzerland in Pennsylvania or Virginia. (Orig'l.) 

Virginia B. T. V. 12. N. 17. (12 folios.) 

March 1, Whitehall. Mr. Seer. Popple to Mr. Penn, ac- 
quainting him that the matter of the address from 
the Traders of Pennsylvania (1705, Nov'r) to the 
Lieut't Gov'r there, does belong properly to the 
Commissioners of the Customs. (Entry.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 29. p. 344. (2 folios.) 

March 13, Whitehall. Board of Trade to Mr. Seer. 
Hedges, relating to the settlement of a Colony of 
Natives of Switzerland in Pennsylvania or Virginia. 

Propr. B. T. V. 29. p. 345. (6 folios.) 


1 706, Ma rch 25, Philadelphia* Memorial from the Minister 
and Vestry of St Paul's Church in Pennsylvania, 
to the Bishop of London, against the Act lately 
passed in that Province about the manner of giving 
of Evidence. (Orig'l, inclosed in Bp. of London's 
letter to the Board, of July 4, 1706.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 8. O. 77. (5 folios.) 

May 31, Whitehall Circular letter from the Board of 
Trade to all the Gov'rs in America, for a day of 
thanksgiving for the great success of her Maj'ty's 
arms in Brabant, &c. (Entry.) 

Plant Genl. B. T. V. 37. p. 122. (2 folios.) 

June 19, Whitehall. Mr. Popple to Sir E. Northey, inclos- 
ing an Act of Pennsylvania " directing the qualifi- 
cations of all Magistrates & Officers, also the man* 
ner of giving evidence" for his opinion thereupon 
in point of Law. (Entry.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 29. p. 410. (I folio.) 

June 28. Board of Trade to the Dep. Gov'r Evans — his 
letter of 19 Janu'y received & the inclosed Acts 
sent to Mr. Attorney General for his opinion — they 
express themselves very much satisfied with his con- 
duct in the Government, and desire him to encourage 
all those who appear ready in her Maj'ty's service. 

Propr. B. T. V. 29. p. 414. (3 folios.) 

June 28. Mr. Popple to Mr. Penn, inclosing a letter from 
the Board to the Dep'ty Gov'r Evans. (Entry.) 
Propr. B. T. V. 29. p. 413. 

July 4. Bishop of Ixmdon to the Board, inclosing a Me- 
morial from the Vestry of St Paul's in Pennsylva- 


1706. nia, against the Act about the manner of giving 
evidence, &c. (Orig'l.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 8. O. 77. (2 folios.) 

July 9. Sir E. Northey's Report to the Board upon the 
Act of Pennsylvania transmitted to him June 19. 

Propr. B. T. V. 8. O. 78. (4 folios.) 

November 6. Memorial from Mr. Wilcox to the Board of 

Trade, containing reasons against confirming an 

Act of Pennsylvania for directing the Qualifications 

of all Magistrates & Officers, &c. (Orig'l.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 8. O. 81. (12 folios.) 

November 26. Memorial to the Board of Trade from Mr. 
Wilcox, appointed agent by some Gentlemen of 
Pennsylvania to oppose the confirmation of some 
Acts now coming from that Province. (Orig'l.) 
Propr. B. T. V. 8. O. 82. (8 folios.) 

December 2. Affidavit of Benjamin van der Werf, late of 
Pennsylvania, relating to the passing of an Act 
there for directing the Qualifications of all Magis- 
trates & Officers, &c. (Orig'l.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 8. O. 84. (2 folios.) 


January 4. Mr. Popple to Mr. Penn, desiring his attend- 
ance at the Board upon an Act of Pennsylvania for 
Qualifications of Magistrates & Officers, &c. (En- 

Propr. B. T. V. 29. p. 429. . (2 folios.) 


1706-7, January 29. Mr. Peon to the Board, desiring to 
expedite their Representation on his proposal for 
surrendering his Government (Orig'l.) . 

Propr. B. T. V. 8. O. 87. (3 folios.) 

February 5, Whitehall. Board of Trade to the Earl of 
Sunderland, upon Mr. Penn's proposal for surrender* 
ing his Governm't of Pennsylvania. (Entry.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 29. p. 439. (11 folios.) 

March 18, Treasury. Mr. Lowndes to the Board of Trade, 
desiring them to reconsider their Report relating to 
Mr. Peon's of Pennsylvania, &c. (Orig'l.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 8. O. 98. (4 folios.) 


April 7, Treasury. Mr. Lownds to the Board of Trade, 
referring an account of goods imported and exported 
from Pennsylvania to Xmas, 1705. (Orig'l.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 8. O. 99, 100. (30 folios.) 
May 7, Whitehall. Earl of Sunderland to the Board, de- 
siring them to transmit Copies of the Act of Union 
between England & Scotland to all the Gov'rs in 
America. (Orig'l.) 

Plant. Genl. B. T. V. 8. 1. 32. (I folio.) 

May 7, Whitehall. Board of Trade to Mr. Penn, the 
Gov'r & Co. of Rhode Island, and the Gov'r & Co. 
of Connecticut, relating to the new Commission for 
this Board and for inclosing the Act of the Union. 

Propr. B. T. V. 29. p. 466. (10 folios.) 

May 12, Whitehall. Mr. Popple to Mr. Penn, with several 
Queries relating to his Government of Pennsylvania. 

Propr. B. T. V. 29. p. 472. (4 folios.) 


1707 f June 10, Whitehall. Board of Trade to the Earl of 
Sunderland, enclosing a Representation to the Queen 
relating to the rates of Foreign Coin in the Planta- 
tions. (Entry.) 

Plant Genl. R T. V. 37. p. 142. (12 folios.) 

