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Dr. W. F. Snow 

Proceedings of 

The Second Pan American 

Scientific Congress 


Mondajf December 27, 1915 
to Satordmy, Jannary 8, 1916 

tk« diTOcttoB 9i 

GkB L«Ttai Swlggctt» 





• < • • •> 

t »-»• • ' 

> a 









Letters of transmittal y 

Begiflter of writerB of papers zi 

Foreword xiii 

Executive committee 3 

Oiganization officers 3 

Committees of Section 1 4 

Aims and purposes of the congress 6 

Program statement of Section 1 6 

Adopted resolutions and recommendations of Section 1 7 

Introductory statement 8 

Joint Beosion (A) of Section I with the Nineteenth International 

CongreM of Amerieaniata and afUiated oxganiaationa 9 

Modem populations of America, by Franz Boas 9 

The United States ^nsus of immigrant stocks, by Daniel Folkmar 15 

Tribes of the Pacific coast of North America, by A. L. Eroeber 22 

Los vasos del pukar& de tilcara del tiix) pelike comparadoe con los de Machu 

Fichu, by Juan B. Ambrosetti 88 

Las curvas del crecimiento ffsico del escolar de La Paz, by (jeorges Rouma. . . 89 

Humanizing the scienges of man, by Charles F. Lummis 57 

Origen de los apellidos en Chile, by Luis Thayer Ojeda 61 

Signoe mongoloides en algunos tipos 6tnicos del altiplano andino, by Arthur 

Posnansky 112 

Origin of the Indians of Central and South America, by J. A. Capar6 y P6re£. . 116 

Lexicology of the gods of the Incas, by J. A. Capar6 y P^rez 120 

Joint Seaaion A, afternooo, December 28, 1016 124 

Study of the American and the European child, by Paul R. Radosavljevich. . 124 
Ceremonial and other practices on tiie human body among the Indians, by 

Walter Hough 126 

The genesis of the American Indian, by Aled Hrdlidka 128 

Joint Seaaion B, December 20, 1016 138 

Apuntes sobre arqueologfa venezolana, by Luis R. Oramas 138 

Food plants and textiles of ancient America, by William Edwin Sa£ford 146 

The Inca peoples and their culture, by Hiram Bingham 160 

Joint Seaaion of Section I, morning, December 20, 1016 168 

What the United States Government has done for the science of anthropology, 

byF. W.Hodge 168 

The passing of the Indian, by James Mooney 174 

The grindstones of the primitive inhabitants of Cabo Frio, Brazil, by Antonio 

Carlos Simoens da Silva 179 

Explorations in the Ozark Moimtains of Missouri and Arkansas, by Charles 

Peabody 186 

Joint Seaaion of Section I, morning, December 81, 1016 187 

The place of archceology in human history, by W, H. Holmes 187 

The rise and fall of the Maya civilization in the light of the monuments and the 

native chronicles, by Sylvanus Griswold Morley 192 

Joint Seaaion of Section I, afternoon, December 81, 1016 209 

Lenguas indigenas de Guatemala, byAdriin Recinos 209 

Ruinas indigenas de la Reptiblica de Guatemala, by Fernando Cruz 220 

47f>1 8 


The Alaculoofe and the Yahgans, the world's Bouthemmoet inhabitants, by 

Charles Wellington Furlong 224 

Joint Seaaion of Seetion I, aftexnoon, Jaaoar^ 8, 1916 235 

La deformaci6n artificial del crtoeo, en el antiguo Perd, by Carlos Morales 

Macedo 235 

mja fosita cerebelosa mediana en los antiguoe cr&neos peruanos, by Carlos Morales 

Macedo 251 

La trepanacidn del cr&neo y su representaci6n en la cerdmica peruana, by 

Carlos Morales Macedo 265 

Variaciones del lambda en los antiguos cr^neoe peruanos, by Carlos Morales 

Macedo , 267 

Los antiguos cementerios del Valle de Nasca, by Julio C. Telle 283 

Peruvian folklore, by Federico A. Pezet 292 

Orf genes etnogr&ficoe de Colombia, by Carlos Cuervo M&rquez 295 

A note on the relative complexity of male and fenmle brains based on counts 

of the cerebral sulci in association areas, by £. E. Southard 329 

Origen del hombre — ^lugar del hombre en la naturaleza — ^problemas de la 

evoluci6n, by Antenor SoHz 333 

Algo acerca de la lingOistica boliviana, by Ignacio Ter&n 340 

Estudio de la mancha sacra mong61ica en La Paz, by N^tor Morales Villaz6n. . 347 

L'Homme fossile cubain, by Louis Montana 350 

On certain studies in the subsection of Archeeology, National Museum of Rio 

de Janeiro, by A. Childe 355 

On the predynastic Egyptian "boats" painted on vases, by A. Childe 356 

The Indians of Serra do Norte Matto-Groeso, Brazil, by E. Roquette Pinto 358 

General SeBaion of January 4, 1G16 363 

Investigadones arqueol6gicas en Mexico, 1914-15, by Manuel Gamio 363 

Revisi6n de las constituciones latinoamericanas, by Manuel Gamio 374 

El Instituto Antropol6gico Central de Mexico, by Manuel Gamio 375 

Estaci6n paleolftica de Taltal, by Aureliano Oyarztln 377 

La arqueologfa americana en la ci vilizaci6n modema, by Pedro Pablo Traversari . 382 
Conveniencia de dictar una ley uniforme en los pafses americanos, para proteger 
y estimular el estudio y recolecci6n de material arqueol^co y antrDpol(5gico, 

by Max Uhle 386 

Conveniencia de establecer una sociedad intemacional de folklore latino- 

americano, by Ram6n A. Laval 408 

The pueblo culture and its relationships, by J. Walter Fewkes 410 

Racial factors of delinquency, by Tom. A. WOliams 417 

Conveniencia de una ley uniforme en todos los paises americanos para la protec- 
ci6n y el estimulo de las investigaciones de car&cter clentffico reconocido, que 
tienen por objeto el estudio o recolecci6n de material y dates antropol^gicos 

y arqueol6gicos, by Georges Rouma 431 

Estudio sobre la conveniencia de una ley uniforme en todos los paises ameri- 
canos, para la protecci6n y estimulo de las investigaciones de car&cter 
clentffico reconocido, que tienen por objeto el estudio y recolecci6n de 

material y datos antropol^cos y arqueol^gicos, by Samuel Laines 436 

Conveniencia de una Iegi8laci6n uniforme en los pafses panamericanos, para 
la protecci6n de las antigdedades y el desarroUo sistem6tico de las investi- 
gaciones antropoldgicas, by Adriim Recinos 443 

Conveniencia de una ley uniforme en todos los pafses americanos para la 
protecci6n y estimulo de las investigadones de car&cter cientifico reconocido, 
que tienen por objeto el estudio y recolecci6n de material y datos antro- 

pol6gicos y arqueol6gioo8y by Abraham Alvarez 448 

Adjournment sine die of Section I «. 451 


Washington, D. C, May SI, 1917. 

Sir: Pursuant to the recommendation of the executive committee of the Second 
Pan American Scientific GongresB, which was held in Washington December 27, 1915- 
January 8, 1916, and by the cooperation of the United States Congress (urgent defi- 
ciency bill, Sept. 8, 1916), the papers and discussions of that great international 
scientific gathering have been compiled and edited for publication under the able 
direction of the Assistant Secretary General, Dr. Glen Levin Swiggett. In this 
volume is contained the report of Section I, of which Mr. W. H. Holmes, of the 
executive committee was chairman. 

In my formal report, which has already been submitted, I enlarged upon the 
importance of the Second Pan American Scientific Congress, its large attendance, and 
the high quality of its papers and discussions. I will, therefore, in this letter, which, 
in slightly varied form, introduces each volume, make only a few general references. 

All of the 21 Republics of the Western Hemisphere were represented by official 
del^ates at the Congress. Unofficial delegates, moreover, from the leading scientific 
associations and educational institutions of these Republics presented papers and 
took part in its deliberations. The papers and discussions may be considered, there- 
fore, as an expression of comprehensive Pan American scientific effort and possess, 
in consequence, ineetiinable value. 

The Congress was divided into nine main sections, which, with their chairmen, 
were as follows: 

I. Anthbopoloot. W. H. Holmes. 

II. Astronomy, Mxtboroloot, and Sbismologt. Robert S. Woodward. 

III. Conservation or Natural Resources, Agriculture, Irrigation, and Forestry. 

Geoige M. Rommel. 

IV. Education. P. P. Claxton. 
V. Engineering. W. H. Bixby. 

VI. International Law, Pubuc Law, and Jurisprudence. James Brown Scott. 
VII. Mining, Metallurgy, Economic Geology, and Afpued Chemistry. Hen- 

nen Jennings. 
VIII. Public Health and Medical Science. William C. Gorgas. 

IX. Transportation, Commerce, Finance, and Taxation. L. S. Rowe. 

These sections, in turn, were further subdivided into 45 subsections. 

Over 200 delegates were in attendance from the Latin American Republics, while 
over a thousand from the United States participated in its meetings. The discussions 
and proceedings of the Congress attracted world-wide attention, and it was undoubt- 
edly the greatest international scientific meeting that has assembled anywhere in the 
history of the Western Hemisphere and possibly of the world. It was, therefore, a 
fitting successor to the first Pan American Scientific Congress, which assembled in 
Santiago, the capital of Chile, in 1908, and to its predecessors, confined to Latin 
American representation, which in former years met, respectively, in Rio de Janeiro, 
Montevideo, and Buenos Aires. Its success was a logical result of these preceding 
gatherings in Latin America and of the hearty cooperation of the Latin American 
Governments and scientists. 

To thcee who may have their attention brought only to the individual volumes 
covering the papers and discussions and who wish to know more of the proceeding? of 
the Congress and the results accomplished by it, it is recommended that they should 



also read "The Final Act — ^An Interpretative Oommentary Thereon/' prepared under 
the direction of Dr. James Br3wn Scott, reparter general of the Congress, and the report 
of the secretary general, prepared by the latter and the assistant secretary general. 
Dr. Glen Levin Swiggett. In these will be found not only the final act and the 
illuminating comment thereon but lists of delegates, participating Governments, 
societies, educational institutlonfl, and other organisationfl, together with a careful 
story and history of the CJongress. They can be obtained by addressing the Director 
Greneral of the Pan American Union, Washington, D. C. 

In conclusion, I want to briefly repeat, as secretary general of the Congress, my 
appreciation, already expressed in my formal report, of the hearty cooperation in 
making the Congress a success given by everyone concerned from the President of 
the United States, yourself as Secretary of State, and the delegates of Latin America 
and the United States, down to the office employees. The great interest manifested 
by the permanent executive committee, headed by Mr. William Phillips, then Third 
Assistant Secretary of State, the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace through 
its secretary. Dr. James Brown Scott, and the executive aid of Dr. Glen Levin Swig- 
gett, as assistant secretary general, were vitally instrumental in making the gathering 
memorable. The Pan American Union, the official international organization of all 
the American Republics, and whose governing board is made up of the Latin American 
diplomats in Washington and the Secretary of State of the United States, lent the 
favorable influence of that powerful organization to the success of the Congress and 
authorized me as the director general of the Union to also take up the duties of secretary 
general of the Congress. 

Yours, very truly, 

(Signed) John Barrett, 

The Honorable The Secretary op State, 

Washington^ D. C. 

Secretary General . 

Washington, D. C, 31 de maio dt 19t7, 

ExMO. Snr.: Em cuinprimento de uma recommenda^^ emanada da Commissfto 
Execudva do Segundo Congresso Scientifico Pan Americano, que teve liigar em 
Washington, de 27 de dezembro de 1915 a 8 de Janeiro de 1916, e, devido ao auxilio do 
Congresso dos Estados Unidoe (Lei para Orgamentos extraordinarios de 8 de setembro, 
1916) as memorias e as discussdes dessa assembl^a scientifica intemacional, foram 
colligidas e preparadas para publicagilo sob a proficiente direc^do do Secretario Geral 
Adjuncto, Dr. Glen Levin Swiggett. Este volume comprehende o relatorio da secgfto 
I que foi presidida pelo Snr. W. H. Holmes, da Commissao Executiva. 

No men relatorio official, que jd tive a honra de apresentar, me detive sobre a impor- 
tancia do Segundo Congresso Scientifico Pan Americano, da sua grande concorrencia 
e da alta importancia das theses e das discussdes. Na presente nota, portanto, de uma 
maneira muito ligeira, destinada a apreseutar cada um dos volumes, eu farei apenas 
algumas referencias muito geraes. 

Todas as RepubUcas do Hemispherio Occidental, vinte e uma em numero, se 
achavam representadas por delegados officiaes ao Congresso. Delegados sem nomea- 
9IU) dos Govemos, mas representando as mais notaveis sociedades scientificas e 
institui^Ses de ensino dessas republicas apresentaram theses e tomaram parte nas 
deliberaydes. As memorias e discussOes devem ser consideradas portanto, como a 
expressao de um justificavel trabalho scientifico Pan Americano e possue, por esse 
motive, um valor sem egual. 

Congresso foi dividido em nove secgOes principaes, que a seguir enum^ro, com 
OS nomes dos sens presidentes: 

I. Anthbopolooia. W. H. Holmes. 

II. AsTBONOMiA, Mbtbreolooia b Sismoloqia. Robert S. Woodward. 



CULTURA.. George M. Rommel. 
I%IV. iNsmnoglo. P. P. Glaxton. 
V. Enoxnhabza. W. H. Bixby. 


Brown Scott. 
VII. MiNAB, Mbtallubgia, Gbolooia PRAonoA B Cbxhioa iNimsTBiAL. Hennen 

VIII. Saudb P0BUGA B ScixNciAs Mboigab. William G. Gofgas. 


Efltas secedes, por sen lado, enun subdivididaB em 45 sabeecgdes. 

Mais de 200 delegados daa RepublicaB da America lAtina frequentanun aa aesBOeB 
emquanto oe Eetados Unidoe se achavam repreeentadoe por maia de mil peaBoaa. Aa 
diacusBOee e os relatorioa do GongreeBo attiahiram a atten^fto de todo o mundo e foi 
aem duvida a maior aasemblea acientifica que se realizou no HemiBpherio Occidental 
e talvez em todo o mundo. Foi aem duvida um idoneo continuador do Primeiro Gon- 
greeBo Scientifico Pan-Americano, que se celebrou em Santiago, capital da Republica 
Ghilena em 1908 e das anterioreB asBembleaa que previamente ae tinbam realizado, 
apenaa com del^adoB da America Latina e que ae reuniram em annoe anterioiea no 
Rio de Janeiro, Montevideu e Buenos Aires. O sen Buccesso foi um resultado logico 
das reuniOeB previas na America Latina e do cordial concuxao doe Govemoe da America 
latina e doe seuB bomens de sciencia. 

A aquellea que nfto quizerem llmitar-Be a cooaaltar oa volumea que contto aa 
memorias e as diflcussOes e que deeejarem conbecer alguma couaa maia doa trabalboe 
do GongresBo e doa resultadoa por elle alcanyado se Ibea reconmienda a leituia da 
Acta Final — a exxxMi^ geral concemente A meama — publicada aob a direcpfio do 
Sr. Dr. JamoB Brown Scott, Relator Geral do GongraaBo, e o relatorio do Secretario 
Geral, prepando pelo abaixo aarignado e pelo Secretario Geral Adjuncto Sr. Dr. 
Glen Levin Swiggett Neates tmbalbos encontiar-ae4ifto nfto sdmente a acta final 
maa tambem um magnifico commentario, a lista doa delegadoa doa Govemoa que 
adberiiam, sociedades, instituicOeB de enaino e outma corpomyOea, seguidaa de uma 
cuidadoaa bistoria do Gongreeso. Estes volumes continuam & disposigfto doB que oa 
pedirem ao Director Geral da Unlfto Pan-Americana, Waabington, D. G. 

Em concluB&o, eu desejo repetir, em duas palavraa, como Secretario Geral do Gon- 
greeso, o meu apre9o e reconbecimento, que j& tive occaaifio de ezprimir no meu 
relatorio official, pela cordial coopera^fto que por todos me foi prestada para levar 
a bom ezito eete congreaso, deede o Ftesidente dos Eatadoa Unidoe, V. Eza., como 
Secretario d'Estado, os Senborea Delegados da America Latina e dos Estadoa XJnidoa 
at^ oa diversos funccionarloa do Gongresso. O grande interease manifeatado pela 
Gommiasfto Pennanente Executiva preaidida pelo Sr. William PbiUipe, ao tempo 
terceiro Sub-aecretario d'Estado, pelo Inatituto de Gamegie para a Paa Intemacional 
na peasoa do Sr. Dr. Jamee Brown Scott, aaaim como a collabora^ preatada pela Sr. Dr. 
Glen Levin Swiggett, como Secretario (jeral Adjuncto, conatituiram obras baailarea 
paia o auccBBBo desta reunifto. 

A Unifio Pan-Amertcana, inatitui^fto intemacional auatentada por todaa aa Repa- 

blicaa Americanaa e cujo Gonaelbo de Adminiatragfto 6 conatituido peloa repreaen- 

tantoB diplomaticoa em Waabington e pelo Secretario d'Estado doa Eatadoa Unidoa, 

contribuiu com a eua poderoaa influencia para o bom exito do GongreBBo e me aucto- 

riEou a aervir de Secretario Geral do Gongreaso. 

Gom a maior conaidera^&o, subscrevo-me 

De V. Eza., 

Vor. Mto. Atto., 

John Barbbtt, 

Secretario Oeral, 
Exmo. 8nr. Sbohbtabio dk Estado, 

WaMngtan, D. C. 

WAflfHiNcmnr, D. C, Si de mayo de 1917. 

En cumplimiento de una recomendaci6n emanada de la OAilmdn Ejecutiva 
del Seg^ndo Congreeo Cientifico Panamericano que w ieuni6 en W^Bhington desde el 
27 de didembra de 1915 hasta el 8 de eneio de 1916 y gracias a la cooperaddn al efecto 
prestada por el Congreso de lo6 Eetados Unidos mediante su ley sobre recdficacidn 
del proBupueBto dictada el 8 de sedembie de 1916, hinee recopilado y prepando 
para su publicati6n, bajo la h&bil direcci6n del Sr. Dr. Glen Levin Swiggett, 
Subsecretario Greneral, las memorisM presentadas a dicho Congreso y los debates a 
que dieron lugar. El presente volumen contiene el informe relativo a la. Seccidn I, 
de la cual fu^ presldente el Sr. W. H. Holmes, miembro de la ConEiiai^n Ejocutiva. 

En el infonne general que ya tuve el honor de presentarle, me Iu4 dable considerar 
deteuidamemte la importancia del Segundo Congreso Cientifico Panamericano, la 
numerosa conciurencia que al miamo smiatid y el elevado m^rito de las memoriae 
presentadas y de los debates que en aquel se suscitaron. Por consiguiente, he de 
limitarme en la presente, destinada a servirle de mera introducci6n a cada uno de los 
voltimenes, a algunas consideraciones de car&cter general. 

En el Congreso estuvieion representadas por medio de delegaciones oficiales las 
veinte y una repdblicas del Hemisferio Occidental. Tambi^n asistieron al miamo, 
lomando participaci6n en sus debates y presentando trabajus peisonales, delegadoe 
particulares de lot principal es cuerpos cientfficos y de los institutos docentee de esas 
mismas repdblicas. En ted virtud, las memorias y los debates mencionados deben ser 
considerados como la expresidn de un amplio esfuerzo cientifico panamericano, 
encenando, par lo tanto, un valor inestimable. 

El Congreso estuvo dividido en nueve secdones principales que en seguida paso a 
enumerar junto con el nombre de sua preaidentes. Fueron laa aiguientes: 

I. ANTROPOLOofA. W. H. Holmes. 

II. AsTBONOMfA, MxtbobolooLl t Sisxoa&Avii. Robert S. Woodward. 


IbbioaciAn t Sblvicultuxa. Greoige M. Rommel. 
IV. Inbtbt700i6k. p. P. Claxton. 
y. IkoxnixbIa. W. H. Bizby. 

VI. DxBxoHO Intxbkagional, Dbbxcho Pthiuoo T JuBiSFBUDXNozA. James 
Brown Scott. 

VII. MinbrIa, Mbtaluboia, GbolooIa Econ6]cica t QimiioA Apugada. Hen- 
nen Jennings. 

VIII. Salubbibad Pi^buoa t Cibncia MAdica. William C. Goigas. 

IX. Tbaspobtb, Comkbcio, Fimanzab b IiipUBaros. L. S. Rowe. 

Estas seccionee eetuvieron dividas, a su vez, en cuarenta y cinco subsecdones. 

De las repliblicas latino-americanas asistieron m^ de doscientos delegados; en 
tanto que las sesionee del Congreso concurrieron mils de mil x>er8ona8 de los Estados 
XJnidos. Los trabajos y debates del cuerpo despertaron univmal inters, pues indu- 
dablemente fu^ aquel la asamblea cientifica mia grande que r^:istra la historia del 
Hemisferio Occidental y probablemente la del mundo. £l fu6, en consecuenda, digno 
continuador del Primer Congreso Cientifico Panamericano que en 1910 se reuni6 en 
la capital de Chile y de los que previamente y con una asistencia excluaivamente 
latino-americana se habian congregado en Rio de Janeiro, Montevideo y Buenos 
Aires. Su 4ixiU> fu6 consecuencia 16gica de las asambleas que anteriormente se hablan 
reunido en la Am^ca latina y del cordial concurso que redbi6 de los gobiemos y 
de los hombres de ciencia de esa misma parte de America. 

A cuantos no quisieren limitarse a consultar los voltimenes que contienen las 
memoriae y los debates y desearen conocer algo m^ de las labores del Congreso y de 
loe resultados por ^1 alcanzados, se les recomienda la lectura del Acta Final y de la 
Ezpo6ici6n General concemiente a la misma que escribi6 el Dr. James Brown Scott, 
Informante General del Congreso, asf como el Informe del Secretario General, prepa- 


ndo pOT el suscrito y por el Dr. Glen Levin Swiggett, Bubeecretario Qenend del 
miamo. En eotos documentos podrin hallar no 86I0 el Acta Final y luminoeu conai* 
deracioneB acerca de la mimna, sino tambi^ la ndmina de IO0 delegadoa y de loe 
gobiemos, sociedades e institutos docentes que tuvieion representacidn en la Aoamblea, 
juntamente con una relacidn puntiializada de las labores de la miBma. T^oe que deseen 
obtener estos voldmenes pueden Bolicltarlos del Director General de la Uni6n Pan- 
amerlcana en Washington , D. G. 

Ck>mo Secretario General del Gougreso deseo hacer constar una vez m^, antes de 
concluir, el agradecimiento que en mi informe general express por el cordial concuno 
que d% todos recibf paia asegurar el ^xito del Congreso, desde el Preaidente de loe 
Estadoa Unidoe y uated mismo como Secretario de Estado y desde los delegadoe de 
la America Latina y de I06 Estadoe UnidoB haata loa di veraoe funcionarioe del Congreao. 
El gran inter^ deaplegado por la 0omi8i6n Permanente Ejecutiva, que pre8idi6 el 
8r. William Phillipa, a la aazdn Tercer Subeecretario de Eetado; por la Fundaci6n 
Ounegie para la Pas Intemacional, por el 6rgano de au Secretario, Dr. Jamea Brown 
Scott; aaf como la colaboraci6n del Dr. Glen Ijevin Swiggett, Subaecretario General » 
contribuyeron poderoaamente a haoer memorable la aaamblea. La Uni6n Pan- 
americana, inatituci6n intemacional aoatenida por todaa laa rep(iblicaa de America y 
cuyo Gonaejo Directivo eati formado por loa repreaentantea diplomiticoa latino- 
americanos reaidentea en WAshington y por el Secretario de Eatado de loa Eatadoa 
Unidoa, contribuy<S con au poderoaa influencia al ^xito del Gongreao y me autorizd 
para que deaempefiara laa fundonea de Secretario General de aqu^l. 

Con aentimientoa de la m&s alta conaideracidu me aubacribo 

De uated muy atento aervidor, 

John Babbxtt, 

Secretario OeturaL 
Al Honorable Sbcrbtario ob Estado, 

Wdshingtan, D. C. 

Wabhinqton, D. C, /> 51, mat 1917. 

Monsixub: Gonform^ment k la recommandation du Gomit^ Ez^utif du Second 
GoDgrda Scientifique Panam^ricain qui a eu lieu k Waahington du 27 d^cembre 1916 
au 8 Janvier 1916, et par la cooperation du Gongrte dea Etata-Unia (loi du budget 
extraordinaire, 8 aeptembre 1916), lea m^moirea et diacuaaiona de cette grande reunion 
scientifique intemationale ont M recueillia et Mit^ pour toe publi^a aoua Thabile 
direction du docteur Glen Levin Swiggett aouB-aecr^taire g^^ral . Ge volume contient 
le rapport de la aection 1, dont M. W. H. Holmea du Gomit6 Exdcutif 6tait prdaident. 

Dana mon rapport officiel qui a ^t^ d6j& aoumia, je me auia ^ndu aur Tlmportance 
du Second Gongrte Scientifique Pftnam^cain, aur le grand nombre de peraonnea qui 
y etaient pr^aentea et aur I'excellence de sea m^moirea et de aea diacuaaiona. G'eat 
poorquoi, dana cette lettre qui, apr^ avoir aubi quelquea changementa aana impor- 
tance, aert d'introduction & chaque volume, je n'en parlend que d'une mani^re 

Toutea lea r^publiquea de rH^miaph^re Occidental au nombre de vingt-et-une 
^taient reprdaent^ au Gongrte. De plua, dea d61^^ k titre officieux envoyte 
par lea aaaodationa acientifiquea et lea inatitutiona MucativeB lea plua en vue de cea 
r^publiquea ont aoumia dea m^moirea et ont pria part aux d^lib^rationa. On pent 
done conaid^rer lea m^moirea et lea diacuaaiona comme Texprearion d'un grand effort 
adentifiqae panam^ricain, poaa^dant en cona^quence une valeur ineatimable. 

Le Gongr^ 6tait divia^ en neuf aectiona principalea que noua ^num^rona ci-deaaoua, 
en doonaat le nom de leura prMdenta. 

I. AxTBOPOifOoiB. W. H. Holmea. 

II. AnBONOMia, MiriOBOLOon bt SisMOLOoni. Robert S. Woodward. •;*^' 



■T FoBtrs. Geoige M. Bommel. 


V. GiNiB Civil, W. H. Bixby. 

VI. Dboit Intbbnational, Daon Pubuo bt Jubisfbitdbnob. James Brown 


Hennen Jennings. 

VIII. Sant^ Pubuqub bt Scibngb MAnioALB. William G. Goi^as. 

IX. Tranrpobt, Ck>MMBBCB, FiNANCB Bf licp^T. L. S. Bowe. . 
A leur tour ces sections 6taient subdivis6es en quarantiMnnq sous-sections. 

On y comptait phis de deux cents d^l^gu^ des r^publiques latino-am6ricaines, et 
plus de mille d^l^gu^ des Etats-Unis ont as 8ist6 aux reunions. Les discussions et 
les proc^verbaux du Congr^ ont attir^ I 'attention du mnnde en tier, et il a 6t6 sans 
le moindre doute la plus grande assembl^e scientifique Internationale de I'histoire 
de I'H^misph^ Occidental, et peut-dtre mAme dn monde entier, qui se soit r^unie jus- 
qu'ici. Venant apr^ le Premier Congr^ Scientifique Panam^cain qui s'est r6uni k 
Santii^, capitale du Chili, en 1908, et aprds ceux qui ont eu liru pr^c^demment, respec- 
tivement k Rio de Janeiro, k Montevideo et k Buenos- Ayres, ces demiers n'ayant que 
^es reprtontants de I'Am^que Latine, il s'est montr6 leur di^esurcesseur. Sar^us- 
site a 6t6 un logique r^iltat de ces pr^cMents concoun dans rAm^rioue Latine et de 
la sinc^ et cordiale cooptetion dee gouvemements et des hommee de science de 
TAm^rique Latine. 

Pour ceux qui n'ont port^ leur attention que sur les volumes renfermant les m^moires 
-et les diRcussions, et qui d^eireraient connattre d'une mani^re plus approfondie les 
actes et proc^-verhaux du Congr^, ainsi que les rdsultats qui e'en sont suivis, je leur 
conseillerai de lire "L'acte Final, Commentaire explicatif," r6dig^ sous la direction 
du docteur James Brown Scott, rapporteur g6n6ral du Congr^, et le rapport du Secre- 
taire G^n^ral r^dig^ par ce dernier ct le docteur Glen Levin Swiggett. En les lisant 
on n'y trouvera pas seulement I'Acte Final et le commentaire explicatif, mais encore 
les lietes des d4]6gu6p, des gouvemements qui ont particip^ au Congr^, des soci^t^, 
des institutions ^ucatives et autres, en mtoe temps qu'un compte rendu soign^ 
ainsi que rhistoire du Congr^. On peut se les procurer en faisant une demande par 
^crit au Directeur G^n^ral de T Union Panamdricaine k Washins^ton, D. G. 

En terminant, je vais en quality de Secretaire General du Oongr^ exprimer de 
nouveau en peu de mots mes remercfments, ce que j'ai d^j^ fait dans mon rapport 
ofiiciel pour la part que chacun a eue dans la reussite du Gongr^ depuis le Prudent 
des £tats-Fnis, vous comme Secretaire d'£tat, les ddldgu^s de I'Amerique Latine et 
ceux des £tats-Unis jusqu'aux employes de bureau. Le haut intdrdt manifest^ par 
le Comite Executil permanent preside par M. William Phillips, qui 6tait alors troiai^me 
Sous-Secretaire d'Etat, par la Fondation Carnegie pour la Pais Internationale, par 
I'entremise de son secretaire le docteur James Brown Scott, et Paide prdte dans Pexe- 
cutionpar le docteur Glen Levin Swiggett, conmie sous-secretaire general, ontpuissam- 
ment contribue k faire de ce Congr^s un evenement memorable. L'Union PanamM- 
caine, administration officielle intemationale de toutes les republiques am6ricainee, 
et dont le Comite d' Administration est compose des diplomates latino4unericains k 
Washington et du Secretaire d'lfetat desl^tats-Unis, a use de sa favorable influence pour 
assurer le succ^ du Congr^s et m'a autorise, en qualite de Directeur General de 
rUnion, k prendre en mains les responsabilites de Secretaire General du Congrds. 

Veaillez agreer, M. le Secretaire d'l^tat, en mdme temps que mes respectueux 

hommages Passurance de mon entier devoOment, 

John Babbbtt, 

Secritaire Oiniral. 
Monsieur ie Sbcb^aibb d'Etat, 

WuMngian, D. C. 


Alvarez S., Abraham 448 

Ambrosetti, Juan B 38 

Bing^iiam, Hiram 160 

Boas, Franz 9 

CapMt5 y P6rez, J. A 116,120 

Childe,A 366,356 

Cruz, Fernando 220 

Cuervo MiLrquez, Carlos 295 

Fewkes, J. Walter 410 

Folkmar, Daniel 15 

Furlong, Charles Wellington 224 

Gamio, Manuel 363,374,375 

Hodge, F.W 168 

Hdmee, W. H 187 

Hough, Walter 125 

Hrdlidka, Alefi 128 

Kroeber, A . L 22 

Lafnes, Samuel 436 

Laval, Ramdn A 408 

Lummis, Charles F 57 

Mooney, James 174 

Montana, Louis 360 

Morales Macedo, Carlos 235, 251, 265, 267 

Morales Villaz6n, N6stor 347 

Morley, Sylvanus Griswold 192 

Oiamas, Luis R 138 

Oyarzdn, Aureliano 377 

Peabody, Charles 185 

Pezet, Federico A 292 

Posnansky, Arthur 112 

Radoeavljevich, Paul R 124 

Rodnoe, Adri^ 209,443 

Roquette Pinto, E 358 

Rouma, Georges 39, 431 

Safford, William Edwin 146 

Simoens da Silva, Antonio Carlos 179 

Soliz, Antenor 338 

Southard, E. E 329 

TeUo, Julio C 283 

Terin, Ignacio 340 

Thayer Ojeda, Luis 61 

Traversari, Pedro Pablo 382 

Uhle, Max 386 

Williams, Tom. A 417 




The aciiyities of the section of anthropology of the Washington 
session of the Pan American Scientific Congress covered a wide field 
of scientific and historical research, the matter presented and dis- 
cussed being in large measure outside of the immediately practical or 
utilitarian, the field to which the whole world is now giving its thought 
and energies as never before. But a glance at the program of the 
congress shows many topics of deep and lasting interest. 

We do not f o^et that it is a characteristic of the highest enlighten- 
ment that the history and science of man are matters of very serious 
import, demanding the attention of individuals, institutions, and 
nations. The history of man in America is to a large extent the his- 
tory of all men. llie people and culture of the Old World have 
imposed themselves upon the people and culture of the New, and the 
latter are nearing obliteration. It is therefore the American race to 
which the Pan American anthropologist, the historian of the American 
race, gives special attention. It would be a shame should we in this 
age appear on the pages of history as selfish intruders, seeking only 
to dispossess and obUterate. To investigate and record the story of 
the aboriginal Americans is now a well-recognized Pan American duty, 
a national and international responsibility. The Pan American Con- 
gress is making a vital contribution to this work, and thereby to the 
history and science of man. 

(Signed) W. H. Holmes, 



William Phxujfs, Assistant Secretary of State, Gliairman ex officio. 

jAif IS Bbown Scott, Secretary, Oamegie Bndowment for Intematioiial Peace, 
Vice GhairmaiL 

William H. Wklch, President, National Academy of Sciences, Honorary Yice 

John Babbett, Director General, Pan American Union. 

W. H. BizBT, Brigadier General, United States Army, retired. 

Philander P. Claxton, Ck>mmlBsioner of ESdncation. 

William C. Goboas, Surgeon General, United States Army. 

William H. Holmes, Head Curator, Smithsonian Institution. 

Hbnnen Jennings, former President, London Institution of Mining and Metal- 

Gbobge M. Rommel, Chief, Animal Husbandry Division, Bureau of Animal 
Industry, Department of Agriculture. 

L. S. Rows, President, American Academy of Political and Social Science. 

Robert S. Woodwabd, President, Carnegie Institution of Washington. 


John Babbett, Secretary General. 

Glen Levin Swiggett, Assistant Secretary General. 


W. H. HoffiMiHi, CSiairmaiL 
Aui HRDufKAy Secretary. 

BuiMUBcnoir L — Ethnology* 

F. W. Hodge, representing the Bureau of American Bthnology, Smithsonian 

Walter Hough, representing the United States National Museum. 
Roland B. Dixon, r^resentlng Harvard University. 
Fbedebick Stabb, representing the University of Chicago. 
Albest Ebnest Jbnks, representing the University of Minnesota. 
Fbanz Boas, representing Columbia University. 
A. L. Kbokbeb, representing the University of California. 
Elizabeth Duncan Putnam, representing the Davenport Academy of Sciences, 

Davenport, Iowa. 
Alice C. Fletcher, representing the Archseological Institute of America. 
Stewabt Culin, representing the Museum of the Brooklyn Institute of Arts 

and Sciences. 
S. A. Babbett, representing the Milwaukee Public Museum. 
Geobob a. Dobsey, representing the Field Museum of Natural History. 
C. F. LuHifis, representing the Southwest Museum, Los Angeles, Cal. 
John R. Swanton, representing the Anthropological Society of Washington. 
Clabk Wissleb, representing the American Museum of Natural History, New 

Punt E. (Joddabd, representing the American Folk-Lore Society. 
Waldo Lincoln, representing the American Antiquarian Society. 
J. C. Bbanneb, representing Leland Stanford Junior University. 

Subsection 2. — AroluBology, 

J. Walteb Fewb3», representing the National Academy of Sciences. 

<j. C. WnxouGHBT, representing the Peabody Museum of American Archnology 
and Ethnology, Harvard Unlv^*sity. 

Oeobqe B. Qobdon, representing the University of Pennsylvania Museum. 

HiBAic BiNGHAH, representing Yale University. 

Wabben K. Moobehead, representing the Department of Archeology of Phil- 
lips Academy, Andover, Mass. 

M. H. Saville, representing the Museum of the American Indian, New York. 

AsTHUB C. Pabkkb, representing the Museum of the State of New York. 

T. Mitchell Pbudden, representing the American Ethnological Society, New 


Stltaitdb Q. Moblkt, representing the Carnegie Institution of Washington. 
EIdgab L. Hewitt, representing the School of American Archieology. 
H. M. Whklfuet, representing the Missouri Historical Society. 
W. O. Mnxs, representing the Ohio State UniTersity. 

Sttbsxction 8. — Physicdl Anthropology, 

Geobgk Obant IdAcOuBDT, rQireseDting Yale Uniyersity Museum. 
Fbank Baxkb, representing Georgetown University, D. O. 
D. S. Lahb, representing the United States Army Medical Museum. 
W. C. Fasabkb, representing the National History Museum, New York. 
AuEd HBDuexA, representing the United States National Museum. 
F. P. Maix, representing Johns Hopkins University. 

F. B. TsicAinnr, representing the Mlsston Houses Oatholic University of Wad^ 

68436—17— VOL I- 



The congress, in accordance with its high aims and purposes, 
namely, to increase the knowledge of things American, to disseminate 
and to make the culture of each American country the heritage of 
all American Republics, to further the advancement of science by 
disinterested cooperation, to promote industry, inter- American trade 
and commerce, and to devise the ways and means of mutual help- 
fulness in these and in other respects considered the following 
general program of subjects, divided into appropriate sections and 


Origin of man and his place in the scheme of nature ; problems of 
evolution, migration, geography, chronology. Development of the 
individual from the embryo through childhood to full maturity; 
involution of the individual and death. The races, their differentia- 
tion, physical characteristics, fertility, physiology; admixtures, 
tendencies. Eugenics: proposed measures for physical betterment. 
Pathology: Geographical distribution of disease, racial characteris- 
tics, effects on progeny and race. Origin: Racial position and an- 
tiquity of the American aborigines; physical modifications due to 
modem changes in social, political, and industrial conditions; re- 
sults of admixtures with other races. The racial element entering 
into the composition of the American peoples as a whole; progress 
and tendencies of amalgamation; possibilities of intelligent and 
effective direction of the processes; prospective results. Method of 
research, record, and display; anthropometric instruments. 


Progress of researches in Pan America and their bearing on the 
origin and history of peoples and cultures; chronology of man's 
occupancy of the continent; evidence supplied by material culture 
in all its branches; progress in deciphering the glyphic records; 
the calendar. 




Languages, social organization, and cusUans generally )0f the 
various tribes; religicm and folklore; arts, sciences, and trades; arts 
of embellishment. 


Literature of the native tribes; pre-Columbian Americana; ar- 
chives of the Indies; systems of writing and record; Indian mis- 
sions and ecclesiastical history; aboriginal populations; the passing 
of the Indian. 


Anthropological sciences as encouraged and supported by the 
American Governments. Museums of anthropology ; their purposes, 
management, collections. 


The Second Pan American Scientific Congress considered and dis- 
cussed the subjects set forth in its program in the light of an intel- 
lectual Pan Americanism, in a series of meetings from December 27, 
1915, to January 8, 1916, and adopted resolutions and recommenda- 
tions pertinent to the work of the nine main sections of the congress. 

The f oUowing recommendations refer to Section I : 

Article 1. 

The Second Pan American Scientific Congress considers that it 
is highly desirable that the American Republics arrange for the 
appointment of delegates for joint action in the matter of archseolog- 
ical exploration, in order to formulate and to propose generally 
acceptable and substantially uniform laws relating to the survey, 
exploration, and study of archaeological remains to be found in the 
Kepublics, and to secure the enactment of laws which will effectively 
safeguard these remains from wanton destruction or exploitation, 
and which will serve to aid and to stimulate properly organized and 
accredited research in archsBology. 

Artici^e 2. 

The Second Pan American Scientific Congress requests the Govern- 
ment of the United States to bring to the attention of the Govern- 
ments of the American Republics participating in the congress and, 
through their respective Governments, to the institutions and the 
public thereof, the importance of promoting research in the field of 
archaeology, organized surveys for the study of primitive tribes, and 
the building of national educational museums for the preservation 
of the data and materials collected. 




Section I had for the subject matter of its proceedings the entire 
range of anthropological science — ethnology, archaeology, physical 
anthropology, psychology — with special reference to the American 
Continent. The various sessions of this section were held jointly 
with organizations whose activities are concerned, in the main, with 
the same general field or with particular portions of that field. 
These organizations are as follows: 

The Nineteenth International Congress of Americanists. 

The American Anthropological Association. 

The American Folklore Society. 

The American Historical Association. 

The Archaeological Institute of America. 

Joint meetings of these bodies were arranged for the reason that 
in large measure their membership is a common membership, a large 
percentage even of the Latin American members of Section I being 
members also of one or more of the affiliated organizations. Indeed, 
it appeared that these organizations could not have held separate 
meetings during the same period, and in arranging the program 
distinctions were almost entirely ignored and the joint arrangement 
was preserved throughout, with the result that, as a whole, the series 
of sessions may be safely regarded as the most successful and im- 
portant gathering of students of American anthropological science 
ever held. 

This volume contains only the papers presented on behalf of the 
Second Pan American Scientific Congress. A limited number of 
the more important of these, together with all other papers, find 
places in the proceedings of the International Congress of Amer- 
icanists or the other affiliated societies. 



The United States Nationajl Museum, 

Tuesday morning^ December 28^ 1916. 

Chairman, Luis Montane. 

The session was called to order at 9.30 o'clock by the chairman. 
The following papers were read : 

Modem populations of America, by Franz Boas. 
The United States census of immigrant stocks, by Daniel Folkmar. 
Tribes of the Pacific coast of America, by A. L. Kroeber. 
Los vasos del Pukar& de Tilcara del Tipo Pelike comparados con 
lo6 de Machu Pichu, by Juan B. Ambrosetti. 



Profetsor of Anthropology^ Columbia Univertity, New York City. 

I have been asked to speak on the modern population of America, and I con- 
fess that I feel some hesitation in taking np this important subject The scien- 
tific problems involved in this subject are of great and fundamental importance, 
but unfortunately materials for their discussion have hardly been collected at 
aU, and I do not see any immediate prospect of their being gathered on a scale 
at aU adequate. 

We may distinguish three distinct types of population in modern America. 
The first type includes those that are entirely or almost entirely descendants of 
European immigrants, such as the population of the northern United States, of 
Canada, and of Argentina; a second type is represented by population}? con- 
taining a large amount of Indian blood, like those of Mexico, Peru, and Bolivia ; 
and a third type includes populations consisting essentially of mixtures of 
Negro and other races. In this last group we may again distinguish between 
populations in which the mixture is essentially Negro and white and those In 
which we find a strong mixture of Negro and Indian, or Negro, Indian, and white, 
Eixamples of these are the populations of the Southern States, of the West 
Indies, of some districts of Central and South America, like parts of Brazil, 
and of certain localities on the west coast of South America. 

'^Attendance at the opening ezercfses of the Pan American Bclentiflc Congreas, held at 
Memorial Continental Hall on Monday, preTented active participation by mambtn of 
H«<*tlon I In the actentiflc leaalnna of the alBIiated bodiea on that da^. 



It will easily be rer^o^nlzed that the mixed populations who are <lescuu(laiit4 
of American Indians and Europeans are found essentially in those areas iti 
which the aboriginal population at the time of the conquest was dense. Xhlis 
was the case particularly in l^Iexico and in the ^Vndean Highlands. The exter- 
ndnatlon of the native population has occurred only in those ai*eas In which at 
the time of the conquest the Indian population was very sparse. The Negro pop- 
ulations occur in all those areas in which there was a long-continued Impor- 
tation of African slaves. 

The development of these populations depended to a very great extent upon 
the very fundamental difference in the relations between the Anglo-Saxon 
European Immigrants and the Latin American immigrants. While among the 
former Intermarriages or unions between women of European descent and mem- 
bers of the foreign races were very rare, intermixture was not so limited in 
liatln American countries; and unions between women of foreign races and 
European men or between men of foreign races and European women liave 
always been of more nearly equal frequency. The importance of this difference 
Is very great, because in the former case the number of individuals with Euro- 
i:)ean blood is constantly increasing, because the children of the women at the 
white population remain white, while the children of the women of the Negi'o 
or Indian population hav** on the average a considerable amount of infusion of 
white blood. This must necessarily result in a constant decrease of the rela- 
tive amount of non-European blood in the total population. This phenome- 
non may be disturbed to a certain extent by differences in fertility or mortal- 
ity of the mixed population, but it is not likely that the total result will be in- 
fluenced by such differences. In those cases, on the other hand, in which white 
women marry members of foreign races, or at least half-blood descendants of 
foreign races, a thorough penetration of the two races must occur ; and if mar- 
riages in both directions are equally frequent, the result must be a complete 
permeation of the two types. There is very little doubt that the rapid disap- 
pearance of the American Indian in many parts of the United States is due to 
this i^eculiar kind of mixture. The women of mixed descent are drawn away 
from the tribes with a fair degree of rapidity, and merge in the general popula- 
tion ; while the men of mixed descent remain In the tribe, and contribute to a 
continued infusion of white blood among the natives. 

The claim has been made and has constantly been repeated that mixed races, 
like the American mulattoes or the American Mestizos, are inferior in physical 
and mental qualities ; that they inherit all the unfavorable traits of the parental 
races. So far as I can see this bold proposition can not be maintained by anj' 
accurate facts. As a matter of fact. It would be exceedingly difficult to say at 
the present time w^hat race is pure and what race is mixed. It Is certainly 
true that in the borderland of the areas inhabited by any of the fundamental races 
of mankind mixed types must occur, and there is nothing to prove that these types 
sre inferior either physically or mentally. We might adduce, as an example, 
Japan, a country In which the Malay and the Mongol type come Into contact; 
or the Arab types of north Africa that are partly of Negro, partly of Mediter- 
ranean descent; or the nations of eastern Europe, that contain a considerable 
r.dmixture of Mongoloid blood. In none of these cases will a careful and con- 
scientious investigator be willing to admit any deteriorating effect of the un- 
doubted mixture of different races. It is exceedingly difficult in all questions 
of this kind to differentiate with any degree of certainty between social causes 
and hereditary causes. On the whole, the half-bloods live under conditions less 
favorable than the pure parental races, and for this reason the social causes 
will bring about phenomena of apparent weakness that are erroneously inter- 


prated as due to effects of Intermixtora This is particularly true in the case 
of the mulatto population of the United States. The mulatto is found as an 
Important element in many of our American cities where the majority of this 
group form the poor population, which, on the one hand, is not in a condition of 
social and economic equality with the whites, while on the other hand the desire 
for improved social opportunity creates a considerable amount of dissatisfaction. 
It is not surprising that under these conditions the main characteristics of the 
group should not be particularly attractive. At the same time the poverty that 
prevails among many of them and the lack of sanitary conditions under which 
they live give the impression of hereditary weakness. 

The few cases in which it has heesk possible to gather strictly scientific data 
on the pliysical characteristics of the half*blood have rather shown that there 
may be a certain amount of physical Improvement in the mixed race. Thus the 
investigation of half-blood Indians in the United States which I undertook in 
1882 showed oondusively that the physical development of the mixed race, as 
expressed by their stature, is superior to that of both the white and Indian 
parents. I also found that the fertility of half-blood women was greater than 
that of the Indian women who live practically under the same social conditions. 
The latter conclusion has been corroborated by a much wider investigation 
included in the last census of the United States. Prof. Dixon, under whose 
auspices the data were collated, not only found that the half-blood women were 
more fertile than the full-blood women, but he also discovered that the number 
of surviving children of half-blood women was greater than the number of 
surviving children of full-blood women. This seems to indicate a greater 
vigor evm more clearly than the data found by a study of the stature of the half- 
blood raca During the present year I have been able to make an investigation 
of the population of Porto Rico, and here a similar phenomenon appears in a 
(comparison between the mulatto population and the white population. In a 
study of children it was f6und that the mulattoes excel in physical development 
the children of pure Spanish descent, and that their developmoit is more rapid. 
Evidently the rapidity of development of the mulatto and his better physique 
are phenomma that are closely correlated. 

A number of tests have been made of the mental conditions of mulatto chil- 
drea. These, however, I do not consider as convincing, because the differoaces 
found are slight, and because, furthermore, the retardation of development due 
to less favorable social conditions has not sufficiently been taken into account 
There is also much doubt in regard to the significance of certain differences in 
the resistance to pathogenic causes that has been observed in diffa*ent races. 

Judging frem a general biological point of view, it would seem that an unfavor- 
able effect of mixture of races is very unlik^. The anatomical differences 
between the races of man that we have to consider hero are at best very slight, 
certainly less than those found in different races of domesticated animals. In 
the case of domesticated animals no decrease of vigor has been observed when 
races as cloe^ allied as races of man are crossed. Since man must be considered 
anatomically as a highly domesticated spedes, we may expect the same condi- 
tions to prevail, and by analogy there is no reason to suppose any unfavorable 

Attention should be called here to a peculiar condition of society in all those 
regions where the old aboriginal population contributes a large amount to the 
modern population. In all these cases we observe a continuity of tradition that 
leads back to preO)lumbian times. It may be that the ancient religious ideas 
and that much of the oral tradition of the people have been lost and that tlieir 
place has been taken by the ideas imported from Ehirope. Nevertheless a vast 
amount of the old custom survives. This may be readily aeen by a study of the 


habitatioiis and of the boaflebold utenatls in Mezleo and In Peru. It Ui ^ta 
obyions that In tbeae cases tlie ancient tradition survives; and tiiis fact is 
merely an indication of the tremendoos force of conservatism tliat Unds the 
people of modem times to their prehistoric past It is no wonder that in 
these cases the obstacles to the diitoslon of modem ideas are mndi greater than 
in those popnlations that derive their origin entirely from European sources. 
This is all the more the case, from the facts that the European inmilgrant 
breaks completely with his past and dev^ops In a new environment and 
according to new standards of thought. 

The investigation of the ideas and beUefs of the American Negroes tlm>ws 
an interesting side light on these conditions. Unfartonately, tliis subject has 
received very slight attention, and it is hardly possible to state definitely what 
the conditions are in various parts of the continent It is quite <flear, however, 
that the Negroes, owing to their segregation, have retained much of what they 
brought from Africa. In this case there is no continuity in tlie material life, 
because the houses, household utensils, and other objects are all derived from 
ESuropean sources, while many of the old tales and old religious ideas seem to 
survive, much modified, however, by American oonditionB. Owing to the fact 
that the coast tribes of Africa have been long under the influence of Portuguese 
civilization, a certain assimilation of negro ideas had developed; and in all 
probability this accounts for the similarity of ideas found among American 
Negroes and Indians of Latin America, so far as these have adopted ideas im- 
ported by Spaniards and Portuguese of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. 

Another problem relating to the physical type of the mixed population relates 
to the question in how far a new type results trom their intermingling. Of 
recent years there has been much discussion In regard to this problem. Galton 
and his adherents maintain that in a mixture of types a new intermediate type 
will develop, analogous to the appearance of the mule as a result of mixture 
between horse and donkey. Other investigators, following the Important obser- 
vations of Mendel and his successors, claim that no permanent new type de- 
velops, but that the so-called '* unit " characters of the parents will be segre- 
gated in the mixed population. Assuming, for instance, tiie blue eye of tbm 
north European to be a " unit " diaracter, it is assumed that in the mixed type 
there will always remain a certain group with blue eyes. More specifically It is 
daimed that among the descendants of one person with blue eyes and one p&> 
son with brown eyes, one-fourth of the total number from the second genera- 
tion on will have blue eyes, while the rest will have brown eyes. In order to 
avoid technicalities, we might perhaps say that in these cases there must be a 
certain degree of alternating inheritance, in so ftir as in a mixed population 
some individuals will resemble in their traits the one paroital race, while others 
will resemble the other. Some Investigators claim that the existence of this 
type of inheritance— so-called ** Mendellan '* inheritance — ^has been definitely 
proved to exist in man. 

It is hardly possible to answer this important problem at the present time 
with any degree of definiteness, altiiough in regard to a number of traits suffi- 
cient evidence is available. I pointed out before that in the case of stature the 
half-blood shows a tendency to exceed both parental types; in other words, 
that a new distinctive form develops. On the other hand, the investigation of 
the eye color has shown that while intermediate eye colors do occur, there is a 
decided tendency for a number of Individuals to reproduce either the blue eyes 
of northern Europe or the very dark eyes of other races. In regard to skin 
color the evidence is not clear. A certain permanence of type has also been 
found In the head form. Different types of man may sometimes be char- 
acterized by the ratio of the longitudinal to the transversal diameter of the 
head. Sometimes both are not very different, while in other cases the head 


Is very narrow and at tbe flame time very long. It has been found that when, 
two types intermini^e In which the parental races show material dllBerenoes 
in head form, then a great variety of head forms will occur among the de> 
scendants, indicating a tendency to revert to the parental types. Whether or 
not the dassical ratios of Mendelian inheritance prevail is a question that la 
quite impossible to answer. On the whole, it seems modi more likely that we 
have varying types of alternating inheritances rather than true Mendelian 

If further investigation should show that the tendency to such alternating in« 
heritanoe is fbund in mixed types throughout, and that the different features 
belonging to the distinctive parental types have only slight degrees of correla- 
tion, it would foUow that in a mixed type we may expect the occurrence of a 
great variety of combinations of parental types, and, we might say, perhapa 
a certain loosening of those correlations that are characteristic for the parental 
races. This question, however, has never been Investigated, and can not be 
answered with any degree of certainty. 

These questions have also a bearing upon the characteristics of the popula-^ 
tions of pure European descent that are developing in our country. In earlier 
times the provenience of the settlers in each particular area was ftdrly uniform. 
In the United States we find settlers from England; in the Argentine, those^ 
from Spain ; but the rapid increase of population in Europe, and the attractive- 
ness of economical conditions in America, have brought it about that the 
sources of European immigration have become much wider. In the Argentine 
Republic we find an immigration coming principally from the shores of the- 
Mediterranean. The modem population of the United States is drawn from 
all parts of £hirope, the most recent influx being principally from southeastern, 
southern, and eastern Europe. The racial composition of the population of 
Europe is not by any means uniform; but we find distinctive local types 
Inhabiting the various parts of the continent. The dilTerences between a dark^ 
eyed, black-headed, swarthy South Italian and the blond, tall, blue*«yed Scandi- 
navian, and a short-headed, gray-eyed, brown Servian are certainly most 
striking. This fact has led to the assertion that nothing like the modem inter- 
mixture of European types has ever occurred in the past in any part of 

Attention should be called here to a peculiar difference in composition be- 
tween our American population and Eiuropean populations. After individual 
land tenure had developed in Europe^ and agriculture had become the basis of 
life of all European peoples, a remarkable permanence of habitat developed 
in all parts of Europe. In place of the waves of migration that marked the* 
end of antiquity, a local develoimient of small village communities set in, 
which, after they were once established, came to be exceedingly permanent 
The members of these communities were only slightly increased from the out"- 
side, and thus a period of inbreeding set in that is equaled only by the amount 
of inbreeding characteristic of small isolated primitive tribes. It is diflicult 
to obtain exact information in regard to this process ; but the investigation of 
genealogies of a few European communities shows that it has been very 
marked. It is therefore clear that when we compare, let me say, the popula- 
tion of a small Spanish village with that of a South Italian village, we may 
find in both communities what appears to the observer as the same type; but 
we find at the same time that tbe actual lines of descent of these two groups 
are quite distinct for many generations. A peculiar result is found wherevw 
this type of inbreeding occurs. Since all the families are interrelated, it i» 
clear, that all the families are very much alike, and that practically any fiunily 
may be selected and considered as the type of the population that is being in- 
vestigated. Wherever these conditions do not prevail, and where the ancestrr 


-of fhe various parts of the population is quite distinct, a single family can 
never be considered as representative of the whole population* and we may 
•expect very great differences to occur between the different family lines. This 
coming together of distinct lines is characteristic of all the industrial districts 
of Burope and also of the population of Buropean descent in America. Thus 
in the Argentine Bepublic the people of Spanish and of Italian communities 
will be brought together. In the United States we find side by side families 
of Bnglish, Irish, Freuch, Spanish, German, Russian, and Italian descent, each 
of which represents the type of the locality from which it comes. In other 
words, the fiimily lines composing American populations are much more 
•diverse than those in the rural communities of Europe. 

From a biological point of view there is little doubt that this condition must 
have an effect upon the physical characteristics of the whole population. Ob- 
servations are not available, except those bearing upon the relation of sexes in 
the Argentine Republic. According to the last Argentine census, it has been 
found that the relation of sexes of children found in families of pure Italian 
or pure Argentine descent shows considerable differences when compared to 
that found in families of mixed Italo-Spanish descent; and it may very well 
be that this has to do with the disturbances of the lines of descent which we 
have Just discussed. 

No investigations are. available on the physical characteristics of individuals 
of mixed ESuropean descent All we know is that the alternating inheritance 
referred to before may be observed also in the descendants of a single people. 
Thus, for instance, it has been shown that when a long-headed Russian Jew 
marries a short-headed Russian Jewess the children resemble in part the father, 
in part the mother, so that here also a certain reversion of types may be noticed. 
It has also been found that the laws of inheritance of eye color are similar to 
those referred to before. There is therefore every reason to assume that the 
-same laws of inheritance prevail in a mixture of Buropean peoples as have 
been observed in a mixture of different races. 

A word should be said in regard to the claim that the mixture of Buropean 
types that is characteristic of the population of modem America is of a unique 
character. The events that occurred in prehistoric Burope do not favor this 
assumption, because the European Continent at that time was the scene of 
constant migration and of constant intermingling of different peoples. The 
contrast between medieval conditions and ancient conditions appears, for 
instance, very clearly in Spain. The oldest inhabitants of the Iberian Peninsula 
of which we know were overlaid successively by Phoenicians, Romans, Celts, 
Teutonic tribes, and Moorish people from northern Africa, which resulted in 
an enormous infusion of blood from all parts of Europe. With the Spanish 
victories over the Moors and the driving away of the Jews, a period of in- 
breeding set in which has lasted up to tlie present time. Similar conditions 
obtain in eastern Europe, where waves of migrations of Slavic, Teutonic, and 
Mongol peoples may be traced, each of which represented a certain definite 
local type. In short, the whole early history of Europe is one continued series 
of shifts of iK)pulations that must have resulted in an enormous mixture of 
all the different types of the Continent 

The important question arises whether the types that come to America re- 
main stable and retain their former characteristics. A number of years ago 
I investigated this question, and reached the conclusion that a number of 
definite, although slight, changes take place, more particularly that under 
American geographical and social conditions the width of the face decreases, 
and the head form undergoes certain slight changes. My observations are 
corroborated by the evidence that may be obtained from studies of Buropean 
dty populations. The differences in social environment there are probably 


the same as those that I observed in the city of New Tork ; and the observations 
also Indicate a certain difference between the city population and the country 
population that can not be explained by mixture or by selection. 

Quite recently I have investigated this question in Porto Rico, and I found 
that the type of the modem population does not conform to any of the an- 
cestral tyx)es. The population is very largely derived from Spanish sources, 
so much so that among the individuals whom I measured a large percentage 
were sons of Spanish-bom fathers. Besides this, we find a considerable infu- 
sion of negro blood and I presume also a certain survival of Indian blood. 
The ancestral types, except the Indians, are decidedly long headed. The Indian 
blood can not be very considerable ; nevertheless we find that the Porto Ricans 
of to-day are as short headed as the average of the French of the Auvergna 
We may therefore conclude that the movement of populations from Europe to 
our continent is accompanied by certain changes of type, the extent of which 
can not be definitely determined at the present time. 

I can not conclude my remarks v^ithout at least a brief reference to the 
modem endeavors to Improve the physical type of the people. It has been 
claimed that the congestion in modern cities and other causes are bringing 
about a gradual degeneration of our race, which advocates of eugenics desire 
to counteract by adequate legislative measures. It Ui certainly right to try 
to check the spread of hereditary defects by such measures, but the movement 
as it is now conceived is not free of serious dangers. First of all, it would 
seem that the fundamental thesis of the degeneracy of our population has 
never been proved. Our statistics permit us to count the number of defective 
individuals, which, of course, appears to increase with the rigidity of examina- 
tion. On the other hand, our statistics do not allow us to count the individuals 
of unusual physical or mental development It is obvious that even if the 
method of counting should remain the same, there would be an apparent in- 
crease in the number of defectives if the variability of the total population 
should increase; in other words, if not all should conform to a regular stand- 
ard, but a considerable number should be inordinately gifted, another number 
inordinately deficient, this would not necessarily mean a degeneration of the 
population, but would merely be an expression of increased variability. M<^e 
serious is the question whether the principles of eugenics conform to the 
natural development of the human species. The fundamental motive that 
prompts us to advocate eugenic measures is perhaps not so much the idea of 
increasing human efficiency as rather to eliminate human suffering. The hu- 
manitarian idea of the elimination of suffering, which conforms so well with 
our sentiments, seems, however, opposed to the conditions under which species 
thrive. What is an inconvenience to-day will be suffering to-morrow, and the 
effect of an exaggerated humanitarlanism may be to make mankind so sensi- 
tive to suffering that the very roots of its existence will be endangered. This 
consideration ought to receive the most careful attention of those who try to 
predetermine the development of our populations by legislative devices. 


Editorial Staff, UMted States Department of Commerce. 

Before taking up the subject proper of this paper, which deals specifically 
with the white immigrant stocks of the United States, a few introductory 


words will make clear the statistical relation which the whites bear to the 
Indian and Negro elements of the populatl<Hi. 

The Indian population of the United States Is almost a negligible quantity, 
statistically speaking, for It amounts to less than 800,000, or three-tenths of 1 
per cent of the population. The Asiatic element In the p(9Hlatlon is still more 
minute from a statistical point of view, amounting to less than 150,000, or two- 
tenths of 1 per cent If is the Negro and mulatto population of the United 
States that is of great signiflcanoe statistically, as indeed it is socially. It 
numbers nearly 10,000,000, or more than one-tenth of the population of the 
United States and more than one>half in certain sections of the Southern States. 
While this paper deals specifically with the immigrant stocks, it should be said 
that American anthropologists owe it to science to exhaust the field of Negro 
ethnology, a subject which has been practically untouched and avoided, no 
doubt because of the social and political questions involved in its discussion. 
No other country offers such an opportunity for an authoritative comparison 
of races as does the United States, and the material has been largely collected, 
In the census and otherwise, on which a masterly study of the subject might be 

A few comparisons may be made between the white and the colored races. 
During the decade 1001-1910 the white population of the United States increased 
about 22 per cent and the Negro about 11 per cent This difference is partly 
due, however, to the immigration of whites, in the absence of which it is esti- 
mated that the whites would have increased only about 14 per cent The 
Indians increased abbut 12 per cent, and the Chinese decr^sed in number, 
while the Japanese nearly trebled. The whites have at practically every census 
shown a more rapid rate of increase than the negroes. 

The census of 1910 showed that about 21 per cent of the negroes are mulat- 
toes, as compared with about 12 per cent in 1870, the last preceding census at 
which the question regarding blood mixture was asked in comparable form. 
There has been no very great migration of negroes out of the Southern States, 
nearly nine-tenths of the total number being still found in that section. 

There has apparently been a very marked decline in the birth rate among 
ne^oes in recent years, while there has been a gradual but less marked decline 
in the birth rate of the whites for a long period. 

In its notable history of 120 years of census taking, until the census of 1910 
the United States did not attempt a mother-tongue census or enumeration of 
the European races or ethnical stocks that have emigrated to this co\intry. 
For 00 years there has been, however, more or less inquiry in the census con- 
cerning the country of birth of immigrants. 

In the last census the United States followed the example of the great coun- 
tries of Europe which have a highly mixed population, such as Russia, Aus- 
tria-Hungary, and, to a less extent, Germany. Even Canada and Mexico, 
among American countries, had preceded the United States In a more or less 
careful attempt to enumerate races on the basis of mother tongue. Mexico not 
only has reported the number who are of each European race, but of each 
Indian tribe. 

The last census is also the first one in the United States that attempted a 
complete enumeration of each Indian tribe on the basis of language. Less 
accurate enumerations, however, have been attempted for many years by the 
Federal Bureau of Indian Affairs as a basis for its administrative work. In a 
similar way the Bureau of Immigration has published annually since 1898 the 
number of immigrants as classified by race, or ethnical nationality, as well as 
by political nationality, or citizenship. 


Ebttmates of Utile scientific value have sometimes been made as to the 
present racial composition of the total white population of the United States 
by combining the census figures of nationality or country of birth since 1850 
with the annual reports of the Bureau of Immigration during recent years. 
It Is impossible to reach any trustworthy conclusion on this subject, since at 
no time has the census attempted to classify the entire white population on the 
baslB of origin, either political or linguistic. The last census carried this ques- 
tion no further back than the second generation, that is, the native born of 
foreign-born parents. The census of 1870 was the first to institute an Inquiry 
as to the nationality of the second generation as based on country of birth, and 
this census was not completed In all the States. 

It Is evident, therefore, that the largest factors in the problem have never 
been enumerated— namely, (1) what may now be called the "native white 
population" of the United States, that which occupied this territory before 
the establishment of the present Government and the first census, and (2) the 
large immigration from Great Britain and Ireland previous to 1850, which cul- 
minated in the wholesale emigration of the Irish people during the potato famine 
of 1845. Since the first census regarding country of birth was not taken until 
1850, there have been great differences of opinion among writers as to the 
nationality of the American stock preceding that date. The two principal 
extremes in the estimates of national origins previous to 1850 and the rates of 
increase of each element in America may be roughly classified as pro-German 
and pro-Bnglish. Among those who exaggerate the size of the English or 
British element, some, as Longstaff, go so far as to claim the entire immigra- 
tion previous to the Revolution as practically English. Those who exaggerate 
the German element lay great stress on the large immigration before the Revo- 
lution from Germany into Pennsylvania, or the well-known so-called '* Pennsyl- 
vania Dutch" element, and the earlier immigration from Holland into New 
York. In these estimates it is not meant, of course, that only persons of pure 
English or German blood are counted, but what is sought in the inquiry is to 
determine the proportion of English and German blood in the entire popula- 
tion, making a fair division of persons of mixed blood. 

Only a very general idea need here be given of these various estimates. It 
may be said that the Elngllsh element has been estimated to be as much as 40 
per cent of the present white population of the United States, and the Irish, 
Scotch, and Welsh another 15 per cent, as against 80 per cent or less for the 
(German element, 5 per cent for the Scandinavian, 5 per cent for the Latin 
stocks, and 5 per cent for the Slavic and Hebrew. As contrasted with this, some 
German writers on Immigration have estimated the total German element of 
the United States to outnumber the English, practically reversing the above 
figures for the English and German elements; that Is, making the (German 
element 40 per cent and excee^Ung the combined Anglo-Celtic el^nents. Much 
fairer than either extreme Is the recent careful estimate of Faust, which makes 
the German and the English elements about equal, or about 80 per cent in each 

Before proceeding to a brief analysis of the more exact figures furnished by 
the last census, it should be remembered that this paper deals only with the 
white population, with about 90 per cent of the 01,072,206 people of continental 
United States. 

Unfortunately, the funds at the command of the last census did not permit 
of a study of each immigrant stock or mother tongue as regards its social char- 
acteristics, its illiteracy, and its marital condition, or even the sex of the children 
of foreign-bom parents. The data were collected and 90 per cent of the cost 



of the tabulation has been paid, but we still await an appropriation to finish it. 
I see in such a tabulation the possibility of a more exact science of ethnology 
which might be called ethnometry or statistical ethnology. The characteristics 
of our immigrant population have heretofore been worked out only on the basis 
of country of birth, not of mother tongue. The mother-tongue figures are com- 
plete, however, as regards not only the number of each race or stock in every 
State and important city of the United States, but also as showing the number 
reporting each mother tongue that came from each country of the world, thus 
throwing much light on the ethnical composition of certain countries of Ekirope, 
like Great Britain, which have no mother-tongue census. 

In the census of 1910 the term "mother tongue" is taken to mean the 
language of customary speech in the homes of the immigrants before immigra- 
tion, and not the language of their ancestors, which, in some cases is entirely 

One of the most interesting facts disclosed in this report is the great numerical 
preponderance which is still held by the mother tongues of northwestern Europe 
as a whole, notwithstanding the high rank numerically which has been gained 
by a few individual mother tongues from eastern and southern Europe, especially 
the Italian, Polish, and Yiddish or Hebrew. These three stand third, fourth, 
and fifth in rank, respectively. 

The German is larger than the English or any other single foreign stock in 
the United States enumerated in this census. It contributes more than one- 
fourth of the entire last two generations of immigration. The entire English, 
Irish, Scotch, Welsh mother-tongue group numbers 10,037,420, and is only about 
1,200,000 greater than the German mother-tongue stock. 

Next to the Hebrew comes the Swedish, and next the French and Norwegian, 
all belonging to northwestern Europe, except a portion of the French. No other 
mother tongue than the eight thus far enumerated furnishes as much as 2 per 
cent of the total of the foreign white stock of the United States, or numbers as 
many as 1,000,000. The eight major mother-tongue stocks already named 
account for 87.5 per cent of the total foreign white stock enumerated. 

The "new** immigration from southern and eastern Europe is still a small 
factor numerically. Taking as 100 per cent the total white population of the 
United States in 1910, numbering 81,731,957, the so-called " native stock " con- 
stitutes 60.5 per cent and the three great linguistic families of foreign stock 
from northwestern Europe constitute 27.1 per cent, making a total of 87.6 per cent. 
The elements from southern and eastern Europe constitute, therefore, less than 
13 per cent of the total. Of this per cent the two principal Latin mother tongues, 
the French and the Italian, contribute less than 5 per cent; the two principal 
Slavic mother tongues, the Polish and the Bohemian — and the Hebrew, taken 
together — also contribute less than 5 per cent, leaving to all the remaining 
mother tongues another 5 per cent, or less, of the total. 

Of the total foreign white stock of the United States, 32,243,382, there are 
8,817,271 persons who are of German stock when counted according to mother 
tongue. Of the foreign-l)orn white element of the United States, 25.2 per cent 
reported English (including Irish, Scotch, Welsh, and Manx) as the mother 
tongue, 21.8 per cent reported Germanic languages, and 9.5 per cent Scandinavian 
languages, making a total of 56.5 per cent of the first generation of immigrants 
that may be called " CJelto-Teutonic.'* 

Among the interesting facts brought out by this census it is shown that 
immigrants from Austria are far more Slavic than Germanic, and that Russian 
immigration is far more Hebrew (52.3 per cent) than Russian (2.5 per cent) or 
even Slavic. Russia, exclusive of Finland, shows less diversity of ethnical type 
than Austria in its immigration to the United States ; the former has been more 
than one-half Hebrew. Both the first and the second generations of immigration 



from Russia show tbat more than 60 per cent repott Yiddish and Hebrew as 
their mother tongues. To get the true number who are Jewish in race, this per- 
centage must be increased by a small portion of those who were reported as 
Polish, Lithuanian, German, Russian, and Ruthenian in mother tongue. 

Of the total number of Yiddish-speaking people in the United States 888,103 
came from Russia, 144,484 from Austria-Hungary, 413^ from Roumania, 14,409 
from the United Kingdom, and 7,910 from Germany. 

The Spanish mother tongue contributes a much larger proportion of the total 
foreign-bom white element than does the corresponding country of birth, Spain. 
The excess comes mainly from Mexico and other countries south of the United 
States. South America, however, sends a decreasing proportion of Spanish to 
the United States as compared with Italians and others coming from South 
America. It is also interesting to note that of the South Americans in the 
United States more than one-half, 0,788, are Latin in linguistic stock, while about 
15 per cent,,or 1,740, belong to the English-speaking group. 

The contingent from Cuba exceeds 95 per cent Latin — ^that is, mainly 
Spanish — ^while the r^resentation in the United States from the other West 
Indies is, on the contrary, more than 70 per cent English, less than 10 per cent 
being Latin. 

A full list of the mother tongues reported at the census of 1910 is given for 
the total foreign white stock (which includes the foreign bom and the natives of 
foreign or mixed parentage) and for the foreign-born whites separately in the 
following table : 

Molbtf toQgae. 

Total forelsn 
white stocc. 


AU mother tongues. 




Dutch BDd Fiiskn 






Latin and Greek: 







Slavic and Lettic: 


B<Aemian and Moravian . 











Slavic, not specified 

Lithuanian and Lettish . . 

Yiddish and Hebrew 




Syrian and Arabic 


















































228, 73» 














> Inohides penons reporting Irish, Scotch, or Welsh. 


What has the census to say regarding the *' American race of the fatare**T 
It Is due our friends from South America that ethnologists of the North disayow 
the growing tendency to apply the term American only to the people of the 
United States. We must at least diif^rentiate betweoi the North American, 
the South American, and p^haps the Oentrai American races of the future. 
But the term "N<»th American" applies as much to the Canadian as to the 
American of the United States. It will be more accurate to distinguish between 
the Latin American and the Anglo-American, between the ** Latinos '* and the 
** Sajones," as the Spanish-American scholar is apt to say. ^ Saxon-American *' 
may be technically the more accurate term, for the last census clearly shows that 
the Anglo-American is no longer Bngllsh, in fact he is far less E2nglish than 
Teuton. As compared with the so-called "Anglo-Saxon *' of England, the Anglo- 
American has added to the original Saxon, Celtic, and Scandinavian elements 
a much stronger dash of the Latin and some of the Slayic. (It will be remem- 
bered that I am speaking only of the white, or European, stocks in^ the United 

So far, therefore, as the census can show, the future Anglo-American or 
North American of this country is to be a true composite of European races, a 
genuine product of the *' melting pot,'* a new race in the statistical sense. It will 
be neither Puritan nor Pilgrim, neither "Yankee" nor Cavalier. While dis- 
tinctively the intellectual child of old England, it is already not English, not 
German, not Irish or Scandinavian, not French, Spanish, or Italian, but 

Mr. Boas. Mr. Chairman, as a rule I am not given to discussion of 
terminologies, but I think it is generally understood that the word 
^^race" implies descent. In the terminology of the census we find 
the compounds ^ German- American," ^^Dutch-English," and so on, 
used, and I can not but express my regret at the use of this term by 
the kst censos, which is bLid oertai^y, in the popular conception, 
to create very 'great conWn, because U expre^'^the idea or con-' 
veys the idea that people who happen to speak their mother tongue 
are of descent from that race combined with the American. I think 
it would be very desirable if the census were to say that what is 
meant by that word is merely mother tongue or native tongue. 

Mr. FoLKMAR. May I say just a word of explanation as to the 
position of the United States, and I may say of European countries 
as well, in regard to the use of the term " race " ? The United States 
census does not use the term ^^ race " officially in this connection. It 
uses the term which is expressed in the heading of this paper, i. e., 

As to the use of the word " race," Dr. Boas is entirely right, of 
course, from an anthropological point of view and one strictly eth- 
nological, but not from a statistical point of view, from the point of 
view of the census, taken as expressed through decades of all Euro- 
pean censuses, where the word "race," or " nacionalidad," is used 
uniformly in a dozen countries. This has been discussed by very 
competent men. I read a paper reviewing some of their discussions 
before the Anthropological Sc»ciety of Washington in the course of 


this census work, and I think the position was maintained that the 
word ^ race ^ was used for oonvenienoe in census taking in default of 
a better. There are four or five distinct definitions recognized for 
the word ^^raoe" in Webster's and other dictionaries. We even 
speak of the Caucasian race, and of the subdivisions of this as national 
racea Of course, the word ^ nadonalidad " or ^ nationality " is used 
in two senses, ethnologically and politically, and it is used, for in- 
stance, in the census of Austria-Hungary and in that of Servia in the 
sense in which I have employed it in this paper. 

Dr. Kroeber being called upon to present his paper on the ^^ Tribes 
of the Pacific coast of North America," responded as follows: 

Mr. Chairman, ladies and gentlemen : This subject is so vast and 
the work which I have done has grown to such an imwieldy length 
that I shall simply read by title and submit the paper for printing. 

There are, perhaps, one or two points of general interest that T 
can touch upon briefly. I started from an assumption which, I can 
correctly say, I found current among most of my colleagues — ^namely, 
that in so far as a primary line of division in the native culture of 
the North American Continent is concerned that will follow the 
lines of the coast range and the Sierra Nevada, and the line of cleav- 
age would come in such a way that we should have on one side of 
the line as one of the two primary types of the state of culture in 
America the people of the narrow belt that stretches from Alaska to 
and including the State of California, and on the other side the 
remainder of the continent. 

I have tested this assumption of two types of culture with a variety 
of cultural elements or factors, with the result, which at first rather 
surprised me, that so long as I was considering individual elements, 
concrete factors of culture, there were scarcely any which were 
peculiar to either of these two ethnographic areas or provinces. 

Cultural elements, such as coil basketry, are found in parts of the 
Pacific area as I have just delimited it; this is found also in parts of 
the Atlantic area, and in parts it is not ; and so with at least 90 per 
cent of these Pacific cultural features. All that we seem to have 
left as a base for this distinction between the two cultural provinces 
within North America seem to be certain general features, tendencies, 
and differences of direction of culture, if I can express it that way, 
differences of the relations in which cultural elements are to each 
other, or differences of use to which they are put — differences of 
function. These seem to group themselves under a few principal 
heads : The absence of agriculture in this Pacific area, the nonuse of 
pottery, and the correspondingly more elaborate development of 
basketry and allied arts; a different type of political organization, 
which I can perhaps thus sunmiarize, if it can be put into phrase, by 

e8486— 17— VOL I 8 


t; *.-: : 

flaying that I am very strongly under- the impression that in the 
entire Pacific region there was no snch thing as a tme tribe; far 
greater importance attached to wealth; and, in so far as religion is 
concerned, a different type of aymbolism and ritoalism. The other 
point on which I mig^t touch concerns the relati<MiB of these two sub- 
provinces of America to the Old World. In this there is undoubt- 
edly, as has often been demonstrated in particular, a connection and 
exchange, a flow of cultural elements, betwem northeastern Asia 
and northwestern America — Siberia and Alaska, so to speak — ^and 
that exchange probably has not all been in one direction. At the 
same time, when we consider either of these two subprorinoes, or 
when we unite them with the larger enthnographic area of North 
America and with Asia, not taking consideration of the individual 
elements of culture, but of its totality or of its spirit, it becomes 
evidmt that the culture of the west coast of North America puslies 
forward in no s^ise more than that of the Atlantic coast of North 
America. In other words, in spite of the exchange of concrete ele- 
ments between the adjacent parts of America and Asia, America 
must be treated as a whole and as a unit in the broader aspect of its 
native culture. 



A$»ociate ProfeM9or of Anthropology, VfUvertitp of Calif omia. 

There has long been sonle consensus of opinion that in the civilization of native 
America an important line of cleavage divides the narrow Pacific slope of the 
continent north of Mexico from the broad Atlantic drainage. In this group- 
ing the Southwest, whose waters flow into both oceans, is reckoned as belonging 
culturally with the Atlantic side, while it is customary to regard the Great 
Basin and more northerly Intermountain plateau regions as colorlessly inde- 
terminate in culture, with entrant influences from both sides, those from the 
ea8t perhaps predominating. Mexico is so narrow and some of its civilization 
so complexly advanced that it does not easily lend Itself to a similar dual 
classiflcation by means of a north and south line. The purpose of the present 
essay is to examine the validity of this separation of the Paclflc coast tribes 
from those of interior and eastern North America, and to Interpret such distinc- 
tions as may appear. 


The Eskimo, although in tlielr southerly range in Alaska they have obvi- 
ously been influenced by the Tlingit of the coast and the Dene of the interior, 
must be excluded from consideration, because their culture is neither of an Atlan- 
tic nor of a Pacific but of an Arctic character. Analogously, their physical type 
is admittedly the most distinctive in all America, and without transitions except 
where mixtures may have taken place along the borders. As regards Eskimo 


i^eedi, while it can not properly be termed nnnsually diatlnct, on account of 
the enormons dUferencea of the other American idioms among themselveB, wUch 
have so far prevented any definite type from being validly formulated as char- 
acteristic of them as a group, yet it is plain that the Eskimo language shows 
not even a hint of aflinity to any other on the continent, and possesses certain 
unique features, such as its inability to compound words. 

So, also, SSskimo culture, whether or not it be viewed as the direct result of 
environment, is a separate stream. The contrast is marked between these people 
and their most immediate Indian neighbors, who cling, so far as climate ren- 
ders it at all possible, to the generic Indian leggings and woman's gown, 
whereas the Eskimo of both sexes invariably don true trousers. So, again» 
the northernmost Algonkins and Athabascans retain the chilly bark house^ 
where the BsUrao burrows under sod or camps in summer under skins. The 
one group of people travel on sleighs, the other employ the toboggan; the 
Eskimo uses the oil lamp for warmth and cooking, their neighbors the wood 

Even after due allowance is made for natural surroundings as contributory 
to some of these differwces, it can hardly be denied that the Eskimo make in 
all ways an un-American impression, so that in the absence of actual historical 
evidence it seems more JustiiBable to suppose for them an Asiatic than an 
American origin, as has sometimes been done, and in any event they must be 
excluded from the present inquiry. 


The general unity of the American race as an anatomical division of the 
human species will probably be conceded by all whose classifications are not 
so meticulous as to lose sight of the broader relations. Such differences as 
exist in stature, shape of the head, and other features are rather evenly and 
randomly distributed. Tall and short tribes, long and broad-headed ones, are 
found on the Pacific slope as well as in the Atlantic drainage, even though the 
very tallest people do not seem to occur on the western edge of the continent. 

A good deal has been said, and perhaps more imagined, about a distinctly per- 
ceptible resemblance of the Pacific coast tribes to the peoples of eastern Asia, 
and about nn increase of these resemblances the more northerly, that is, 
nearer to Bering Strait and Asia, their habitat. The color is said to be 
lighter, the eye to incline more frequently to the Mongolian fold, and so on. 
But these resemblances are vague, and at least in the main based on impres- 
sion rather than measurement It must also be remembered that the greater 
proximity to Asia has undoubtedly stimulated an expectation of specifically 
Asiatic Mongolian likenesses on the northern Pacific coast of America, and this 
presupposition may be partly or largely responsible for the impressions tlmt 
prevail on this point. All the known characteristic traits of the American 
race that rest on anatomy and not on physiognomical expression, such as the 
broad face, the skeletally narrow nose, the supraorbital development, the rela- 
tive frequence of intersutural occipital bones, the brown color of the skin, the 
straight, stiff, black, cross-sectlonally nearly circular hair — all these features are 
substantially as regular among Pacific as among Atlantic tribes. 