June 28, Philadelphia. Col. Quary to the Board — The 
confusion in Mr. Penn's two Govern'ts — the Dep'ty 
Gov'r's irregular proceedings — Taxes & Powder 
duties occasioned a Rupture between the 3 Lower 
Counties & Pennsylva'a — the Assembly are against 
Mr. Penn and his Deputy, and they against the As- 
sembly — proposes that the Quakers should be ex- 
cluded from the Govern't, for they continue to dis- 
own the Queen's Orders, & gives an instance of it. 
The rest of the Letter relates to other Plantations. 

Plant Genl. B. T. V. 8. 1. 59. (20 folios.) 

June 30. Memorial from Mr. Wilcox against an Act 
passed in Pennsylvania relating to the qualifications 
of Magistrates, &c. (Orig'l.) 

Propr. B. T. Vol. 9. P. 7. (2 folios.) 

July 2. Copy of a letter from Mr. Penn to Mr. Popple, in 
answer to one written to him the 12 of May, with 
several Queries relating to his surrender. 

Propr. B. T. V. 9. P. 8. (5 folios.) 

July 19. Mr. Popple to Mr. Penn, enclosing Mr. Wilcox's 
memorial of June 30 against the Act about qualifi- 
cations of Magistrates, and desiring his particular 
answer to the Queries sent him the 12 of May last. 

Propr. B. T. V. 30. p. 12. (2 folios.) 



1707, August 14. Mr. Peon to Mr. Popple, enclosing his 
answers to Mr. Wilcox's memorial of June 30. 

Propr. B. T. V. 9. P. 11. (11 folios.) 

September 29, Philadelphia. DepHy Govr. Evans to the 
Board. — Sends Minutes of Council relating to the 
Assembly, who intend to complain of him for 
causing an Alarm and beating a Constable. — The 
- People oppose his attempts to regulate the Militia. 
— David Loyd, one of the most violent amongst the. 
Assembly, is their Speaker. (Orig'l.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 9. P. 35. (12 folios.) 

November 10, H. C. Order of the House of Commons 
for a List of the Several Governors in America. 

Plant Genl. B. T. V. 37. p. 150. (1 folio.) 
November 12. List of the names of Gov'rs and Depu'y 
Gov'rs in the Plantations laid before the House of 
Commons. (Entry.) 

Plant Genl. B. T. V. 37. p. 15a (4 folios.) 
December 10. Mr. Wilcox's reply to Mr. Penn's answer 
to his memorial of June 30. (Orig'L) . 

Propr. B. T. V. 9. P. 15. (9 folios.) 

December 30. Board of Trade to the Earl of Sunderland, 
inclosing a Representation to the Queen upon the 
Act of Pennsylvania relating to the qualifications of 
Magistrates, recommending to disallow the same. 

Propr- & T. V. 3a p. 22. (5 folios.) 



January 8, Kensington. Copy of an Order of Council 
upon a Representation of the 10 of June last, for 
settling the Rates of Coin in the Plantations, re- 
ferring the same to the Attorney & Solicitor Gene- 
ral for their opinion. 

Plant. Genl. B. T. V. 8. 1. 48. (2 folios.) 

January 8, Kensington. Copy of an Order of Council 
upon a Representation from the Board of Trade of 
Dec'r 80 for repealing an Act of Pennsylvania 
about the qualifications of Magistrates. 

Propr. B. T. V. 9. P. 19. (3 folios.) 

January 8, Kensington. Order of Council referring to 
the Board of Trade the Address of the Gov'r, 
Council and Assembly of Maryland to the Queen, 
relating to the Boundaries between that Province 
& Pennsylvania. (Orig'l.) 

Maryland B. T. V. 5. H. 59. (0 folios.) 

January 12, H. L. Order of the Committee of the House 
of Lords, requiring the Board of Trade to prepare 
the draft of an Act for Establishing the Rates of 
Foreign Coin in the Plantations. (Entry.) 

Plant Genl. B. T. Vol. 37. p. 155. (1 folio.) 

January 1 5, Whitehall. Mr. Popple to the Attorney Genl. 
(Sir Simon Harcourt), inclosing the draft of a Bill 
for ascertaining the Rates of Foreign Coin in the 
Plantations, together with Sir Isaac Newton's table 
of the weight, &c., of the said Coins, for his opinion 
thereupon. (Entry.) N.B. The Table of weights 
is not entered. 

Plant. Genl. B. T. V. 37. p. 155. (11 folios*) 

cATixoeux or Pinu 

1707-8, January 22. Copy of an Order of Council upon a 
Report from the Attorney & Solicitor General, 
relative to the Representation from the Board of 
Trade of June 10, for settling the Rates of Coin in 
the Plantations. 

Propr. B. T. V. 9. P. SI. (2 folios.) 

January 27, H. of L. Order of a Committee of the House 
of Lords that the Commissioners for Trade do pre- 
pare a Bill for enforcing obedience to her Maj'ty's 
Proclamation for settling the Rates of Foreign 
Coins in the Plantations. (Orig'l.) 

Plant. Genl. B. T. V. 8. 1. 50. (1 folio.) 

February 3. Draft of a Bill for enforcing obedience to her 
Maj'ty's Proclamation of June 18, 1704, for settling 
the Ratesof Foreign Coins in the Plantations. (Entry.) 
Plant Genl. B. T. V. 37. p. 160. (14 folios.) 
February 20. Mr. Popple to Mr. Penn, desiring his at- 
tendance about the Boundaries between Maryland 
& Pennsylvania. (Entry.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 30. p. 30. (1 folio.) 

February 21, Ratclif. Mr. Conway to Lord Baltimore, 

relating to observations made on Palmer's Island, 

touching the Boundaries between Maryland & 

Pennsylvania. (Orig'l.) 

Maryland B. T. V. 5. H. 63. (I folio.) 

March 2. Mr. Popple to Mr. Penn, desiring his answer to 
the letter of the 20 of Feb'y last (Entry.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 30. p. 32. (1 folio.) 