A comparison of linguistic types also yields, at least at present, no funda- 
mental distinction between the two sides of the continent, ou account of the 
irreconcilable variety of language already alluded to. In n region where it has 
been found necessary to recognize more than 50 families of speecli of supp<»se<lly 


UQConnectable orlgiii, any ponlbility of ertenslTe grouping according to type 
would seem unlikely, because contrary to the separateness of origins. If any 
such grouping, on any considerable scale, had been satisfactorily made, it would 
certainly have been widely interpreted as an indication of an original common 
origin of the members of each group, and the number of recognised linguistic 
stocks in the continent would be much smaller than It is. 


The one trait in connection with ^eecfa that has long been seen to be char- 
acteristic of the Pacific slope is its much greater diversity. The earliest students 
failed to find on the western coast any widdy spread, obviously connected 
groups of tongues like the Algonkin, Slouan, Athabascan, or Shoshonean ones; 
and the first as well as the second edition of the Standard Powell-Henshaw map 
of the Bureau of Ethnology shows as many families on the narrow Pacific 
frontage, in perhaps a tenth of the area of the continent inyolved, as in all the 

This vast Pacific coast array, quite unparalleled except in some stretches of 
South America and in New Guinea, is now beginning to yield into a much smaller 
number of groups, each of which seems sprung of a common source. The 
majority of the multifarious "families'* of Oallfomia have been reduced by 
Dr. Dixon and the author to two, tentatively designated as Hokan and Penu- 
tlan ; and while but little more than the bare scheme of the new classification 
has been announced, the growing mass of confirmatory evidence l>eing as yet 
unpublished, the proposition has found acceptance in several well-informed 
quarters. Dr. Sapir, besides giving final demonstration to the often asserted 
unity of Shoshonean and Aztecan, and therefore of the intervening Piman and 
Sonoran idioms, relates Wiyot and Yurok to Algonkin, and Tlinglt and Ha Ida to 

Again, doubts have been expressed and some dissent But this attitude is 
only to be anticipated in respect to departures from a classification that has 
long been established, and which, except for occasional details, had been fixed 
for a generation by immutable tradition. The attitude in this matter of non- 
professional minds, even among the educated, was no doubt formerly, as it is 
now, often extremely undlscriminating, merely from lax convenience; and the 
first complete classification of Powell proved so useful, and was made on so 
conservatively sound a basis, that American ethnologists were believed to have 
substantial ground under their feet, and any attempt to shake this solidity was 
long regarded as disastrous scientific heresy. The new grouping has, however, 
come from within, from students long wedded to the established order, and 
proceeding even yet, after many years of increasing material, step by step 
and largely by the methods approved in the past. The ultimate reduction of 
the American groups, which according to the older classification numbered 
more in North America than in the enormously more populous Bastem Hemis- 
phere, is also inherently probable, to Judge by analogy with conditions else- 
where in the world ; so that its correctness and final acceptance, at least in all 
main features, may be presumed. 

It is even likely that the number of families will continue to be considerably 
diminished. The rich field of Oregon has scarcely been subjected to scrutiny 
from the new point of view ; and there Is a distinct possibility that when Salish, 
Waknsh, and Chemakum, and perhaps other groups of languages, are re- 
analysed, for which a community of structural type has long been proved, 
thoui^ a conunendable reluctance refused to proceed from this fact to an as- 


sumption of genetic unity, they also will be revealed as branches of original 
units. Such, at any rate, has been the history of the recognition of Penutlan, 
of Na-Dene, of Wiyot-Turok, and in the main of Hokan. Classiflcatlons that at 
first were proclaimed to relate only to type, without even suspicion of genetic 
community, now are establishing the lattar as well. 

The outcome of these investigations is the probability that the frequency of 
originally unrelated families of speech on the Pacific coast will be enormously 
reduced, and that Instead of outnumbering or equaling those in Atlantic drain- 
age they will be found to be fewer, perhaps even nearly proportionate to the 
smaller territory. But it is clear that languages that have long been put 
into distinct families must be fftr more divergent ftom one another tlian those 
which every pioneer saw to be but variants of a single stodc And in this sense 
it can already be again asseverated that Pacific North America is linguistically 
more varied than Atlantic North America. The distinction now is not so much 
one of a greater and smaller number of sources of speech as of a more and less 
intense d^sree of dilCerentiation of each such original stodE into diverse 
languages and dialects. 

The cause of this more advanced differentiation wiU be found by those who 
seek to explain culture by geography rather than by the social workings of the 
human mind, in the greater Intricacy of the topography of the Pacific coast. 
On the Atlantic side are wide, <qpen-dralnage basins, separated by rounded ele- 
vations; on the Pacific slope Innumerable transverse spurs come down from 
the mountain wall at the back with short streams, tortuous valleys, or sudden 
fjords between. 

It is, however, more likely that the qieech diversity of the Pacific coast Is to 
be put Into relation with an unusual heterogen^ty or disorganization of political 
societies in the same region, which will be discussed below. At that it would be 
rash to say that one phenomenon is the cause of the other. Both seem to spring 
from » deeper and as yet undetermined tendency of general character, second- 
ary to which speech and society have no doubt influenced each other's condition 


The question arises what evidence the new grouping of Pacific coast Idioms 
furnishes as to fdrmerly dlflierakt dlstributloB e€ peoples and their migrations, as 
the pertinence of the Apache to the Athabascan family, of the Catawba to the 
Slouan, of the Cherokee to the Iroquolan, of the Arapaho to the Algonkin, has 
partly illumined the history of the other side of the continent Of particular 
Interest Is the problem whether movements of population have taken place 
chiefly along the coast or across the mountain barriers that shut it olf ; that is, 
longitudinally or transversely, which would involve, in the one case, readjust- 
ments within the Padflc area ; in the other, r^atlons between it and the outside. 


Uto-Aatdcan peoples penetrate to the Padflc coast, north of Mexico, only in 
southerly California. So far as the family as a whole is concerned, it is so 
largely littoral in Mexico that the few groups in California might at first sight 
seem to be part of a larger phenomenon to be understood only throu^ a con* 
Bideratlon of the Interrelations of the family In Mexleo. As a matter of fact, 
however, the California r e pr e s en tatives of the family are all Shodioneans, and 
the Shoahoneans dearly form a well-d^lned subdivision of the whole Uto- 
Astekan mass, as Indeed their many years* daaslflcatlon as an independent 


Stock would Indicate. It is tberefore only necessary to consider the relation 
of the California Shoshoneans to the other Shoshoneans. 

In this point it is clear, on the basis of greater area and numbers, that the 
movement has presumably been a transverse one from the interior to the coast. 
The dialectic relations also make it nearly certain that there were two ancient 
movements not far separated in point of time — one into southern California 
proper, the other to the vicinity of Kern River. Much later, after the speech of 
the Great Basin had become well subdivided, an offishoot from the ancestors of 
the Northern Paiute or Bannock found its way across the Sierra Nevada, and 
one from the progenitors of the Southern Paiute or IJte to the region of 
Tehchapi, where they are now known, respectively, as Mono and Kawallsu. 
Yet more recent, in part within the brief historical period, is the sonthwestward 
drift of the Chemehuevi, who are still pure Southern Palutes in speech. 

It is difficult even to estimate the period when the first Shoshoneans entered 
the southern Pacific coast region. There is nothing on which to base a Judg- 
ment except the degree of differentiation of idiom ; and on the one hand, the 
effect of isolation from the parent body and contact with alien peoples Is 
an uncertain quantity ; on the other, there is practically no evidence as to the 
absolute rate of change of American Idioms, though the available data on 
languages, recorded soon after the discovery of the Continent and still sur- 
viving, would indicate a much greater conservatism and less impulse toward 
alteration than is perhaps still often believed. In the case of the Shoshoneans 
of southern California there is not only their own considerable specialization 
of speech) but an even more marked diversity of the Hokan peoples to the 
north and south, whom they have apparently divided. A smaller period than 
1,000 years, to use a round fignire, seems insufficient for the time that 
must be allowed since the coming of these tribes to the shores of the Padflc, 
and even tills lapse may have to be multiplied when more knowledge Is 


The great Athabascan family has long been noted for the length to which 
it followed the Pacific, while actually touching the coast in only two or 
three restricted areas. This distribution of the Athabascans has led to the 
belief that their southwestern block, and the string of four or five islets on 
the middle Pacific slope, were offshoots from the original home of the stock 
in northwestern interior America, which is still occupied by a wide array of 
Athabascan tribes. Dr. Goddard, who has long devoted his years to studies 
of the family, is inclined to discredit this opinion, and to point out that It Is 
conceivable that the scattered Athabascan groups are contracted remanents 
of a once continuous dispersion. His view, however, is probably to be inter- 
preted chiefly as a protest against the methodological danger of assumptions 
unfortified by historical or analytic evidence and against the abuse of the 
ever-ready migrations explanation. It is difficult to view the Athabascan 
map without coming to the practical conclusion that in this case the usual 
conjecture is more likely to be true than the c^poslte one. On this basis the 
series of Athabascan tribes scattered along nearly a thousand miles of Pacific 
slope are .presumably to be interpreted as having reached their present seats 
by a longitudinal movement following the coast 

The case is the opposite for the new members of the enlarged Athabascan or 
Na-Dene family. The Haida and Tlingit languages are at best so enormously 
specialized that they can not be brought into specific relation with the Pacific 
division of the older Athabascan family. They must be r^iarded as an off- 


shoot, in the remote past, from the general Athabascan stock as a whole, or 
tmm an unknown i>art of it The probability is therefore great that tliey came 
from somewhere in the vicinity of the present largest body of the ftoiily; in 
other words from the interior to the coast. Their distribution in their modem 
abodes, however. Indicates that once they were definitely within the confines 
of the Pacific region, their spread was, like that of the more southerly littoral 
division, along the coast 

Dr. Sapir, the responsible promulgator of the doctrine of Na-Dene unity, is 
Inclined to look upon the present Tlingit habitat as the most likely region in 
which the Na-Dene languages developed, Haida being an island and Atha- 
bascan an inland offshoot. Such defined localizations can at present be little 
more than guesses. But it seems u m<Mre reasonable probability that both 
Haida and Tlingit r^reaent the descendants of tribes that anciently broke 
away from the main body of their congeners in the interior and became 
Ungui8ticaUy» like coltorally, rather rapidly modified under the Influence of 
their new social environment on the coast than that the great Athabascan 
group, springing from a smaller body of which the modwn TUnglt are still moat 
directly representative, should have preserved Its extraordinary homogeneity 
through a long period und over vast stretches. Both these alternative views, 
however, agree upon an earlier movement between coast and interior and a 
later but more extensive one along the coast 


FunrriAN MovnaniTB* 

The Penutian group, which comprises the languages formerly reckoned as 
the Winton, MaldUt Bllw«^ Yokots, and Oostanoan fUnlUes, Is situated wholly 
west of the Sierra Nevada, In the great central valley of Oallfomla, which it 
occupies in a solid mass. The main axis of Its twrttory being north and south, 
the distribution is coastwise. If, as Dr. Saphr regards as probable, certain 
languages of Oregon, such as Goos and Takelma, belong with the above five, 
the longitudinal arrangement, within the Pacific slope, of the members of this 
family would be more pronounced still. The populational problem In this event 
would be whether a branch of the original Penutian fiimlly made Its separate 
way northward or southward along the coast, or whether a former long and 
narrow but continuous distribution was broken by intruding Shastan Hokan 
and Athabascan groups. In this connection the indication will be Important, If 
further study confirms it, that the five Gallfomlan Penutian divisions diverge 
linguistically in proportion to their geographical radiation from the central 
region where they are In contact 


The Hokan family Includes most of the remaining languages of the hetero- 
Keneous California area — to wit Shastan, Karok, Ghimariko, Yana, Porno. 
Bssden, Yuman, and in all likelihood Sallnan and Ohumash; to which must be 
added, as known members In Mexico, Serl and tBT away Tttquistlatecan. The 
distribution of these many Idioms is discontinuous and very Irregular In detail ; 
but although they stretch In a broken and disordered chain from Tehuantepec 
to Oregon, every language mentioned Is either actually on the shores of the 
Pacific or within Its Immediate drainage. It Is true that Dr. Sapir Is Indlned 
to unite with the family certain languages of the Atlantic seaboard — ^namely, 
those of the larger Ooahulltecan affinity recently brought together by Dr. 
Swanton: In which event transverse mlgrntfons would also have to be admitted. 


But this new and large family seems to possess a peculiar capacity for havlncr 
new members added to it as investigations progress ; and It is quite within po0» 
sibility that it may yet prove to have numerous congeners far to the north and 
south, as well as eastward. Definitive conclusions regarding this group are 
therefore particularly premature; but it is undeniable that in the momentary 
condition of knowledge, Hokan presmts every aspect of being essentially a 
Pacific family, which either once occupied a long stretch of coast that was later 
broken at numerous points by the occupations of alien immigrants, or which 
pushed, in separate bodies and at diiferent times, mainly northward or south- 
ward, until it had attained its historic spread. 


The Salisiwn family, territorially the largest, on the Powell maps, of those 
on the coast, lies wholly in Pacific drainage, but the larger part of its area is 
nevertheless in the intermountain region which ethnologically belongs to the 
culture of the plateau rather than of the Pacific coast proper. The family is, 
therefore, divided between coast and interior, and transverse movements are 
accordingly indicated. Dr. Boas believes, on archaeological as well as linguistic 
grounds, that the spread of the family was from the Interior down the Frazer 
River to its mouth, with a subsequent expansion both north and south alonir 
the coast If the Wakash shaft ultimately prove to be akin to the Salish, the 
coast division of the combined group would have increased weight relatively 
to the interior tribes ; and the coastwise dislocations would also be more exten- 
sive. Further, the primary coast coastward expansion of the Salish does not 
seem altogether certain, and a fiow up tlie Fraser is not outside the bounds of 
possibility. However, transverse as well as longitudinal movements are sure 
for this group, which is the main point in the present consideration. 


The Algonkin fragment in northern California, finally, is clearly an Isolated 
oflCshoot from a family whldi, thevgh territorially the largest in North America^ 
is not only otherwise situated wholly in Atlantic drainage, but strongly repre- 
sented on the eastern seaboard. 


To sum up this tangled array of evidence which, however foreign its lin> 
guistic basis may seem to the purpose in hand, has been introduced because 
it is, after all, the chief source of information at present available on the former 
history of the Pacific coast tribes, it appears that, as might be anticipated, 
movements of peculation have occurred between coast and interior as well as 
within the confines of the Pacific area proper ; but that on the whole those of 
the latter class preponderate. This conclusion is based on the fact that the 
extensive Athabascan and Hokan migrations or expansions have been at least 
mainly longitudinal, and the Penntian <»ies wholly so; whereas the Salishan, 
or Salish-Wakash, movement Is the <mly large-scale one that is chiefly or even 
considerably transverse. The Galifomia Shoshoneans and Algonkins, and the 
Haida and Tlingit indeed evidence transverse drifts — and, for that matter, 
specifically coastward ones— for three great fiimilies. But it is significant 
that in these cases it is always a small fragm^it that has become detached from 
its eastern interior seats and located on the coast The specialisation of the 

jjrxHBOPOijooY. 29 

YnTok-Wiyot and of the Haida-Tlingit Idioms Is also so intense that the 
separation of these offshoots most be placed in the remote past It a thousand 
years are the least that can be allowed for the entry of the southern Oalifomia 
Shoshonean on the coast, a still longer period seems donanded for the par- 
ticularity of these Algonkin and Na-Dene fragments. 

It seems highly probable, therefore, that the history of the Pacific coast 
tribes has for a long period been a record mainly of movements within a dis- 
tinctive area ; in other words, that the Pacific coast, in ancient times as now, 
formed a more ur less secluded and separate region, whose populations and 
history largely ran their own course; and that the migrations, as probably 
also the cultural influences from the Atlantic side of the continent have been 
intermittent and comparatively small in body. 

This conclusion disposes of the rat-trap or eel-pot theory, which looks upon 
the rich Pacific coast as an area which has constantly drawn the overflow from 
the barren interior without any reflux. Some measure of truth, indeed, this 
theory seons to have; but the tendoacy which it poatnlatce is indicated by the 
fticts as a subsidiary, and not a primary feature of the history of the Padfle 

The f actw of long lapses of time which has been alluded to, is one of an 
importance that must not be underestimated. The author adheres firmly to 
the Justifiability of Latham's too much neglected pronouncement regarding 
** that unproven piece of ethnological dynamics, a national migration "-4n spirit 
of course, and eqieclally with reference to the understanding of dvHiaatkm. 
Ethnology has suffered from f^w greater abuses than the ready and India* 
criminate falling back upon movements of populations to explain complex 
cultural conditions. If the writer would seem to have departed from his 
conviction in the preceding lengthy discussion of migrations, it may be said 
that he has, aftw all, done so In moderation ; since, long periods of time being 
allowed, the importance of the migration factor at any moment, or within 
any given period. Is greatly minimised. 


If now we consider the cultural elements that may be regarded as char- 
acteristic of distinctive Pacific coast civilization, it is remarkable that but for 
a very few features, and those mainly of a broad nature, they melt away before 
examination. A specific element like coiled basketry, for instance, occurs among 
certain Pacific and certain Atlantic nations, and is lacking among other tribes 
on the Pacific as well as on the Atlantic side. This element therefore runs 
across the primary line of cultural cleavage that is supposed to divide the 
Pacific from the Atlantic parts of the continent. It is even impossible to regard 
coiled basketry as an original common possession of all the meml>ers of one 
area, f^m which it has subsequently filtered to certain members of the other. 

Now this is also the precise situation for any number of other specific ele- 
ments of civilisation : for instance, totemism, that is, group totemism, for the 
designation may be denied to that vague and confusing thing called individual 
totemism; also, exogamic dans or classes; further, age societies or classes; 
masks and esoteric societies impersonating spirits; the redprocating tendency 
in kinship terms ; matrilinear descent ; the sweat house ; backed and self bows ; 
the dug-out canoe; a high development of decorative art; the construction of 
houses of wood, bark, grass, or earth ; and so on. All these elements are found 
in parts of the Pacific coast and in parts of the Atlantic area, without any of 
them bdng universal. 



A carefnl conslderatton of the rtlirtlnswhihiiig cbanictera <tf Pmdflc oosat 
civilization thus reveals only a small nunber of traits, and those nearly all 
broad tendencies rather than concrete etements. These few woirid seem to be: 
The absence of agricnltore; the lade of pottery and a iirobably correBpondlns 
elaboration of basketry ; the intrinsic social inllnenoe of wealth ; the organisa- 
tion of political life on a local rather than a tribal basis ; and a oomparatlT^ 
weak development of symbolinn and fixed ritual In religions ceremoniaL To 
these may probably be added a distinctive type of dress, and one ipedflc ele- 
ment, the lack of shields bot employment of body armor. 


The failure of the Pacific tribes lO practice agriculture might be explained 
on the ground of geographical circumstances. It Is well known that maize Is 
the basis of North American native agriculture, and that this plant does 
not flourish In the northern humid portion of the Pacific area, while even In the 
drier south, as in California, It Is for some reason comparatively little grown 
by the whites. But this explanation is as incomplete as all those that think 
to derive the workings of civilization wholly or dlrecUy from the conditions of 
land and climate. Indian com Is, after all, raised In Gallfomla. Beans thrive 
both there and farther north; and there Is nothing to prove the association 
of the two species In native Ufe to have been so close as to preclude the possi- 
bility of one being cultlvsted without the other. If drcumstances required. 
Also, com was grown In the Atlantic drainage in such a variety of environments, 
as eastern Canada and New Mexico, In which the cultivation is prosecuted at 
the very verge of possibility, that the argument of the southern Pacific area 
not being of the most suitable by nature, is plainly Insufficient 

Nor can the probably superior fertility of the Pacific coast In natural foods 
be considered the decisive reason. In the buffalo-covered prairies agriculture 
was carried on nearly to the westward limits of profitableness, and that even 
after the Introduction of the home had rendered the buffalo one of the most 
dependably abundant food supplies In the world. 

Then, too, If the Pacific coast was rich In resources, it was correepondlngly 
heavily populated. Thus, California comprises one-twentieth of the area of the 
United States, but contained at least one-tenth, perhaps one-eighth, and accord- 
ing to some authorities, nearly one-fourth of the population of the whole 
country; this, too. In spite of the fact that a considerable portion of California 
Is true desert, which was and remains most thinly iKipulated. For the region north 
of the forty-ninth parallel the disproportion between area and population was 
probably even heavier on the side of the Pacific coast Any natural advantages 
of the Pacific coast were therefore counterbalanced by the greater drain on 
them of a larger population. 

It Is plain that the explanation of this fundamental phenomenon of agricul- 
ture can not be made in any offhand manner by reference to the map. To say 
that native life on the coast was so deeply organized without agriculture that 
It resisted the importation of the art as something superfluous or even dis- 
turbing, Is probably true; but it Is not an ultimate explanation, for It leaves 
dark the causes that led to such a cast of civilization, while over the remainder 
of the continent, where climate did not absolutely forbid, another set of causes 
produced a type of culture Intimately associated with agriculture or even built 
upon it 



Bren the most fanatically wedded to the doctrine of natural influences on 
human civilization must admit that geographical environment is inadequate to 
account for the absence of pottery from the Pacific coast, for suitable clay is to 
be had almost everywhere. That pottery is in this continent intimately asso- 
ciated with agriculture is a well-lcnown fact, the distributions of the two arts 
coinciding very closely. The reasons for this association may originally have 
been merely historical — that is, accidental. The two activities once existing 
side by side in the same cultures, then became Interconnected in a thousand 
ways, until the bonds between them were almost as strongly knit as the arts 
themselves were deeply rooted. 

But a psychological explanation is also possible. Not only do both pottery 
making and agriculture involve the handling of the soil to a degree which is at- 
tained by no known activity of the Pacific coast tribes, but agriculture intro- 
duces a sessile element into life without which the use of pottery is likely to be 
largely Impracticable. Not that American tribes which did not farm were 
essentially shifting; in fact, it appears that outside of the buffalo hunters 
of the plains, no American aborigines can truly be described as nomadic. 
Some groups, those of northwestern California, for instance, were even as fully 
sesrtle as any agricultural ones. And yet the farmer, however he may follow 
other pursuits also, and however frequently he may change his fields, is in- 
evitably chained for the time being to one spot from which he may seasonally 
depart, but to which he must return ; while the fisher or hunter is bound at most 
by habit, not the engagements of necessity. Agriculture may therefore be 
viewed as introducing a new point of view, which, however, subtly and indi- 
rectly, must infiuence custom also; and these customs may be responsible for, 
or at least contributory to, the existence of pottery making. 

However, if this explanation be acc^ted as valid, its operation is neverthe- 
less imperfect, since there are two or three separate spots on the Pacific coast 
where pottery was and Is manufactured without farming being practiced. 
Southern California, which in other respects also is partly permeated by South- 
western Influence, is one of these localities. Its pottery is of the type made by 
the agricultural Yuman tribes of the Colorado Valley — a type, by the way, 
oecnring also among the nonagricultural Seri of Sonora. Thus pottery has 
here spread in two directions without the accompaniment of the sister art 
Then, a crude variety of earthenware is made over a restricted area in southerly 
Sierra Nevada^ This is so different from the Yuman pottery that it can not 
be brought into direct relation with it, and the origin of the sporadic little art 
remains completely mysterious. Finally, though they are beyond the borders 
which have been set for the Pacific coast area, the Kuskokwim and other western 
Eskimo, who are not t)eyond Pacific coast infineuces, make a ware that in its 
Inferior quality and lack of form resembles that of the southern Sierra tribes. 
This Arctic pottery Is a local substitute for the steatite of which the Eskimo 
elsewhere makes his lamps and cooking dishes, and which may prove to be 
unobtainable on the spots in question. But again this negative Inducement 
alone does not account for the origin of the art itself. 

It may be added that Just as ancient pottery is found substantially over the 
same portions of Atlantic America in which it is made by recent tribes, it is 
totally lacking from the Pacific coast, except in southern California, where the 
depth to which it occurs in shell deposits has not yet been determined. The 
much scanter evidence as to agriculture points in the same direction, so that at 
least in these features, as presumably in others, the line of cleavage between 


the Atlantic and Pacific sides of the continent, however great or little Its sig- 
nificance, is a fairly old ona 

A possible misconception must also be guarded against with reference to the 
statement that a richer development of basketry compensates for the lack of 
pottery on the Pacific coast This does not mean that pottery and basketry 
are mutually exclusive. In fact, baskets are made nearly everywhere. But 
there is also no doubt that they are made in a greater variety of forms and 
wealth of technique, not to speak of a more highly developed art, and that they 
are put to a more manifold use and enter more abundantly into life on the 
Pacific coast than among tribes that also manufacture pottery. It is worthy 
of note that the only tribes iu Atlantic drainage that do not make baskets are 
those that also make no pots, replacing both by readily procured vessels of 
birch bark or skin. 


Wealth is undoubtedly a far greater factor In the culture of the Pacific coast 
than anywhere else on the continent, but while it enters In some measure into 
all phases of life, its influence is so pervading as to be difficult of formulation. 
In the north the potlatch and allied institutions give full expression to the 
factor; but even among the poor and rude tribes of central Calif ornia there 
prevails an avarice that seems strange to one whose first experience with 
native culture has been gained east of the Rocky Mountains. The chief, or, 
rather, the man of infiuence and position, is not the man of courage or record 
in war, but the man of property. A poor chief is as unthinkable to the Indian 
of California as to the Indian of Puget Sound or Queen Charlotte Islands. 

Specific manifestations of the use of iHroperty may not be very different on 
the two sides of the continent Shell currency was prized everywhere and 
marriage by purchase prevailed among most tribes. But it may fairly be said 
that the possession of native money did not convey nearly the distinction or 
authority among the eastern tribes as among the western ones; and that pur- 
chase of the bride was largely a form, a custom to be fulfilled — ^like a church 
wedding in a population whose law recognizes only the dvil formality — on the 
Atlantic and in the interior, while on the Pacific it was actually a oommercial 
transaction as well as the establishment of a personal and family connection. 

The predominance of the element of wealth may fairly be said to be similar, 
in degree, though different in form of manifestation, on the Pacific coast of 
Nortti America and in the culturally linked continents of Africa, Europe, Asia, 
and Oceania, whereas the remainder of the American Continent and Australia 
stand apart It is possible that we have in this matter an evidence of Old 
World infiuence on Pacific America. But this conclusion may not be hastily 
assumed, for it is conceivable that the Pacific coast may owe its tendendea 
as regards wealth not so much to any actual connections with the BSastem 
Hemisphere as to a mere aloofness from the course of civilization in the 
remainder of America, which, whatever its origins and the source of its indi- 
vidual elements, clearly represents on the whole an independent development 
and a consequent distinctive cast. In other words, the Pacific coast may 
have merely negatived a negative tendency of American culture as a whole, 
so far as the factor of wealth is concerned, or have developed without material 
change of direction an original simple basis of culture imported from the Old 
World into the new, while the much more interconnected remainder of the 
continent specialized along new routes. In the present state of knowledge it 
would be rash to decide between the alternatives. 



Another rather subtle distinction is to be found in political organisation. 
There is apparently not a single tribe, in the strict sense of the word, on the 
Pacific coast To be sure, the tribe, even in eastern America, is far firom being 
always a fixed entity with a definite community consciousness. But, however 
tribes fluctuated, split off, or merged, there seems nearly always to have been 
some feeling in the East for a permanent unit larger than the village settle- 
ment and something more than an aggregation of people of similar speech and 
custom; in other words, a political unit The same sense of the political is 
evinced In the numerous confederacies, of which the league of the Iroquoifl 
was merely the most successful in historic times, and which, however unstable 
and feeble in actuality, nevertheless r epre s e nted an effort that is without 
parallel on the Pacific coast. 

From Alaska to California there does not appear to have been a group that 
could be designated as a political unit, other than what It is usual to call the 
village ; that is, the settlement on the spot These villages may often have been 
In a state of neutrality toward each other, or even linked by peaceful trade, 
intermarriage, and participation in each other's ceremonies and festivals; but 
they were linked like nntlons of the civilized world, whose intercourse, however 
intimate, friendly, and long enduring, is always as It were in a condition of 
suspense, because built on nothing more than the occasions of the moment, the 
states being irreconcilable units. So. on the Pacific coast, adjacent villages of 
the same speech and Identical customs were likely to engage in desperate 
struggles; and if such conflicts occurred more frequently between settlements 
of variant habits or language, such was an extrinsic accident, and did not alter 
the principle involved. In the East such events also took place ; but there seems 
always to have been an attitude toward them which may fairly be described 
as akin to that which we entertain toward civil war. So, if Pacific villages 
united against a common enemy. It was In an alliance for a specific and ipso 
facto temporary purpose, in which each settlement no more dreamed of abdicat- 
ing any fraction of Its absolute autonomy than civilized nations renounce sov* 
ereignty when they contract treaties or Join against a foe. 

It is significant In this connection that, with the far greater imiwrtance at- 
taching to wealth on the Pacific coast, there is no record in this region of any 
Imposition of tribute such as was at limes enforced in the Bast. The economic 
status of the Pacific coast was such that tribute would have been far more 
practicable and profitable; the political organization that mi^thave brought 
about the payment of tribute was lacking. 

To the eye of the traveler there may have been little or no dilferenco per- 
ceptible l)«tween the two sides of the continent; but there can be no doubt 
that there was a diversity in the spirit of the cultures on this point The one 
people had some rudiments of a sense of the political beyond that dependent 
on a c<»mmon habitation ; the other was entirely without. 

It is this contract thut was alluded to as being Id causal connection with the 
greater linguistic variety of the Pacific coast. 

Olfl World conditions, except perhaps among the oppressed and lowly tribes 
of the Sil)erlan tundra, aeeni on the whole to have inclined rather to the state 
of the Atlantic tribes; so that In this point it is the Pacific coast peoples that 
were siHK'Iallzed ; and any argument derived from their economic institutions, 
as to a historical connection between them and Asia, Is correspondingly 



The religious ceramonles of the Pacific coast peoples are certainly us complex 
as those of the eastern tribes ; in fact, often bewildering in their intricacy and 
the wealth of paraphernalia used. Yet these nations appear to possess in a 
much less developed form a tendency that may be designated as spedflcally 
ritualistic, or rltually symbolic. It Is again necessary to admit some lack of 
precision in formulation ; but an inclination can not be as compactly named as 
a feature, or a pervading influence confined in a phrase like an element. 

It may be objected that a totem pole or funerary figure is as symbolic as a 
sand painting ; yet the motives that lead to the erection of one are quite funda- 
mentally different from those that are responsible for the making of the other, 
and it is the sand painting that is produced from a greater share of the Impulse 
that finds expression In ritual. The Pacific coast abounds In sacred spots, but 
it scarcely possesses one true altar; and the widespread eastern Idea of the 
bundle, whether it take the form of a Zufil ettonne or of the Mandan ark, seems 
to be totally absent from the minds of the Pacific peoples. 

in the ceremonies of the latter nations the idea of personal prestige of the 
participant enters frequently. In Atlantic drainage the prestige is present but 
scarcely sought, and the performer's attitiide toward his religious act generally 
of the humblest 

Pacific coast ceremonies of a public type have as their normal avowed pur- 
pose the benefit of an individual or a group of individuals, or the preserva- 
tion or increased productivity of the world at large; eastern ceremonies, even 
where the pretext of their occasion Is the health of a person, as with the sun 
dance and the night chant, are usually thought to be necessary to the welfare 
also of the community, the tribe. Thus mourning and Initiation ceremonies 
for individuals prevail along the shores of the western ocean, and rituals of 
the type of the green com dance of the Southeast, the sun dance of the in- 
terior, the Kachlna, Snake, and Shallako performances of the Southwest are 
wanting. This distinction Is doubly significant in view of the numerous con- 
crete parallels between the northern part of the Pacific coast and the South- 
west in the masked impersonation of gods and spirit animals. 


As regards clothing, it Is noticeable that the man*s dress through the greater 
part of the continent, in spite of infinite variations of fashion and a frequent 
discarding of attire in whole or part, is clearly based on the breechcloth 
drawn between the legs, the full-length legging or seatless trousers, and the 
sleeved shirt or coat, with the draped robe or togalike blanket as an external 
addition. The woman's dress, In most cases, is a form of the full-length gown, 
sleeved or sleeveless, according to circumstances. 

On the Pacific coast the breechcloth tends rather to be an accident. Both 
leggings and coat occur almost wholly among peoples influenced by Interior 
tribes, and the fundamental article of male dress is the cape or loose cloak; 
while for women the hip skirt, or single or double apron, is standard, with the 
cloak added according to need. 

Interpretation of the cultural or environmental significance of these dis- 
tinctions would probably be dubious at present. 


If now we apply to Mexico the touchstone of these differences between the 
Atlantic and Pacific sides of the northern part of the continent, It Is obvious 


that the culture of the southern region agrees In practically every consideratiOD 
with that of the Atlantic peoples. The cause of this may be, as Dr. Boas and 
others have suggested, a spread of clyllizatlonal influence from middle America 
through the southwest to the plains and southeast, and ultimately to the north- 
east and plateaus. Migrations are of course unnecessary to assume, waves or 
gradual infiltrations of culture being amply sufficient, with the lengths of time 
involved, to account for the ph^iomena. On the other hand, a general more or 
less uniform Atlantic-Mexican primitive culture might have arisen to heights 
of specialization In the south, and lagged behind on the north and east, witli- 
ont notable flow of elements from one region into the other ; or both processes 
may have been at work. It is not germane to the present Inquiry to decide 
this interesting problem. But if Mexico belongs with the Atlantic drainage It 
becomes clear in the present connection that the aloofness of the Pacific coast 
is even greater than was at first postulated. This northwestern area Is not 
only a small fraction of the northern part of the continent, it is an exceptional 
minority toward the whole continent ; possibly toward the double continent as 
a unit. The Pacific coast might almost be characterized as un-American in the 
type and direction of its civilization. 


To avoid misconception it is perhaps well to state that this formulation of dis- 
tinctness is arrived at in spite of the already admitted community of innumera- 
ble specific items of culture between the Pacific coast and the ronalnder of 
America. The relation Is somewhat parallel to that which obtains between 
Melanesia and Polynesia, which even to the casual observer reveal endless 
similarities that detailed analysis only Increases, but whose cultures neverthe- 
less bear a recognizably distinct color. 

Still more unique, of course, is the native dvUization of Australia as set 
against those of Oceania and Asia. In fact, Australia and America are the two 
areas that are culturally so distinctive that the civilization of all the rest of the 
world must be taken as a unit to match them in the depth of their separate- 
ness. And yet Australia is not without a considerable body of institutions 
and attainments that are found in Oceania and that have probably reached 
it from the Oceanic archipelagoes. The material of culture may have been 
largely Imported into Australia; but the form which culture took there r^re- 
8ents in the main a separate development. 

So, too, specific connections between ancient Mesopotamia and Egypt may 
be traceable, without a thorough difference of type of civilization in the two 
countries having been hindered thereby. Hindu Influences have penetrated 
into the Mediterranean area and into China, and European ones into India and 
eastern Asia ; yet it is unquestionable that three great centers and coordinate 
types of civilization prevail and long have prevailed in the Eurasian conti- 
nent — those of the Mediterranean, the Indian, and the Chinese world. 

No historian would any longer attempt to understand the civilization of 
Greece without reference to the older Mediterranean, Asiatic, and Egyptian 
elements that underlie it But the historian who, on the other hand, should at- 
tempt to explain Hellenism merely by an ordered collection of such various 
alien items, plus additional ones first devised on native soil, would be far from 
having grasped or defined Greek culture. 

To employ an analogy, civilizations are like organisms, which incorporate 
countless pieces of other organic material, not by mechanical aggregation but 
by assimilation, thus attaining or retaining their own proper entity and organic 


form. The analysis of culture into its elements and the tracing back of these 
indlTidual units must be the first task of the ethnologist, as of the historian. 
These lines are not intended in any spirit of slight upon this wholly indis- 
pensable labor. But it must be recognised, too, that such analysis and juxtapo- 
sition are not the whole of the work of the historian. 

It is in this sense that the cultures of the Pacific coast and of the remainder 
of North America are here divided. Tlieir spirit (to employ a much-abused 
word), their organic form (to use a metaphor), their outlook, and the direction 
of their development are deeply different ; so far, at least, that the line of deav- 
age between them is the most marked that can be observed in the native civili- 
sation of the continent 

It may seem that in this division the plateau region has been definitely in- 
cluded in the Atlantic area. This is certainly not the intent of the foregoing 
argument Viewed from the coast, the plateau cultures unquestionably appear 
very uncharacteristically Pacific in typa Regarded from an Atlantic seaboard 
or even Plains point of view, they may seem equally or even more uneastern, 
and in that sense to possess correspondingly strong Pacific affiliations. The 
purpose of this es.^ny is, however, to characterise types of culture, not to mark 
off their geographic limits ; to understand, as well as is possible, the underlying 
motives of two deeply contrasting social attitudes, not to draw a line on the 
map. The people west of the coast ranges lives in one civilization, those east 
and south of the Rockies in another. Whether the boundary of demarcation fol- 
low one of these mountain systems or the other, or be itself a transitional belt 
of some width, as seems a Juster formulation, is, however important in other 
connections, an immaterial detail in the present consideration. 


It remains to ask whether, if the culture of the Pacific coast is un-American 
in the sense discussed, it can be said to be Asiatic or Old World in type. In 
some respects, such as political orpinizntion and the absence of agriculture, 
certainly not ; in others, like the rOle of wealth and a low development of sym- 
bolic ritualism, as clearly yes. But even if it be concluded that the Pacific coast 
shows more approaches than eastern and southern America to the Old World — 
and this seems to be far from established— there exists undoubtedly a still wider 
gap between the Old World as a whole on one side and America as a unit on 
the other than between the two portions of the western continent The Pacific 
coast is not primarily a cultural extension of Asia into America. 

In tlie light of this consideration, the conclusions formulated in recent years, 
largely as the result of the Jesup expeditions under the direction of Dr. Boas, 
reach their balance. That there has been an unforeseen and important ex- 
change of ideas and factors of culture between northeast Asia and northwest 
America, and perhaps more largely into Asia than from it. is established. But 
this does not make the two regions a single-culture area. The substratum as 
well as the general aspect of the civilization of eastern Siberia is fundamentally 
Asiatic in spite of the American dements it contains; and that in an entire 
parallel manner the civilization of the north Pacific coast is essentially American 
in the wider sense, in spite of its profound specialization, it has been one object 
of the preceding pages to maintain. 

Dr. Bogoras, for instance, has shown that the mythology of the northerist 
Siberians is full of ideas and episodes that are the common property of the 
American tribes of the Pacific coast The value of this investigation is not 
to be slighted, but the consequent inference which has sometimes been made 


that Chukchi and Koryak traditional lore is American rather than Asiatic in 
character has always seemed to the author, and no douht to others, a ml0- 
welghtlng of Judgment The mythology of these tribes had simply been 
approached, as regards its historical appurtenance, from a single ix>int of 

Subsequently Dr. Waterman, in a study entirely concerned with other prob- 
lems and therefore free from any suspicion of partiality, found that among 
North American tribes the percentage proportion of traditions containing 
some explanatory element averaged 40, ran as high as 71, and never fell 
below 19; while among the Bsldmo it attained only to 17, among the Chukchi 
to 9, and with the neighboring Koryak to 4. Here was a study concerned 
with a tendency or general trait, and the evidence pointed in the <^poslte 
direction from that of Dr. Bogoras. The Asiatic tribes are separated from 
the American ones by a wide difference, and the figures for the Elskimo, the 
American cast of whose culture has been already denied, confirm the denial, 
on this point at least, and group them with the two Siberian nations. It 
may be suspected that if Dr. Waterman's study were to be extended to more 
southerly or interior peoples of Asia the data to l>e revealed would substan- 
tially accord with those for the east Siberians and ESskimo and would defi- 
nitely pronounce these pseudo-American peoples, so far as concerns the char- 
acter of their mythology, Asiatic; while as yet it is only demonstrated that 
they are non-American. 

In short, in the material of their mythology the Chukchi and the Haida may 
have more in common than the former have with the nations of central Asia 
or the latter with those of the interior of America; but in form the Chukchi 
and the Haida mythology are wide apart, the former people presumably 
linking *rather with Manchu, Samoyed, and Turks, the latter with Black- 
feet, Iroquois, and Hopi. The American tribes, then — always with the ex- 
ception of the Bsklmo — are a definite unit, which is limited to their conti- 
nent, and any grouping within America, as between the Pacific and the Atlantic 
sides, is clearly subsidiary. 

There does not seem to be any completed ^dy which expresses the 
relations of other phases of culture for the areas in question in the useful 
statistical shape in which Dr. Waterman has summed up the situation for 
one aspect of mythology. But there are enough indications which will rise 
In the mind of every investigator as impressions, to render it probable that 
exact Inquiries as to the form or character or tendencies of civilization, as 
opposed to its concrete material or elements — ^in order words, inquiries dii^^cted 
rather to the internal relations, the organization or associations, than the 
contents of culture — ^will abundantly confijrm this one available fragment of 
quantitative evidence. In this sense there can be little doubt that the civi- 
lization of Asia, including perhaps that of the Eskimo, is one great unit per- 
meated by a common spirit, and that of America, but with the certain exclusion 
of the Bsklmo, another; and that within American civilization, at least in 
North America, the first subdivision must be made between the nations on the 
narrow fringe of coast from Alaska to California and those in the far more 
extensive remainder of the continent. 

68486— 17— VOL i 4 





Director del Mu$eo Binogrdflco de la FaouUad de PUoiofia y Letras de fa t7fit- 

ver9idad Nadanal de BuemoB A4re9. 

El distinguido arquedlogo Sr. Hiram BlDgham ha tenido la feliz idea de 
publlcar en el American Anthropologist los tipos de alfarerfa hallados en su 
magnlflca ezploraci6n de la Giudad Precolonibiana de Machu Pichu. 

En nneBtraa excavadones de Pnkarft de TUcara hemoi hallado Tasoe del 
tlpo Aryballo que Uamamoe m&s propiamente Apodos, ollas de pi6 central d^ 
tipo 2 annqne eacaaea, vaao de doa asaa mAa o menoa del tipo 4 y S, omas del 
tipo 7 y 8 y pliitoe omitomorfos del tipo 11 y algAn yuro o Jug del tipo 18 A, 
18 H pero loa que rnlla Haman la atenci6n son los que son parecidos al tipo que 
el Seflor Bingham ha llamado Pelike y sua formas derivadaa. 

Bstoe tienen diveraos tamafios entre 15 a 80 oentimetros de alto, general- 
mente de superflcie pullda y pintados de negro sobre rojo, annque hay algunos 
negroB oon grabadoa prImitiToa alrededor dA coello.. Noaotroa hemoa llamado 
a estos vaaoa de aaaa verticalea que en algunos arrancan del horde miamo como 
en los tipoB preaentadoa por el Sr. Bingham. 2. Son loa mfts elegantea vaaoa 
dada la oolocaci6n de laa asaa un poco debajo del horde y sobre la parte 
auperior del cuerpo y si no fuera por el horde que ea muy ancho ae parecerfa 
mfts al verdadero peiike, 

BSn eate tipo todos decorados hay una gran variedad de fonnas como puede 
Terse por las series adjuntas pero la colocacidn de las asas es invariaMe y este 
es un carftcter que se v4 que es constante y vale la pena de Rer tenido en cuenta ; 
las piezaa mayorea Uegan a 26 centfmetros. 

El tercer tipo es tambito muy cnracterfstlco, la forma del vaso es m&s 
propiamente la de la uma pero las asas colocadas casi en la forma de los del 
tlpo anterior aunque algo m^ abajo tienen un tub^rculo saliente dirigido hacia 
arriba lo que le da un aspecto muy bonito ; tenemos dos ejemplares oon tamafios 
extremoa 0.80 de alto y 0.10. 

El cuarto tipo es parecido al tipo pelike D pero con las asas colocadas m&s 
abaJo tambito se hallan decorados en una forma muy estilizada. 

He querido adelantar eatos dates a la publicaci6n de la obra que contendrft 
el rqjsultado de nuestras excavaciones en ese lugar de la Quebrada o Valle d« 
Humahuaca que estft situado en la parte norte de la RepObllca Argentina y es 
la puerta que noa conduce a Bolivia. 

AIM encontramos una gran poblacidn cerca del actual pueblo de Tilcara cuyas 
ruinas excavamoe con toda prolijidad extrayendo un gran material que aer& 
ilustrado en breve. 

La alfarerfa que allf hallamoa difiere de la de Tipo Calchaquf; es de otro 
material, otra tunica y otro tipo de omamentaci6n aunque algunos de los ele- 
mentOB sean los mismos pero m&s estiUzadoe, esto ya lo hloe constar en el 
Gongreso de Americanistas de Buenos Aires. Los tipos que hoy presento son 
sdlo una parte de los que hemes hallado allf pero como creo que tiene algdn 
parecido con los presentados por el Sr. Bingham me apresuro a dar cuenta de 
ellos al CSongreso, haciendo notar de paso la gran variedad que existe en toda 
la alfarerfa americana, en la que cada pieza tiene algo de personal lo que hace 
sumamente diffcil su clasiflcaci6n per tipos. 

The Chairman. Permit me to say one word respecting this paper. 
Dr. Ambrosetti, as director of the ethnological museum, of the 

Joan B. Ambniiittl 

JuanB AmbiDStui 


faculty of philosophy and letters at Buenos Aires, has in his charge 
wonderfully rich collections, of the work in clay, stone, and metal 
of the ancient peoples of northwestern Argentina, representing ap- 
parently an extension to the south of the Inca culture of Peru. The 
work is really marvelous for people of that period, and Dr. Ambro- 
setti is its most learned exponent 

The following papers, owing to the absence of the authors, were 
read by title: 

Las curvas del crecimiento ffsico del escolar de La Paz, by Georges 

Humanizing the sciences of man, by Charles F. Lummis. 

Estudio sobre los apellidos en Chile, by Luis Thayer Ojeda. 

Signos mongoloides en algunoe tipos £tnicos del altiplano andino, 
by Arthur Posnansl^. 

The origin of the Indians of Central and Sonth America, by Jos* 
Angel Capar6 y Pires. 

Lexicology of the GK>ds of the Incas, by Jos* Angel Capar6 y 




Direeior General de In9tn»cci&n PiibUca de BoUvia, 


El desarroUo flslco del niflo obedece a leyes flsiol6gica8 cuyas manifSesta- 
ciones se presentan bajo aspectos muy sensiblemente idtoticos en los sujetos de 
la misma rasa que habitan en el mismo medio. Resnlta pues que, si se tienen 
en caenta las manifestaciones del crecimiento en series de snjetos de la mlsma 
raza y del mismo medio, resnlta poslble reduclr a un t^rmino medio todas las 
obeervaciones tomadas y fijar etapas del desarroUo flislco de un indlviduo ideal 
que representaHk la norma de la raza. 

Beta norma, una vez establedda cientfficamente permite las comimraciones 
y autorlsa a determlnar si nn nifio est& o no normalmente desarrollado desde 
el panto de vista fXsico, sea en el conjnnto, o sea a propOsito de ciertas medidas 
de importanela vital, tales como los di&metros y las circonferencias tor&xicas, 

ru6 Qnetelet, sabio belga, el primero que, en 1836, se ocnp6 de establecer 
curvas de crecimiento. Sn investigaci6n se limits solamente al peso y a la talla, 
y establedd curvas para la raza belga, desde hasta 90 alios. Bste trabajo no 
tnvo nlngnna resonancia cnando fad publlcado. y fa4 necesarlo esperar hasta 
1877, 4poca en la cnal se hizo la segnnda edicidn, para que los grandes principles 
de /Moo 90cidl ennnciados por Qnetelet, fueran apreciados en sn verdadero 
valor. Fad en la misma dpoca, qae coincldld con la organlzacl^'n de la ciencia 
del nifio o Paldologfa, cuando comenzaron a aparecer en dlferentes pafses 
estndios sistemdticos y experimentales sobre el crecimiento del nifio. Blen 
pronto los gdbiemos se preocaparon de hacer estndiar, por comisiones ad-hoc. 


el desarrollo ffeico de sus escolares y de establecer las curvas del credmlento 
normal para la rasa, si no con nn fin Ueno de cnrloaldad clentffica, en vista de 
Uegar a establecer un conjnnto de medtdaa de higiene y de edncaddn enca- 
minadas a mejorar la pujanza ffsica de la rasa. Bntre las comisiooes nacionales 
cuyos trabajos tienen una Importnncla considerable, conviene cltar las comisiones 
sanitarias de Zemstvos en Rusia que trabajaron bajo la direccl6n del profesor 
Brismann, de 1870 a 1886 y que midieron m&s de den mil su jetos ; la comisUSn 
sneca presidida por Axel Key que ha ezaminado cerca de velnte mil nifios de 
los dos sexos, en 1885, y la Oomlsi^n danesa presidida por Hertel que examinO 
80,000 nifios en 1886 a 1887, etc. 

Adem6s existen numerosos trabajos practicados a inidatlva de los antro- 
p61ogos y que ban sido realizados con el apoyo de las autoridades administra- 
tivas. Esos son los trabajos de Bowditch sobre 24000 escolares de Boston en 
1877, de Pagliani en Turin, en 1876, de Roberts en Londres en 1879, de Thoma 
en Heidelberg de 1879 a 1881, de Qeiszler y Ulitzsch en Alemania en 1890» de 
Porter en San Luis, de Boas en Worcester, de Mac Donald en Washington, de 
Hoesch en Zurich, de Variot y Ohaumet en Paris, etc., etc. 

Todas estas investigaciones tienen un valor pr&ctico puramente local y no 
puede ser cuesti^n de utilizarlas en Bolivia para darnos luz sobre el desarroUo 
individual de nuestros escolares. Debemos pues establecer nuestras curvas 
normales de creclmiento, y en vista de los numerosos medios fisicos y de la 
existencia de varios grupos 4tnicos, constituir las curvas normales para cada 
uno de esos medios y para cada uno de esos tipos ^tnicos en cada medio. 

Lo que se impone en primer lugar es el estableclmlento de curvas normales 
de credmlento para lo que constituye el elemento escolar de nuestras escuelas 
primarias en nuestras grandes dudades. Debemos establecer las curvas del 
escolar primario de La Paz, Sucre, Oochabamba, Oruro, Potosf, Santa Cruz, 
Tarija y Trinidad. Mds tarde estableceremos las curvas relativas a los co- 
legiales y universitarios. 

Esas curvas nos permitlrAn poner en evidencia — ^y es aquf donde podremos 
utilizar los trabajos realizados en el extranjero — ^las caracterfsticas de la raza, 
adquiridas probablemente por la vlda en los medios especiales. Ellas per- 
mitirdn ignalmente orientar el trabajo del educador desde el punto de vista 
general, trabajando por el mejoramiento de la raza, y en los cases particulares, 
desde el punto de vista individual, haciendo conocer para combatirlos, los 
puntos d^biles en el desarroUo. 

En el presente trabajo establecemos las curvas normales del escolar de las 
escuelas fiscales de La Paz. 


(a) DUpoaiciones gencralea. — ^En nuestro programa de investigaciones con- 
cernientes al desarroUo ffsico del escolar boliviano, nos hemes colocado 
esencialmente en el punto de vista de las aplicaciones pedag6gicas, dejando a 
un lado, por el momento, lo que ofrece un inters puramente antropoldgico. 

La ficha que hemes preparado, comprende ante todo una serie de indlcaciones 
generales concernientes al sujeto que debe ser examinado, y son: ndmero de 
orden; nombre y apellido; fecha exacta del nacimiento; edad; lugar del 
nacimiento; raza; sexo; color del cabello; color de los ojos; enfermedades 
anteriores del sujeto; localidad; estableclmlento de instrucci6n; nombre del 
padre ; profesi6n del padre ; edad del padre ; nombre de la madre ; profesi6n de 
la madre ; edad d^ la madre ; fecha de la consignaci6n de los dates anteriores. 

Estas indicadones deben ser llenadas por el instructor del nifio bajo el 
control inmediato del director del estableclmlento. En una circular que hemoa 
acompafiado al envio de las fichas impresas, se ha recomendado a los instruc- 


tores coDsigiiar tLnicamente datos cuya exactitud est^ absolutamente com- 
probada. Para consignar fecha del nacimiento del nlfio, se ha recomendado 
exiglr la partida de bautlsmo, pnes la edad exacta del nlfio es en efecto el 
elemento sobre el cual elevamos todas nueetras concluslones. Las otras Indlca- 
dones tleneu especlalmente por fin descartar de nuestros t^rmlnoB medlos: 
1*, los sojetos no bollvianoe o nacidos de padres que no son bolivianos ; 2*, los 
sujetos nacidos en Bolivia coyos padres se han declarado bolivianos, pero qne 
tlenen un orlgen extranjero blen neto por el color muy claro de los cabellos 
o de los ojos; 3*, los sujetos anormales, porque han nacldo de padres muy 
vlejos o que han sufrldo enfermedades graves y largas, que han determlnado 
fotalmente un retraso en el desarrollo normal. 

Los sujetos sometldos a las medlciones son pues tinicamente bolivianos que 
pertenecen a la raza blanca m&a o menos omestizada y de un desarrollo flslco 
que no es anormal. 

Para facllltar los c&lculos hemos decidido tomar para cada media edad, 
desde los 6 a los 14 alios, grupos de 20 sujetos, lo que constltuye para cada 
centro de investigacidn, un conjunto de 860 nlfios. Los grupos de 20 Indl- 
vlduos son sufidentes para obtener t^rminos medlos exactos. 

Queda entendido que la investigaci6n debe ser completada luego sobre los 
nlfios de a 6 afioa y sobre los Jdvenes de 14 a 21, y por medidas tomadas 
sobre las nlfias. 

La limitad6n del nfimero de sujetos medldos en cada edad, permite ser 
m&a exigmite en cuanto a la exactitud de la edad, lo que en Bolivia es un 
gran problema, vista la carencla de registro civil. Por otra parte, permite 
hacer las medlciones por el mismo operador y con los mlsmos aparatos, lo 
que es una garantfa de exactitud y una condicl6n indispensable para hacer 
comparadones entre las curvas obtenidas entre los diversos medlos escolares 
del pals. 

Bleccidn de medidat. — B*uera de la talla y del peso, un gran nfimero de 
medidas pueden ser tomadas para establecer las curvas de la evolucl6n de las 
propordones del cuerpo de nuestros esoolares. Es necesario saberse limltar 
y eleglr las medidas m&s caracterlsticas. Hemes resuelto eleglr las medidas 
stgoientes para la altura : talla de pie ; conducto auditive ; altura del acromio ; 
eztremidad del medius; altura de la horquilla esternal; altura del ap^ndice; 
xifoides ; altura del borde del gran trocanter ; talla sentada. 

A estas medidas, hemos agregado los slguientes didmetroM: 

Gabeca: di&metro anteroposterior; dlAmetro transverse. 

T6rax: di&metro anteroposterior medio; di&metro transverso medio; di&- 
iiietro biacromlal. 

En fin, hemos completado las medidas con las slguientes drcunferenclas : 

Clrcunferenda de la cabeza ; t6rax : drcunferenda media axllar ; drcunferen- 
cia media a la altura de los pesones; clrcunferenda media xifoesternaL 

Brazo: drcunferenda m&xlma del antebraso; drcunferenda minima del 
ant^razo ; espesor del mtlsculo. 

Esta eleccl6n nos permite obtener por deducdones una serie de medidas 
importantes, tales como estas; altura del enc^falo; largo del brazo; largo 
del estem6n ; largo de la piema ; altura del tronco. 

Todas estas medidas son de naturalesa capaz de dar indlcaciones precisas 
sobre las propordones de las dlversas partes del cuerpo de nuestros mlfios. Esta- 
bieoeremos los t^mlnos medlos normales para cada edad. 

Pero, de otra parte, la elecd6n de estas medidas permite obtener el volumen 
aproximativo de las mases viscerates m&s importantes y la relacidn de esas 


masas entre ellas. Estas relaciones presentan un gran interns. He aqaf las 
princlpales relaciones encontradas : 

Relacidn entre el volumen del tronco y el volumen del enc4falo. — ^Los tllA- 
metros antero-posterior y transverso del tronco, de una parte, y la altura d^l 
tronco (de la orquiUa estemal al borde del gran troc&nter), de otra parte, 
multiplicadas entre sf, nos dan la cubicacl6n aproximatlva del tronco, es 
decir, de la masa de los 6rgano6 que presiden a la vida vegetativa: aparatos 
dlgestivo, respiratorio, circulatbrio, sistema nervioso inferior. Los di&nietros 
ceffilicos de una parte y la altura cefAlica (distancia del v^rtice al bordo del 
conducto auditivo), de otra parte, multipllcados entre sf nos dan la cubicaci6n 
aproximatlva del enc€falo es dedr del aparato que preside a todas las opera- 
clones intelectuales. 

La relacidn entre esos dos cubos es, segt&n el Dr. Godin (el antrop6logo que 
ha estudiado mfts los fen6menos del crecimiento), de 20 a 23 en el nlAo bien 
equilibrado, en el momento de la pubertad. Ejsa misma relaci6n es de 74 
en los reci^n nacldos, y de allf disminuye paulatinamente hasta la cifra media 
de 20 a 23. 

Resulta pues de aquf que esa relaci<)n es excesivameute Importante y que hay 
lugar de establecer las cifras medias para nuestros escolares con el fin de 
determinar cu&les son los que deben ser sometldos a un regimen fortificante 
general, pues el trabajo del cerebro no puede hacerse en buenas condiciones y 
llegar a ser fecundo, sino cuando los aparatos de la vlda vegetatlva poseen un 
desarroUo y un funcionamiento normal. 

Cubicacidn de la caja tordxica. — ^Los dlAmetros anteroposterior y trans- 
verso del tronco multipllcados por la altura del esterndn, dan la cubicaci6n 
aproximatlva de la caJa tor&xica. Ese cubo presenta una importanda enorme, 
por ser la caJa tor Ax lea el asiento de los 6rganos de la puriflcaci6n de la 
sangre y de su vivificaddn. El desarrollo de los pulraones est& estrechamente 
ligado con el desarrollo general. El cubo de la caja torftxlca de cada uifio ser& 
comparado con el t^rmino medio normal obtenido sobre los escolares bolivianos. 

El indice de vitalidad. — ^La circunferencia media de la caja torAxica tomada 
al nivel de los pezones es segAn (Goldstein y Houk4, generalraente un poco 
inferior a la mitad de la talla. Esta relacidn, llamada fndice de vltalldad, 
es en general mAs elevada en los individuos que ofrecen una resistencia ffsica 
a las enfermedades y especialmente a la tuberculosis pulmonar. 

Desarrollo muMcular. — ^El primer dato que se nos suministra sobre el desa- 
rrollo muscular se obtiene por la presidn mAxima hecha en diferentes pruebas 
Bobre el dinam6metro. 

Una segunda indicacidn nos es suministrada por el espesor del tejido muscular 
con relacidn a la longitad de los miembros, es decir, la valuacidn "de la 
pujanza del mAsculo en relacidn con la longitud del brazo, considerado como 
palanca." (Dr. Godin.) La diferencia entre las drconferencias mAxima y 
minima del antebrazo, da una medida sufidentemente ezacta del espesor del 
mtisculo en este lugar. Este dato se pone en relacidn con la longitud total 
del mlembro superior, del acromio a la extremidad del medius. 

La talla aentado. — ^Una palabra atin acerca de esta tSltima medida. Es 
sufleiente hacer una vista a no importa cuAl de nuestros establedmentos de 
instrucddn, para darse caenta de que los alumnos se slentan muy mal para 
eacribir, asf como para escuchar, y este defecto es debido en gran parte a la falta 
de adaptaddn de los bancos a la talla de los alnmnos. 

Es la talla sentado que permlte determinar las dimensiones del banco-pupftre 
que convlene al nifio. La prActica ha demostrado que, un pupitre bien adaptado 


puede servir todo un alio a un nifio, sin que sea necesario modiflcar aqufi. Bs 
iDdispensable, pnes, tener en nnestros almacenes escolares, series gradvadas de 
bancos pupitres, correspondlentes a las etapas de desarrollo ttsico de nnestros 
escolares, a fln de poder dar al comienao del alio a cada nno lo que le oonyiene 
segdn el desarrollo de sn talla. Mejor todavfa serfa poner en uso el pugntre 
normal, Uamado asf porque se adapta slempre a la talla del nifio. 

Mcdidas flaioldgicat, — ^La ficha Impresa reserva un sitio destinado a inscrlbtr 
los resultados de la medida de la aculdad de los sontidos y del examen dlnamo- 

Medida de la acuidad de los sentidos. — Hemes tornado ]as medidas de las 
acuidades visual y audit! va, que son las que presentan especial men te una 
importancia considerable para la distribucidn de lugares en la sala de clase. 
Es indudable que los nifios que presentan acuidades auditiyas o visuales redu- 
cidas, deben ser colocados sobre los primeros bancos de la clase. Por otra 
parte, los nifios en los cuales se descnbre una vista anormal, deben ser noti- 
ficadoe a fln de que sns padres puedan someterlos al examen de un especialista 
y para que usen lentes apropiados. Serfa interesante llevar mAs a fondo el 
examen sensorial de nuestroe escolares investigando sobre el conjunto de los 
6rgano8 de los sentidos, averiguando c6mo son percibidas las sensaciones y 
c6mo son Interpretadas, haclendo asf una exploracidn de los cewtrot sensorlales. 
Esos exAmenes son desgraciadamente largos, y hemes debido llmitarnos. 
fSq)eramos, pin embargo, proseguir estas investigaciones m&B tarde, contando 
oon 1a colaboraci6n de los instructores a quienes iniciaremos en nnestros 
m^todos modemos de investigaci6n antropoldglca. 

La medida de la acuidad visual lia sido tomada generalmente por el secrs- 
tario de la Direccidn General Sr. B. Finot, y on algnnos casos por los nor- 
mal Istas sefiores Torres, Lijer6n y Marlaca. 

En cuanto a la medida de la acuidad auditiva, ha sido reservada para mAs 
tarde, esperando disponer deapu^ de un local que reuna las condiciones de 
silencio y aislamiento que son indispensables para este g6nero de experiencias. 

Examen dinammn^trico. — ^La meiida de la fuerza muscniar por el procedi: 
mien to del dinam6metro, es sumamente interesante. Sin embargo, es necesario 
familiar Izar al nifio con el aparato, entren&ndolo para que Uegne a prodncir 
el efecto pedido. A este fln, hemes previsto en nuestras fichas de investigacl6n 
lugares reservados para anotar los exAmenes pHlcticos que se efecttlen en dfas 
diferentes, y por series de tres pruebas en cada examen. 

Peno, — La falta de una balansa de precision nos ha Impedldo tomar el peso 
de los suJetOB. 


(a) Aparaio9, — ^1*. El aparato de medida utilizado, es la toasa antropom^- 
trlca de Topinard. Bste aparato es llgero y prActlco. Se co'mpone de una regis 
de madera de 2 metres de longltud, dtvidida en cuatro partes que se afiaden por 
flus extremes y de dos indlcadores de acero, de 84 cms. el une y el etro de 17 cms., 
cuyas puntas est&n cortadas en flngulo de 45 grados, estando la eCra extremldad 
prevista de una media corredera que se adapta exactamente a las dos teces 
de la toasa, permitiendo cerrer con factlidad a le largo de la regla. Una 
plomada que cuelga de la parte superior, constltuye el aparato destinado a 
fljar la verticalldad de la toasa. 

2*. Oomo los plsos de nuestros establedinlentos eseolares no ofireoen segor*- 
mente una superflcle blen plana y exactamente horisontal, hemos mandado 
oonatmlr una plandia morible de OOX^ cm., coya horiBontalidad se flja por 
medio de un nivel antes de comensar las operadones. 


3*. Para tomar la talla sentado, hemos hecho construir un taburete de 
madera de 80 cm. de altura. 

(b) Prdctioa de Uu medidaM, — ^La plataforma moyible se coloca a dlstanda 
de dofl a tres metros de una pared y a proxlmidad de la puerta de entrada a 
la habitaclCn en donde loa sojetos se desvisten. Una mesa sobre la cual se 
colocan los aparatos de medicito se halla al alcance de la mano. Bl operador 
dispone de un secretario y de nn ayudant& 

El nifio que debe ser medldo, se presents desvestldo y provisto de un tapa- 
rabo. Entrega su flcha al secretario, quien le pregunta su nombre, a fin de ver 
si corresponde al inscrlto en la flcha. El sujeto se coloca en el cuarto anterior 
derecho de la platformn en posiddn corecta, el cuerpo derecho, los talones 
Juntos, las manos abiertas y extendldas a lo largo del cuerpo, la vista al frente. 

Mientra que el opendor oorrige la po8lci6iit el ayudante coloca la toaaa 
verticalmente detrAa del sujeto, debiendo ser su obllgaddn^ durante la mediddn, 
mantener la toasa yertlcalmente, no perdlendo de vista d hilo de la plomada. 
Una vez que la posici6n del sujeto es correcta, el operador coloca el indicador 
sobre la regla de la toasa, a algunos centimetres sobre la altura de la cabeza 
dd nifio, y maneja d indicador con el pulgar de la mano derecha, mientraa 
que loe dedos de la misma mano se apoyan sobre la regla de la toasa. La 
mano izquierda sirve entretanto para manejar la cabeza del sujeto, por medio 
del pulgar y el fndice con los cuales se toma al nifio por el maxilar inferior, 
a fin de mant«ierlo en buena posici6n. Con la ayuda del pulgar de la mano 
derecha el indicador se mantiene juntado a la toasa hasta ponerlo en contacto 
con el v6rtice de la cabesa. Antes de leer la talla Indicada en la toasa, el ope- 
rador pregunta a su ayudante si la toasa se halla verticalmente colocada. 
Siendo la respuesta aflrmativa, la talla se dicta en alta vok, tomando como 
unidad los centfmetros. El secretario rq;>ite el ntkmero, escribe y dicta la 
medida que debe tomarse en seguida, para evitar equlvocadones. 

Le segunda medida es la de la altura del conducto auditivo. Bl nifio no se 
piueve ; la toasa cambia de sitio y es colocada a su izquierda. La medida se 
toma por medio del peqnefio indicador que se coloca a la parte superior de la 
entrada del conducto auditivo. 

La toasa se coloca detr&s del hombro izquierdo del nifio. El indicador se 
coloca a la altura del acromio, y despute a la altura de la eztremidad dd 
medius de la mano izquierda. 

Bl nifio hace un cuarto de vuelta a la izquierda y se yudve a colocar en 
posici6n. La toasa se arregla delante de 61. Bl operador marca con Uipiz 
de anilina la horquilla estemal y luego la eztremidad del ap6ndice xifoesternal. 
Luego toman las medidas de esos dos puntos. El nifio hace una media vuelta 
onmpleta y se pone nueramente en posldCn. Bl borde superior de la cabeza 
del gran troc&nter izquierdo, se marca sobre la piel con l&piz de anilina y luego 
el operador precede a la medida de la altura sobre el suelo, colocando la toasa 
a la izquierda del nifio y el operador detrfts del sujeto. 

Bl banqulllo de madera se coloca sobre la plancha movible. Bl nifio se 
sienta, con las piernas recogidaa hada atr^ las manos sobre los muslos, 
el tronco derecho, la mirada al frente. Bl opertL6or obtiene f&cilmente el 
enderezamlento del tronco apoyando la mano sobre el ap6flsis espinoso de 
la tercera y cuarta vertebras lumbares, mientras que con la otra mano toma 
al nifio de la barba. (Qodin.) La toasa se coloca detr&s del sujeto y In 
medida se toma por medio del indicador grande. 



InMtrumentoB.r—ljos dl&metros de la cabeza y del tronco se toman mpr medio 
del compfts de espesor de Broca. El di&metro blacromlal se toma por medio 
del gran iMmpAs de plemas paralelas (calibre). 

Pr&cHca de Ui9 mediciones. — (a) Para tomar los di&metros de la cabeza, 
el nlflo se slenta. El ayudante se coloca a la derecha del nifio y se ocapa 
de mantenerle la cabeza Inmdvil, sujet&ndolo por la barba y por la nuca. El 
operador se encuentra a la izquierda del nllio para tomar el diftmetro antero- 
posterior; y f rente al mismo, para tomar el diAmetro transverso. 

Para el dlAmetro anteroposterior no hay sino nn solo pnnto fljo, la glabela, 
sobre la coal una de las puntas del eomp&s se coloca, mientras que la otra 
se paaea por detrfts en el mlsmo piano vertical. Bl operador, por medio de 
tanteos, bnsca la abertnra m^Tima. 

Para boscar el dlAmetro transverso, no existe ningtin punto de partlda fljo. 
Las doB piernas del compAs se mantienen rigurosamente en el mismo piano 
y paseadas de alto abajo, par delante y por detrAs, hasta Uegar a obtener el 
mibcimam de abertnra del compAs. 

{b) Los di&metros del tdraz se toman horizontalmente a la altura del ap^n- 
dlce zifoeatemal. Por detrAs se bnsca la parte saliente de la columna vertebral 
oorrespondiente a ese nivel ; para el di&metro lateral las puntas del compAs se 
colocan sobre las oostillas. Bl dlAmetro blacromlal se toma volviendo el nifio 
la espalda al operador. 


In»trumeni09: la cinta m^trica. 

Prdctica de las medioiones. — ^La drcunferencla de la cabeza se toma haciendo 
pasar la dnta m^trica, por detrAs, por la parte mds saliente del occipuclo, 
y por delante, sobre la glabela. 

Jjas drcunferencias tor&xicas se toman en tres niveles sucesivos sin exigir 
del nifio ni espiracidn ni inspiraci6n profnndas. La medida se toma mientras 
el sujeto se halla en inspiracito ordinaria. Bs neoesario no Uamar la aten- 
ddn del nifio, durante las medidas, sobre el rltmo de su respiracidn, a fin 
de evitar perturbaciones en el Juego normal y habitual de sus fundones 


A. La fnerza tnvBCHlar, — ^l^a fuerza muscular se toma por medio del dinamd- 
metro de Collin. La fuerza se toma por cada una de las manos. Bl nifio da tres 
presiones suceslvas, todas las cuales se anotan. A esta prueba se siguen otras 
en dias sigulentes, sobre todo si el nifio ha manifestado cierta diflcnltad en el 
manejo del aparato. El ndmero m&ximo obtenido en las diferentes pruebaa 
serft el que se consigue como dato dd esfuerzo muscular del sujeto examinado 
y el ilnlco que se tenga en cuenta. 

B. Aouidad visual. — ^La acuidad visual se toma por medio de la escala de 
Snellen. El nifio es colocado a 5 metros de la escala y dispone de un cart6n 
sobre d cual se ha dlbujado una letra B grande. Bl nifio coloca su cart6n 
de manera que la letra B, en su posiddn, corresponda a la posici6n de la B 
que se le muestra en la escala. Bl operador se coloca detrAs del nifio y veriflca 
su trabajo. Un ayudante colocado cerca de la escala, muestra sucesivamente 
todas las letraa de la escala al nifio. Si d nifio hace doa o mis faltas eo via 
Unea, se toma la ^ea anterior para la indlcad6n de su acuidad vlsoal. I^a 
medidto se hace sucedvamente para cada uno de los dos ojos. 




Introducci&n. — ^La investigaci6n antropom^trlca sobre los escolores en los 
establecimientos primarios flscales de la Paz, ha sido reallzada aln dificultad 
durante ros meses de abril y mayo de 1915. Todas las medidas hau sldo tomadas 
por el suscrlto, con la aynda del personal docente. Los t^rmiuos medios, 
medidas deducidas, cubos e indices, han sido calcolados por M. Ck>nstant 
Lurquin, profesor de matem&ticas de la Bscaela Normal de Sucre, ayudado 
por an gnipo de normallstas. Gada uno de los resultados ha sido calculado 
separadamente por tres personas ; el resultado no ha sido inscrito sino cuaudo 
los tres calculadores se han encontrado exactameute de acuerdo. En caso 
contrario, el trabajo ha sido hecho de nuevo. £1 suscrito Im examinado luego 
personalmente el trabnjo y formado los cuadros generates. 

Lot medidas de altura, — En el cuadro slguiente, hemos reunido los t^rminos 
medios de las dlferentes medidas de altura tomadas dlrectamente sobre el 

Escolaret de La Paz — Aleilidus dv nlturn. 



1(4 a if 
11 a 111 
Hi a la 
12a 1^ 
131 a 14 


































































































































[La cunra de la talla de nuestroe esoolaiee de La Pas marca 1.05 m. a la entrada a la escoela primaria, o sea 
a los 6 afios a 6 aflos y I, Ileeando a 1.40 m. de 13 aflos y medio a 14. En el cuadro aigaiente pooemoe en 
oomparaolAi la ourva del deeanoUo de la talla de nueatros esoolares, con las obtenidas en otros difcnates 




















14a 3 























































iio " 




















He agui, por otra parte el cuadro comparativo dc Ion awnentos medios anuales, 
que permite seguir mejor las osctla^Hones del aumenio de crecimiento eti 










Total de 6 a 14 afioB 

La Pas 































EB. UU., 
















EH examen de esos caadros pone desde luego en evldenda que la talla de los 
escolares de La Paz que se clasiflca entre las m&s pequefias a los 6 afios, sobre- 
pasando Ugeramente a la de los escolares pobres de B61gica y de Tnrfn toma el 
fllttmo lagar de 13 a 14 alios. 

Bl feti&meno del crecimiento en lo» escolares de La Paz, en 9u conjunto e» 
reiardado: La gananda total obtenlda por nncstros escolares de 6 a 14 alios 
es de 34 cm. 8, o sea el 83% de la talla a los 6 afios, contra 42.8 6 40.4% para 
los escolares de B^lgica, 43.9 6 39.9% para los de Paris, 41 6 36.9% para los 
escolares de Boston, 41.9 o sea, 40.4% para los escolares de Turin. El retardo 
general del fen6meno del credmlento, puede atrlbulrse, pensamos, a la altura de 
la dudad de La Paz (3,700 metres sobre el nlvel del mar), medio en el cual 
hemes podldos observar que, todo hombre que se adapta a 61, dlsmlnuye en sua 

Hemes observado tambl^n en nuestros escolares de La Pas una fnerte diEh 
minud6n en el empuje de crecimiento de 11 i 13 afios. Una disminuci6n 
semejante se nota de 10 a 12 afios en los nlfios parislenses, y de 9 a 11 en 
los nlfios Itallanos. En los escolares belgas de Quetelet, esa dismlnuci6n no es 
sensible y la raz6n debe buscarse en el m^todo de mediclones sobre un pequefio 
ndmero de sujetos, escogidos, para cada edad, preconizado y seguido por el 
autor de la Fisica Social. Las estadfsticas de Bowditch, de Boston, que com<» 
prende las mediclones de 24,000 escolares hacen aparecer una dlsmlnuddn 
notable del empuje de crecimiento, de 10 a 11 afios y de 11 a 12. Este retardo 
del credmlento en altura prepara el empuje considerable que debe mant- 
festarse durante los tres afios siguientes y que constituye el signo precursor 
de la pubertad. 

Resulta pues de las comprobaciones anter lores que la pubertad se presenta 
entre nuestros sujetos un poco mAs tarde (un afio), que entre los sujetos 

n. GBBcnnKiVTo de los fbiivcipalbs skomentos del cusbfo : 

Las otras medidas de altura constituyen puntos de referenda que permlten 
seguir el credmlento de los prlnclpales segmentos del cuerpo, y poner este 
desarrollo segmentario en relacidn con el crecimiento general. 

Una ojeada sobre el cuadro general No. 1 y sobre el gr&fico No. 1 que lo 
Interpreta, permitlrA darse cuenta rflpidamente de la marcha general del 
fendmeno del credmlento en nuestros escolares. Vamos a examinar suceslva- 
loente los prlndpales resultados obtenidoe. 



1*. Altura del enc^falo. — ^He aquf el cuadro de los t^rmlnos medios obtenldos 
para cada media edad, de los 6 a los 14 alios : 

6 a 6i 12. 7 

61 a 7 12. 8 

7 a 7J 12. 8 

71 a 8 12. 7 

8 a 81 12. 7 

81 a 9 12. 6 

9 a 91 12. 6 

91 a 10 12. 9 

10 a 101 12. 6 

101 a 11 12. 6 

11 a 111 12. 4 

m a 12 12. 9 

12 a 121 12. 8 

121 a 13 12. 9 

IS a 181 12.8 

181 a 14 12. 7 

Resulta de este cuadro que la altura del enc^falo no varfa de 6 a 14 afios. 
Los t^rmlnos medios para cada edad son sensiblemente iguales y las pequeffas 
diferencias observadas en ellos deben atribulrse Cknicamente a las diferencias 

La altura media del enc6falo de los escolares de La Paz, de 6 a 14 afios, 
oscila entre 12.5 y 12.8 cms. 

2*. Longitud de lot miembra*, — ^He aqui el cuadro de la longitud media del 
brazo y de la plerna, por cada medio alio, de 6 a 14 afios. 


61 a^.. 
• aU.. 

a a 10. 

II a m 

III a li 

del braio: 
del aero. 
dad del 











MDter al 





















La longitud del brazo aumenta pues de 6 a 14 afios en 16.8 cms., lo que repre- 
senta un alargamiento equivalente a 37.1% de la longitud primitiva, siendo 
el alargamiento total de la talla de 33% solamente. 

Los aumentos medios anuales son los mAs fuertes de 7 a 8 afios y de 12 a 13, 
y los mAs d^biles de 8 a 9 y de 11 a 12. Estas comprobaciones no pueden re- 
vestir ningiin carActer deflnitivo. 

La longitud media de la pierna que, a la edad de 6 afios es de 61 cms., es 
de 78.4 a la edad de 14, lo que constituye una gananda de 22 cms. 4, o sea 
un alargamiento de 48.5% del largo a la edad de 6 afios. El alargamiento to- 
tal del cuerpo a la edad de 14 afios no es sino de 33.3% de la talla a los 
6 afioe. Por otra parte, la ganancia total del aumento de talla es de 84 cms. 
8, de 6 a 14 afios, y constatamos que la pierna sola aumenta 22 cms. 4, o sea 
64.3% del aumento total, lo que pone en evidencia que el crecimiento de la 
talla 88 bace, en su mayor parte, por alargamiento de las piemas. 

A la edad de 6 afios la longitud de la pierna es con 17 mm. inferior a la 
media talla. A la edad de 14 afios la longitud de la pierna es superior en 33 
mm. a la media talla. La pierna es igual a la mitad de la longitud total del 
cuerpo a la edad de 8 afios. 



Lo6 amnentoB medioB anuales mfts fuertes se obserran de 8 a 11 afioa, y loa 
m^ dalles de 10) & 11} afios. 

3*. Altura del tronco. — ^Los puntos de partida para fljar el desarrollo en 
altnra del tronco, considerados en el presente trabajo, son la orquilla esternal 
y el t>orde superior del gran trocftnter. 

He aquf los resultados del creclmlento en altura, del tronco, de 6 a 14 afios : 

























10 a 10|. 

11 a 114. 
Ill a 12. 
131 a 13. 
13 a 184. 















La gananda total adqulrlda por el tronco, de 6 a 14 alios, es de 67 mm. La 
ganancia total de la talla es de 348 mm., laego el alargamiento del tronco par- 
tldpa en dicho total con 19J2%, 

La relaci6n de la longitud del tronco con la talla es de 30.3% a la edad de 
6 alios, y pasa a 27.5% a la edad de 14 alios. 

En resamen, de 6 a 14 afios, nuestros nifios de La Paz adquieren un aumento 
medio de la talla de 348 mm., distribuidos en la forma slguiente. 

224 mm. o 64.3% por alargamiento de la pierna. 

67 mm« o 19.2% por alargamiento del tronco. 

57 mm. o 16.3% por alargamiento de la parte del cuerpo comprendida entre los 
pianos horlzontales que pasan por el borde superior del conducto auditive y el 
horde superior de la horquiUa esternal, comprendiendo especialmente el cuello. 

La altura media del enc^falo no varfa de los 6 a los 14 afios. 

Resulta de estos aumentos diferentes, una modiflcaci5n completa en las pro- 
porciones del cuerpo. 

La altura del enc^falo, que representa el 12% de la altura total a los 6 afios, 
no tiene m&s del 9% a los 14 afios. 

El tronco, que ocupaba el 30.3% de la altura total a los 6 afios, no ocupa 
inAs que el 27.5% a los 14 afios. La pierna participa en 48.3% en la altura 
total a la edad de 6 afios, y participa en 52.3% a la edad de 14 afios. 

Ehi fin, la porci5n del cuerpo comprendida entre el borde superior del con- 
ducto auditivo y la horquilla esternal (cuello) representa 9.2% de la altura 
total a los 6 afios y el 11% de esta misma altura a los 14 afios. 


Los resultados obtenidos en las investigaciones de los t^minos medios de 
los dlAmetros y circunferencias de la cabeza, son los siguientes. 







II a lU. 
131 a 14. 







































da la 













Resnlta de este cnadro, que el t^rmlno medio de los di&metros anteropos- 
teriores pasa de 171 mm. a 177, aumentando asf 6 mm. o sea 8.5% de 6 a 14 
afios, mientras que el t6rmino medio de los dl&metros transversos pasa de 141 
a 148 mm., anmeatando 2 mm., o sea 1.4%, de 6 a 14 alios. JjA ciFcnnferencia 
media de la cabesa pasa de 601 mm. a 625, ganando 24 imn. 

Hemes bnscado tambi^ los indices cefalomitricos de nuestros snjetos y 
heuios obtenido como t^rmino medio en las dlferentes edades. Indices que varfan 
de 80 a 88, lo que permite clasiflcar a dicbos sujetos entre los sub-braquMfaioa. 