March 3. Mr. Penn to Mr. Popple, promising to give an 
account of the proceedings touching the Boundaries 
between Maryland & Pennsylvania. (Orig'l.> 

Propr. B. T. V. 9. P. 26. (3 folios.) 


1707-8, March 10. Mr. Popple to* Mr. Penn, desiring 
him to hasten what he may have to offer in relation 
to the Boundaries between Pennsylvania and Mary- 
land. (Entry.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 30. p. 35. (2 folios.) 

March 10, Petty France. Mr. Chamberlayne to Lord 
Herbert, inclosing a Memorial from Mr. Ludolf in 
favour of some Germans, who about 25 years ago 
settled in Pennsylvania, desiring to be made Deni- 
zens of that Province. (Orig'l.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 9. P. 27. (4 folios.) 


March 29. Mr. Penn to Mr. Popple, desiring a Month's 
time to answer the matters relating to Boundaries 
between Pennsylvania and Maryland. (Orig'l.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 9. P. 28. (2 folios.) 

March 30. Notice is taken that on that day a letter was 

written to Mr. Penn, desiring him to attend the 

Board on the 26th of the next month, in relation to 

the Boundaries between Maryland & Pennsylvania. 

Propr. B. T. Vol. 30. p. 36. 

April 15. Circular letter to the Gover'rs in America re- 
lating to the number and price of Negroes brought 
thither directly from Africa. (Entry.) 

Plant Genl. B. T. V. 37. p. 165. (10 folios.) 

May 14. Circular letter from the Board of Trade to the 
Gov'rs of her Maj'ty's plantations inclosing the 
Acts of Parliament relating to Foreign Coins and 
the Trade in America. (Entry.) 

Plant Genl. B. T. V. 37. p. 184. (3 folios.) 

May 20, Kensington. Order of Council referring to the 

M8 catalog** or papbbs 

1708. Board the Petition of Mr. Penn praying her Majesty 
to approve Capt'n Charles Gookin as his Deputy 
Governor of Pennsylvania. (Orig'L) 

Propr. B. T. V. 9. P. 32. (3 folios.) 

May 28, Charborough. Letter from Lieut't General Erie 
in favour of Capt'n Gookin, proposed by Mr. Penn 
for his Deputy Governor in Pennsylvania. (Orig'L) 
Propr. B. T. V. 9. P. 34. (2 folios.) 

June 1. Mr. Penn to the Board of Trade, recommending 
Capt'n Gookin to be his Dep'ty Gover'r in Pennsyl- 
vania. (Orig'L) 

Propn B. T. V. 9. P. 33. . (2 folios.) 

June 2. Representation from the Board of Trade to the 
Queen upon the Petition of Mr. Penn recommend- 
ing Mr. Gookin to be Dep'ty Gover'r of Pennsyl- 
vania. (Entry.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 37. p. 46. (2 folios.) 

June 11. Mr. Penn, Jun'r, and Mr. Standfast, Bookseller 
of Westminster, are proposed by Mr. Gookin as his 
securities. (Orig'L) 

Propr. B. T. V. 9. P. 39. 
June 26, Kensington. Order of Council approving Mr. 
Gookin to be Mr. Penn's Dep'ty Gover'r of Penn- 
sylvania, provided he gives security. (Orig'L) 

Propr. B. T. V. 9. P. 44. (3 folios.) 

June 29. Mr. Penn to the Board of Trade, relating to the 

Declaration he is to make of her Maj'ty's Right to 

the three Lower 'Counties adjoining Pennsylvania. 


Propr. B. T. V. 9. P. 45. (7 folios.) 

June 30. Mr. Popple to Mr. Penn, in answer to his of the 


1708. 29th inst., inclosing the form of the Declaration, 
which the Board cannot alter. (Entry.) 
Propr. B. T. V. 37. pw 68. 
June 30. Mr. Popple to Mr. Lowndes, relating to Capt'n 
Gookin r s giving security (Entry), with the draft of 
a Bond. 

Propr. & T. V. 37. js 60. (8 folios.) 

July 2« Mr. Penn to the Board of Trade, inclosing hit 
Declaration of her Maj'ty's right to the three Lower 
Counties* (Orig'l.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 9.J>* 45. (S folios.) 

July 8. Certificate of Cfrpt'n Gookift's having given se- 
curity for observing the Act* of Trade, &«c'a» 

Propr. B. T. Vol. 9. P. 46. <i folio.) 

July 8. Representation from the. Board of Trade to the 
Queen, inclosing a draft of Instructions for Mr. 
Penn, relating to the Actl of Trade. (Entry.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 37. p. 65. (80 folios.) 

August 24. Mr. Popple to Mr. Penn & Lord Baltimore, 

desiring them to come to some agreement about the 

Boundary line, and to lay the same before them 

before the 18th of Octo'r next. (Entryl) 

Maryland B. T. V. 11. p, 54. (1 folio.) 

December 1& Mr. Popple to Mr. Penn, relating to an in- 
tended agreement between Lord Baltimore and him 
about the Boundary line, desiring that such be 
transmitted to them directly. (Entry*) 

Propr. B. T. V. 37. p. 71. (1 folio.) 




January 9, St James's. Order of Council referring to the 
Board the Petition of Lord Baltimore relating to 
the Boundaries between Maryland & Pennsylvania 
(Original), dismissed by an Order of 27 January, 

Maryland B. T. V. 5. H. 84. (7 folios.) 

January 12. The Case against Lord Baltimore relating to 
the Bounds between Pennsylvan'a and Maryland, 
without the Order of Council, presented to the 
Board by Mr. Penn. 

Propr. B. T. V. 0. P. 52. (0 folios.) 

January 18. Mr. Popple to Mr. Penn, desiring him to 

attend the Board in relation to L'd Baltimore's 

Petition. (Entry.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 87. p. 85. (1 folia) 

January 27, St. James's. Order of Council upon Mr. 

Penn's Petition praying that Lord Baltimore's late 

Petition relating to the Bounds may be dismissed. 


Propr. B. T. V. 0. P. 65. (8 folios.) 


April 6. Mr. Penn to the Board, desiring Copies of such 

letters and orders as have been given in relation to 

Boundaries between Pennsylvania and Maryland. 


Propr. B. T. V. 0. P. 60. (1 folio.) 

April 28. Copy of an Order of Council referring to the 

Board several Acts passed in Pennsylvania in 1705. 

Propr. B. T. V. 0. P. 68. (2 folios.) 

June 9. Mr. Penn to Mr. Popple, desiring a copy of that 


1709. part of L'd Baltimore's Charter which relates to 
the Boundaries. (Orig'l.) 

Maryland B. T. V. 5. H. 89. (1 folio.) 

June 17. Mr. Penn to the Board, desiring to have permis- 
sion to look over several Books at their Office. 

Propr. B. T. V. 9. P. 66. (1 folio.) 

June 23. Copy of an Order of Council dismissing Lord 

Baltimore's Petition against an Order of the 13 

Nov'r, 1685, for settling the Boundaries between 

Pennsylvania & Maryland. 

Propr. B. T. V. 0. P. 71. (2 foKos.) 

August 10. Mr. Popple to the Attorney General Sir James 
Montague, with some Laws of Pennsylvania for his 
Opinion thereupon. (Entry.) 

Pfopr; B. T. Vol 37. p. 144* (3 folios.) 

August 30. Mr. Attorney General's Report upon 5 Laws 
passed in Pennsylvania in 1705. (Original.) 

Propr. B. T; V. 9. P. 73. (2 folios.) 

September 8. Representation from the Board of Trade to 
the Qtteen, upon the Laws of Pennsylvania passed 
4n 1705. (Entry.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 37. p. 146. (19 folios.) 

September 8. Mr. Popple to Mr. Penn, acquainting him 
with a Report's having been made by the Board upon 
several Acts of Pennsylvania. (Entry.) 

Propr. B. *T. V. 37. p. 155. (1 foKo.) 

September 12, Bristol. Mr. Penn to Mr. Popple, relating 
to the Representation on the Laws of Pemwylv'a* 

Propr. B. T. V. 9. P. 75. (2 folios.) 

472 CAJA+WV* 9¥ ?***** 

1709, September 15. Mr. Popple to RJr. Penn, in answer 
to his of the 12th September relating to a Represen- 
tation on the Laws of Pennsylvania. (Entry.) 

Propr. R T, V. 87. p. 157. (2 folios.) 

October 1& Board of Trade to the Lord President, relat- 
ing to the Laws of Pennsylvania passed in 1705/ 
now lying before her Majesty* (Entry.) 

Propr, B. T. V. 30. j>. 159. (2 folios.) 

October 24, Windsor. Copy of an Order of Council upon 

a Representation from the Board of Trade of the 8 

of Sept'r last on. the Pennsylvania Laws passed in 

1705— repealing six of them. . 

Propr. B. T. V. 9. P. 79* (4 folios.) 

October 24, Windsor. Order of Council upon a Represen- 
tation from the, Board of Trade of Sept. 8 on the 
Pennsylvania Laws p*sped in 170$, directing the 
Board to recommend to Mr. Penn {he several m^t- 
pers set forth in the said Representation. (Orig'l.) 
Propr. B. T. V* 9. P. 80. (5 folios.) 

October 2$. Bomrd of Trade to Mr. Peon, with the order 
ip Council of the 24th ipst., repealing six Pennsyl- 
vania Laws, as likewise the Copy of anpther.Order 
of ^hat date, about passing A? trawfinitting Laws 
fromthegi. (JJntry.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 8a p. 185, (I folio.) 

December 2. Col, Quiiry to the Boftrd — giving ap account 
of the state of tfee Government? of Virginia, Mary- 
land, N*w York, New Jersey & Pqnqsyjvsm^ 
, (Orig%) 

Plant. Gen. B. T. V. 9. K. 1. (15 folios.) 

{ . > ' » ' . * '! 1 1 


1109-10, January 19. Board of Trade to Mr. Penn, with 
extracts of Memorials relating to illegal Trade 
carried on between Pennsylvania and the Islands of 
Cura9a6 arid St. Th6mas; (Entry.) See also the 
Plant. Gen. V. 87. p. 422. 

Prop*. A T. V. 30. p. 20&. (24folios.> 

February 90. Mr. Popple to Mr. Penn, with further Ex- 
traetsof several Memorials relating to illegal Trade 
between Curasao, St. Thomas, and the British Plan- 

• tations; (Entry .) 

Propr. B. T. V. 30. p. 211. (7 font*.) 


July *1, 'Whitehall Lorfd Dartmouth to the Board, inclos- 
frig. Mr. Petin's Memorial proposing to surrender 
his Government of Pennsylvania to her Maj'ty. 

Propr. B. T. V. ft P. 100. (14 folios.) 

November 4, Whitehall. Mr. Popple to Mr. Penn, with 
' several Queries upon his proposing to surrender the 

Government of Pennsylvania. (Entry.) f 

Pfopr.B. T. V. 30. p. 220. (5 folios.) 

December 7, Whitehall. Mr> Perm to the Boai'd* relating 

to the surrender of his- Government of Pennsylvania 

• for £20,000, to be paid him in 7 years. (Orig'l.) 

• < • Pro^r. B. T. V. 0. Q. 4. (8 folios.) 

■ - " 


February fe. Mr. Penn's Memorial to' th£ Board of Trade, 
relating to his surrendering his Government of Penn- 
sylvania. (Orig'l.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 9. Q. 9. (1 1 folios.) 

874 oATALoeus or tatemb 

1710-11, February 13. Board of Trade to Lord Dart- 
mouth — inclosing their Representation to the Queen, 
upon Mr. Penn's proposal for surrendering his Go- 
vernment of Pennsylvania. (Entry.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 90. p. 254. (17 folios.) 