IV. DiXmxtbos t dBcuRnaiENciAs del t6]iax. 

Los resultados obtenidos en, la investigaci6n de los t^minos medlos de los 
dlAmetros y clrcunferencias del tdrax, son los slguientes. 



7 a 7).. 
•I a 10. 
lOi a 11 

11 a 111 
111 a 12 

12 a 121 
121 a 13 
18} a ll 







































































media a 






































Largo del 

















El diilmetro anteroposterior pasa de 180 mm. a la edad de 6 aflos a 
108 mm. a la de 14 aflos, lo que represents una ganancia de 88 mm. o 25% 
sobre el diftmetro de 6 afios. 

El diilmetro transverse del tdraz pasa de 174 mm. a 215, lo que representa 
una ganancia de 41 mm. o 28,6% del diftmetro a los 6 afios. 

El diftmetro biacromial pasa de 282 mm., a 808 mm., o sea una ganancia de 
71 mm. o 30.6% sobre el dl&metro a los 6 afios. 

La circunferencia axilar media pasa de 548 mm. a la e^dad de 6 afios a 
681 a los 14 afios, o sea una ganancia de 188 mm. o 25% del di&metro a los 
6 afios. 

La circunferencia media a la altura de los pezones pasa de 542 mm, a 678, 
o sea una ganancia de 181 mm. o 24% del di&metro a los 6 afios. 

La circunferencia media xlfoesternal pasa de 689 mm. a 667 mm. o sea una 
ganancia de 118 mm. o 22%. 

Ck>mprobamos que la ganancia obtenida es proporcionalmente mAs considerable 
para lo alto del t6rax que para su parte media e inferior, lo que parece demos- 
trar que nuestros nifios respirun poco profundamenie. La parte superior de 
los pulmones trabaja con m&s Intensidad y ejerce por consiguiente un empuje 
mAs considerable sobre las paredes de la caja torflzlca, obligando a teta a dila- 
tarse mfts en su parte superior. 



El dULmetro biacromlal es una medida de gran Importanda. He aqul a 
tftolo de comparaddnt loe resoltados obtenidoe por Binet en Parfs &k 1906. 
Laa medldaa oorreq;»nden a 800 nlfioa: 






ftfn. X XX X. ... X . X 









7l«0fc,.x.x...xxxux XX. XX.XX.,,.X.. X. XX. .X X. ...X 


fttfn X XX. X X.X 


• iOM 




11 ^l« 




KitfbOixX.XX. XXX .. . 


1 He calcotadp t^nnlncM nMdiiii d« 6 s 7 aAoi par* la JMicaeite 6 aAoi, d« 7 A 8 ptA 

tndice de tTilolidaii.— -El fndice de vltalldad o reladOn entre la talla y la 
dreonferenHa media a la altora de loa peiones preaenta ona Importanda con- 
siderable para darae enenta de la realstenda fldca de loe nlfioa. La ex- 
perlenda ha demoatrado que la longitod de la dreonfterenda media a la 
altnra de loa peaonea debe aer Ignal o llgaamente Inferior a la mltad de la 
talla, ea dedr, que el fndloe llamado por Goldateln, de vUaHdadt debe aer mAa o 
menoa Ignal a 00. Loa ttanlnoa medlos de este fndloe para cada edad aon loa 
slgnlentes : 







10 alOi. 
104 a 11.. 

11 all}. 
114 a 13.. 

12 al2i. 
13} a 13.. 

13 a 131. 







Estoa indicea eon Inferiorea y teetlfican on deearrollo de la caja torftxlca 
inaufidente. Bzamlnando loa fndlcea Indlvldnalea, determinamoa a continna- 
ci6n : 

20% de loa nlfioa examlnadoa de 6 a 6i afioa tlenen un fndice igual o Inferior 
a 4a 

10% de lo8 nlfioa examlnados de 6i a 7 afioa preaentan un fndice Ignal o 
Inferior a 48. 

De 7 a 7i la proporddn es igual a 10%. 

De 7} a 8 la proporcl6n es igual a 10%. 

For dento. 

i:>e 8 n 81. 
De 8i a 0. 



De 9 a 9i l 25 

De 9} a 10 45 

De 10 a lOJ 50 

De 10) a 11 80 

De 11 a 11) 65 

De 11) a 12 30 

De 12 a 12) 80 

De 12) n 13 50 

De 13 a 13) 45 

De 18) a 14 



Lo que hace un t^rxnino medio general de 90% de nlfios que presentan un 
fndice de vltalidad Inferior, que debemos claslflcar entre los pretuherculosos 
que escapan a la atroz enfermedad en vlrtud de la gran altura de La Paz, pero 
que tendrfan muchas probabilidades de ser vfctimas de ella si salieran a estable- 
cerse al uIyqI del mar. 

ViYir a una altura considerable no es suficiente para provocar un gran desa- 
rrollo de la caja tor&xica. Es necesario asoclar a la vida en las grandes 
montafias el ejercicio frecuente. Nuestras investigaciones sobre los indios del 
antlplano ^ ban puesto en evldencia que el fndice de vitalidad alcanza entre ellos 
un t^rmino medio que varfa segl&n los grupos, de 54 a 56, es decir, muy per 
encima de 50 que es el t^rmino medio normal. Este fndice elevado, muestra 
de robustez en la raza Indfgena, es debldo, sin que hay a lugar a duda, al trabajo, 
al aire libre y a los numerosos ejerciclos de marcha sobre las alturas que 
practican todos los Indios. 

La pr&ctica de los deportes y especialmente del foot-ball que ha entrado 
recientemente en el gusto de nuestra pobladdn, la instituci6n de nlfios ex- 
ploradores, que debemos tratar de desarroUar ampliamente, las lecciones diarlas 
de gimnasia educativa, etc., podrdn modificar el estado actual de cosas, que 
es grave para el porrenir de la Juventud que asiste a nuestras escuelas. 

La ourva del cubo de la caja tordcica. — ^La cubicaci6n de la caJa tor&cica 
constituye otro procedimiento para juzgar el desarrollo ffslco y el vigor de un 
nifio. Hemos establecido los t^rmlnos medios y formado la curva del desarrollo 
del volumen de la caJa tor&cica de los escolares de La Paz. Las observaciones 
anteriores' concernlentes a las circunferencias y el fndice de vitalidad nos 
permlten asegurar que, para que un nifio sea considerado como normal, es 
necesario que el cubo de su caJa torAdca se mantenga por encima de la curva 
media que hemos trazado. La escuela debe igualmente esforzarse por todos 
los medios educativos a su alcance, por hacer trabajar activa y corapleta- 
mente los pulmones de los nlfios de nuestras escuelas para obtener una eleva- 
ci6n de la curva media actual. 


[F6nniila: DiAmetro anteroposterior medio mnltlplicado por dlAmetro transyerso medio 

mnltlplicado por longltnd del estemto. 



7 a 7}. 











10 a 1 

11 a lU 
111 a 13 
13} a n 
13 am 



Relacidn entre l08 voHmenes del tronco y del enc4falo. — ^Hemos indicado en la 
primera parte de este trabajo. la importancla que presenta la relacidn del volu- 
men del tronco con el del enc^falo. En el cuadro de abajo damos para cada edad : 
(a) El volumen medio del tronco obtenido por la fdrmula: di&metro antero- 
posterior medio mnltlplicado por el diftmetro transverso medio mnltlplicado 
por la altura d^ tronco (de la horqnilla estemal al gran troc&nter). (b) Bl 

^Georges Roama: Lea Indlena Qmtcboiiaa et Aymaras des haats plateaux de la 
Bolivle. Bmzelles, 1018. 



Tolumen medio del enc^falo obtenido por la f6rmula: didmetro anteroposterior 
multiplicado por el dl&metro transverso nrultiplicado por la altura del enc^falo 
(Y^rtlce, borde superior del conducto auditivo). (o) La relaci6ii entre esos 
dos Yolt&menes. 

Queda entendldo que dichos voltiinenes son aproximativos, pero estando cal- 
culados de la mlsma manera, en todos los sujetos, presentan en su relaci6n un 
valor incontestable que ha sido puesto en evidencia por los trabajos del Dr. 



6Ja7 1 



8a 8| 



Ma 10 



11 alii 


12a 1^ 

12} a 13 


13} a 14 








3, 119. 71 



3, 113. 27 




























El volumen medio del enc^falo pasa de 3087 cm.' que tiene a la edad de sels 
afios, a 3325 a la edad de 14 aflos, o sea obtiene un aumento de 238 cm.* o 7.7% 

El volumen medio del tronco pasa de 7254 cm.* que tiene a la edad de seis 
afios, a 13279 a la edad de 14 afios, o sea un aumento de 6025 cm.* o 83%. 

La relaci6n entre los dos volfimenes que pone en paralelo la masa visceral que 
preside la vida vegetatlva (6rganos de respiraci6n, dlgesti6n, circiilaci6n), con 
la masa cerebral, tiende a disminuir progresivamente. Es de 74 en los reci^n 
nacidos, segdn Godin y no es m&s que de 20 a 23 en los adolescentes en la 
(^poca de la pubertad. En otros t^rminos, el volumen del enc^falo es igual 
a los I del volumen del tronco en el nacimiento, y no es igual si no en ^ de 
este volumen en el momento de la pubertad. La reducci6n del indice enc^falo- 
tronco se hace progresivamente ; la curva de esta reducci6n permite darse 
cuenta de que el equilibrio entre el cerebro y el cuerpo se mantiene. La 
consulta de esta curva es particularmente importante para los nifios precoces, 
de constituci6n fteica d^bil. En gran ni!imero de cai«os la consulta de esta 
curva podrA indlcar la conveniencia del reposo intelectual asociado a una 
intensa e inteligente cultura ffsica, pnra salvar n nifios d<^biles y estudlosos y 
restablecer el equilibrio funcional indispensable. 

En nuestros escolares de La Paz el indice enc^falo-ironco que es de 42.8 
en los nifios de afios, disminuye progresivamente y no es mds que de 25 a 
la edad de 14 afios. Apareciendo el principio de In pubertad en t^rmino 
medio hacia los 15^ afios en los sujetos euroi)eos de Godin, y siendo, segiln 
toda probabilidad mds tnrdfa en nuestros sujetos de La Paz el indice cnc^falo- 
tronco sigue una curva exactamente paralela a la fijadn por GiHlin. 

Desarrollo muscular, — ilemos sometido a nuestros sujetos a la prueba de 
la dinamometrfa. Cada niflo ha ejercldo tres preslanes sucesivns y hcmos 
renovado las pruebas por lo menos dos veces en difcrentos dfas. Hemos pro- 
<-edido de esta manera, para habitunr al nifio al luancjo del dlnnnioiuetro. 

08436— -17— VOL I- 



La mds alta presi6n obtenlda por cada sujeto, en el curso de las dlfercntes 
experienclas, es la que ha sido considerada. Las pruebas han tenldo lugar 
solamente por medio de la mano derecha. He aquf los t^rminos medios obtenl- 
dos, en relacldn a los que han sido sacados de investigaclones practlcadas sobre 
liiflos de otros pafses. 









9} a 10.. 

10 a 104. 

11 a lU. 
Hi a 12. 

12 a 12|. 

13 a 13^. 
l^ a 14. 


La Paz 



ton (Mao- 


\ 10.35 
1 11.35 

















Por otra parte, he aqui los t^rinlnos medios obteuidos por cada edad, de las 
drcunferencLas mdxima y mfninia del antebrazo, el espesor del mi!isculo y 
la relacl6n entre el espesor de ^te y la longltud del brazo. 




7 a 7*. . 

9 a 94.. 

94 a 10- 

10 a 104 

104 a 11 

11 a 114 
Hi a 12 

12 a 12} 

13 a 13} 









































































La circunferencla minima pasa de 111 mm. a 130, lo que importa un aumento 
de 19 mm. 

La circunferencla m&xima pasa de 158 mm. a 198, lo que hace un aumento 
de 35 mm. 

El espesor del mtksculo pasa de 46 mm. 5, a 63 m. o sea una diferencla de 16,5, 
lo que repi'esenta una ganancia de ^ del espesor primitlvo del musculo. 

La relacl6n entre el espesor del mlisculo y la longltud del miembro superior, 
es dectr, "la eyaluacl6n de la potencla en funci6n del brazo de la palanca'* 
(Godln), varla poco. Esa relacldn es de 10,2 a los 6 aiios y de 10,1 a los 14, 
con la fluctuaci6n que no pasa de 10,5 y de 9,7. 



Acuidad visual de los escolares de La Paz.— He aqui el cuadro general de 
]o8 resnltados obtenidos en el examen de la vista de nuestros escolares, por 
medio de la escala optom^trica de Snellen. 


61 a 7.. 

a a 10. 
11 a lU 




debs 2 



deles 2 








































Resulta de este cuadro, que alrededor del 20% de nuestros escolares, pre- 
sentan una acuidad visual inferior y deben ser sometldos al examen de un 
especialista y usar anteojos. Las fluctuaciones que se observan en el por- 
oentaje para cada edad no pueden servir para ninguna deduccidn y se deben 
al azar, por cuanto la estadlstica no ha sido tomada sobre un ntimero bastante 
considerable de escolares. 

He aquf, a tftulo de coinparacidn, los resultados obtenidos en algunas in- 
vestigaciones practicadas en varios lugares: 

En Sucre, en una investigaci6n realizada en 1912 sobre 150 nlfios de 6 a 12 
afios, descubrimos 21.5 % de vista inferior, de 6 a 7 afios; 20 % de 7 a 8 
afios ; 6.5 % de 9 a 10 afios ; 18.8 % de 10 a 11 afios ; 21 % de 11 a 12 afioa 
Lo que nos da un tfirmlno medio general de 16.5%. 

En la Escuela Normal de Sucre (j6venes y sefioritas de 15 a 20 afios), 
descubrimos en 1912, 85 % de vistas inferiores entre las sefioritas y 23 % 
entre los Jdvenes. 

Motais, en una Investigacidn practicada en Suiza sobre 5,000 nlfios, descubri6 : 
% de mlopes en las clases inferiores. 

17 % de mlopes en las clases medias. 

35 % de miopes en las clases primeraa 
46 % de miopes en la divisldn superior. 
80 % de miopes en dertos llceos. 

Cohn, en Breslau, en una Investigacidn sobre 10,000 nlfios, descubrld : 
22 % de miopes en las clases inferiores. 
27 % de miopes en las clases II afios. 

36 % de miopes en las clases III afios. 
46 % de miopes en las clases IV afios. 
55 % de miopes en las clases V afios. 
58 % de miopes en las clases VI afios. 

De Bidder, en Bruselas, en una investigad^n sobre 2,800 nlfios, descubrid: 
5,5 % de miopes entre los nlfios de 6 a 8 afios. 
8,5 % de miopes entre los mifios de 9 a 10 afios. 
10 % de miopes entre los nlfios de 10 a 12 afios. 

18 % de miopes entre los nlfios de 13 a 14 afios. 



Las principales conclosiones que resultan de este primer trabajo sobre el 
desarrollo ffsico de las escolares bolivianos, son las siguientes : 

1*. Las curvas del credmiento y del desarrollo de los escolares de La Paz, 
de 6 a 14 afios, nacidos en la localidad, de padres nacldos igualmente en ella, 
ban sido establecldas por la primera vez. Ellas permitir&n darse cuenta para 
un nlfio dado, de La Paz, si es normal o si es avanzado o retardado respecto 
al desarrollo ffsico de sa raza. Las cnryas establecldas son las concernientes 
a la talla, y una serle de puntos anat6mlcos, que establecen claramente el 
crecimiento de los principales segmentos del cuerpo, y la variacidn de propor- 
clones del cuerpo en el curso de las edades consideradas ; son concernientes 
igualmente a los principales di&metros y clrcunferendas, al (ndlce de yitalldad, 
a la curva del cubo de la caja tor&cica, a la del (ndice enc^falo-tronco, a la 
fuerza muscular al dinam6metro, al fndiee miisculo-longitud del brazo. 

V, La comparaci6n de la curva del crecimiento en talla de nuestros escolares 
con las curvas obtenidas sobre series de escolares de Euroi>a o de Estados 
Unidos, pone en evldencia que nuestros nifios son de talla pequefta, y que 
los fen6menos generales del crecimiento son retardadas en los nifios de La Paz. 
Es probable que la altura sea la causa de ese retardo en el crecimiento. La 
fuerte disminuci6n del empuje de crecimiento que se observa en los escolares 
de Paris y de Boston, de los 10 a los 12 afios, y que antecede al fuerte empuje 
preliminar de los fen6menos de la pubertad, se veriflca solamente de los 11 
a los 13 afios entre los nuestros. 

3*. La ganancia en talla adquirida de los 6 a los 14 afios por nuestros nifios 
es debida por el 64.3 por ciento al alargamiento de las piernas; por el 19.2 
por ciento al alargamiento del tronco; por el 10.3 por ciento al alargamiento 
del cuello. 

La altura del enc^falo queda igual a ella misma de los 6 a los 14 afios. 

4\ Los di&metros anteroposterior y transverso de la cabeza, no aumentan 
sino en 3.5 y 1.4 por ciento, respectivamente, de los 6 a los 14 afios. La clr- 
cunferencia de la cabeza pasa de 501 mm. a 525 mm., ganando 4.7 por ciento. 

El fndiee cef&lico medio de nuestros nifios de La Paz flucttia entre 80 y 83; 
nuestros nifios son, pues, todos sub-braquic^falos. 

5*. Las curvas del aumento de las circunferencias tor&cicas de 6 a 14 afios, 
pone en evldencia que el desarrollo de la caJa torftdca se hace de una manera 
m&s considerable en sn parte superior, lo que demuestra que nuestros nifios 
no respiran de una manera bastante profunda. 

El fndiee de vitalidad es inferior y demuestra un desarrollo Insuficiente de 
la caJa tor&cica. Un t^rmino medio de 30 por ciento de nuestros escolares 
deben ser conslderados'como pre-tuberculosos. La prftctlca diaria de la lecci<}n 
de gimnasla, las excursiones escolares, la InstltucK^n de nifios exploradores, 
pueden cambiar ese deplorable estado de cosas. 

0*. La curva de la relacl6n entre el volumen del tronco y el volumen del 
enc^falo, es dedr, de la masa de los 6rganos de la vlda vegetativa y de la masa 
cerebral, siguen una marcha normal y conforme a las carvas semejantes obteni- 
das sobre los nifios normales europeos. 

E2sa relaci6n, que es de 42 a la edad de 6 afios, dismlnuye progresivamente, 
hasta marcar 25 a los 14 afios. La misma relaci6n se detendr& visiblemente 
entre 20 y 23 en el memento de la pubertad (15 y medio afios a 16 y medio). 

7*. La curva de la fuerza muscular en el dinam<5metro pasa de 10 kilogramos 
a la edad de 6 afios a 20 kilogramos a la edad de 14, lo que es ligeramente 
Inferior a los t^rminos medios obtenidos por Binet en Paris, Hoesch en Ztlrich y 
MacDonald en WAshington. 


La relacidn del espesor del miisculo del antebrazo con la longitud total del 
brazo, queda senslblemeDte igual a ella misma, de los 6 a los 14 alios. 

8*. Alrededor de un 20 por ciento de nuestros escolares, presentan una acuidad 
visual Inferior a la normal y deberfan aer ezamlnados por un especlallsta. El 
nso de los lentea nos ha parecldo indispensable para esos nlfios. 

9*. Las Investigadones practicadas sobre los escolares de La Paz, son per- 
segnidas Ignalmente en cada una de las capltales de departamento, y los 
resultados completoa ser&n publicados, dando asi una Idea exacta de la per- 
sonalidad f Isica de nuestros escolares. 


Founder Emeritus of the Southwest Museum^ Los Angeles^ Col. 

Doubtless there is a perfectly good reason why it should not have been done 
before. Else our natural human instincts, as well as our scientific sensitive- 
ness, would have led us to do it 

Possibly the same good and adequate reason still obtains. Possibly we should 
not look around us to-day and take a swift mental calculation of how many 
are here present (out of X00,000,000 Americans) caring enough to come and see 
what we are doing for their uplift. 

The sense of humor has been subjected to many essays and to millions of 
remarks. Every well-regulated newspaper office has a pigeonhole with cross 
referwices to the Scotch-Joke-trepan. But the first two letters are Identical 
and the psychology so sympathetic that I fancy sometimes the newspaper of the 
near future may substitute " science " for " Scotch." 

It is in no cynical spirit that I say what is being said. It Is with a curious 
admixture of love and grief and pride and shame and hope. 

Myself, I feel it a disgrace that many and brilliant as are those of this 
audience, the very persons who should be here in a multitude are not here 
at all. Do you think it is their fault? Is it because the overwhelming majority 
of mankind is stupid that scientists get no more responsive hearing? Who is 
to blame that the very word " science " is enough to scare away from a lecture 
or a reception those that most need the gospel and those that every real scientist 
most desires to have present? 

Science is simply common sense carried out with studious thoroughness. 

It is knowing. 

The only thing it really deals with to any appreciable amount concerns 
human nature. But as it is largely pursued, even yet, it is the least human 
thing that we know. Even the soul-less corporation, even the merciless business 
world, these are more human than a great deal of the science that is done 
for us nowadays. 

This is perfectly natural. Every ethnologist and every student of medi- 
eval theology will realize the connection. Times have changed, and not 
altogether for the good. But in almost every line of human endeavor the 
old and unmoral imposition on ignorance Is passing away — ^partly by con- 
science, but that conscience Jogged by the awakening experience of the 

The medicine man is on his last legs. But he is not yet fully conscious 
of it We still write our prescriptions in Latin that the patient may not 


be aware of paying 50 cents at the druggist's for 2 cents worth of sal sodium. 
We still swamp our courts — and justice — ^with words of a redundancy that 
would "drop" a grammar school boy from his rhetoric class. And in the 
noble professions that deal most directly with the broadest and the simplest 
and the most intricate of all studies — the study of man — ^we sin even worse, 
and really believe that we can still carry ofiF the ancient mysteries which 
the Navajo shaman found good enough for his clientele. But he can not 
do it now — ^and neither can we. 

Again, I would like to call your attention to the numerical presence here 
and to-day; and to recall the fact that there are a hundred million people 
in America, besides the millions of other nations contributing to our de- 

Is it because what we are doing (or trying to do) ought not to interest 
them? Is there any branch or ramification of anthropology which would not 
interest and arouse and delight any rational human creature if he had the 
chance to see what it meant? 

Is It because he Is a fool for not knowing Greek words? Or is It because 
we are fools for scaring him away with them? It ought to be time for 
us to use that frankness and simplicity which are human and livable, and 
therefore businesslike and worthy. 

We are simply studying man; and one reason why we make so poor a fist of 
learning It ourselves, and an incomparably worse fist of showing it to others, 
is merely because we have not yet realized that the day of the Sharaan has 
gone forever. You can not turn about your room nor a corner of the street 
without seeing some miracle of progress. You read your scientific journals 
and bulletins, and are astonished if you see even a modest token of progress. 
This is not wholly because material improvement is the only thing that human 
beings can understand. It Is largely because there is no secrecy about elec- 
tricity or any of the other petty miracles which arouse the imagination of the 
whole world — ^petty as compared with your work, which includes them all 
and should be the most fascinating of them all. It is an experiment worth 
the trial, even for a scientist, to take his own home into his confidence. If 
that succeeds — and it will, unless there is some other structural fault in the 
home — it might be well to try it on the audience. And particularly since the 
audience is also emphatically and always the teacher. When I see anthropolo- 
gists studying casts and skeletons, and very wise about them, yet so ignorant 
of men and women that walk the earth beside them and are part of, and 
descended from, and like, those same relics of undated times — the same humanu, 
but alive, and competent to talk for themselves if you ask them — I can not help 
recalling the words of a cowboy friend in New Mexico who said to me once: 
"Why is a scientist?" 

The medicine man, the soothsayer, the modern fortune teller — all make their 
living by mystery. They must be cabalistic or starve. If poor folks could 
know about these things without superior Intervention, where would the fees 
come in? You know that in many Indian tribes their own given names are 
never spoken aloud; only side names are used. Among such tribes as still 
keep their happy ancient organization the esoteric is the spinal chord of 
authority. They have no divine right of kings nor emi)erors; but they love 
and revere authority — and authority has, in all the world's history to this 
very day of grace, rested on the unknown. But the world is beginning to 
narrow the limits of the unknown. It wants to know more of the why and 
what and when and how. 


We have plenty of mystery still — ^plenty of this superstitious authority. We 
can not be born, nor love, nor learn, nor die, without license of It. And It is 
worth the money If we get the goods. We are perfectly willing to pay our 
various medicine men if they make good medicine. But we are coming back 
again toward the primitive fashion — dead patient, dead medicine man. 

In the first, deepest, broadest, simplest, most beautiful and most indispensa- 
ble of all human studies — the study of man — we are still too long paying 
tribute to an ignorance which is no longer content and to high priests who 
are no longer sure of their place. We are no longer half the fools we have 
looked. We can take H2O and the salt shake by ourselves without a conspir- 
acy of the doctor and the druggist. But the thing we do not yet understand 
we must understand, and those who make their livelihood by telling us from 
overhead must »how us, else they will presently be out of the privilege alto- 
gether. This is not revolutionary, but evolutionary. Anyone who can not 
perceive that the day of special privilege and of esoteric authority is passing 
should go to an oculist, and to the best he can find. 

When scientists will fetch science from the dark closet and the medium's 
cabinet out upon the open stage, where farmers and their wives, and cowboys 
lacking wives, and tradesmen and shoemakers, and railroad men and bankers, 
and boys and girls, old maids and beatified bachelors, and the rest of the un- 
initiated can see It, and would know' It again If they met It on the street — 
why, then the brotherhood of man will be a good deal nearer. And particularly 
with reference to this science which most Intimately concerns man. 

Primitive man was Just as unmysterlous as we are. If he could come back 
to see what has been done with him and how little his €uccessors think of him 
because his genealogists have made him sawdust, he might w^ell answer as the 
4-year-old child did. '"Lost, sonny?" said the kindly policeman. "No, I 
ain't lost ; I am here ; mamma's lost" 

Human nature is natural. The study of it is natural. When it is done 
naturally there Is no living person who can not be made to be interested in 
it But a very large proportion of the entirely respectable population of the 
United States are not Greek scholars. And when you try to tell them about 
human nature in words that look like Mark Twain's persi)ectlve of the 
German noun, they become about as warmly interested as a setter pup would 
be in a discourse on the vernal equinox. 

For the purposes of exactness which science must of course consider, the 
flexible and compoundable Greek is as useful as the Arabic notation to mathe- 
matics. But its use outside the study is apt to arouse as much enthusiasm as 
a rehearsal of the multiplication table would in almost any company. 

The world has become so polite that most of us individually, and nearly 
all of us professionally, are come to that certain disaster of royalty — ^**the 
king never hears the truth." If the newspapers knew what their readers 
think of them, and if scientists knew what their hearers think of them, two of 
the most astonishing changes would occur within the next day. 

The old fakir spirit of the ancient medicine man who had to impose on his 
followers by using some empiric knowledge to make a living, has of course 
disappeared from all really scientific circles. But his mystery, his obfustlca- 
tion of mere humans by cabalistic words and phrases, and by a due solem- 
nity — ^that has not yet disappeared. The words that science uses are enough 
to scare a child and to freeze the interest of the average intelligent. God- 
fearing grown-up. 


At a field meeting of one of the foremost anthropological activities in America 
a ribald member of the managing committee, after some days* sessions, sang at 
the camp fire: 

"Our mental range is the whole exchange ; 
We*re the cranlologlcal IT ! 
'Twould drive Hrdli^*ka to Wilson's whisky 
For a nomenclature to fit. 
The scare-words fly botli fast and high, 
We*re the polysyllabical crew ; 
For we're megalocephalous, 
And dolichocephalous, too." 

This is not a diatribe. It is hardly even a prophecy. What I have so mildly 
tried to say is already coming true. The menace to science is a fact accom- 
plished, though far from finished. It is accomplished because mere mortals 
have awakened to demand real light from it. A very few demand right out. 
Most of them voice the demand by a bored silence. That means a starvation 
policy — and even science will have to humanize itself, or it will presently have 
no one to feed it. It is easier than ever to find wealthy patrons who can be 
flattered into great endowments for scientific work ; but it is not getting easier 
to gather an audience of useful, successful Americans to listen to a message 
from what calls itself science, but is so unscientific as to forget its only reason 
for being. 

Whether it comes by conscience or consciousness, or by the frost of public 
disesteem, we are going to have to learn in science the humility of common 
sense ; the universal right to know from us, uuderstandinj^ly and with interest, 
whatever we can find out ourselves; and that underlying love of mere people 
which is the only thing that makes any of us fit to teach them or to take their 
money for pretending to teach them. Science Is not the master of man, but 
his universal servant; his playmate, but not his Squeers. Science moans 
knowing. Knowing what? Incantations, formulas, abracadabras, Greek words, 
mystery, condensation? Not on your life! Science is knowing how to live. 
And no one knows how to live who does not know how to help others to the 
beauty of it. Science that is not for the enriching of dally humanity, that can 
not be seasoned to our common palates and made assimilable to the marrow 
of our plebeian bones — that is not science, it is Shamanism. 

To the layman it must seem strange that the simple and universal story which 
every life reads for itself, but can not read for the rest without assistance 
(nor rightly for itself without the context of the past), should have been made 
at the hands of its high priests the most uninteresting, the most unintelligible, 
and the most unhuman of all the topics to which we are asked to listen. A 
lecture on algebra might possibly break this record, but no one has as yet 
been so careless as to Invite the public to such a lecture. If anyone here 
knows any reason why his life occupation should not be as Interesting to the 
world as the ancient jingles of Mother Goose I trust he w^lll rise to Interrupt 
me. It seems as though a big enough man could make the biggest subject in 
the world intelligible and lovable and fascinating to everybody ; and if he can 
not we are somewhat considerably behind Mother Goose. 

The basic thing, of course, is to feel In our own bones that we are merely 
trustees getting our not too righteous living for performing a certain function — 
which is to find out for the world those essential and delicious facts about our 
predecessors, which the world has not time nor patience to hunt up for Itself, 


nor the imagination to find in its own life witliout excavations or somatology ; 
to recognize tliat these our studies are adjustable to the minds and lives of 
everyone, and that it is our business to make them interesting to everyone ; and 
that when we do make them thus interesting, we will have no trouble in 
financing all the chairs and exi)editions and museums that our wildest dreams 
could call for. The spirit in which we stand as interpreters between the modern 
world and the buried past — whether as pompous mystifiers or as frank tellers — 
Is, of course, first If we think it right that out of this great Nation and its 
visitors there should be here to-day so many people as there are, we can go on 
doing as we have done. 

One easy and immediate reraetly, if we are not fully contented with the popu- 
lar response to what we are really trying very hard and very honestly and with 
considerable Intelligence to do, would be to reform our speech. Greek is not 
the popular language in ordinary American life. I love it dearly, as I have the 
right, for I began it at 8 under one of the great masters. But Greek is like 
swearing — it has its place, and the place of either is not in the kindergarten. 
Both for selfish and conscientious reasons we need to get public interest in the 
work we are trying to do ; and no one thing stands between us and the public 
and our joint desires so much, perhaps, as this pedantic use of strange and 
frightful polysyllables. 

What on God's green earth are we studying and trying to teach — studying 
mighty well, and teaching with an awkardness that is a shame to us? 

Nothing but the story of man. 

I hope to live to see the time when the ologies will be kept In the laboratory 
where they are needed ; when the patient shall know what he Is paying for and 
taking; when no Shamans shall be left except among the blessed Indians, to 
whom they are still essential; when we shall have humanized science, as we 
are swiftly humanizing everything else by making it intelligible ; and when the 
teachers shall have learned their own lessons, and shall teach glad throngs — 
which no such halls as this in each and every city of the Union could accom- 
modate — the simplicity, the joy, and the universal beauty of the story of man. 


Jeje dc la Oflcina de Biencs Nadonalen de Chile. 

I-os nonibres jjer.s< males son tan antiguos corao la humanidad. 

Creados en un principlo por los padres para dlstingulr d sus hljos, han 
subsistido como una necesldad dom^stica Sl trav&s dc los tiempos y en todas 
las razas. 

Antiguamente* cuando los pueblos eran n<3mades, las tribus se dlstingufan 
per su nombre jen^rico, que era casl siempre el del Jefe 6 padre 6 ascendiente, 
& cuyas 6rdene8 vagaban en busca de mejores tierras. 

En nuestros dfas, los jltanos, liltlnia muestra de las razas n6mades, tienen 
UD nombre comiin de tribu que, cada indivlduo, reconoce tambi^n como suyo. 

* Se ha conservado en este trabajo la ortograffa chilena 


Estos nombres de tribu, no son sino la primera etapa que marca el apare- 
cimiento del nombre jen^rico 6 de famlUa. 

Asf vemos que en la hlstorla de los pueblos antiguos figura slempre un 
nombre individual con la especificaci6n 6 callficaci6n de su procedencia; tal 
era la costumbre de los gr legos. 

Los romanos usaron adem&s del prenomen, equlvalente al nombre de pila 
actual, el agnomen que denotaba la famllia de la cual procedfa ; y, el cognomen^ 
que indlcaba la rama de la famllia A la cual pertenecfa el Individuo. 

Los antiguos pueblos de £2spafia, radicados en villas 6 en tierras cultivables 
usaban s61o el nombre de pila y se distingufan de los homdnlmos por especifi- 
caciones 6 callficaciones que en menor grado nos es posible observar en nuestro 

Era, pues, comiin en Espafia en los prlmeros siglos del Crlstianismo, designar 
d los individuos por las circunstancias diferenclales. Asf, en una villa donde 
residfan varlos Juancs se le llamaba por ejeraplo: A uno, Juan el hijo de 
Pedro; & otro, Juan el hiJo de Santiago; & un tercero, Juan el zapatero; d un 
cuarto, Juan el herrero. 

A otros se les designaba por sus cualidndes ffsicas 6 morales, y se llamaban 
Juan el gallardo, Juan el guerrero. Finalmente, las designaciones para no 
confundir tan gran ntimero de Juanes, obligaba & buscar otras circunstancias 
diferenclales y la encontraban en las local idades en donde residlan. De este 
modo hablan: Juan del estero, Jaan del plno, Juan del Jardfn, Juan del 
llano, por vlvir uno cerca del estero, otro frente de un pino, poseer otro un 
jardfn y finalmente el dltlmo, por residir en el llano. 

Sin embargo la necesidad de la colectividad para distlngulr d los indi- 
viduos hom6nimos no cre<3 el apellido trasmisible sino muchos siglos mds tarde 
y en forma casl imperceptible. 

En esos prlmeros siglos, nadie habrfa pensado siqulera en la conveniencla de 
adoptar un nombre comdn de famllia cuando qulzds ninguno habrfa tenldo 
la oportunidad de usarlo durante toda su vida. 

Para explicarse este fen6meno es necesarlo pensar en la escasa poblacidn 
que entonces debfa contener la Peninsula Ib^rica, la cual, repartida en villas 
6 aldeas infelices, no contaba sino con poqufsimas ciudades de orijen romano 
destrufdas 6 semiabandonadas ; y, otras construfdas sobre las costas del 
Mediterrdneo en que dominaban los Judfos expatriados de Palestina y otros 
elementos extrafios. 

La diflcultad de las comunicaciones radlcaban d las famillas permanente- 
mente durante siglos en una misma localidad. El analfabetismo las mantenfa 
en un nivel de uniforme ignorancia; sus bdbitos y costumbres no exijfan 
mayores comodidades ; y, finalmente, la pobreza Jeneral no les permitfa pensar 
en el mejoramlento ni de sus bienes nl de sus personas. 

No existfa, pues, para la inmensa mayorfa de los habitantes de Espafia 
en aquella 6poca, necesidad alguna de contratos, nl de testamentos, ni de 
Inscripciones, ni de acto alguno escrito en que fuera menester del apellido 6 
de la designaci<}n circunstanclada del individuo para garantir 6 consolidar sus 

La invasion de Espafia por los drabes contribuyd eflcazmente d la creaci6n 
de los apellidos individuales. El estado de guerra permanente que requeria la 
formaci6n de grandes masas de guerreros procedentes de todas las rejiones de 
la Peninsula, trajo como consecuencia la necesidad de la diferencfaci6n de los 
individuos reunidos cuyos nombres eran comunes d muchos. 


El apodo conocldo en el lugar de nactmlento 6 de resldencla no siempre 
preyalecfa, pues. los nuevos Mbitos proplos del estado de guerra y los innumer- 
ables Incidentes de las campafias, daban oportunidad & nuevos apodos 6 sobre- 
nombres que obllgaban & olvidar el anterior. 

En el seno de la f am Ilia como en las colectivldades en donde se hace vlda 
fntima, los apodos escluyen casl siempre al nombre de pila 6 al sobre-nombre 
anterior 6 al mismo apellldo. Tal pas6 durante los primeros t tempos de las 
guerras contra los moros. 

Aun entre los nobles y los mismos reyes. el apodo se^ufa Invariablemente al 
nombre en tal forma que la hlstoria los ha recojldo y recordado & traves de 
los tlempos. 

Pero, no se area, que los apodos, si eran aceptados de buen 6 mal grado por 
los nobles y plebeyos, constituyeran el nombre propio y completo del indivlduo, 
pues si hay documentos en que se les clta, la firma responde, siempre 6 casl 
siempre, & un nombre de pila 6 dos, uno de los cuales evidentemente equivale 
al apellldo patron fmico que aparece mds tarde. 

En el siglo VIII, sin duda alguna, ya el apellldo patronlmico habta evolu- 
cionado y aunque pocas pruebas existen para confirmarlo, se ha admitido 
Jeneralmente el hecho por los autores que han tratado la materia. 

Don Anjel de los Rfos y Rfos en su Ensayo Hist6rico-etimol6Jico y filol6jico 
sobre los apellidos castellanos, Impreso en Madrid en 1871, cita el caso dnico 
de Adelgastro, hijo del Rey don Cilo, quien firma Adelgaster Siliz, en el acta 
de fundacl6n del Monasterio de Obona en 791. 

En documento del siglo IX, el apellldo patronlmico es usado con bastante 
frecuencia. Don Jos^ Godol AlcAntara, en su ensayo sobre los apellidos caste- 
llanos, impreso en Madrid en 1871, cita varlos en los cuales puede verse la in- 
fluencia latina en su construcci6n, v. gr. Tello Tellez, Dldago Pelaiez, Severo 
Nnnnez, Flayn Valerius, Oveco Velaz, Nunus Guterres, Petrus Vellnl, Erml- 
gildus Froilani, Didad Munlz, Helaguntla Pelagii. 

Por esta §poca aparece el apellldo individual 6 sea el apodo o sobre-nombre 
aceptado, donado 6 tomado por los nobles con el fin de slngularizarse y i)erpetuar 
SOS nombres 6 acetones 6 distinguirse de otros por clrcunstancias personales 
hermosas 6 dignas de memoria. 

En el siglo X se Jeneraliz6 entre los nobles el uso de los patrontmlcos de tal 
modo que era corrlente un nOmero considerable de apellidos hoy absolutamente 
desconocldos. Podrfamos cltar por via de ejemplos los slguientes: 

Aldretez, Gudestloz, Velascoiz, Scemenoz, Oriolez, Gundlsalvez, Mentarez, 
Assoriz, Armentarez, Gustloz, Berfiuiz, Gidez, Vellidez, Jaunez, Ovecoz, Wal- 
valdiz, Dldaz, Randez, Hannez, €k>destioz, Gabez, Roderiquiz, Domeniqulz, 
Floriz, Frolaz, Ermegildez, Fremenez, Armifiez, Frolez, Heraldez, Erotiz, 
Reparaz, Belaz, Odarlz, Osoriz, Roderlz, Zitiz, MiUaniz, Armlndez, Menez, 
Adefruslz, Miquelez, Agundez, Rabinadiz, Romaz. 

No es raro encontrar en el curso del siglo XI algunos casos en que los nobles 
y sefiores feudales agregasen & su nombre de pila el del feudo, comarca en 
que Vivian 6 hechos de armas memorables en que se dlstlngufan. El uso 
de estos nombres fu6 la primera causa que contribuy6 d perpetnar el uso 
de los apellidos de los antepasados que hasta entonces eran escluslvamente 

En efecto, en la slguiente centuria es ya frecuente encontrar el apellldo 
personal 6 patronfmico 6 ambos, al mismo tiempo, unidos al apellldo sefiorial 
en forma que perdura durante dos 6 mAs Jeneraclones en una Unea de descendien- 


tes. Marca pues, el siglo XII, el orijen de los apellidos heredltarlos que m&s 
tarde deberfan sustitufr enteramente & los apellidos Indlvldaales usados hasta 

Desde los primeros afios del slglo XIII se observa que el uso de los apellidos 
Individual es es jeneral aunque debemos manlfestar que carecemos de ante- 
cedentes para referlrnos al estado llano, pues la documentacl6n existente no 
menciona nombres de las clases del bajo pueblo. 