February 8& Notice taken of an Act passed in Pennsyl- 
vania directing an affirmation to such who for con- 
science sake cannot take an oath — but the Act itself 
is not with the Correspondence. 

Propr. B. T. V. 80. p. 820. <fe V. 9. Q. 18. 


July 80, Windsor. Order of Council, referring to the 
Board an Address of the Minister, &a, of St 
Mary's in New Jersey, about an Act passed in 
Pennsylvania constituting a new form of protesta- 
tion, repugnant to the Affirmation enjoined by Act 
of Parliament (Orig'l.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 0. Q, 17. (11 folios.) 

December 4, WhitehalL Representation from the Board 
of Trade to the Queen, upon an Act passed in Penn- 
sylvania M Directing an Affirmation to such who for 
conscience sake cannot take an Oath," proposing a 
repeal thereof. (Entry.) 

Propr. a T. V. 80. p. 880. (8 folios.) 

December 19, St James's. Copy of an Order of Council 
upon a Representation from the Board of the 4 of 
Dec'r, relating to an Act passed in Pennsylvania — 
repealing the same. 

Prppn B. T. V. 8L Q. 20. {8 folios.) 


171 1-12, February 7, London. Copy of a letter from Col. 
Evans to Mr. Peon, touching the yearly income of 
Pennsylva'a, with another paper transmitted from 
Mr. Penn, of advantages which will accrue to the 
Crown by his surrendering the Govern't — trans- 
mitted to the Board from the Treasury, Aug. 90, 

JPropr. B. T. V. 10. Q. 53. (5 folios.) 

February 25. Mr. Attorney General's Report on a pro- 
posal of Mr. Peon's to surrender his powers of Go- 
vernment in Pennsylvania, &c. (Copy) transmitted 
from the Treasury to the Board of Trade, Aug. 80, 

Propr. B. T. V. 10. Q. 54. (6 folios.) 


August 27. Circular letter from the Board of Trade to all 
the Governors in America, directing them not to 
send over any Persons as Prisoners without proof 
. of their Crimes. (Entry.) 

Plant Gen. B. T. V. 38. p. 3* 


May 4, St James's. Order of Council directing the Board 
to send the Proclamations of Peace with France to 
the Governors in. America. (Origl.) 

Plant. Gen. B. T. V. 9. K. 25. (2 folios.) 

May 8. Circular letter from the Board of Trade to the 
Proprietary and other Govern'ts in America, inclos- 
ing the Proclamation for publishing the Peace be- 
tween ber Majesty and the French King. (Entry.) 
Propr. B. T. V. 30. p. 880. (2 folios.) 

378 cATALoera op pafbbs 

1? 13, July 15. Circular letter from the Board of Trade to 
the Governors in the American Plantations, trans- 
mitting the printed Copies of the Treaties with 
France. (Entry.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 80. p. 887. (2 folios.) 

July 28. Notice is taken that on that day 29 Acta, passed 
in Pennsylvania in 1700, 1710, 1711, & 1712, were 
laid before the Board. 

Propr. B. T. V. 8. Q. 87. 

August 8, Whitehall. Mr. Popple to the Solicitor Gen'l, 


(Sir R't Raymond,) with 20 Acts of Pennsylvania 
for his opinion thereupon in point of Law. (Entry.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 30. p. 380. (O folios.) 

August 3, Whitehall. Mr. Popple to. Mr. Bor ret (Solicitor 

of the Treasury), requesting to procure the dispatch 

of Mr, Solicitor General's Report upon the Laws 

of Pennsylvania. (Entry.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 80. p. 393. (2 folios.) 

December 2, Whitehall. Mr, Popple to Mr. Borret, to 
hasten Mr. Solioitor General's report upon the Laws 
of Pennsylvania. (Entry.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 30. p. 304. (2 folios.) 

December 22. Mr. Solicitor General's Report upon the 
Laws of Pennsylvania, sebt him from the Board 
Augusts (Orig'L) 

Propr. B. T. V. 0. Q. 30. (31 folios.) 


January 15. Representation from the Board of Trade to 


1718-14. the Queen, upon the Laws passed in Pennsylvania 
in 1708-9-10-11 & 12. (Entry.) 

Propr* a T. V. 3a p. 408. (9 folios.) 

February 20, St James's. Copy of an Order of Council 
upon a Representation from the Board of Trade of 
15 Janu'y last, confirming several Laws of Penn- 

Propr. B. T. V. 9. Q. 41. (7 folios.) 

February 20, St James's. Copy of an order of Council 

upon a Representation from the Board of Trade of 

15 Janu'y last, repealing several Laws of Pennsyl- 

; vania. 

Propr. B. T. V. 9. Q. 42» (7 folios.) 

March 19, Whitehall. Board of Trade to the Dep'y Go- 
ver'r Gookin, inclosing two orders of Council of the 
20 of February last, for confirming some and re- 
pealing other Laws of Pennsylvania. (Entry.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 30. p. 416. (2 folios.) 


April 6y Whitehall. Circular letter from the Board of Trade 
to $11 the Governors in America, with the/Procla- 
mation and .the Treaty of Peace with Spain. (En- 

Plant. Gen. B. T. V. 38. p. 40, (2 folios.) 

June 5. Order of a Committee of Council, with a Copy of 
an Ordef of Council <6f 21 April, about passing 
temporary Acts in the Plantations. (OrigH;) 

Plant Gen.. B. X Vi 9, K. 3a (12 folios.) 

June 10, Whitehall. Mr. Popple to. Mr." Attorney Gen'l — 
inclosing several papers relating to the passing and 

976 GATALoera of fafsbs 

1714. transmitting of temporary Plantation Laws, for his 
opinion thereupon. (Entry.) 

Plant. Genl. B. T. V- 88. p. 47. (5 folios.) 
July ML Mr. Popple to Mr. Attorney Gen'l, pressing for 
an answer to his letter of the 10th of June last. 

Plant Genl. B. T. V. 3a p. 48. (1 folia) 

July 22. Sir Edw'd Northey's (Attorney Gen'l) Report to 

the Board, in answer to Mr. Popple's letter of the 

10th of June last, on the subject of the temporary 

Plantation Laws. (Orig'l.) 

Plant. Genl. B. T. V. 0. K. 35. (6 folios.) 

August 5, St James's. Order of Council, with the draft 

of a Proclamation for Proclaiming King George L, 

to be filled up and returned to the L'ds Justices to 

pass the Great Seal. (Orig'l.) 

Plant. Genl. B. T. V. 9. K. 88. (5 folios.) 
August 0, Whitehall Representation from the Board of 
Trade to the Lords Justices, with drafts of Procla- 
mations, filled up for Proclaiming King George in 
America, for their approbation. (Entry.) 

Plant Geni B. T. V. 38. p. 5L (7 folios.) 
August 10, St James's. Order of Council, approving the 
Drafts of a Proclamation sent to them from the 
Board on the 6th of August (Orig'l.) 

Plant GenL B. T. V. 9. K. 34. (2 folios.) 
August 11. Circular letter from the Board of Trade to the 
Governors in America, for Proclaiming King George 
the 1st (Entry.) 

Plant Genl. B. T. V. 38. p. 56. (4 folios.) 
September 2, Whitehall. Report from the Board of Trade 


1714. to the Lords of the Committee, of appeals from the 
Plantations in relation to the temporary Laws passed 
there. (Entry.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 30. p. 418. (10 folios.) 


August 4, Whitehall. Circular tetter from the Board of 

Trade to all the Governors in America, relating to 

the Revenues raised there, the number of White 

* Men fit to bear arms, the . Indians, stores of War, 

&c'a. r (Entry.) 

Plant Genl. B. T. Vol. 38. p. 81. (5 folios.) 
August 17, H. CL Order of a Committee of the House of 
Commons requiring the Secretary of the Board of 
Trade to attend them with Books and papers relating 
to the Charter and Proprietary Governments in 
America. (Orig'l.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 10. Q, 53. (1 folio.) 

August 24, Whitehall. Mr. Popple to Mr.*Taylour (Se- 
cretary to the Treasury), for copies of such papers 
in that Office as relate to the surrender of Pennsyl- 
vania & Maryland. (Entry.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 30. p. 465. (1 folio.) 


August 31. Petition of the Rev'd Robert Jenney, Minister 
of the Church at Philadelphia, and the King's letter 



1710. for the payment of a certain sum yearly for his 

■ubsistance out of the Customs on Tobaeco. (Draft) 

Am. & W. Ind's. V. 388. (8 folios.) 

September 13, Hampton C't Order, of Council upon the 
Recommendation of Mr. Penn and his Trustees for 
Mr. Keith to be Dep'ty Gover'r of Pennsylvania. 


Propr. B. T. V. 10. Q. 85. (5 folios.) 

September 16. Mr. Perry and Mr. Hyde to Mr. Popple, 
offering to be sureties for Mr. Keith to be Dep'y 
Gov'r of Pennsylvania. (Origl.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 10. Q. 88. (2 folios.) 

September 27. The Case of Mr. Wm. Keith, late Surveyor 
Gen'l of the Customs in America, and now nomi- 
nated to be Lt Gt>vr. in Pennsylvania.- (Draft.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 10. <£ 87. (5 folios.) 

October 16. Representation from the Board of Trade to 

the Prince of Wales upon the order of Cduncil of 

the 13th of Sept'r last, relating to Mr. Keith's being 

appointed Dep'y Gov'r of Pennsylvania* (Entry.) 

rtopr. B. T. V. 31. p. 29. (2 folios.) 

October 95. Mr. Peon's Declaration of his Maj'ty** Right 

to the three Lower Counties. (Orig'l.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 10. Q. 00. (1 folio.) 

November 12, St. James's, Order of Council approving a 

Representation about Mr. Keith's being appointed 

Dep'y Gov'r of Pennsylvania, and ordering the 

Board to take care that security be given. (Orig'l.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 10. Q. 88. (3 folfes.)' 

November 22. Mr. Popple to Mr. Le*rnde* relating tt* 


1716. Mr, Keith's giving security and Inclosing tbe Draft 
of a Bond for that purpose. (Entry*) 

Propr. B. T. V. 81, p. 37. (12 folios.) 

December 17th. Certificate from the Dep'y Remembrancer 
of security having been giyeu in the Exchequer for 
Mr. Keith. (Orig'l.) 

Propr. R T* V. 10. Q. 99. (2 folios) 

December 17, Representation from the Board of Trade 
for Mr. Keith's approbation to be Dep'ty Gov'r of 
Pennsylvania. (Entry,) / 

Propr. B, T. Vol. 31. p. 63. (4 folio*) 

December 17. Copies of two Orders of Council; one ap- 
proving Mr. Keith for Dep'ty Gov'r of Pennsyl- 
vania, another relating to instructions to be given 
Mr. Penn concerning the Afcts of Trade. 

Propr. B. T. V. 10. Q. 104. (3 folbi) 

December 29, Hanover. Mr. Seer. Stanhope to the Board. 

inclosing a Memorial from the Earl of Sutherland, 

praying for a grant of the three Lower Counties. 


Propr. B. T. V. 10. Q. 110. (5 folios.) 


February IS. Mr, Popple to the Attorney & Solicitor 
Generals; inclosing the Pari pf Sutherland's Petition 
for a Grant of the three Lower Counties for their 
opinion. (Entry.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 3L p. 70. 02 folios.) 

March * 18. Memorial from Mr, Gee to the Board of 


1918-7. Trade, relating to the production of Naval Stores 
in Pennsylvania and other parts of America, and 
relating to transporting servants to the Plantations. 