Debemos sin embargo suponer que el uso de los apellidos Individuales era 
corrlente entre las clases superiores cuando todavfa no se dlstingufa el vulgo 
Blno por los nombres propios seguidos del apodo 6 de alguna otra referenda 

En el trascurso del siglo XIV el uso de los apellidos sefiorlales y solarlegos 
estaba estendldo por toda la Peninsula y comenzaba & fijarse un apellido pa- 
tron fmico, como hereditario. Asf puede verse figurar en las antiguas Jenealojfas 
de las f amllias espafiolas, los apellidos de : P^rez de Castro, Bernaldo de Qulroz, 
66mez de Silva, P^rez de Molina, L6pez de Haro, P^rez de Guzm&n, Manrique 
de Lara y gran niimero de otros. 

El siglo XV se caracteriza en Espafia por la crisis de los apellidos patroni- 
micos. En efecto durante este siglo y el siguiente existi6 la tendencia A olvidar 
el apellido patronfmico aun en aquellas familias en las cuales habfa pre- 
dominado el uso esclusivo de ellos. 

No existe fuente de mejor informaci6n para el estudio de los apellidos 
individuales que los rejistros en que, desde la Edad Media, los p&rrocos anota- 
ban los nacimlentos, matrimonlos y defunciones. Desgraciadamente escasos son 
los libros que se conservan anteriores al Concilio de Trento, y rarfsimas las 
parroquias en donde pudieran consultarse rejistros del siglo XV 6 XIV. 

Sin embargo, puede estnblecerse de un modo jeneral que estos rejistros 
reflejaban la costumbre de la ^poca y que flguran solamente los nombres 
de pila con alguna referenda para identificar ft los padres 6 para determinar la 
persona en tlempo posterior. 

Era comiin los aslentos de bautismo en esta forma y en mal latin ; " BauUc^ 
& Juan hi jo de Pedro, el berrador.*' Otras veces la anotaddn se hada: "Bau- 
tic6 ft Diego ahijado de Anton, el znrdo.*' 

Tambi^n solfase recordar los padrlnos y la partida mfts llustrativa era m&s 
6 menos: "Bautic^ ft Juan hi jo de Anton, el del cerro, padrlnos Juan, el 
pescador y su mujer." 

En las partidas de mntrimonio no se expresaban mayores datos; pero siempre 
los apodos t otras deslgnaciones capaces de establecer la identidad de los con- 
trayentes eran de rigor. 

No era estrafio que las partidas de matrimonio consignaran algunas veces el 
nombre del padre de la contrayente, por ejemplo : ** Gas6 ft Pascaal, el cabrero, 
con Juana hlja de Pedro el curtldor." 

No obstante ser frecuentes los aslentos de esta naturaleza en los cuales 
puede verse una costumbre constitufda en slstema (segiln la cual podrfa 
afirmarse que el vulgo no usaba apellido) es comiin encontrar expositos y con- 
versos ft los cuales se les bautizaba dftndosele nombre y apellido tal como ae 
hace todavfa en nuestros dfas. 

Con motivo de los acuerdos tomados en el c^lebre Concilio de Trento, que 
tuvo lugar en 1545 y afios siguientes, se regularize y se di6 A la costumbre de 
rejistrar los nacimlentos, matrimonios y defunciones un carftcter legal y 


Eki conformidad & las prescripciones ordenadas, todas las Iglesias Parro- 
quiales consignaron en los rejlstros respectlvos los nombres de los padres, pa- 
drinoB y 6em&B datos indlspensables para la identilicacl^a de las personas. 

EstSL medlda contribuy6 eficazmente & la coDser.vaciOn de los apellidos, con- 
Yirtiendo los indivlduales existentes entonces en apellidos permanentes de 

No de otra manera se comprende que hayan subsistldo apellidos infamantes, 
rldlculoe 6 despreciables, sino teniendo un orljen de iuiposici6n ptiblica que bubo 
de sandonar el escrupuloso r^jimen relijloso espaflol, acaso m^ severo entonces 
que en otras naciones cat61icas. 

En Chile no existen apellidos orljinarios del pais, fuera de los indfjenas 6 
araucanos que no hemos considerado en nuestro trabajo por carecer de las 
6uficientes enerjias para acometer una larga y fatigosa iuvestlgacl6n hist6rica, 
acaso est^il sin poseer los suficlentes conocimientos de la lengua mapuche. 

Sin embargo no quiere decir esto que muchas familias no lleven apellidos 
donados, adoptados, modificados 6 traducldos en Chile, constituyendo en rigor 
nn apellido uetamente chileno pero que perteuece ft la lengua caste! lana por su 
forma esterna 6 por su signiflcado. 

No es diffcil encontrar en el bajo pueblo apellidos donados en la infancia 6 
con ocasidn del bautismo 6 de la inscripciOu en el Rejistro ClviL Presclndiendo 
de un caso, demasiado conocido, en que un padre did,^ sus hi Jos nombres y 
apellidos especiales con los cuales se han hecho conocldos en ciertos circulos 
artistlcos y literarios, podrlaroos dtar, una seric de apellidos ocasionales que, 
A falta de paternos, Uevan 6 han llevado algunos indivfduos: Juli« Hallazgo, 
Juan Sinpadres, Pedro Nolasco Canasto, Domingo Embarrado, Santiago Des- 
conocido, Antonio Navldad, Juan Parque, Nicolas Victoria, Santiago Cristiano, 
son unos pocos ejemplos de los muchos que podrfamos indicar. 

No faltan an^cdotas que referir relacionadas con estos nombres y con otros, 
como ellos pertenecientes & eii>6sitos, & quienes se les ha dado apellidos de 
persona jes que alcanzaron celebrldad 6 lograron el favor popular. Hay pues, 
expdsitos que se Uaman: Arturo Prat, Manuel Baquedano, Jos6 Manuel Bal- 
maceda, Manuel Montt, Pedro Montt, Antonio Varas, Manuel Btllnes, Benjamin 
Vicafia Mackenna, etc, etc. 

Frecuentes son los casos de expdsitos & quienes se les da, no ya nombres 
aluslvos & las clrcunstancia en que fueron encon trades 6 los nombres en 
boga 6 populares, sino que se les hace flgurar con apellidos comunes, las m&s 
veces patronfmicos como Qora&lez, Perez, Diaz, Rodriguez, Hern&ndez, etc. 

Como se ve, no son estos apellidos propiamente chilenos. 

Tampoco podemos darle el concepto de chilenos A aquellos apellidos adopta- 
dos por estranjeros, como en el caso de algunos asi&ticos, especialmente chinos, 
quienes 6 por falta de apellido 6 por defect«>s de pronunciacl6n en los que 
tienen, no se avienen & la fon^tlca castellana. 

La fon^tica ha contribuldo eficazmente en Chile asf como en otros pafses 
A la formaci6n de nueyos apellidos que no son otros sino antlguos modificados 
por la mala pronunciaci<}n. De esta clase son: Estuardo (de Stuard), Macaya 
(de Mac-Kay), Coo (de Cauz), Morand^ (de Morandals), Fredes (de Fred- 
erick), Diaz (de Day), Leteller (de Lothelier), Pradel (de Pradelle), Borcos- 
que (de Workuoshy), Orellana (de Aureliene), Lei ton (de Leighton), Lobos 
(de Loving), OJeda (de Lauxier), Aris (de Harris), Jarpa (de Harpe), etc. 

La carencia de reglas ortogr&ficas que fije la verdadera forma grftfica del 
apellido castellano es otro factor importante de la multiplicidad de los apelli- 


dos. A esta causa se deben entre otros los siguientes: Zenteno y Oenteno; 
Sotera y Zotera; Gepeda y Zepeda; Zerrano y Serrano; Meza y Mesa; Peso 
y Pezo; Vadiola y Badiola; Valdovinos y Baldovinos; Baraona y Barahona; 
Baso, Basso y Bazo ; Borques y Bohorquez. 

Los modlsmos de los dlversos idiomas y dlalectos de la Peninsula Ib^ica 
contribuyeron en forma notable al aumento de los apellidos. En Chile no 
faltaron casos de la influencia de la lengua mapuche, que dieron nuevas formas 
A algunas de ellos. En este caso se encuentran los slgulentes: Poncbe (Ponce), 
Gampu (Campo), Calbu (Calvo). 

Es necesarlo tambl^n advertir que por causos de distlnta Indole, se ban 
traducldo numerosos apellidos de orljen estranjero de los cuales, por via de. 
ejemplo citamos los siguientes: Herrero (traducldo de Smith), Cruz (tradu- 
cido de Croce), Flores (traducldo de Blumen), Guillermo (traduddo de 
(Williams), Campo (de Camp). 

No son estrafios tambi^ los cambios operados en los apellidos mediante 
las alteraciones del J^nero 6 ndmero, clrcunstanclas que tambl^n influyen 
en el aumento de estos. 

Los siguientes ejemplos demuestran los numerosos casos que existen en 
nuestro Pais: 

Campo y Campos, Rio y Rios, Palacios y Palacio, Iglesia 6 Iglesias, Torre y 
Torres, Llano y Llanog, Valle y Valles, Molino y Molinos, Corral y Corrales, 
Olivo y Olivos, Roble y Robles, Pefia y Peflas, Cafia y Cafias. Lobo y Lobos, 
Rosa y Rosas, Vara y Varas, Ballestero y Ballesteros, Infante ^ Infantas, 
Molino y Molina, Oliva y Olivos, Cuadro y Oiadra, Espino y Espina, Cano y 
Cana, Rojo y Rojas, Rivera y Rivero, Huerta y Huerto, Rebolledo y ReboUeda, 
Robledo y Robleda, Roca y Roco, Parejo y Pareja. 

Otro factor que contribuy6 & multiplicar los apellidos fu^ la costumbre 
espafiola de recordar en los hijos los nombres completes de los antepasados. A 
esta costumbre, muy en boga en los siglos XVI y XVII, se debe la extlncldn de 
muchos apellidos que debieran existlr por varonfa y, por la inversa, la supervi- 
vencia de otros que, segdn el uso actual, debieron haber desapareddo hace ya 
muchos afiios. 

No de otra suerte se comprende el hecho frecuente, observado por los 
Jenealojistas, de que desaparece el apellldo patemo en cuanto alcanzan las 
filiaclones la medianfa del siglo XVII. 

Los ejemplos siguientes tomados al azar, dan una idea de esa costumbre: 

Francisco de Agulrre, tuvo por padre & Hernando de la Rua. 

Francisco de Villagra, fu6 hljo de Alvaro de Sarria. 

Pero Martin Parras, fu^ hi Jo de Hernando Garcia Barbados. 

Antonio Tarabajano, fu^ hijo de Juan Antonio (Gonzalez. 

Alonso del Mercado, fu^ hlJo de Jer<)nimo de Alderete. 

El Conquistador Juan Ruiz de Leon que combati<) contra Lautaro & lai 
6rdenes de Pedro de Villagra, tuvo entre sus hiJos ft los siguientes: Dotla 
Cecilia de Villegas (nombre de su abuela materna), Cristobal Martinez de Merle 
(nombre de su abuelo patemo), Juan Ruiz de Leon (nombre de su padre), 
Feliciana Alvarez (apellidos y acaso nombre completo de su abuela paterna). 

Los tres hiJos varones del Capitftn Francisco de Figueroa que vivieron en los 
comienzos del siglo XVII, se llamaron : Pedro de Alvarado ; Jer6nimo de Riberos 
y Lorenzo de Figueroa. 

Terminada esta suscinta relacl6n hlstdrlca de los apellidos espafioles, en> 
tramos de lleno en la clasiflcaci^n de los apellidos radicados en Chile, desde la 
Conquista hasta nuestros dfas bajo sus aspectos etimol6Jico6, morfol6Jlcoe y 



Smdpns de la clasifioaei6n etimoldjica de los apellidos radicados en Chile. 


Individuales. .< 


Cualitativoe. . 




de Fila Alfonso. 

de Estado Nieto. 

Profesionales Alcalde. 

de Apodoe Raposo. 

objetivalee Mesa. 

Flsicoe Moreno. 

' Morales Bravo. 

de Pila Ramirez. 

\de Ai>ellidos Arbelaez. 

^Gentilidos Navarro. 

Nacionales Aragon. 

Lugarefios Toledo. 

Locales Fuentealba. 

Rejionales Valladares. 

IGontinentes Llano, 
contenidos Castillo, 
de plantaciones...01ivares. 
de accidentes Pozo. 

fadvocativos Santa Cruz. 

si^fnificativos Jordan. 

'aliados Garcia Huidobro. 

conmemorativos. .Navas. 

de linaje Alvarez de Toledo. 

^alusivos Buendfa. 

IBUstantivoe Ale^;rfa. 
adjetivos Pleiteado. 
verbales Besa. 
adverbiales Allende. 

Oombinados Cantuarias. 

Ambiguos Gastafio. 

JSstiafios Aguirre. 


Locales comunes..^ 



CAPfT0Lo II. — CUuifloaMn etitnoldfica. 

Lo8 nombres de famiUa podrfan daslficarse de diferentes maneras; pero, 
aceptando la nomenclatura con que son conocidos Jeneralmente, hemes preferldo 
la m&s prftctlca de todas y acaso la mfts adecuada ft nuestros propdsltos. 

Segtkn esta claslficacldn los apellidos radicados en Chile se dividen en siete 
grapes ft saber: 

1*. Apellidos individuales 6 sean aquellos que se refleren ft persona y cuya 
si|^ificacl6n es inherente ft ella misma. 

2*. Apellidos geogrftficos 6 sean los que ezpresan algftn accidente 6 nombre 

8*. Apellidos hlst6ricos, 6 sean aquellos que pueden referirse ft un hecho real 
y memorable aunque el mlsmo nombre no lo ezprese. 

4*. Apellidos abstractos 6 sean los que por su naturaleza representan ideas, 
acciones 6 circunstancias Impersonales. 

5*. Ai^Uidos combinados 6 sean aquellos formados por dos 6 mfts palabras 6 

6*. Apellidos ambiguos 6 sean los que tienen una signiflcacidn que permite 
clasiflcarlos en dos de los grupos anteriores. 

7*. Apellidos extrafios 6 sean los que no pertenecen ft la lengua castellana. 

Estos siete grandes grupos comprenden varias divisiones y subdivisiones que 
trataremos de estudiar met6dicamente, en conformidad al cuadro de la clasifi- 
caci6n Jeneral que hemes formado sin tener otre anftlogo para compararlo 6 
tomarlo come modele. 



Los apelltdos individuales constituyen un grupo numeroso 6 interesante, pues 
comprende gran parte de la onomatolojfa castellana. 

Se divide este grupo en cuatro sub-grupos de apellldos i)erfectamente de- 
flnidos, & saber: Personales, Cualitatlvos, Patronfmicos y Gentilicios cad a uno 
de los cuales se subdivide en clases que corresponden ft los nombres afines, como 
se ver& al tratar separadamente de cada una de ellas. 

1"*. Apellidoi individuales-personales de pila, — ^Esta clase de apellldos es 
numerosa, pues, se ban orijinado en el pals mucbos apellldos de esta naturaleza. 

En efecto, durante la era colonial y aun mucbos a&os despu^ de obtenida In 
independencia polftlca, fu6 coHtumbre, aceptada por mucbos estraujeros, la de 
traduclr el apellldo 6 adoptar como tal un nombre proplo de plla. 

Por este motlvo es frecuente encontrar en los documentos respectlvos nom- 
bres de i)ersonas que carecen de apellldos 6 que usan dos nombres propios; 
como, Manuel Alfonso, Antonio Ambrosia, Pedro Anton, Melchor Benito, Grego- 
rlo Bias, Luis Bonifacio, Gonzalo Oil, Jaime Diego, Alonso Martin, tmlos vivien- 
tes en el slglo XVI ; y otros como Junn Constanzo (1670), Isldro Alonso (1772). 
Jorje Cosme (1808), Juan JosC Eduardo (1803), Pedro Gulllermo (1814), resl- 
aentes en Cblle en los aflos apuntados. 

Ix)s nombres de plla usados como apellldos en Chile son los slgulentes : 

Arlstldes, Abraham, Abel, Antolln, Asnar, Alba, Albano, Anjel, Alfonso, 
Adrian, Ambroslo, Andrea, Anton, Alonso, Alderete, Arnao, Anrlque, Aparlcio, 
(Aparlcl6n), Asccnclo, (Ascenci6n), Alberto, Adrlano. 

Baltra, (Baltazar), Berenguel, Bonel, Beltran, Benito, Bias, Bonifacio, Ba- 
sualto, Bernal, Bricefio, (Bricennus), Bermudo, Blasco, (de Vasco), Bela, 
Bernab6, Benedlcto, Bruno. 

Ols6stomo, Camilo, CJofrfi, Caro, Ck)lfts, Caslmlro, Costanzo, Celo, Cupertino, 
Concha, (Concepcl6n), Crispin, Cosme. 

Chimeno, Chlrlno. 

David, Daniel, Duarte, Duran, Domingo. 

Ellas, Emlllano, Elvira, Esteban, Elguin. 

F§lix, Fajardo, Ferran, Fernan, Fernando. 

Gavlno, Gil, Gajardo, Guajardo, Gallndo, Guzman, Garln, (de Gar-win) 
Gumuclo, (Gome), Gadea, (Agueda), Gerardo, Gregorlo. 

Hlp61lto, Hurtado, Hernan, Holguln. 

Illan, Isaac. 

Julio, Juan, Jaime, Jacobo, Jll, Jllberto, JullAn, Justlnlano, JofrC, Jener, 
Jacome, Jufr6. 

Lorenzo, Luis, Loayza, LlUo, Lois, I^adron, Lope, Lozano, Lujan, Levi. 

Llorente, (Lorenzo). 

Martin, Miguel, Mate, Matte, Mlllan, Mir, Montesluo, Morante, Morgado, 
Miguel, Mira, Mlron, Maturaua, (de Maturln), Manzor, Marin, Macfas, Marlfio, 
Mlcbeo, Melian, Mariluz, (Maria de lu Luz). 


Pascual, Pacheco, Pavon, Perriu, Pedro, Pero, Pantaleon, Paco. 

OJler, Olguln, Olaguer, (Olegarlo), Ossorlo, Osorio, Octavio. 

Rodrigo, lioque, Roldan, Ramon, Reinaldo, Rosejido, Roy, Ruy, Roman, ROmay, 

Salomon, Santiago, Serafin, Salmon, (Salomon), Simon. 

Tristan, Toribio, Tenorlo, Tello, Teodoro. 

Valerlo, Valero, Valdovino, Velarde, (Abelardo), Vldal, Venega, Virjilio, Vela, 
Vljll, (Leovlglldo), Valentin, Ventura. 


2*. Apellidos individuates, peraonales de estado. — ^Esta clase no es numerosa 
y comprende todos aquellos apellidos que expresan condicl6n, estado 6 paren- 
tesco. A menudo se presentan coDiplementados 6 allados con apellidos patron!- 
mlcos como en Fernandez Niflo, Fernandez Campino, Nlfio de Cepeda, Nleto de 
8Uva, etc 

Hemos anotado los sigulentes ejemplos, advirtiendo que no serfan muchos 
m&s los que pudi6ramos agregar con la caracterfstica de figurar en el pafs: 

Amlgo, Amo, Amos. 

Gaballero, Gasado, Gampino, (Gampesino), Gautlvo, Ghlqulllo, Glerlgo. 


Infantas, Infanta, Infante (nifio), Islefio. 


Montafi^, Maestre (Maestro), Mozo. 

Nieto. Nifio. 

Patr6n, Primo. 

Ruano, Rival. 

Sobrino, Soltero, Serrano. 

Tirado (exp6sito). 

Var6n, Viejo, Vasallo, Vesino. 

Zar, Zagal. 

3^ Apellidos individuates, personates, profesionales. — ^Las dignidades en el 
orden civil, militar 6 relijloso dieron lugar a la formaci6n de considerable 
cantidad de apellidos. Todas las jerarqufas del nobiliario, desde Rey, hasta 
Baron; todos los grados de la milicia, comenzando desde Mariscal hasta con- 
cluir en Soldado, Peon 6 Pechero; y finalmente la totalidad de las dignidades 
eclcslftsticas sin escluir Papa, Garden at, Obispo, sirvieron de apellidos & muchos 
individuos y & no pocas familias. No siempre esta clase de apellidos se han 
jenerado exentos de malevolencia, en que un espfritu de burla 6 de desprecio 
ha sefialado al primero que lo us6. Inoficioso serfa buscar ejemplos de esta 
naturaleza cuando son corrientes los casos del bnutismo de exp6sitris & quienes 
se les ha dado el nombre del santo del dla, con la especificaci6n conocida en 
el calendario. Asf han sido bautizados individuos con los nombres de Ber- 
nardo Abad, Hip61ito Obispo, Esteban Rey, etc., etc. 

Los apellidos derivados de la jerarqufa militar se deben d los apodos creados 
por la necesidad de la diferenciaci6n. 

Sin embargo & veces estos apodos tuvieron un orijen burlesco 6 despreciativo 
como en aquellos casos en que las cualldades ffsicas 6 morales del individuo 
eran una negaci6n del signlflcado mismo de la palabra. Los apellidos de 
Mariscal, Brigadier, Coronet, han ixxlido ser sobre-nombres de individuos pusl- 
l&nimes enteramente desprovistos de condiciones militares. 

Los oficios, han dado tambl^n orijen & apellidos adoptados por individuos 
de diferentes nacionalldades al radicarse en un pafs, de lengua distinta. Por 
lo demfts los apellidos profesionales, cualesquiera que sea la importancla de 
ellos, han seguido la evoluci6n jeneral de los apellidos hasta convertirse en 
heredltarios y por lo tan to en nombres jen^ricos de familia. 

Ejemplos de esta clase de apellidos son los siguientes : 

Alcalde, Alcaide, Abad, Armentero, Arqueros, Abate, Ampuero (blanqueador 
de casa). 

Ballesteros, Barquero, Bachiller, Baron, Ballestero, Borrero (Borrero). 

Gontador, Gantero, Goronel, Gabero, Griado, Gabrero, Gabrera, Gampero, 
Gonejeros, Gonde, Galero, Gasero. 


Kscribano Escudero, Escolano, E^alante. 

68436— 17— VOL i 6 


Farfdn, (guerrero de caballerfa). 

Grumete, Guarda, Guardia, Guerrero. 

Jurado, Joglar (Juglar). 

Ladrillero, I^vanderos, Lavandero. 

Merino, Montero, Molinero, Montaner, Marqu^, Monje, Marlscal. 

Prior, Pastor, Plcapedrero, Plquero Palomera Plateros, Pedrero. 


Relna, Reyes, Rey. 

Serrador, Soldado. 

Tejedor, Tornero, Tejero. 

Verdugo, Veguer. 

Zapatero, Zilleruelo (dimlnutivo de cillero, despensero). 

4*. ApeUid08 individualet, personales de apodo. — SI conslderamos los apelli* 
dos de apodo por su orijen, esta clase de apellidos resultarfa numerosfsima, pues 
en realidad el apodo no es slno un sobre-nombre destlnado d determinar d un 
Individuo 6 d dlferenciarlo de otroa. 

Dentro de este concepto serfan apellidos de apodos todos 6 la mayor parte 
de los clasificados como profesionales, muchos objetivados, la totalidad de los 
cualltatlvos y no pocos que hemos incorporado en otros grupos. Pero al obrar 
con este crlterio nos hubi^ramos visto precisados d alterar nuestra clasiflcaci6n 
con evidente perjuicio de la claridad. 

Esta es la causa por la cual conslderamos como apellidos de apodo tknica- 
mente aquellos que no entran por su signlficacl6n etimol6gic8 en . los otroa 
grupos. Los nombres de anlmales 6 aves, los epftetos injuriosos 6 despreciati- 
vos, los Jentillcios aumentatlvos 6 dlmlnutivos y otros de indole pareclda, son 
los tinicos apellidos que para los efectos de esta claslficaci6n conceptuamos 
apellidos de apodo 6 alcumias. 

De las clases enunciadas son los slguientes : 

Aguila, Albarran, (Indivfduo sin domicilio), Abadejo, (ave), Alvaradejo, 
Astete, (como diminutivo de astuto), Alcon. 

Bocanegra, Becerra, Borrego. 

Cordero, Oiervo, Conejo, Caracol, Cabrlto, Cabral, Cuervo. 
'Chinchilla, Chamorro, (trasquilado). 

Escandon, (demoroso). 


Gama, Gallo, Gavilan, Gaete, Galleguillos, Garza. 


Leon, Lobo. 

Moran, Melgarejo, Macho. 


Ortega, (cierta clase de ave). 

Picon, Pajarlto, Picapiedra, Pavdn, Paniagua, Patlfio, (color de pato), Pajuelo, 
(mote correspondiente & Irascible), Palominos, Palomo. 

Raposo, Rondon. 

SIrena, Sierpe, Salmer6n. 

Tardon, Temero. * 

Vaca, Verdejo. 


5^ Apellidos iridividualeSj personales, objetivados. — ^Aunque son muchos los 
apellidos que tlenen un orijen histdrico y muchos mds los que los jenealojistas 
de antafio han ilustrado con leyendas alusivas, en realidad deben ellminarse 
estas circunstanclas en considerable cantidad de los incorporados en el presente 


Los apellidos objetivados son en su mayorfa nombres JeogrAflcos de Elspafia, 
annque no siempre corresponden & dudades, villas 6 lugares conoddos. 

Los sigolentes son ejemplos de este grupo : 

Armijo, Areas, Abarca, Anna, Armera, Almendras, Aroo, Arcos, Aro, Aros. 

Balsa, Barca, Barba, Barrll, Bosa, Bozo, Barra, Barrlga, Bastidas, (aparatos 
de gnerra para atacar moralla), Banderas, Barros, BUlete, (carta). 

Colmena, Golmenares, Oaracol, Oampana, Genteno, Gebada, Garrilo, Ck>ronilla8, 
Oafias, Ck>l, Oaldera, Gallon, Gadena, Gerda, Goncba, Gablllos, Garaba, (embar- 
caci6n peqaefia), Geron, (resldno de oera), Gorrea, Oorreas, Garaves, (especie 
de &mbar), Gordones, Guadro, Ganas, Gorona, Glavel, Gabezas, Gorrea, Gabello, 
Gebada, Ganillas, G&rcamo, (descanso del eje de un mollno), Glaverfa. 


Espejo, Bscala, Bscalona, (escala de cuerdas), Bscalada, (escalera), Bnca- 
lada, (pieza de adereso de caballo), Bq^lna, B^pada, Bstay, (pieia de arbola- 
dnra de nayfo), Bscanilla, (cona). 

Flores, Fierro, Fontedlla. 

Oarffos, (de garflo), Gorrofio, Onljarro, Garrote. 



Lanza, Lira, Luna, Lucero, Lanas, Lazo» Lefla. 

Mesa, Mefiiqoe, Maza, Manto, Mosqnera, Mnllecas, Malaspina, (Mala-espina), 

Matamala, Karfil. 


OJos, Oro, Oros, OJo, Orella (oreja). 

Parra, Pulgar, Puerta, Plata, Plana, Puga (Pua), Palos, Pliego. 

Quijada, Quejada, Quezada (otras formas de quljada). 

Bosa, Rueda, Ropero, Ruedas, Rej6n, Rubt 

Sol, Sarmiento, SangQeaa (frambuesa). 

Tejo, Teja, Trigo. 

Yaras, Vlnagre (vino-acre), Viguera. 

Zelada, Zapata, Zenteno. 

0*. Apellidos individuales, oudlitativoMt fiHoos. — ^Los apodos, fnndados en los 
defectos 6 cualldades ffsicas generaron muchos apellidoB tanto en Gastilla como 
en las demAs rejiones de ESspafia. 

Ehi Gbile existen, desde la 6poca de la Gonqulsta la mayorfa de los qne enn- 
meramoB A oontinaaci6n : 

Alba, Albin (color Cannes! oacuro). 

Blanco, Bello, Bermejo, Bruna (color oscnro), Bazo, Barrozo, BermeJIUo, 
Blancas, Buenrostro, Barroso (con barros). 

Glaro, Grespo, Gano, Gabezon, G&rdenas, Glavo, Gastafio (pelo), Ganas, Gas- 
tanon, Corvalan (color aceituno), Galvo, Galyin. 

Donoso, Delgado, Delgadlllo. 


Oallardo, Qordillo. 

Hermosilla, Hermoso. 


Jiron (de jiro, hermoso). 

Lozano, Lozana. 

Moreno, Mellado. 

Negrete, Negr6n. 


Prieto, Pequefio, Pardo, Pizarro, Pintado. 

Rubio, Rojo, Rojas, Rubias, Romo, Rollizo. 


Sordo, Seisdedos, Sagredo (color rublo cast bianco). 



7**. Apcllidos individuates, cualitativot, moraleM, — Ck>ino la anterl<w eeta 
clase de apellidos es de anti^a data, aunqiie durante mnchos siglos existieron 
s61o en la condlci6n de personates. La oostumbre de agregar una califlcaci6n 
al nombre era corriente desde los tiempoe de Don Pelayo, y, no es estralio que 
perdurara esta costumbre en el lengnaje rejional 6 lugarefio hasta muy entrada 
la 6poca moderna, como lo manlflestan las designaciones que es comun encontrar 
en la ^poca de la Gonquista de AmMca, aunque ya no modificando al nombre 
slno al apellldo. 

Enumeramos algunos de los pocos ejemplos que ezisten en el pais: 

Amable, Aguado, Agttello (enfermizo), Amador, Amoroso. 

Bravo, Bueno, Barrag&n (esforacado), Brlones (esforsado). 

CJort^s, Caro, Cumplido. 


Galan, Gallardo, Garrido. 


Mogollon, Manso, Machuca, Mansilla, Malo. 


Rlsuefio, Sereno. •> 


8"*. Apellidos individuaXeSj patronimicos, de pila. — ^La variedad de los 
apellidos patronlmicos es verdaderamente considerable en Eqiafia, en especial 
durante la Edad Media. Existfan entonces un nt&mero incalculable de apellidos 
de esta clase de los cuales apenas queda el recuerdo en docnmentos de la 6poca. 
Contrlbuyeron & multiplicar la variedad de los patronlmicos los dialectos 
rejionales de la Peninsula, y, la escasa instruccl6n de las clases sociales. 
Apellidos que hoy tienen una ortograffa Jeneralmente aceptada, se escribfan en 
las niAs variadas formas como por ejemplo : Gonzalez, que se ve escrito Gonzales, 
Gonzalves, Gundisalvez, Gunsales, Gonzalvoz, Gonzallz, Gunsalz, etc., etc. 

Calculamos en mds de doscientos los apellidos patronfmicos existentes de los 
cuales anotamos los siguientes ejemplos: 

Alvarez, Antunez, Arias, Armentariz, Aris, Armenteros, Antolinez, Aldretiz, 
Antoniz, Alveaz, Arnaldez, Arnaez, Anriquez, ArgUelles, Alvis, Almendaris. 

Blasquez, Bahamondes, Brlones, Bermudez, Baldovinos, Blascoz, Baez, Beas, 
Benitez, Bernales, Bafiez, Bernalez, Belardes, Borquez, Bohorques. 

Gortinez, Gervantes, (de Servando), Glares, Gides, Garavantes, (de Gara- 
vando), Garez, Garlz, Ck)llantes, (de GoUando), Gells, (de CJelo), Ghirinos, 
Ghavez, Ghaves. 

Diaz, Dominguez, Diez, Dieguez. 

Enriquez, Estevez, Echanes. 

Fernandez, Faundez, Ferraz, Florez, Floraz, Fortunes, Fagundez, Fernaz, 

Gonzalez, Grez, Guifiez, Gulsaldez, Galindez, Gk>dinez, Gk>rmaz, Gtomfts, €k>mez, 
Gomis, Giles, Garcte, Guiraldez, Gamez, Gutierrez, Galvez, Gumis, Gumuz, 
Ctelves, Galdamez, Glroz. 

Hernandez, Hernaez, Henriquez. 

Ibafiez, Ifiiguez, lUanes. 

Jimenez, Jerez, Juarez, Juanes, Jelves. 

L6pez, Lozanes, Lainez. 

Martinez, Mendez, Mufioz, Melendez, Migueles, Mardones, Macfas, Millanes, 
Menendez, Meneses, Manriquez, Marquez, Michelez, Miralles, Morelos, Morgaez, 


Nufiex, Narvaez. 

Ordofiez, Ortiz, Ossores, Otafiez. 

Perez, Pelaez, Paez, Prendez, Pavez, Pelaiz, Palz, Pedres, Ponce. 

Ramirez, Raimundis, Knlz, Remirez, ReSoaldes, Rnz. 

Sanches, Suarez, Soils, Silanez, Saes, Saez, Saenz, Sanchis, Sans, Sains,. 
Savloz, Sanz. 

Tellez, Telliz. 

Velasquez, Velez, Vellz, Veils, Valdovinos, Valdte, Venegas, Vasquez. 

Yepes, Yafies, Yelvez, Yostis, Ynstez, Ynstos. 

9*". ApeUidos individuates, patronitnicos de apellidot. — ^Esta claae no es 
nnmerosa y, ann algunos de los ejemplos que conslgnamos, podrfan ser clasl- 
ficados con acierto en la anterior; pero, const&ndonos que la procedencia del 
patronfmlco es derivado del apellido, les sefialamos este lugar. 

Pocos son los ejemplos que hemos reunldo de esta dase entre los cuales con- 
slgnamos los slgulentes: 

Arbelaez, Arnaez, Artlguez. 

Santibat&ez, Sanjuanes. 

Silvez, Silvaez. 


10*. ApeUidos individuflles jentUicioi, — ^E3n la lengua castellana no se ban 
producido tantos apellidos de esta naturaleza como podrfa presumirse con- 
slderando el ntimero crecldo de dudades y villas que ha tenldo Espafia. 

Diffcilmente podrfan reunirse ocfaenta apellidos JentUldos en todo el pals. 
Los slgulentes ejemplos son de esta dase : 

Aviles, Aleman, Altamlrano, Alcafno, Andlcano, 


Oordovez, Gastellano, Oatalan, Ckdlego, Gallegulllos, OamperOt Oampliio^ 



ESslava, EspafioL 

Flamenco, Franco. 

Griego, Gaditano, Galiano. 


Mancheiio, Montalies, Moyano, Mandujano, Mayorquin, Mascarefio. 


Ochandiano, Obrejano. 

Pomarlno, (de Pomar). 


Soriano, Solano, Sevlllano, Solorzano. 

Toledano, Tarlfefio, Trizano, Toscano, Talaverano. 

Vascones, Valenclano, Venedano. 

Zamorano, Zambrano. 


Hemos dlcho que las tres cuartas partes de los apellidos espafioles tienen 
anAlogos en nombres geogrftflcos. Bn efecto, es bastante rednddo el nthnero de 
apellidos que no tienen correspondientes en algtin nombre de lugar, villa, 
dudad 6 designad6n geogrAfica continente 6 contenlda, de alguna de las cuarenta 
y nueve provincias de la Monarqufa espafiola. 

Esta drcunstancia Justiflca el procedlmiento que hemoa observado al Incor- 
porar pref erentemente en otros grupos, apellidos que son conoddos tamblto como 
nombres Jeogrftflcos ; reservando para el presente grupo solamente los nombres 


propios que no tien«i signiflcaclbn casteUana y aquellos que ImpHcitamente 
llevan envuelta la idea de la localldad 6 de permaoencia en un lugar. 

Ck>n8ecuentemente hemoe distrlbufdo loa apellldoB geogr&ficos en dos sub- 
grupos : propios y locales comunes, subdividldos en las clases que trataremos ft 
continuaci6n : 

1*. Apellidos geogrdfloo9y proffiot, naoionale9. — Vo son numerosos los apellidos 
tornados del nombre de la provincia de Bspafia 6 del pals al coal perteneci^ 
quien lo usd por ves primera. Antigoamente eran apellidos de los Monarcas, 
tanto en Espafia como en otros pafses de Buropa. Asf vemos en la historia 
repetir los nombres de Sancho de Gastllla« Aragon« Isabel de 
Inglaterra, Alfonso de Portugal, Blanca de Francla, Blanca de Navarra. 
Actualmente se encuentran estos nombres como apellidos en todas las clases 

Anotamos como ej^plos los slguientes: Aragon, Alava, CastlUa, Dlnamarca, 
Espafia, Francla, Granada, Jaen, Leon, Mancha, Portugal, Vlscaya. 

2*. ApeUidos jeoffrdflcos, propio$, lugareuos, — Casl on eziste ciudad, villa 6 
lugar de Espafia que no haya ser^do como apellldo. Jeneralmente esta dase 
de apellidos se ha orijinado por vencldad, esto 6s, por haber nacido 6 vivido 
el indiyfduo en el lugar geogr&flco cuyo nombre adopts. Las personas que 
nsaban apellidos patronlmicos corrientes al cambiar de domidlio, mfts por 
necesidad de diferenciacibn que por espiritu nobiliario, agregaban el nombre 
local de nacimiento 6 de procedencia. Numerosos apellidos complementados 
tienen este orijen. Hay tambien muchos apellidos de esta dase que son cono- 
ddos con la designaddn de teAorfol y que en realidad corresponden ft se&orioa 
6 mayortizgos efectivos del mismo nombre. Del mismo modo ezisten apellidos 
Molarieffos, reconocidos desde antigua data como tales; pero, que es imposible 
clasiflcarlos s^i^adamente ft causa de colncidir con los lugarefios en el uso 

Entre los cuatro mil apellidos geogrftflcos de procedenda espafiola que es 
posible contar en Gliile, hemos anotado como muestra de la clase, los slguientes : 

Avalos, Adaro, Aguayo, Aguil6, Alarcon, Albarracfn, Alcftntara, Aldana, 
Alfaro, AUaga, Almagro, Almonte, Amaya, Andrade, Anguita, Angulo, Araujo, 
Ar^valo, Argttelles, Arredondo, Astorga. 

Bayona, Bustamante, Balaguer, Balboa, Baquedano, Barcena, Berganza, 
Bolivar, Brieva, Bftlnes, Burgos, Butron. 

Oaamafio, Gftdiz, Ck>usifio, Gamargo, Gandamo, Garmona, Gasanova, Gedron, 
Gea, Gobos, Gollantes, Gorvalan, Gortazar, O^rdova, Gosio. 


Escalante, Espoz, E3squivel, 

Felift, Font, Fontana. 

Gainza, Galarza, Gamarra, Gamboa* Godoy, G6ngora, Gofii, GQemes. 

Haro, Heredia, Hermida, Hevia, Huidobro. 


Labra, Lacunza, Lastra, Lazcano, Leon, Linarea^ Lores, Laqna 

Madrid, Madrazo, Maquieira* Maruri, fifotute, Medina, Mena, Mendoza, Mejfa, 

Miralles, Miranda, Moncada, Moran, Morelra, Mujica, Munia. 

Navarrete, Noriega. 

Ojeda, Oviedo. 

Pantoja, Parga, Pamplona, Pifieiro, Porras, Puga. 

Quevedo, Qulroga, Quiros. 

Respaldiza, Revilla, Rivas, Rlob6, Rioja, Rocha, Rodenas, Ros, 

Saa, Saavedra, Salamanca, Samaniego, Seijas, Solano, Solorzano, Sota. 

Tagle, Trujillo, Tufion. 


Ulloa, Urbinsu 

Yarela, Yalenzuela, Verdejo, Vergara, Viedma, Vivanco. 

Zamora, Zurita. 

3*. Apellidoa, geogrdftcos, propioB, locales, — Gonstituye esta clase de apelli- 
do6 la serie de coinpuestoB de uii nombre comiin indlcativo de lugar con un 
modificativo. El nombre de tn^to, seguido de un nombre proplo, alterado de 
ordlnario, forma le serle m68 frecuente. 

Anotamos los slgulentes ejemploe: 

Barrionuevo, Bustamante. 

Casanueva, Casasus (casa de suso)» Casasola, Casanova, Glfuentes (slete- 
faentes 6 den-fuentes), Covarrublas. 

Fuentealba, Fuenzalida, Fuentemayor. 




Septblveda (siete puertas). 

Tordesillas, Torquemada (Torre-quemada), Torrealba, Torreblanca, Torre- 

Villacorta. Vlllanneva, Villalobos, Villasana, Villegas (VlUa-Egas), VUla- 
vlcencio, Villagra, Villagran (Vllla-grande), Villela (Villa-pequefla), Vlllarta 6 
VlUalta, VUlamil (Villa-Amilia 6 Emilia), Villanieto, ViUafuerte, VlUalva. VI- 
llablanca, VillapAn, Villarreal, Vlllarroel. Villasefior, ViUalon, VlUazon, Villa- 
longa, Vlllasanta, ViUamando, Villagoroez, Viilagutierrez, Vlllota, Villadiego. 

4*. ApeUidos geogrdfioos, pfX>pios, rejumales. — Como la clase anterior son 
estos apellidos compuestos frecuentemente de un nombre y un adjetlvo modi- 
flcatfvo. La serie m&s interesante es la constitufda por la palabra valle. 
BJemplos : 

Belmar, Belmonte, Barrlonuevo, Balmaceda (Valmaseda), Baltierra. 

Ck)staval (costa-valle). 

Cami>ofrio, Castelblanco. 

Montemayor, Montenegro, Montalva, Montalvan, Moncada, Monsalve, Mon- 
■errate, Montoya, Monreal, Monroy, Montiel, Montealegre. 

Peralta (Pereda 6 Peraleda alta). 

Riofrio, Rioseco. 

Sierralta, Somarrlba (cima de arrlba), Sobremonte, Sotomayor. 