Propr. R T. V. 10. Q. 114. (16 folios.) 


March 27, Marlboro 9 Street The Earl of Sutherland to 
the Board, desiring a Copy of Mr. Penn's Declara- 
tion relating to the three Lower Counties. (Orig'l.) 
Propr. B. T. V. 10. Q. 116. (1 folio.) 

May 6, Bristol. Copies of a Letter and Affidavit from 
Bristol relating to the progress made by the Naval 
Store Company of Merchants towards setting up 
the Manufacture of Hemp in Pennsylvania. 

Propr. a T. V.10. Q. 120. <6 folios.) 

May 16b Circular letter from the Board of Trade to all 
the Gov*rs in America, relating to the Treaty of 
Neutrality in America concluded between England 
and France in 1086, and against illegal Trade 
between the English and French Plantations there. 

Plant Genl. B. T. V. 38, p. 118. (6 folios.) 
June 27, Philadelphia. Mr. Keith to the Board of Trade. 
Sends a copy of his speech to the Assembly of the 
3 Lower Counties, and intercedes to the Board in 
behalf of the People of Pennsylva'a, urging strongly 
the non-separation of the three Lower Counties 
from that Province. (Orig'L) 

Propr. B.T. V.10.Q. 136 & 136. (36 folios.) 
June 27, Philadelphia. Mr. Keith to Mr. Popple, inclosing 
his letter of the same date to the Board. (Orig'L) - 
Propr. B. T. V. 10. Q. 137. ' (2 folios.) 


1717, September 24, Pennsylvania- Mr. Keith to the 
Board, inclosing minutes of the proceedings with 
the Indians. — Informs the Board that he has found 
great plenty of Iron Ore in Pennsylva'a. — He hopes 
the Goverom't will take Pennsylvania into its own 
hands, and join to it the West Jerseys and the 3 
Lower Counties, and gives reasons for it (Origl.) 
Propr. B. T. V. 10.Q. 140. (45 folios.) 

October 21. Copy of Mr. Attorney and Solicitor General's 
Report upon the Petition of the Earl of Sutherland 
for a Grant of the three Lower Counties adjoining 
Pennsylvania, and the Ring's reference of the said 
Petition to the Board of Trade. 

Am- & W. IncTs. Vol. 388. (60 folios.) 

October 28. The Attorney and Solicitor Genl to Mr. 

Popple, inclosing their Report upon the Petition of 

the Earl of Sutherland for a Grant of the three 

Lower Counties. (Origl.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 10. Q. 134. (57 folios.) 

November 25, Philadelphia. Mr. Keith to the Board — 
Acknowledges the receipt of a Circular letter — in- 
closes a copy of his directions to the Collector of 
the Customs — he believes that the People still Trade 
with the Foreign settlements, and he knows not an 
Act of Parliament to prohibit such Trade, and re- 
commends a, heavy duty on Foreign produce as a 
remedy. (Orig'l.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 10. Q. 141. (11 folios.) 



March 10th. Board of Trade to Mr. Keith. — Agree with 
him in the opinion to lay a heavy duty upon Foreign 
produce as recommended in his letter of November 
25, 1717. — They have not had any proposals about 
the Iron Ore. — They send him a Copy of a Me- 
morial about the discoveries by the French, and 
desire him to be well informed on the subject. — 
Tfiey desire him to give immediate directions for an 
account of the Imports from the West Indias for 
three years past (Entry.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 31. p. 138. (9 folios.) 


April 26, Do. 28, London* Two Anonymous letters to 
Mr. Popple, relating to some Laws of Pennsylvania •. 
and the surrender of the Government of that Pro- 
vince. (Orig'L) 

Propr. B. T. V. 10, Q. 15a (4 folios.) 

May 20. Mr. Joshua Gee, one of the Mortgagees' answer 
to two anonymous letters sent to Mr. Popple of 26tb 
& 28th of April last (Orig'l.) 

Propr, B. T. V. 10. Q. 155. (10 folios.) 

June 2> Philadelphia* Mr. Keith to the Board—Is in want 
of directions for his conduct, in the Government — 
He has passed some Laws, for renewing & con- 
tinuing duties, & hopes they will not be disapproved 
of. (Orig'L) 

, Propr. B. T. V. 10, Q. 109. (4 folios.) 

October 17. Mr. Keith to the Board, inclosing an Act of 
Pennsylvania for confirmation. (Orig'l.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 10. Q. 166. (2 folios.) 


1718, October 23. Mr. Keith to Mr. Popple, acknowledging 
the receipt of letters from the Board. (Orig'l.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 10. Q. 167. (1 folio.) 

December 5. Mr. Popple to Mr. Gee, desiring him to 
bring the Laws lately passed in Pennsylvania. 

Propr. B. T, V. 31. p. 159. (1 folio.) 

December 9. Memorial of Mr. Penn and several of his 
Friends to the Board of Trade, in behalf of the 
People of Pennsylvania, with reasons for passing 
several Laws there in 1713 & 1715. (Orig'l in the 
handwriting of Mr. Gee, but not signed.) 

Propr. B. T. Vol. 10. Q. 160. (48 folios.) 

December 9. An Abstract of several Laws of Pennsyl- 
vania presented with the Memorial of Mr. Penn & 
others of the same date. 

Propr. B. T. V. 10. Q. 161. (130 folios.) 

December 10. Mr. Popple to Mr. Gee, desiring the Laws 
passed in Pennsylvania since 1711. (Entry.) 

Propr. B. T. V. 31. p. 160. (1 folio.) 



or TBI 


(Elected February 11, 1850.) 








No. 48 S. Fourth Street 


No. 108 8. Fourth Street 


No. 188 Walnut Street 


No. 47 8. Fifth Street 


No. 69 S. Serenth Street 


No. 53 N. Water Street 









(March, 1850.) 

(Lift Members are marked with *n *.) 

Edward Armstrong, 
S. Austin Allibone, 
Charles J. Ashmead, 
Samuel B. Ashmead, 
William N. Atwood. 

*Thomas Biddle, 
T. Pennant Barton, 
William Linn Brown, 
Samuel Breck, ' 
John Bohlen, Jr., 
Thomas A. Badd, 
George H. Boker, 
Henry C. Baird, 
J. Rhea Barton, M.D. 
& Morris Blake, 
Joshua G. Brinckle, 
Samuel A. Black, 
Alexander Browne, 
William D. Baker, 
Maurice Bywater, 
Rev. Albert Barnes, 
Rev. Henry A. Boardman, 
Rev. George W. Bethune, 
J. Dorsey Bald, 
Edward C. Biddle, 
Francis N. Buck, 
Vincent L. Bradford. 

Thomas P. Cope, 
♦Benjamin H. Coates, M.D. 
Alfred Cope, 
Joseph R. Chandler, 

James H. Castle, 
John Cadwalader, 
George W. Carpenter, 
Joseph L. Chester, 
♦Alexander B. Carver, 
Henry C. Carey, 
Edwin T. Chase, 
Peter Crans, Jr. 
Harry Conrad, 
John. Casein, 
Franklin A. Comly, 
George W. Colladay. 

♦William Duane, 
Montreville W. Dickeson, 
Lyman C. Draper, 
H. Dutton, 
Isaac R. Davis. 

Alfred L. Elwyn, M.D. 

J. Francis Fisher, 
William P. Foulke, 
Frederick Fraley, 
John Fallon, 
John F. Frazer, 
Coleman Fisher, 
J. B. Flagg, M.D. 
James B. Freeman, 
John Farnum. 

Henry D. Gilpin, 
George R. Graham, 


hiitobicai. socnrr or mnnsylvahijl. 

Charles Gibbon*, 
Michael F. Groves, M. D. 
Emile B. Gardette, M. D. 
Henry I. Grout, 
P. Gould, M. D. 

H. H. Hollingshead, 
•Samuel Hazard, 
Samuel Hood, 
Henry Helmuth, 
Charles Harlan, 
George Hammersley, 
Charles Hall, 
Charles J. Hennis, 
C. H. Housekeeper, 
James Hanna, 
Jeremiah Hacker, 

Joseph R. Ingersott. 

•John Jordan, Jr. 

•Francis Jordan, 
George W. Jones, 
Theodore T.Johnson, 
Horatio G. Jones, Jr. 

Horn R. Kneass, 
William V. Keating, M. D. 
William C. Kent, 
Leonard R. Koecker, M. D. 

James B. Longacre, 
- Rev. Isaac Leeser, 
John T. Lewis, 
D. Panl Lajns, M. D. 
John Lindsay, 
Lyon J. Levy, 
James Lippincott, 
Joseph P. Longhead. 

Samuel G. Morton, M. D. 

£. Spencer Miller, 
John C. Mitchell, 
James V. Maznrie, 
•Thomas S. Mitchell, 
John H. Markland, 
Robert Morris, M. D. 
Charles Morris, 
Rev. William Mann, 
Andrew Miller, 
John G. Michener, 
James Murphy, 
John McAllister, 
Peter McCall, 
Morton McMichael, 
William J. Mullen, 
Rev. D. Sutter Miller, 
Rev. Howard Malcom. 

George W« Norris, M. D. 
George Northrop. 

John H. OberteurTer. 

John Penington, 
Thomas M. Pettit, 
Charles A. Poulson, 
Charles A. Poulson, Jr. 
Comegys Paul, 
Isaac Parrish, M. D. 
Charles J. Peterson. 
Robert S. Paschall, 
Augustin R. Peale, 
Rt. Rev. Alonzo Potter, 
Horace L. Peterson, 
Rev. Joel Parker. 

William Rawle, 
William B. Reed, 
Frederick A. Raybold, 
John M. Read, 
Lewis Roper, M. D. 
Philip P. Randolph, 



Charles C. Rhoades, 
Nathaniel Randolph, 
Rev. Edward Rondthaler, 

*A. B. Rockey, 

*T. Buchanan Read, 
Joseph Galloway Rowland. 

. Thomas Sergeant, 
Isaac Smith, 
George Sharswood, 
Charles J. StU16, 
Howard Spencer, 
Henry H. G. Sharpless, 
Thomas Shipley, 
Sidney V. Smith, 
Aubrey H. Smith, 
Philip F. Snyder, 
Richard Calhoun See, 
Winthrop Sargent, 
William Shippen, M. D. 
Rev. William B. Stevens, 
James S. Spencer, Jr. 
Samuel W. Stockton, 
S. M. Schmiicker, 
Charles G. Sower, 
S. Moore Shute, 
Abraham H. See, 
George Snyder, 
Isaac S. Serrill. 

Job R. Tyson, 
Oswald Thompson, 

Benjamin Tilghman, 
Samuel H. Traquair, 
Joseph M. Thomas, 
George Tucker, 
Henry C. Townsend, 
Alfred B. Taylor, 
John Titus, 
John K. Townsend, 
Joseph C. Turnpenny. 

John J. Vander Kemp, 
Richard Vaux. 

George B. Wood, M. D. 
Mifflin Wistar, 
Thomas I. Wharton, 
Townsend Ward, 
J. Wilson Wallace, 
William White, 
Solomon Wiatt, 
C. M. Wickersham, 
E. E. Wilson, M. D. 
John Welsh, Jr. 
John R. Wilmer, 
Thomas U. Walter, 
David Weatherly, Jr. 
♦Lewis H.. Weiss, 
♦Charles M. Wagner, 
John Wiltbank, M. D. 
Thompson Westcott. 

Henry M. Zollickoffer. 








t I 

RX 001 17? 3M3