Valladares, Vallerino (valleri)equefio), Valledor (valle de oro), Valdebenlto, 
Yaldelomar (Yalle con alturas pequefias), Valderrama, Valdivla (Valle de 
EiVia, 6 Hevia), Valdivieso (Valdivielso), Valdepefias, Valderas, Valverde, 
Yaldenegro, '^ialdenebro, Valbuena, Valtlerra, Vallejo, Valcdrcel, Vallebueno, 
Valcazar, Valdespina. 

5*. Apellidos geogrdflcos locales, comut^es, continentes, — ^Los ejemplos que 
anotamos & continuaci6n nos evita hacer comentarios sobre esta numerosa clase 
de apellidos: 

Arenal, Artiga, Artigas, Arroyo, Acera, Arenales. 

Barrios, Braiias, Brafia (coto de caza). 

Gamino, Costa, Cuesta, Collao, Cfudad, Calle, Calzada, Lacalle, Calleja, 
Campo, Goto (terreno), Calzadiffa, Gollna, Carapafia, Campifia, Corte, Cor- 
tijo, Cortina, Cotarelo, Campos, Campillo, Cueto, Calles, Carrera (carretera), 


Haza (tierra de slembra), Hoz (angostura de valle profundo). 


Loinina. Lagunas, Landa, Lagos, Lago, Loma. Lucar (Lugar), Landera. 


Llanos, Liana, Llano. 

Montes, Molledo, Montafias, Maseda, Molllnedo, Mena (terreno de crladero 

Otero (terreno alto). 

Plaza, Prado, Pafs, Pedregal, Portlllo, Pasos, Puerto, Pesquera, Pando 
(terreno formado por una lonia suave), Pradera, Puebla (Pueblo), Poblete 

Rlos, Rivera, Rada, Rlvero, Rio, Rlbns, Rlba, Riberos, Rlva, Rincon, Rivas, 

iSicrra, Salinas, Soto. 

Valle, Vega, Vargas, Villa, Varga, Valles, Via, Vial, Vlllete, Vila (villa). 

6^ Apellidos geoffrd/icoSf locales^ comunvs contcnidos. — Esta clase como la 
anterior no ofrece diflcuitades para su mejor comprension. Conslgnamos los 
ejemplos sigulentes: 

Alcazar, Abadfa, Arco, Amparan (parapeto), Arcos, Atria (de Atrlo), AI- 
monacid (de Almuna, taller y Cld 6 sea taller de Cid). 

Becerril (corral en que se guardan los terneros). 

Castillo, Casas, 0)rral, Cuadra, Cabafias, Castejon, Casa, Gasal, Castro, 
Castellos, Cabafia, Casar, Casares, Castrillo, Castello. 





Iglesla, Iglesias. 

Muro, Monasterio, Molino, Mercado, Murillo. 

Palacios, Por tales, Paredes, Paredones, Posada. 

Quinta, Qulntana, Quintanilla. 


Salas, Solar, Sal a. 

Torre, Torres, Torrejon, Tejada, Tejeda, Tapia, Latapia. 

Vlvero, Vivar. 

7". Apellidos gcogrdflcos, locales comunes de plantaciones. — ^I^a numerosa 
clase de estos apellidos habrfa permitldo la subdivlsi6n en sub-clases que 
comprendiera la primera, los apellidos que signiflcaran estenci6n poblada de 
tal 6 cual vejetal, como Moraleda (terreno en que hay muchos morales) ; 
la segunda, que abarcara los apellidos que significaran drboles 6 plantas, como 
Moral 6 Morales; y la tercera, que reuniera los apellidos que significaran 
fruto 6 flor, como Mora, Oliva, ClavcL 

Los sigulentes apellidos se encuentran en Chile : 

Arboleda, Alamos, Acebal, Acebedo, Aliaga, Alcedo, Argomedo, Almendras, 
Avellaneda, Aceituno, Amaro, Amaral, Arce. 

Barraza (Berraza) Braflas (especie de Junco). 

Castafios, Cepeda, Clavel, CaJIgal, Carvajal, Carvallo, Castafieda, Ck)desido, . 
Cereceda, Cornejo (&rbol pequefio), Cardos, Cafias, Cafiedo, Carrasco, Carras- 
cal, Carrizo, Cafiaveral. 

Chnparro. ^ 

Encina, Escobar, Escobedo, Espinosa, Esplneda, Espinel, Esplnera. 

Figueras, Figueroa, Figueredo, Fresno, Fraga. 

Granado, Granados. 

Higuera, Hinojosa, Henostroza. 


Jardin, Jara, Jaramlllo (CaramiUo). 


Moral, Morales, Manzanos, Moraga, Morero, Mosquera, Maceda, Mansanedo, 
Moraledo, Manzano, Manzanal, Mata, Matas, Moraleda. 

Nogueral, Noguera, Noguerol, Nlspero, Naranjo. 

Olivo, Ollvar, Ollvares, Olmo, Olmos, Olmedo, Ortlga, Ortega (ortiga), Ojeda 
(de hojas), Olivera. 

Pino, Pereda, Perales, Poveda, Pal ma, Pomar, Pomareda, Plmentel, Pinedo, 
Pineda, Pifiero, Pruneda, Pimienta, Pifiera. 

Roble, Robles, Robledo, Rebolledo, Rabanal, Retamal, Romero, Romeral, 
Rosales, Retamales, Retama, Rebollar. 

Salgado, Salcedo, Sosa (hlerba salada), Solano (hierba-mora). 

Tobar, Tocornal (Toconal, sitio plantado de tocones de olivo). 

Verjel, Vifias, Vifiedo, Vifluelas, Vifia. 


8*. Apellidos ffeogrdflcos, locales comunes de accidenteB, — ^Hemos llamado de 
accidentes d todos los apellidos cuyo nombre es signlflcativo de algun objeto 
6 sitio grande 6 pequefio; pero que tiene car&cter de permanencia 6 adherencia 
al terreno. 

Los ejemplos que consignamos dan idea de los apellidos de esta clase : 

AgOero (canal de desagttes), Aguilar, Aguilera, Aguila, Artigas (tierras 
artigadas 6 en barbecho). 

Bafios, Barrera, Barreda, Barra, Bustos, Buston, Bustillo, Busto (sepulcro 
6 enterratorio). 

Cuevas, Canales, Gueto, Corvera, Gueva, Oavada (hoyo), Canal. 


O&ndara, Gandarillas. 

Hoyo, Hollos, 

Oyo, Oyos. 

Puente, Pefia, Pozo, Piedra, Peflon, Pando. 


Boca, Rincon. 



Fu6 oostumbre de los antiguos genealojistas, encabezar las certificaclones de 
armas y genealojfas con leyendas en que se ronsignaba el orijen, & veces 
fabuloso, del apellido. 

Jeneralmente aluden estas leyendas & hechos heroicos del tiempo de las 
guerras contra los moros ; pero tambi^n son frecuentes las que recuerdan frases 
ingeniosas 6 senciUamente un apodo. 

La verdad es que no hay nada mas diflcil que establecer las flllaciones de los 
apellidos mas alld del siglo XV, excepto en ya muy conocldas familias de la 
antigua nobleza espafiola, en las cuales es comtin el cambio de los nombres 
jen^ricos, en el trascurso de los siglos XIII y XIY. 

El apodo de la Cerda, constituido en ima de las familias dncales espafiolas, 
constituye & nuestro Juicio uno de los pocos ejemplos de apellidos hist<3rlcos, 
que traspasan los Umites del siglo XIV. 

Hemos dividido los apellidos hist6ricos en dos sub-grupos subdivididos en 
las clases que indicamos A continuaci6n. 

1*. Apellidos histdricos, relijiosos, advooativos. — ^Muchos de estos apellidos se 
ban orijinado en la pila bautismal y, corresponden d Judfos conyersos de notoria 
importancia quienes los elejlan como manifestaci6n de adhesion d las nuevas 
cieencias. Despu^ de la espulsl6n de los judfos de Espafla esta clase de 


apellidos han sido dados a exp^sitos y recuerdan la Iglesia 6 Parroquia en donde 
recibleron el bautismo. 

No obstante hay que tenf^r presente que los numerosos lugares que lie van 
nombres de santos han orljinado la mayor parte de estos apellidos. 

Los sigulentes ejemplos son recojidos en las listas 6 indices de Santiago : 

Santa Gruz, Santa Maria, Santana, San Cristobal, San Martin, Sanhueza^ 
Sanfurgo, Santa F^, San Javier, San Juan, San Remo, San Roman, Santa 
Clara, Satisteban, Santillnn, Santander, Santelices, Santa Coloma, San Jines, 
Sant6rsola, San Pedro, San Roque, Sandfas, Samartin. 

2"*. Apellidos hUtdricos, relijio809 Hgniflcativos. — ^El fervor relijioso di6 
m&rjen & la creacl6n de apellidos que recordaban hechos de la hlstoria sagrada, 
de la vida Jesus, de los mister los de la Keliji6n y de muchas circunstanclas 
de diferente indole pero siempre inspirados en un sentlmiento mistico. En 
Espafia existian gran variedad de esta clase de apellidos entre los cuales 
podemos citar los sigulentes: Nazareno, Enoamacidn, VijUia, AyunOf Galilea, 
Sinai, Nuestra-Sefiora, etc., etc. 

En Chile hemos encontrado los sigulentes : 

Aparicio, (Aparici6n), Ascencio, (Ascencl6n). 

Helen, Buenaf^. 

Cruz, Cristiano, Cuarezma, Concha, (Concepci<in). 

Jesus, Jordan. 

Misales, Mesias. 

Pascua, Pastor. 


Sanfuentes, (Santa-Fuente), Santa Espina, Salvador. 

3*. ApeUidos histdricos, referetwiales de alianza. — ^La costumbre de aliar 
apellidos en los tiempos de la era colonial se debia de ordinario & conservar 
el segundo de los apellidos que recordaba la alianza con alguna familia de 
mayor importancia 6 A consegutr la dlferenciacidn con otras que usaban el 
segundo apellido. 

Tambi^n se usaba el segundo y & veces un tercer apellido cuando por ^te 
se conserv&ba un mayorazgo. 

Hemos anotado algunos de los m&s conocidos ; que son : 

Abos PadiUa, Ar^valo Bricefio. 

Andia e Irarrazabal. 

Cajigai y Solar, Carvajal y Vargas, Campo y LantadlUa, Cortes Monroy, 
Casas Cordero, Cortes Hidalgo, C<3rdova y Arce, Cdrdova y Figueroa. 

Beas Duran, Dias Valdes, Diaz Mufioz. 

Escobar Ibacache. 

Fernandez Nifio. 

Garcia Huidobro. 

Jimenez Noguerol. 

Lea-Plaza, Luque y Moreno. 

Manzano y Ovalle, Molina Vasconcelos, Meri-Hernandez, Menendes y Valdes. 

Puga y Novoa, Puga y Jir6n. 

Ruiz-Tagle, Rodriguez Brantes. 

Santiago Concha, Soto y Cdrdova, Soto AguUar, Silva Bohorques. 

Toro Zambrano, Toro Mazotte, Tellez Jiron. 

Vaez y Flores. 

4*. Apellidos histdricoa referenciales, oonmemorativos. — ^Los apellidos que 
recuerdan algun hecho hist6rico de jeneral importancia, son escasos. 

I^s tinlcos ejemplos que recordamos son los tres sigulentes: 


Navas, Padura. 


5*. ApeUidoM hUt6rioo» referenoiales, complementadoa, de linaje. — ^Le damoa 
esta denominaci6n & la numerosa serle de compuestos de dos apellidos, el 
Ultimo de los cuales precedido de la preposlci6n de, es Jeneralmente un nombre 
lugarefio 6 solariego. Es comun que el primer apellldo pertenezca & la clase 
de lo6 patronfmlcos, como Fernandez de Cdrdova, M&ndez de Sotomayor; pero 
no son raros los que corresponden & la serle de los apelUdos de plla, como 
Oregorio de Uu Herat, Oarcla de CdcereM. 

Tambl^ se encuentran ejemplos numerosos en que el primer apellldo es 
un apodo cualltatlvo como Bravo de Naveda, Bubio de Cdceres 6 blen un nombre 
objetlval 6 locativo como Monte* de Oca, CarrUlo de Albomoz, Olmoa de 

No son escasos los que nacleron como apodos 6 que complementaron clr- 
cunstanclas de dlversas naturaleza como, Duque de Estrada, Cabeza de Vaca, 
Novia de Molina, 

Entre los muchos que podrlamos sefialar, anotamos los que van & contlnua- 
cl6n : 

Alvarez de Toledo, Alvarez de Acevedo, Alvarez de Henostroza, Alvarez de 
Amaya, Arias de Saavedra, Alvarez de Araya, Alvarez de Cortlfiaz, Alvarez 
de Miranda, Amaro de Ocampo, Arias de Molina, Aguilar de los OUvos. 

Bermudez de Castro, Bernaldo de Qulroz, Bravo de Lagunas, Bravo de 
Naveda, Bravo de Morales, Bravo de Vlllalba, Bravo de Saravla. 

Cabeza de Vaca, Carrillo de Albornoz, Correa de Saa, Calvo de la Torre, 
Calvo de Encalada, Canales de la Cerda, Calderon de la Barca. 

Diez de Arteaga, Dlez de Andlno, Diaz de Salcedo, Dlez de Asendegul, Duque 
de Estrada. 

Fernandez de Cordova, Fernandez de Lorca, Fernandez de Valdlvleso, Fernan- 
dez de Lelva, Flores de Clenf uegos, Frelre de Andrade. 

Gallndez de Carvajal, Gregorlo de Las Heras, Garcia de la Huerta, Garcte 
de MarcUla, G6mez de Sllva, Gonzalez de Mendoza, Galeazo de Alfaro, Gutierrez 
de los Rlos. 

Hurtado de Mendoza, Hernandez de Herrera, Hernandez de Salazar. 

Ibafiez de Peralta, Ibaflez de Andrade, nianes de Qulroga. 

Jotr6 de Loayza, Jimenez de Lorca, Jimenez de Mendoza, Jlr6n de Monte- 

Ladr6n de Guevara, Ladron de Segama, Llfian de Vera, L6pez de Sotomayor, 
Laso de la Vega, Upez de Sotomayor, Leon de la Barra. 

Martinez de Luco, Martinez de Apeolaza, Martinez de Vergara, Monte de 
Sotomayor, Manrlque de Lara, Marquez de la Plata, Martinez de Escobar, Marti- 
nez de Aldunate, Martinez de Aparlclo, Martinez de Mata, Marin de Poveda, 
Montes de Oca, Machado de Chaves, Martinez de Rozas, Martinez de Tlneo, 
Manso de Velasco, Morales de la Barra, Morales de Albornoz, Montero del 

Nufiez de Guzman, Nufiez de Pineda, Nlfio de Cepeda, Nieto de Sllva, Nufiez 
de Osorio, Nufiez de Sllva, Nufiez de VlUaldo. 

Ortiz de Araya, Ortiz de Rosas, Olmos de Aguilera, Ortiz de Z&rate, Ortiz de 
Elguea, Ortiz de Gaete. 

Perez de Seljas, Perez de Uriondo, Perez de Cotapos, Perez de Arce, Perez de 
Valenzuela, Ponce de Leon. 

Ramirez de Arellano, Ramirez de Laredo, Ramirez de Salas, Rodriguez del 
Manzano, Ruiz de Azua, Ruiz de Gamboa, Ramirez de Saldafia, Ruiz de 

Saenz de Mena, Salazar de Castro, Solo de Saldivar, Solis de Ovando, Suarez 
de Figueroa, Sanchez de Duefias. 

Ugalde de la Concha. 


Velasquez de Govarrublas, Vasquez de Novoa, Vaca de Castro, Vasquez de 
Arefias, Vasquez de Padllla, Venegas de Toledo, Vasquez de Poyancos. 

6*. ApeUidos hisMricos referenckUes ahiHvoa. — Si nos atuvleramos ft las 
leyendas jeneal6Jlcas esta clase de apellldos resultarfa muy numerosa. £iStl- 
mamos, sin embargo, que deben iucorporarse en esta agrupacidn los apellldos 
que llevan en si mismos sus slgnificados. Son apellldos parlantes & veces muy 
sujestivos que en otras lenguas suelen ser comunes. Ck)nocemos los apellldos, 
Cantalapiedra, RompelanzaSf Urdemale$ y otros citados por Qodoy y Alc&ntara 
pero en Chile son escasos como puede Inferirse por los que anotamos: 




Matamoros, Matajudios. 

Norambuena ( En-hora-buena ) . 


Subiabre <Sube-y-abre), Sarmiento. 


Muchos apellldos que corresponden d lugares Jeogr&ficos, tienen una signi- 
flcaci6n abstracta. Los apellldos de esta naturaleza forman un grupo intere- 
sante, que henios divldldo en las cuatro clases siguientes : 

1*. ApellidoB abstractot sustantivoa, — ^Alegria, Asco, Angulo, Ambo. 

Batalla, Baile. 

Campafia, Cuadra, Carrera, Casos, Casas. 


Formas, Febrero. 

Guerra, Guardia. 


Luz, Legua, LamiUa, Lunes. 

MiUas, Manojo, Marzo, Mayo. 


Quifiones, (acciones 6 derechos sobre tierras indivisas). 

Ordenes, Paz, Seis, Ronda, Rasquido, Rayo, Trueno, Orden. 

2**. ApeUidos ahatractoB adjetivos. — ^Ahumada, Aguado, Agredo, (agriado). 

Baflados, Bolados. 

Cavada, Cuadrado, Colmado, Cardoso, Coronado, Castafilza. 

Diamantino, Donado, Dorado. 

Esplnoza, Errada, Entrada. 

Frlas, Ferrada, Fresco. 



Jurado, Justa. 

Lavados, Leonado. 

Mafioso, Machado, Marquesado, Mendoea (mentosa). 

Pareja, Plelteado, Parada, Patema, Pica, Peso, Pulido, Paniagnado. 

Redondo, Recio, Rico, Reta, Reinoso, Reinosa, Retamosa, Real. 

Seco, Segura, Sola, Solo, Salgado, Sutil, Somosa (endmada). 

Tisnado, Troncoso. 

Verdfejo, Veloz, Veloso. 

S*". ApeUidos abstmctos verbales, — ^Amo, Abrigo, Apelo, Amana. 


Canto, Cante, Cant6, Canta. 



Mira, Mella, Monta, Machuca. 
Pic6, Pica, Paladea. 
Salvo, Salva. 

4**. Apellidot ab^tractot adverbiales. — ^Allende, A11&, AlUende, Allendes, Alli- 
endes, Allen (antlcuado de Allende). 


Es este un grupo que constltuyen numerosoe apellidos, cuya caracterlstica 
esencial es la de estar formados por uno 6 dos nombres propios 6 apellidos. 

Eran antigoamente bastante corrlentes, en especial en la forma patronfmica 
como pnede verse en los documentos del slglo XVII . Los siguientes eJemplOB 
dan una idea de la manera como se formaban estos apellidos. 

Martiaiiez, (Martln-Yafiez) ; P^rezieve, (Perez-Estevez) ; Oonzaldiaz, (Gon- 
zalo-Dlaz) ; Rodrigatlez, (Rodrigo-Yafiez 6 Ibafiez) ; Lopezmuno^ (Lopez- 
Mufioz) ; OarcUope, (Garcfa-Lopez) ; Alfondiaz, (Alfonso-Diaz). Tambi^n 
eran de nso frecuente la comblnacl6n de dos nombres de pila como Perojan, 
(Pedro- Juan) ; Antananto, (Anton-Antonio) ; HemanjU, (Hernando-Gil). 

No constituian escaso niimero los que reunfan dos apellidos como, Caramer^ 
draza, (Garo-Mendraza) ; CantiUana, (Canto y Liana) ; Pefialoza, (Pefia- 

En Gbile existen un numero regular de esta clase y que hemes reunldo en un 
solo grupo. Son conocidos los siguientes : 

Argandof&a, (Argantonio 6 Marco«Antonio). 

Ba8cufian« (Ap6cope de Bascuflana, forma femenina de Bascufia, contracci6n 
de Vasco-Acufia ) . 

Cantuarias, (Canto-Arias), Cantillano, (Canto-y-Llano), Olasquin, (Nicolas- 


Garcilaso, (Garcfa-Laso), Garramufio. 

Hernandares, (Hernando-Clares). 

Mateluna, (Mateo-Luna), Matalinares. 

Peiiailillo, (Pefia-y-Lillo), Pefiaranda, (Pefia-Aranda), Pablaza 6 Apablaza, 
tPablo-Aza?), Pedraza, (Pedro-Aza?), Peraza, Perillan, (Pero-Julian),Pe&afiel, 
Pumarino, (Puz-Marin), Pefiaherrera. 


Ruiloba, (Ruiz-Loba 6 Ruy-Loba), Ruijil, (Ruy-Jil 6 Ruiz-JU), Ramiriafiez, 



Hemes dicho que la mayor parte de los apellidos tienen correspondlentes 
en nombres geogr&ficos, sea por mera coincidencia 6 sea por que expresan sa 
procedencia 6 indican su orljen vinculado en alguna antigua famllia. 

SI bien es cierto que los lugares geogrftflcos ban orijlnado innumerables 
apellidos tambl^n lo es que son incalculables los que deben su denominacidn 4 
los indivfduos que ocaslonal 6 permanentemente residieron en la localidad que 
tomd su nombre. 


Asf surjen en la historla geogr&fica de Espafla, Ciudad Rodrigo, Villa Ber- 
mudo, Villa Vlcencio y tanto otroa lugares que es Inoficloso citar. 

La ambigtiedad aparece en los apellidos bajo el aspecto etimoMjlco de la 
palabra: Toro y Leon son ambiguos si se recuerda que a la par de cludades 
tambi^n pueden constltulr apellidos de npodo. La mlsma circunstauda se 
observa en Ca»taflo, que es localidad, nombre de &rbol y cualltatlvo flsico, en la 
acepcl6n de color de cabello. 

Los apellidos ambiguos son numerosos y, tan f&clles de verlficar, que por 
seguir nuestro m^todo m6s que por necesidad, conslgnamos los pocos ejemplos 
slguientes : 

Alcalde, Amo, Arco, Arc. 

Gabo, Concha, Campafia, Canto, Coronel. 

Flores, Granada. 


Mora, Mata, Morales. 

Pilon, Pasaje, Pazas. 

Reta, Ramos, Ropero. 




Constltuyen un grupo considerable que es suceptlble de claslflcarse ora por 
BU lengua de orijen, ora por sus etimolojfas 6 caracterfsticas morfol6jicas. 

Este grupo comprende todos los apellidos que no tienen significacidn cas- 
tellana. Ejemplos : 

Achaval, Aluto, Acereto, AJafia, Arrufate, Abos, Alfaro, Ancameno, Ayestarftn, 
Azagra, Azocar, Aqueveque, AUste, Alencastre, Almeida, Alltk, Aponte, Amauje, 
Ayarza, Albarran, Albarradn, Albornoz, Afiibarro, Agurto, Albujar, Angulta, 
Aroca, Azola, Abascal, Abarza, Alarcon, Aldunce, Andaur, Anabalon, Andrade, 
Ascui, Astroza, Arbleto, Andraca, Abellan, Adaro, Allante, Ascarate, Anabalon. 

Brifiuelas, Bolafios, Barad&n, Berganza, Barzo, Bacho, Basufie, Balbontln, 
Balboa, Bueso, Balbar&n, Barcero, Borraz, Barallao, Benavente, Barahona, 
Baralnca, Barraza, Bueras, Barrientos, Benavides, Barcel6, Bascur, Basso, 
Bergufio, Borgofio, Berrlos, Blln, Brieba, Brlto, Blsama, Borne. 

Cascajlga, Cavieres, Cavledes, Cardemil, Canifro, Canisbro, Calancha, Caldas, 
Camelo, Campa, Carmona, Caneda, Carneseda, Carranza, Carvacho, Carrion, 
Carey, Curtis, Caamafio, Camus, Canobra, Capetillo, Cea, Cerpa, Cousifio, 
Cuitlfio, Contardo, Campa, Cube, Carreflo. 

Chacon, Chacana, Chandfa, Chambelan, Chambelfn, Ghambon, Chamor, 
Chand, Chanes, Chapd, Charlo, Charlfn, Chazal, Chlcola, Chopltea. 

Devia, Dinator, Droguet, Dalmau, Deliz, Delon, Doren, Dubrena, Duo- 
zorroza, Duval. 

Espos, Espor, Empardn, Esquivel, Esquella, Egafia, Echaves, E«sp{nola, 
Egulluz, Elzo, Escarte, Escorza, Esparza, Elguin, Elguero, Elufin, Emus, Erinos, 
Escuti, Esceria, Espeleta. 

Fuica, Fabres, Ferrer, Falcato, Faudlfio, Ferruz, Flnero, Flnzol, Febres, 
Font, Fontanes, Fontetes, Franzoy, Frigola Frlgolet, Frost, Frurlas, Furquez, 
Forn^, Fredes, Fretes, Frltls. 

Garvlso, Gles, Godoy, Godrofe, Gra, Grau, Granlfo, Garro, Gatico, Girald^s, 
Gaitan, Gavifio, Godomar, Gaete Galaz, Galdamez, G<3ngora, Grasso, GUemes, 
Gamarra, Gamonol, Gaona, Garreton, Gac, Galte, Gainza, Galarce, Galaln, 
Galeas, Galeclo, Gallau, Gamallo, Gamayo, Garrao, Garrlga, Garrizon, Grove, 
Guarachl, Glena, Grd. 


Huaiuan, Humeres, Huidobro, Harbin, Harrlgue, Hebel, Hempel, Hermes, 
Herce, Heros, Hcvia, Huelinf, Hulcl, Hulque, Huitica, Hurtares, Huan, Her- 
doiza, Hermlda, Hodar, Honorato, Horn^ Habraham. 

Ilabaca, Insulza, Ipinza, Imas, Irmas, Inootal, Ingran, Iscarnla, Ivam, 
Izamith, lUescas, Inzas. 

Jinoza, Jaqne, Jafia, Jarpa, Jervis, Jorquera, Jarvis, Jelvez, Jeria, Johon, 
Juliet, Jabalquinto, Jabres, Jay Jaillar Janson Jarabram, Javato. 

Krfiger, K&hni, Katz, Ker, KinatB, Klimiesch, Kohnenkamps. 

Lalz, Liayaina, Lara, Latapiat, Larrain, Lavln, I^elva, Lafaya, Llberona, Lifian, 
Liizeras, Lalame, Leteller, Levancini, Leiton, Libano, Lucares, Luengo, Lueje, 
Lamartine, I^batut, Labbd, Laborde, Lac, Lafltte, Lafourcade, Lafontaine, 
Lorie, Lay, Lacunza, Luxan, Lobat6D. 

Llona, Llanes, Llenes, Llovet. 

Marias, Maltrana, Malbran, Maltran, Matute, Matus, Maguna, Manfur, 
Maroto, Marabolis, Monjaraz, Maldonado, Macaya, Maulen, Marlgorta, Martel, 
Matorras, Macuada, Masafierro, Mascayano, Mondaca, Melacho, Mler, Monzon, 
Masardo, Mundaca, Mallea, Madel, Macies, Macr4, Manselll, Madail, Maffet, 
MadoB, Maffei, Magot, Magun, Mature Malermot Mambram, Mandracha, Men- 
chaca, Mauras, Manfran, Maugot, Mautrana, Mafian, Marces, Medaeto, Marfan, 
Maruri, Marzan, Masquiarem, Medan, Medel, Merl, Meric, Merlo, Mesta, 
Mifiana, Merifio, Mirusa, Mizo, Molas, Mohan, MoHnare, Moline, Momus, 
Monjar&s, Moutan, Montauban, Montel, Montt. 

Novajas, Nllo, Nonis, Novoa, Nlevas, Neves, Navfa, Noriega, Nadal, Nadau, 
Nagel, Nac6, Nef, Neil, Neira, Nebel, Nilo, Nogaez, Nortel. 

Obregon, Ocon, Odan, Ogas, Oger, Ogier, Oljera, Olagues, Odran, Olguin, 
Or^, Oportus, Orguera, Olavio, Oldinl, Olid, Olide, Olmazon, Onier, Quel, Orrego, 
Orando, Olano, Obregote, Ordorica, Ore, Orellana, Oria, Oriol, Ormas, Ormazar, 
Oratica, Orquera, Orto, Oru^, Ossandon, Osival, Ostaloza, Osornet, Ocarranza, 
Orozco, Ostornol, Oyarzo, Osven, Otazo, Ovauzar, Ozanne. 

Pastorini, Pastrana, Passi, Passos, Fatri, Paul, Pedrajas, Parrasfa, Pastene, 
Pinuel, Parrao, Parraro, Parrot, Pascuam, Pasquet, Pasten, Plnuer, Plascencia, 
Ponialre, Paipa, Pander, Pametier, Paquet, Paraff, Parochen, Portanler, Pardl- 
fias, Puelma, Paiva, Pallamor, Pargn, Pagan, Pedemesa, Peuros, Pinochet, 
Pipon, Parodi, P&rraga, Pellicer, Pellissa, Pen Jean, Penzos, Pepin, Peragallo, 
Perat, Peregrinl, Perey, Perley, Perlgo, Pescla, Pesse, Petil, Petra, Pezoa, Per6, 
Picardo, Plcondero, Pifarratl, Pillot Pimer, Pinaqui, Plnchon, Pitalua, Piza, 
PIA, Plane, Pr&, Podesta, Pol, Polanco, P0II6, PoUonl, Pomel, Pont, Pontigo, 
Popelaire, Porcuna, Porte, Porto, Portus, Portuando, Porras, Post, Pradel, Prats, 
Pretla, Price, Prun6, Puchagros, Puchigr6, Purdie, Puyades, Puy6, Picarte. 

Quirell, Quiroga, Quellee, Quesney, Qulla, Quilodran, Quint, Quisque. 

Rodl, Rodler, Rossel, Rosselot, Kosell6, Rosendes, Roblra, Rucifiot, Rambos, 
Remedi, Ramedri, Rayena, Ravenan, Read, Rufat, Rus, Reveco, Roco, Ros, 
Renjifo, Retana. Uiesco, Reafto, Rusca, Rocha, Rami la, Ravel lo. Raven tos, 
Racet, Rachet, Reclas, Reolut, ICcde, Reinuava, Reis, Rendon, Requenn, Res- 
paldiza, Revel, Rian, Ribillo, Ricco, Riena, Rinaldi, Riob6, Rivano, Robinson, 
Rochat, Rocuant, Rodanet, Rodenas, Roujas, uubllar, Rusifiol. 

Salfate, Segalerva, Salazar, Semir, Samit, Sayago, Serey, Siderey, Solonsa, 
Sagal, Saa, Saavedra, Sarmon, Sassi, Sagfles, Santiller, Saravla, Sareln, Sar- 
fate, Sarrato, Savafiac, Sabin, Saya, Seatiel, Serna, Serrato, Suazo, Serce. 
Sabater, Sacardl, Sada, Searle, Sebelin, Sebrero, Sedano, Sage, Salamd, Saivacli, 
Salces, Saldes, Sir, Sldera, Slquiera, Silvan!, Sobarzo, Saldaftas, Saldafio, 
Saldfas, Saldlvar, Saldtvia, Simonet, Symon, SIrene, Sivori, Saltafio, Salaverry, 
Samaniego, Snpiain, Segui, Soffla, Soiza, Souxa, Sojo, Solari, Sanda, Sanford, 



Seguel, Set, Serey, Semler, Serein, Sorraco, Spano, Squella, Seminl, Serpia, 
Serra, Sesargo, Shu, Silanes, Stapel, Stuardo, Suan, Suau, Sucunza, Sugrafies, 
Sumino, Suoza. 

Tarlg6, Tarrag6, Taulls, Teran, Terr As, Tete, Tra verso, Travallo, Travl, 
Treva, Trevallos, Trlgolet, Trivisan, Troyes, Tudal, Tulleres, Tuf&on, Tusso, 
Tabares, Trejo. Tagle, Talavera, Tamayo, TesiUo, Tobllla, Tolosa, Trujlllo, 
Tordera, Toranzos, Trincado, Trucios, Tabora, Tabaso, Taibo, Tamallanca, 

UbIUa, Urbina, Ulloa, Ubillos, Ugas, Umansoro, Umafla, Ustariz, Utrera, 
Ubalde, Ubaldl, Ubeda, Unda, Urdinuela, Urcullu, Usin, Uslodo, Utrilla. 

Vermionzal, Vllches, Vlera, Vilugron, Villondo, Vlvanco, Valaz^, Vanara, 
Villoldo, Vandorse, Vanoli, Vlancos, Vlafia, Vlaux, VIcenti, Vldau, VelUon, 
Vejar, Velarde, Velastin, Verdler, Vlan, Vergueclo, VerguOo, Vertlola, Veyan, 
Vezzozl, Vicrech, Vleira, Vleites. Viel, Viedma, Vlelma, Villefon, Vlera, Vifiez. 

Wahghon, Wastavino, Wettkin, Willemann, Winter, Wolleter, Wood. 


Yentzen, YelpI, Yavar, Young, Yacotar, Yencorat, Yamson, Yanetti, Yanten, 
Yecora, Yelpi, Yerman, Yhon, .Yorsln, Yuste. 

Zambra, Zamul6, Zapiola, Zubicueta, Ziifiiga, Zubia, Zelaya, Zamudio, Za- 
fiartu, Zegers, Zarandona, Za valet ta, Zegel, Zegelin, Zenis, Zoppeti, Zarraiudo, 

iSinop8i8 de la claMficac%6n morfoldjica de los apcUidoa rudicados en ChUe. 
















f dnpiilnrfifl /propios Santiago. 

isinguiare8....<pQjjj^jj^ Qy^^ 

* I ni.i»i«a /propios Sontiagos. 

iplurales (^nmnes OUvoa! 

(.>i«.»,%i<.*«. /propios PedTM. 
sliigiilares....|j;,j„»'^^ ^^^^^ 
nLiroiM /propios SantiagulUos. 

/propios Mateluna. 

* 1 comunes Casanueva . 


/propios Roldan. 

■ 1 comunes Ossa . 

/propios Sanz. 

'icomimes Astudillo. 

propios Colasquin. 

comunM Norambuena. 

propios Pedrata. 

commies Belmonte. 

propios Basciiflan. 

comunes CasasA». 

^u^,m^A^ /propios SautistebaiL 

*"*«^°8 <comunes Sepdlveda. 






CAPfTULO III. — Clasi/lcacidn morfoldjica, 

Conslderando el aspecto morfoldjico de los apellidos pueden dividirse los 
apellidos radicados en Chile en tres grandes grupos claramente deilnidos: per- 
feetos, imperfeotos y estrafios. 

Oomprende el primer grupo todos los apellidos castellanos en cuya construe- 
ci6n no aparece def ecto alguno ; de manera que, ya sean simples 6 compuestos, 
prlmltivos 6 derlvados, separables 6 Inseparables, se rljen todos por las reglas 
ortogrAficas de la lengua castellana sin admltlr ni alteracl6n, nl adlci6n, nl 
8upresl6n de letras 6 sflabas. 

El segundo grupo menos numeroso reune aquellos apellidos castellanos 6 
castellanlzados que ban sufrido modificaciones, adiclones 6 superiores de letras 
6 sflabas, de tal modo que requerrfa su reconstrucci6n para ajustarse & la 
ortograf la y fon^tica castellana. 


OoDStltuyen el tercero y tiltimo gran gmpo los apellldos extrafioe 6 sean lo8 
que pertenecen d otro Idioma. Hemos considerado como tales ademAs de los 
no eq;Mifiole8, los etlscaroB 6 vascongados, catulanes, limosines, valenciano0» 
gallegos, los andaluces, aragoneses y los dem&s apellldos orljinarlos de Espafia 
que no tienen 8lgniflcacl6n castellana 6 que mantienen su caracterfstlca 

Este grupo es suceptible de ser mejor comprendldo al claslflcarlo bajo su 
aspecto etnol6Jlco. 


Todo apellldo tlene su signlflcaddn correspondlente en el idioma en que se 
orijind; no son como muchos han crefdo un conjunto de letras que se pro- 
nunclan con mAs 6 m^nos facilidad. 

Los apellldos han evoluclonado A la par que el lenguaje, del cual forman 
parte integrante, sufriendo las mlsmas alteracioues por id^ntlcas causas. 

El orijen de los apellldos es uno mismo en todas partes del mundo porque 
todos tuvleron por prlnclpio un nombre Individual ideoldjico, sea aluslvo 6 
emblemAtlco 6 sea calificatlvo 6 cualltativo. 

Dificilmente los pueblos b&rbaros A los cuales se debe la mayor parte de los 
apellldos, tuvleron slempre un nombre para expresar una idea, porque lo 
«omun era que dos 6 mas vocablos slrvieran para el objeto. La mayoria de 
los nombres propios usados como apellldos fueron primitivamente compuestos. 
Examlnados en la correspondlente ortograffa de su lengua de orlJen, Cfuzman^ 
no es slno la conjuncldn modificada de las palabras gdtlcas 6 germAnicas de 
god y man que expresaban la Idea de hombre de buen corazon. Jofr^ tlene 
una construccidn anAloga pero que ha esperlmentado alteracioues mas con- 
siderables en sus elementos componentes de god y fried, que signiflca amigo de 
buen corazon. 

De la mlsma manera con el auxillo de la llngtlistica descubrirfamos los 
elementos que componen un considerable ndmero de apellldos alterados por la 
influenda de Idlomas estrafios y por los metaplasmos propios de la lengua 

Se ha afirmado con no poca frecuencla que la mayorfa de los apellldos han 
sido tornado de las localldades en donde resldia habltualmente el indivfduo; 
pero, quienes mantienen esta afirmacl6n no recuerdan que antes que los lugares 
exlstfan personns cuyos nombres Servian de referenda A estos. 

Ehi nuestros tiempos y sin recordar algunos pueblos A los cuales se les ha 
dado apellldos de indlvfduos chilenos, en recuerdo de preclaros servldos al 
pais, hay numerosos ejemplos de localldades que conservan el apellldo de los 
antlguos propietarios. 

Alvarado, Abarca, Alfaro. 

Barrenechea, Bustamante. 







Ibacache, Gallardo. 

Mena, Macaya, Montenegro. 




68436— 17— VOL X- 


Valdebenitez, Valdte, ZtUliga, son acaao unos pooos de los nnmeroMW ejem- 
plo0 que podrfamos citar en Chile. 

En Espafia, existen numerosos nombres ]e6graflco6 que ninguna relaci6n 
tienen con la localidad excepto la de recordar al propletario antiguo de algnna 
quinta, granja, palacio 6 castlUo de los cuales ya no quedan slquiera ni los 
vestijlos de sus ruinas. 

Para que nuestra afirmacl6n estd aparejada de ejemploe convlncentes, nos 
permitlmos Indlcar algunos nombres jeogrAficos usados oomo apellldos en Es- 
pafia, todos los cuales tienen una signlficacl6n castellana conoclda que per- 
mlten apreclar el orijen evidentemente personal de estos nombres : 

Agudo, Alvarado, Albarracln (dlminutivo de Albarran que siguifica liunibre 
sin doniicilio) Alfonsin (dlminutivo de Alfonso), Almirante, Amado, Astudillo 
(dlminutivo de astuto). 

Ballestero, Barba, Barbudo Bascufiana, Bello, Belloso, Breton, Briones, (pa- 
tronfmico de Brlon,) Buendta. 

Gabalelro (Caballero), Orvantes (de Gervantlus). 

Febrero, Freire (frelle 6 fralle). 


Lois, Luna. 

Marin, Mendo. 

Pedraza, PeCLaranda, Peon, Pinto. 

Ramiro, Reina. 

Tenorio (tenoirus). 

Valero, Velasco, Verdugo, Victoria, Vldal (vital), Vlllavlcencio. 

Los apellidos perfectos, esto es, que slguen las reglas gramaticales que rijen 
en la lengua castellana, son simples 6 compuestos. 

(Ik>n8tituyen los apellidos simples una agrupaci6n numeroslslma que com- 
prende la casl totalidad de los personales, cualitatlvos, propios, locales, ab- 
stractos y algunos relijlosos y referenciales. 

Atendiendo & su construccl6n 6 forma esterna, los apellidos perfectos-simples, 
se dividen en primitivos y derivados; singulares y plurales; propios y co- 
munes, del modo siguiente: 

1**. Apellidos perfcctos, simplea, primitivos, singulares^ propios. — ^Esta clase 
de apellidos la coustituyen todos aquellos que son 6 ban sido nombres per- 
sonales, cualquiera que sea su etlmolojia, siempre que mantenga la ortografia 
que el uso 6 la costumbre ha aceptado defiDitivamente. Por consiguiente se 
clasificarlan en este grupo los apellidos : Pedro, Martin y Juan y no las formas 
desusadas ya como nombres de pila de Pero, Marti 6 Yvan. 

Tambl^n forman parte de esta clase todos los apellidos que son nombres 
nacionales, provinclales, lugarefios 6 solariegos de Espafia que carecen de 
slgnilicaci6n castellana; siempre que no pertenezcan por su fisonomfa & otro 
idioma. Oorresponderfa claslflcar en este grupo d los apellidos de la naturaleza 
siguiente: Tagle, Huidobro, Bdlnes, Astorga, Ck)usiflo, Cabiedes, Lorca, Pau- 
toja, Burgos, Espafia, Madrid, Leiva, etc., etc Por el contra rio no podrian 
incluirse los que siendo de esta naturaleza fueran tambi^n nombres comuiies 
como Abadfa, Barrera, Barros, Bustos, Mata, MuriUo, Palma, Puga ; 6 que 
fuesen resolubles en otras lenguas como Arteaga, Aliaga, Aguirre, Urmeneta, 
Albornoz, etc., etc. 

2'. Apellidos perfectos, simples, primitivos^ singulares, comunes, — Ninguna 
clase de apellidos es m&s numerosa que ^ta, pues, estd constltufda por nombres 
comunes de objetos, accidentes jeogrdficos, animales, vejetales, oficios, cualida- 
des fisicas y morales, edificios, ideas abstractas, etc., etc. 

I/)s apellidos de esta naturaleza son por lo jeneral de or i Jen reclente y 
comunes d familiar enixe las cuaIm no existe vinculo alguno de consangulnidad. 


Raroe son lo8 apellidos de esta clase que eu llnea directa de ascendientes 
remontan al siglo XVI y in&s raras aun las que pudieran alcanzar el siglo 
anterior, aun franqueando las Irregularidades de que ya hemos hecho mencidn, 
con reladdn al uso arbltrario de nombres que estuvo en boga en esos slglos. 

£b considerable el ndmero de estos apellidos que usan descendientes de ex- 
pteitoe y Judfos cristlanizados entre loe cuales es comiln encontrar los mAs 
euriosos y ectraordinorios ejemplos de nombres nbyectos ^ ignominiosos. 

Por cierto que no consignar^noe ejemplos de nombres de esta naturalesui, 
pero sefialaremos algunos que sin carecer del espfrltu de ignomiuia son, por 
lo menos, wAb ban^YoloB: C*4iiiiofyo, epfteto injurioso que significa trasquilado, 
con que se calificaba & los Portugueses eu tlempo de las guerras entre Don 
Juan I y el Maestre de Avis; Albarrdn, nombre que se daba d los que no 
tenian domicllio; MogoUdn^ individuo que come & exi>ensas ajenas; Yerdugo, 
Mafioso y otros, cuyas signiflcaciones son conoddas. 

3*. ApeUidoa perfecto9t Hmplea, primitivot, plurales, propiog. — Esta clase de 
apellidos no son comunes y parecen proceder de f amllias que usaban el mismo 
nombre Jen4rico en singular. 

ESn Chile existen poqufsimos ejemplos de nombres propios plurales entre los 
cuales podemos dtar los siguientes : Santiaffos, CastiUaa, Severinos, como plural 
de Severino y no como derivado plural de Severo, Bejares, plural de Bejar, 
lugar jeogr&flco de Espafla. 

4^ ApeUidos perfectos, Htnples, pritnitivoB, plurales, oomuneM. — ^Exlste la 
propensi6n & pluralizar los nombres comunes precedidos de la preposici6n de 
y articulos el 6 la, de tal modo que son numerosos los cases que podrian 
dtarse en que se ha operado la Indlcada alteraci6n. 

EiUtre los casos comprobables documentalmente podemos citar los apellidos 
siguientes : del Rio, del Campo, del Valle, del Monte, de la Fttente, de la Cueva, 
del Logo, que han sido transformados en Rios, Campos, VaUes, Monies, Fuenles, 
Cuevas, Lagos. 

S*. Apellidos perfectos, simples, derivados, singulares, propios, — ^Los nombres 
de pila cristianos y los apodos 6 nombres personales de los romanos y godos, 
di^ron orijen d la formaci^n de los numerosos apellidos patronfmicos con la 
adici6n de las deslnencias latinas aci, eci, ici, oci, uci, que la fon^tica castellaua 
dulcific6 trasmutdndola en az, ez, is, oz, i uz, que se couserva uctualmente no 
sin haber sufrido otras alteraciones no solamente en la terminad^n sino en los 
radicales mismos. 

En este grupo se han considerado todos los apellidos patronfmicos cuyo 
nombre de. orijen se encuentra clasificado entre los i)erfectos 6 sea entre los 
usados con invariable ortograffa; por ejemplo, Gonzalez, es patronfmico de 
Gonzalo, Pedrez patronfmico de Pedro, Jimenez es patronfmico de Jimeno. 

Tambi^n se incluyen en este grupo los nombres geogrdlicos que se derivan 
de otros nombres propios como ser : Alvarado, derivado de Alvaro ; Valenzuela, 
dlminutivo de Valencia ; Bezanilla, dimlnutivo de Bezana. 

0*. ApeUidos perfectos, simples, derivados, singtOares, comunes, — Constituyeu 
estos apellidos una clase abundantfslma como que en la lengua castellana son 
tiimbi^n abundantes las palabras derivadas. Los nombres de local idades eon 
sus terminaciones en al, el, edo, eda, ado, ido, contribuyen con un ndmero con- 
siderable d la onoraatolojfa castellana. Jjos apellidos como Amaral, Pimentel, 
Argomedo, Avcllaneda, Asalgado, Codesido, son unos pocos ejemplos de 1^^ 
muclios que podrfamos citar. 

Los adjetivos cualitativos termlnados en oso, 08a, ado y ada, ya scan refe- 
rentes d personas, localldades d objetos proporcionan tambi^n variados ejemplos 
en esta clase de apellidos : Moscoso, Hinojosa, Brioso, Coronado, Tejada y otros. 


Los diminutivoB en eUo y los aumentativos en an son asfmtsmo considerables, 
liermejillo, JaramillOf CamtnllOj BusUm, Tardon, Picon. 

Finalmente, este grupo, comprende la estensa serle de los apellidos Jentillclos 
de los cuales hay un nAmero apreciable en nncstro pafs. Sns terminadones 
mkB frecuentes son: ano, eflo y ego, como pnede verse, en IO0 slgnieiiteB 
apellidos : Bejarano, Altamirano, Beletio, Tarifefio, Sariego, QaUego* 

T, Apellidos perfectos, Hmples, derivadoM, plurale$, propios, — ^Rarisimos son 
los ejemplos qne podrfan citarse de estos apellidos, pues, la forniaci<)n derivada 
en plural casi siempre los altera, infrlnjiendo las reglas gramaticales. B<n Chile, 
solo hemos encontrndo un solo caso : SantiaffvUioMf que es conforme en toda A 
esta clasificaci6n. 

S". Apellidos perfectos, <mple«, derivadosy pluraleB, oontuncs, — "So son pro- 
I>orc!onalmente abundantes, pero constituye un grupo con yariadas termina- 
dones como puede observarse con los ejemplos que damos A continuaci<)n : Gafufo- 
rillas, Olivares, BustUlos, Salinas (como derivado de sal), Retamales, Callejas, 
€isneros. Palominos, GaUeffuillos, Paredones. 

9**. Apellidos perfectos, compuestos, separables, propios. — Los apellidos com- 
puestos no son numerosos, pero son interesantlsimos considerados bajo el panto 
de vista de su const ruccidn morfol<:^jica. Sin embargo la clase que se refiere ft 
los apellidos formados por nombre propios, sean estos de pila 6 de faroilia 6 
sean uno de ambos unldo & una palabra cualqulera con 6 sin significacl6n 
ideol6jlca no ofrecen ni en conjunto nl seperadaroente interdi alguno. 

Figuran en esta clase todos los apellidos que en la conJnnci6n de sos dos 
elementos no ban sufrido p^rdidas de letras como : Sanroque, 8antanMria, VUla- 
vicmcio, Risopatron, Solovera, PeHaliUo, Santaiuz j todos aquellos compuestos 
dc dos inAs palabras separadas, una de las cuales, por lo menos, es nombre 
propio (ie pila 6 de familin tales como: Santa Crus, San Martin, Rioadeneyra, 
Oarcia de la Huerta, Bemaldo de Quiroz, Odmez de Silva, Diez dc Arteaga, 
Nieto de la Torre. 

10*. Apellidos perfecioH, convpuesios, separables, comunes. — Como la clase 
anterior estos apellidos estan formados por dos 6 ra&s elementos comunes, las 
mks veces modificutivos uno de los otros. 

Expresan en conjunto una idea completa que se reflere unas veces 6, iter- 
sonas, otras ft obJetoH, no pocas ft acciones y comunmente ft localidades. En la 
prActicn estos apellidos se encuentran siempre formando una sola dicci6n, 
pero, no es raro que algunas familias por conservar costumbres de sus ante- 
pasados, usen los elementos unldos por gui6n. 

Con el fin de mostrar grftficamente elementos constitufdos de estos apellidos, 
vamos ft citar alguuos separando sus partes por guiones: Alza-mora (especie 
de suela dura y delgada), Casanucva, Cova-rmbias (Cova es forma anticuada de 
cueva; yrubia signlfica roiizo) ,VUlar^neva, Buen^dia, Mata^moros, Maia-judios, 
Seis-dedos, Dos-hernfanos, Tras-la-vifia, FWIo-Cortc, Entre-ambos rios, Panri- 
affiia, Piedra-buena, Alli-ende, VUkhlobos, Cienfuegos, Buen-rostro, SalOrmanca, 
Torre-blanca, Tres-Pinos, Oastro-verde, VUla-toro, VUUH^cia, Casa-mayor, 
Ca^a-verde, Villa-mar, Monte^gudo, Rooa^iora, Torre-alba, VUla-blanca, VOia- 
franca, ViUa-rreal, Barrio-nnevo, ViUorrroel (roel signlfica disco 6 pieza 
redonda), ViUa4uz, Valle-bueno, ViUa-pan, Rio-frio, 

11*. Apellidos pcrfectos, compuestos, inseparables, — Son pocos relativamente 
los apellidos que constituyen este gmpo y en casi todos ellos se halla adicionada 
alguna partfcula prepositiva adjetiva 6 adverbial. Bn los apellidos de orijen 
francos 6 poitUKues no es rara la <!Outracci6n de la partfcula con el nombre 
pero lo es tratftudose de ap^lldoi e^pafioles, oomo : IHua, Ddvtta, Dabalos, Deiwo, 
los cuales han perdldo la ^ de la prepoBlcl6n ; y como Acuiia, Aoosta, que ban 
flufrido la e8tln»cl6n de la letra I del artfcolo lo. 


Igual cosa sticede con otros apellldos que comienzan por O, como O valley 
Ocampo, Obando, OfHurranza ,Opazo y pocos mAs que han perdido la letra I del ar* 
tfculo lo, usado en Gallcia y otras partes de Espafia, probablemente con el mlsmo 
slgnificado con que se usa en Chile para deslgnar la propledad rural relacionada 
con su propietario actual 6 antlguo; v. gr: Lo Callaa, Lo Prado, lo Aguvrre, 
Lo Boza, Lo Campo, Lo Saravia, etc., etc. 

Otros apellidos conservan (ntegro el artfculo 6 la contraccldn de la preposi- 
ci6n de, con el artfculo el, como por ejemplo: Latorre, Lamarca, Lacalle, La- 
tnadridj Larrosa, Delamary DelpinOy Delpiano, Elcano, Lahralla, Laharca, La- 

Existen, sin embargo apellidos de esta clase en que tanto el artfculo como el 
nombre se escriben con letra maytlscula, ImitacK^n, sin duda de la costumbre 
francesa; ejemplos: Las Cctsan, Las Heran, Ixi Madrid, La Cuadra, Del Piano, 
etc., etc. 


En la lengua castellana se han aceptado como formas anticuadas algunas 
palabras que actualmente tienen fon^tica semejante ^ id^ntlca signlficacidn ; 
pero, si tal cosa pasa con los vocablos que corresponden d una idea 6 A algun 
objeto, no puede dedrse lo mlsmo de los apellidos y aun de los nombres de 
pila, sobre los cuales la alta Autoridad de la Real Academia de la Lengua, 
no ha dado reglas especiales por las cuales pueda rejirse. 

Nombres de pila olvidados como tales, se conservan todavfa como apellidos 
A traves de varloe siglos, modlficados por el uso y la costumbre, llevando cada 
cual con el sello de su orijen, modificaclones 6 alteraciones que no permiten 
en muchos casos descubrir su identidad orijinaria, sino despucs de prolija 
obseryaci^n. SI tomamos al acaso un nombre cualquiera por ejemplo: Ro- 
lando, noB encontramos que subslste como apellidos en Espafia y America, 
bajo las variadas formas de Rolan, Roldan, Rondan, Rulan, Roan y, hasta 
Boa, que es la esencla de la slmpliflcacldn de un nombre que primltivamente 
debi6 escrlbirse Rock-Land, (tierrns de rocas). 

Trasformaciones semejantes han sufrido todos los apellidos patronfmicos 
tanto en su radical, como en su terminaci6n, obedeciendo A las influencias de 
los dialectos 6 lenguas dentro de los cuales evolucionaron. 

Un ejemplo de lo que exponemos nos da un apellldo: Sanchez, patronlmico 
de Sancho, con las slguientes variantes que hemos encontrado en Chile: 
Sanchez, Sanz, Saenz, Saez, Sanchiz, Sanchia, Sainz, Saiz. 

En Espafia, exlsten entre otras las slguientes formas derlvadas del mlsmo 
nombre: Sando, Sanche, Sango, Sanzo, Sainzo, Sanchon, Sansi, San^z, Sajiz, 
Sanzeiz, Sancionis, Sanzon, Sanchonett Same, Sancio, Sancioz, Sanchioz, etc., 

Las exijencias del lengua Je, la pronunciaci6n defectuosa, la ignorancla U 
otros factores de orden dlferentes, son las causas determlnantes de una con- 
siderable cantidad de apellidos castellanos, cuya ortograffa actual, es defectuosa, 
circunstancia d la cual se debe la designacldn de apellidos imperfectos que le 
hemos dado & nuestra claslflcacidn. 

l^ Apellidos imperfectos^ simples, primitivos, propios. — ^No es labor excenta 
de diflcultades la que se impondrfa qulen pretendiera averiguar la etimolojfa 
de los nombres propios Jeneralmente conocldos y de los que se han conservado 
mediante el uso de los apellidos. 

El ndmero de nombres es tan considerable y sua variantes tan numerosas en 
mocboB de ellos, que loe impedlmentos bastarfan para anular los mejores in- 
tentos. Pero con la oontribud6n individual que en este orden de trabajo 
pikUeran realisar doe 6 maa personas se facUltarA incuestionablemente la 


realizacldn de una obra completa que nos atrevemoB A creer indispenaable para 
satisfacer muchas necesidades. 

lios nombres propioe ban sufrldo adem&s otras alteraciones y modiflcacionei 
esenciales por causas de Indole diversas. 

Rn la Imposibllidad de analizar bajo sus aspectos etimol6Jlco y ]iiorfol6jlco 
etiUm apellidoR, vaiiios A sefialarlos indicando eutre par^ntesis los nombres 
de los cuales proceden: Roldan (Rolandu) ; Mansor (Aln\anzor) ; Colas 
(Nicolas) ; I.oayza (Eloisa) ; Gvsnuin (Godinan) ; Dcmal (BornuUlo) ; Duran 
(Durante) ; IjoU, (Luis) ; Jener (Januario) ; Vidal (Vital) ; Feman (Fer- 
nando) : Heman (Hernando) ; Marin (Marino) ; Oarin (Galindo) ; Lujan 
(Lucano) ; Madas (Mat fas) ; Marifio (Marino) ; Mate 6 Matte (Mateo) ; 
Miclieo y Miguel (Miguel) ; MiUan, Illan, 6 MeUan (EmiUano) ; Mira^ Mird j 
Miron (Mir) ; Pavon (Papon) ; Perrin (Pedro) ; Ponce (Poncio) ; Roy, Ruy 
(Rodiigo) ; Romany Romay (Romano) ; Salmon (Salomon) ; Jaime, Jacome 
(Santiago) ; Olguin, Elguin (Alwyn) ; Valero (Valerio) ; Venegas (Ben-Egas) ; 
Vigil (Leoviglldo) ; Aparido (Aparlcl6n). 

2*. ApeUidos imperfectoMy Hmples, primitivoSf comuncB, — ^La Influencia de los 
diferentes dialectos de Espafia ha formado la mayor parte de esta clase de 
npellidos cuyos nombres corresponden en gran parte A palabras anticuadas 
6 de uso poco corriente. Hemos nnotado los signieiites apellidos de esta clase : 
Ossu (Osa) ; Jorquera (Gorquera antiguo cuello de lienzo plegado) ; Jirpa 
( jerpa, sarmlento esteril) ; Qnexada (Quijada) ; Aburto (derivado de aburar 
ciue slgnlflca quenmr) ; AvcUa (nbeja) ; Ascnfo (AJenjo) ; Aguero (AgOera, 
znnja pnra conduclr Ins aguas lluvias del barrio) ; Bazan (derivado de baza, 
palabra Arabe que slgnlflca donilnar) ; Carrasco (masculino de Carrasca, 
especle de enclna) ; Erazo (derlvmlo de Eriazo, erial) ; Eatai (estay, t^rmlno 
ndutico) ; Farifla (Hariua) ; Freire (Fraile) ; Avaloa (derivado de las palabras 
arnbes ab-alhoz que slgnlflca separado del barrio). 

3*. Apellidos imperfectos, simples, derivados, propios. — ^BJste grupo comprende 
todos los apellidos patronfmicos formados Irregular mente 6 derivados de 
nombres propios 6 alterados. Hemos apuntado los sigulentes : 

Ossores (de Osorlo) ; 8aez (de Sancbo) ; Faundez, Fagundcz (de Facundo) ; 
V aides (de Vnlto) ; Aldrrtiz (de Alderete) : Olagvez (de Olegario) ; Esteves (de 
Esteban) ; Alvear (de Alvaro) ; Mardones (de Anion) ; Antolinez (de Antonio) ; 
Armcntariz (de Arraentero) ; Amaez (de Arnaldo) ; Antunez (de Antonio) ; 
Veliz (de Vela) ; Blascoz (de Vasco) ; Bemales (de Bernaldo) ; Briones (de 
Br Ion) ; Chaves (de Chao) ; Bahamondes (Bohemundo) ; Hemaez (de Hernan- 
€lo) ; FemaZj Fcrraz (de Fernando) ; Oumiz, Oamez, Gumuz (de Gome) ; 
Yu fifes (de Justo) ; Millanes, Wanes (de EmiUano). 

4*. Apellidos imperfcctos, simples, deriva4os, coinunes. — Hemos califlcndo 
en este grupo algunos apellidos que nos ofrecen dlficultades como por ejemplo 
Mendoza, que puede ser forma castellana con el significado de errada 6 equivo- 
cada, derlvadn de la forma latina mendossus. 

Tambi^n pueile slgnificar montosa abundante de monte teniendo como radical 
la pulabra ouscara mendi, equivalente & monte. Otro or i Jen pudiera ser 
el patronfmlco Mendoz (de Mendo) el cual se le hubiera dado desinenda 
femenina, alteraci6n muy corriente en la edad media. 

Estimamos, sin embargo como etlmolojfa mfts probable la que deriva este 
nombre de menta y que, con la termlnaci6u oza, slgnlflca sltlo €*n que abunda 
la menta, tnl como pasa con las palabras andlogas de Esplnoza, Henostroza. 

El apellido Contreras, nos presenta aslmlsmo dlficultades; pero, todas las 
conjeturas colnciden en darle por orljen un apellido franco de fon^tica seme- 
jante; preferimos atrlbulrle derivacidn de Contrdire, oontrario. 

El apellido de Astudillo, no ofrece inconvenlentes desde el momento que no 
es sine diminutivo de Astnto. 


OtroB derlvadoB imperfectos nos Buminlstran los sigulentes ejemploe: 
Bonilla, (de Bueno) ; Cepeda, (de C^ped) ; FontedUa, (de Fuente) ; 
Piffueroa, (de Higuera) ; Pumarino, (de Pomar) ; ReboUedo, (de Repollo) ; 
Poblete, (de Pueblo). 

5*. ApeUidoM imperfectos, compuestos, deflnidoSf aferedados, propios, — ^En 
nuestras investlgaciones hemos encontrado en Chile solo un apellido de esta 
clase, Colasquin. Ck>mo se v^ el nombre proplo de Nicolas ha perdido su prlmera 
sflaba al fundirse con el apellido Asquin, qae es nn dlminutivo del apellido 
A SCO que hemos citado en otra parte. 

6*. ApeUidos imperfectos, compuestos, deftnidos, aferedados, oomunes, — 
Lob nombres simples afereclados, usados como apellidos no son raros, especlal- 
mente cuando han snfrido alteraciones en su terminacldn para formar derlvadoa 
6 plurales; pero los nombres compuestos son escasos. Los apellidos: Vora- 
buena 6 Noramhuena, (En-hora-buena) ; y, Treviflos, (Entre-vlfios 6 Entre- 
vifiedos) son los tlnicos ejemplos que nos es posible sefialar en esta dase. 

7^ Apellidos, compuestos, deflnidos, sincopados, propios. — ^La conJunci6n de 
d06 6 mas palabras, produce de ordlnarlo el metaplasmo conocido con el nombre 
de sincopa. Los siguientes apellidos corresponden A esta clase: Perazo, 
(Pero-Aza) ; Pedraza, (Pedro-Aza) ; Cifuentes, (Clen-fuentes o siete fuentes) ; 
OarcUaso (Garcfa-Lazo) ; Bamiriatiez (Ramlro-Yafiez) ; Hemandares (Her- 
nando-Clares) ; yaldebcnito (Yalle de Benito) ; Valdelomar (Valle de Omar) ; 
Ruiioba (Ruiz-Loba) ; RuijU (Ruiz-Jil) ; PerUUin (Pero-IUan) ; PabUua 
<Pablo-Aza) ; Quintana (Quinta-Ana). 

8*. ApeUidos imperfectos, compuestos, definidos, sincop<idos, oomunes. — 
fintre los varlados ejemplos de apellidos de esta clase conslgnamos, los siguien- 
tes: Maluenda (Mala-^enda, especie de tela grosera hecha de eatopa de 
<:Mamo) ; Belmar (Bello-mar) ; Belmonte (Bello-monte) ; Somarriba (Soma 
de arriba) ; Casas^ (Oasa de site) ; Sierralta (Sierra-alta) ; Peralta (Peraleda 
o Pereda-alta) ; Bustamante (Busto-amante) ; ViUiierra (Valle de tierras) ; 
Valderrama (Valle de ramas) ; Valverdie (Valle verde) ; VaMepetlas (Valle- 
de-las-pefias) ; Subiabre (Sube-y-abre) ; Torquemada (Torre-quemada) ; ifow- 
dragon (Monte del dragdn). 

0*. Apellidos imperfectos, compuestos, deflnidos, apocopados, propios. — ^De 
esta clase conocemos los apellidos de Santapau (Santa-Paula) ; ViUamil (Villa- 
EmUia): Viaalfin ( Villa- Alonso). 

10*. ApeUidos imperfectos, compuestos, deflnidos, apocopados, comunes. — ^Bn 
el ntlmero de esta clase de apellidos hemos considerado los siguientes : ViUagra 
y ViUaffran (Villa-grande) ; Cotapos (Coto-posterlor). 

11*. ApeUidos imperfectos, compuestos, deflnidos, alterados, propios. — ^Bsta 
clase la constltuyen aquellos apellidos que han sufrldo al comblnarse 6 despu^i 
de comblnados alteraciones, supreslones 6 adidones de letras 6 sflabas 6 blen 
ambas cosas. Son los mAs comunes de los apellidos compuestos como puede 
observarse con los ejemplos siguientes: Santisteban (San-Esteban) ; Santelices 
(San-F61ix) ; SantiUan (San Julian) ; Sanfurgo (San Jorje) ; Santoyo (San 
Bostaquio) ; Samper y Sen^per (San Pedro) ; SantaUa y Santolaya (Santa 
Eulalla) ; Santiz (San Tirso) ; Santibafiez y Saniivan (San Juan) ; Sahhueza 
(Santa Adueza) ; Sandoval (San Cristobal) ; Santander y Santandreu (San 
Andres) ; Femandois (Fernando-Luis) ; VaUadares, Ruiseflada, Baloazar, Ben- 
alcazar, Valcazar (Valle de Arias) ; CantUlano (Canto-y-Llano) ; Pefiaranda 
(Pefia-Aranda) ; Alvarruiz (Alvaro-Ruiz) ; GarcietJiaez (Garcfa-HernAndez) ; 
ViUegas (Villa-Eujenia) ; Santiirsola (Santa t^rsula) ; Apablaza (Pablo-Aza). 

12*. ApeUidos imperfectos, compuestos, deflnidos, alteriidos, comunes. — Como 
la anterior esta clase es bastante numerosa. Campuzano (Campo-sano), Mon- 
talva g Montaiban ( Monte- Albano),VilleIa (Yllla- Vela 6 Villa pequefia),y,de los 



slgnientes cuya recomposicldn nos ofrece por ahora dlficultades no obstante 
ser conocldo uno de bus elementos: Malbran^ Jarabran, Mtrndaca, Xfoncada, 
MaruerratOt Bracamonte, Valdivieso, Valdiviaf Montoya, Monsalve, VUlarta y 
varies otros. 

13* ApeUidoM imperfectos, compuestoSj indefinidos, — ^En esta clase hemes 
agnipade tedos aquellos apellidos que no tienen etimolojfa castellana 6 cuyo 
orijen nos es desconocido; pero que, por su aspecto estAn formados por dos 6 
mas palabras en que las alteraclones 6 modificaclones introducidas por el use 
ban desfigurado su prlmitiva ortograffa. 

Son pues, apellidos castellanizados ; esto es, que ban sufrido camblos en su 
fisonomfa externa al pasar violenta 6 gradualmente de la lengua estranjera & 
la nuestra. 

Los slgulentes ejemplos dan Idea de esta claslficaci6n : Maldonado (de Mac- 
Donald), Miicaya (de Mac-Kay), Riquclme (de Rlcb-belm), Almonacid (de 
Almuna-Oid), Caiafiazor (de Kala-ad-en-nosur), Avendafio, Benatidet, Bena- 
vente, Calamara, Qodomar, Vasconcelos, Pedemonte, Cardemilj SepHlveda, Bal- 
hontin, Almodovar, Jahalquinio, Salamanca^ Mogrovejo, Bodadilla, Ruisenada, 
Sahagun, Beretidique, Borcosque, 


La daslficacidn de los apellidos eztrafios por su aspecto morfel6jico ofrece 
graves dlficultades, que al intentar vencerlas nos verfamos precisados & dar una 
amplitud considerable al presente estudio. 

Per este motive y per la circunstancia de que la clasiflcacidn etnol6jlca pre- 
porciena suflcientes elementos para comprender la que babriamos estudiado 
en esta seccidn, nos limitamos 6 repetir que dames el nombre de estrafioe 
& tedos los apellidos que no sen castellanos y que el use y la cestumbre no ban 
alterade dentre de la lengua de CSastilla. 

Ck>n8iguientemente sen estrafies ademAs de los no espofioles los apellidos de 
erijen, vascongade, catal&n, aragonte, gallego, valenclane, andaluz y demAs 
apellidos no castellanos orijinados en la Peninsula. 

SinopBXB de la ckuifioad&n etnoldjioa de los apellidos radieados en Chile, 

IOafltellanos Castillo. 
Oatalanes Ferrer. 
YascongadoB Aguine. 
Vaiioe Quiroga. 

Portugueses Pereyra. 

Franceses Beauchef. 

Italianos Bellini. 

Alemanes Schneider. 

Flamencos Hunneus. 

Escandinavos Knudsen. 

Ingleses Williams . 

Irlandeees 0*Byan. 

Esooceses Mac^Kenna. 

Galeses Gibbs. 

Eslavos Marinovich . 

Griegos Dispiritos. 

,Vario8 Panatt. 

Arabes Haddad. 

Chinos Chon-King. 

Japoneses Shtmidzu. 

Varies Jaq ue . 

AfricanoB....<5f°'?*^ AlbomoB. 

^ Vanos Kairo. 

EuropeoB. .. .< 


Britdninos. . 



OAPiruijO IV. — ClaHficaci&n etnoldjica. 

El estndio de la 6tnica, basado en la investigacldn de la nacionalldad de los 
pobladores, no ofrece en Chile inconvenientes graves, toda vez qne ezlaten la» 
faentes de inforniacl6n en donde es dable recojer loe datos necesarios. Sin 
embargo para llevar & t^rmlno nna labor semejante se requlere el concnrso de 
muchas peraonaa y algunos afios de peraeverante trabajo. 

Es, pues, mfts sencillo el estudio de la ^tnica con la base qne propordonan los 
apellidos ya qne cast slempre conserran tetos en su constmcci6n la Indole de 
la lengua en la cnal tuvleron sn orljen. 

Excepciones hay, y acaso mnchas, pero eilas no alcanzan & inflnlr, por lo 
inenos en Chile, en un resultado aproximado ft la verdad. 

Los apellidos estrafios 6 no espafioles se advlerten desde los primeroa afioa 
de la Conqnlsta. Es, pues, probable que los indivfdnos que los llevaban perte- 
necieran ft los patses ft los cuales se referian o ft cuyas lenguas debleron sn 
orijen. Consiguientemente faeron itallanos: 

Agamenon de Noll, Antonio de Nftpoles, Antonio Toscano. 

Diego de Meslna, Domingo Yeneciano. 

Esteban Jenov6s, Esteban Noli. 

Juan Bautista Chavari, Juan Bautista Garibaldo, Juan Bautista Pastene. 

Pascual Jenoyfis. 

Alemanes : Bartolom^ Blumen y Pedro Lisperguer. 

Flamencos: Diego Flamenco y Enrique de Flandes; y, flnalmente griegos: 
Diego de Atenas, Juan de Candia y Juan Griego; todos los cuales vlvieron 
durante la segunda mitad del siglo XVI. 

Durante la era colonial nuevos apellidos eztrafios se introducen en la socia- 
bilidad, entre los cuales podrlamos designer numerosos vascos, franceses, Portu- 
gueses 6 italianos que han sobrevivido ft sus fundadores, llegando hasta nues- 
troe dfas. 

El exameu de los apellidos radicados en Chile propordona la oportunidad 
de observar el hecho de que en todas las razas y lenguas se han jenerado de 
igual manera los nombres de familia. 

Es yerdad que en algunas razas prevalecen ciertas especies de apellidoe mien- 
tras que carecen casi completamente de aquellos Jtoeros que abundan en otras ; 
pero en todas ellas los nombres acostumbrados como apellidos y los que ex- 
presan localidad determlnada parecen dominar universalmente. 

No es tarea impracticable dasiflcar los apellidos existentes en el pais por 
la lengua 6 rasa ft los cuales pertenecen si se le. dedica alguna atencito y 
si se cuida de observar, mas que las radicales, las terminaciones de estos 
apellidos, de ordinario constantes en los idiomas correspondientes. 

E2s sabido que casi todas las razas enropeas acostumbraron el uso de los 
nombres patronlmlcos de acuerdo con la Indole de su idioma, conservftndose 
esta costumbre hasta la adopcion deflnltiva del apellido de familia. 

liOS castellanos usaron la terminaci6n en az, ez, iz, oz, y uz; los catalanes, 
mallorquinos, valenclanos, llmosines sustitufan la z por t, los vascongados, 
tenfan el sufljo ana 6 ena; los Portugueses empleaban la termlnaci6n en «, los 
firanceses anteponfan al nombre las palabras /Z, /to, /If, /fZ«, 6 fitz, clrcunstancia 
ft la cual se debe sin duda la escasez de los patronfmicos en Francia; ita- 
lianos transformaron el Jenitivo latino hasta adoptar las formas graves term!- 
nadas en i. 

Los alemanes, agregaban la palabra 90hn, al nombre; los ingleses, son, 6 la 
letra «, con 6 sin apdstrofe; los flamencos, por lo regular 9 6 t 6 z; los 
eecandinavos, sen, »an 6 ton. 



Los escoceses y IO0 irlandeses empleaban la dlccl6n MaOf antepaeata al 
nombre. Los eslayos usaban apellidos patronbnlcos segdn IO0 dialectoa, con 
las terminaciones itch, ioitsch, toiUh, wich, ich, 6 ic {ee pronuncla como el 
anterior). Otros dlalectos de la misma raza emplea las terminaciones ski, $ko, 
ska, sky, tzi, uHcz, 

£1 1180 de la prepo6icl6n de, 6 de bus equivalentes en otros idiomas carac- 
teriza el orijen de muchos apellidos. 

De esta manera cierta clase de nombres irlandeses que se les reconoce por la 
letra mayiiscula O apostrof ada que lo precede ; los apellidos f ranceses por con- 
servar unida la preposicidn de 6 du con su complemento ; los apellidos eslavoe 
por sus terminaciones de igual significaci6n en off, cff; j, los idiomas teutones 
6 escandinavos por la preposici6n van 6 von, solas 6 acompafladas de los arti- 
•culos correspondientes al nombre local. 

Aparte de las radicales, los sufljos proporcionan suficiente base para la 
cla8i£kcaci6n de casi la totalidad de los apellidos, como lo veremos al tratar mas 
particnlarmente la clasiflcaci6n etnol6glca que comprende este capltulo. 

Hemos distribufdo los apellidos radicados en Cbiie en cuatro grandes grupos, 
«ada uno de las cuales comprenden los apellidos orijinarios de Buropa, America, 
Asia y Africa. 

Estos grupos de apellidos se encuentran dlTididos segun las razas & que per- 
tenece y segun la lengua en que se ban Jenerado. 

1*. ApeUidos casteUanos. — ^Los apellidos castellanos no son en Chile proporcio< 
nalmente tan numerosos como pudiera creerae; pero tienen la particularidad 
de ser loe m^ comunes en todas las clases sociales. 

Ck>rrecQ>onden d estos apellidos las mas altas mayorfas en cuanto fndice, rol, 
^ n6miBa mas 6 menos estensa^ hemos oonsultado. 

Diveraos documentos nominativos que en conjunto contenian poco m&s de 
ciento sesenta y siete mil (167,000) nombres, noa dleron para cada uno de los 
apellidos que & continuaci6n se expresan al slguiente resultado : 













L dpga.. . 

UomiB. . 






Alvam. . 
























Este resultado nos lleva A la conclusi6n de que el apellido m&s comtin en 
Chile es Gonzales y que la sesta parte de la poblaci6n del' pals, usa los veinti 
seis apellidos expresados, de entre 12.383 que es la suma total de todos los que 
hemos anotado en el curso de nuestro estudio. 



Son tarobt^n commies en proporddn variable entre 200 y 898 por cada den 
mil babitantea, loa sigaientes apellidoe de flliacidn castellana: 






Jan , 















Por den 



S7S i 





































Por dan 




Existen en el pais A lo menos 2,825 apellidos castellanos 6 castellanizados 
cuyaa caracterfsticns y morfol6Jicaa dejamos establecidaa en ambas daaifica- 

2*. Apellido9 vascongados 6 euaoaros. — ^Est&n representados en Gbile con 
3.40T formas diferentes, los apellidos de orijen vasco. 

Por an etimolojfa todos los apellidos vascongados admiten la clasiflcacidn 
Jeneral que hemos hecho para los castellanos; pero, por sn construcd^n son 
evidentemente m&s interesantes. 

La caracterfstica jeneral de estos apellidos es la de contener elementos slg- 
nlflcatlvos y deslgnatlvos de modo que todos expresan ideas concretas fadl- 
mente comprensibles. 

La mayorfa de estos apellidos son nombres locales 6 JeogrAficos conoddos de 
GuipuKCoa, Alava, Viscnya, Navarra y aun de las proTindas de Santander, 
Burgos, Arag6n, etc., hasta donde, sin dnda la raza vasca tUTO considerable 
influenda en tiempos anteriores A la invasidn de los Arabes. 

Son tambien numerosos los apellidos vasco-franceses, cuya ortograffa difiere 
algo de los vascos-espafioles ; pero que siempre conservan su flsonomia carac- 

Los dialectos de la lengua vascongada ban creado numerosos apellidos cuya 
significad^n es equivalente; pero cuya ortograffa difiere de un modo conside- 
rable como puede observarse con los apellidos: Boheverria, Behevarrfa, 
Behaverria, Cheverria, Chevarria, Chaverria, Chavarria, Bicheverrie; todos 
^os cuales expresan la idea de determinada casa nueva. 

Tanto las rafces como las terminadones vascas tienen un aspedo caracte- 
ristico que permite reconocer los apellidos, cualquiera que sea la lengua que 
los haya modlflcado. 

Las terminadones que prevalecen en los nombres de familia vascongados son 
los slguientes : aide, aga, aya, ena, eta, ondo, arte, aure, gaUia, heitia, da, egiU, 


tegwl, olea, ffuibel^ echea, puru 6 bum, zabal, luce, bar, ear, arra y algunas 

Los slguieDtes ejemplos muestran las desinencias mfts comunes de los apelli* 
doB vascos : 

EUzalde, Ugalde, Iturrialde, Muruaga, Zuluaga, Astaburuaga, Madariaga^ 
Iturriaga, Aguinaga, Arteaga, Arriaga, Quezalaga, Elorriag?, Qorostlaga^ 
Gorostizaga, Aspillaga, Aliaga, Fraga, Isaga, Arrigorriaga, Gruchaga, Amezoga, 
Arribillaga, Undurraga, Zelaya, Amaya, Araya, Blaya, Arcaya, Aiiaya^ 
Amorena, Arrigorena, Ooyena, €k>renft, Joanotena, Martiarena, Marticorena, 
Barrena, Anchorena, Perochena, Requena, Aracena, Ibieta, Bernieta, Iturrieta, 
BIgiieta, Arrleta, Espeleta, Unzueta, Echazarreta, Urmeneta, Mendieta, Ureta, 
Orbeta, Lezaeta, Echavaleta, Urquieta, Marcoleta, Yivaceta, Olavarrieta^ 
Zuleta, Zulueta, Zubieta, Zorricueta, Zabaleta, Achondo, Arredondo, EU- 
zondo, Larrondo, Uriondo, Urblstondo, Sorondo, Duarte, Ugarte, Irlarte, 
Barazarte, Collarte, Lioarte, Lazarte, Alemparte, Basaure, Yidaurre, Echaorrer 
Zuagagoitfa, Beltia, Dunabeitfa, Sagastabeitfa, Arteagabeitfa, Artola, Man- 
terola, Mandiola, Yildosola, Adriazola, Saralegul, Arlegui, Urrlola, Urrejola» 
Ibarrola» Yadiola, Arriola, Andonaegul, Jauregui, Amun6tegui, Arlstegui, 
AroBtegui, Belaustegui, Lopetegui, Larreategul, Olea, Qolcolea, Larraguibel, 
€k>yenechea, Tellechea, Barreneohea, Goycochea, Elespuru, Bcheburu, Urlbum, 
Carricaburu, Mendibuni, Arambum, IrarrAzabal, Larrazabal, MendizabaU 
Arestfzabal, Mendiluce, Ibar, Aranlbar, Yavar, Ortuzar, Arlzar, Urizar, 
Urqulzar, Larra, Ibarra, Zagarra, Izarra, Ylscarra, Echezarra, Munibe, Uribe, 
Olabe, Egulguren, Aranguren, Amenabar, Zuasnabar, Aldunate, Ofiate, Arrate, 
Z&rate, Ascarate. 

Para termlnar & los anteriores deberoos agregar otros apelUdos Tascongados 
comunes en Chile : 

Arnnclbla, Aranda, Andfa, Aranfs, Araos, Arandfa, Achurra, Arangulz, 
Arana, Aranas, Azocar, Alc^rreca, Achar&n, Aguirre, Alday, Altuna, Amaza, 
Arrlar&n, Asp^, Arratla, Arlstia, Arria, Amengual, Arce, Arrlaza, Artola, 
Astorqulza, Arlsmendi, Azua, Ayaln, Arangua, Arechavala, Abaytua, .UvlzU, 
Alzaga, Amuchastegul, Ansorena, Afiasco, Aranaga, Arayena, Arfs, Artasco^ 
Anafio, Arrechea, Arrlan, Arran, Arni^, Astigueta, Azagra, Alta, Arza, Arro- 
cemena, Astoreca. 

Bustinza, Besoaln, Bilbao, Basabllbaso. 



Ellz, Err&zurlz, Eyzagulrre, Echalz, Esquerra, Echeverrl, Egulluz, Echevers, 
Bchegaray, Echegoyen, Echenlque, Esparza, Ergosque, Escoriaza, Bchaurren, 
Egul, Escorza. 

Garay, Gamarra, Gamboa, Goya, Gulfiazti, Gana, Gonzaga. 

HerqufQigo, Hermua, Huld, Humanzoro. 

Iturgoyen, Iturblde, Iparragulrre, Irlgaray, Ibazeta, Izarra, Irlzarrl, Irlgoyen, 
Irrazabal, Isaza, Isazl, Iturralde. 

Larrafn, Lecumberrl, Lastarrla, Larrea, Loyola, Lecaros, Landa, Larraiiaga, 




Munia, MendlvU, Mallea« Miranda, Mnnita. 

Narvarte, NazabaL 

OtArola, Ostolaza, Oyarce, Oyarzt&n, Ofia, Oyaneder, Oflederra, Oclioa, Or 
maza, Otelza, Ochagavla, Olazo, Ochandia, Olave, Olate, Olavarrla, Olnno. 
Omepezoa, OtaUsa. 

Pierola Pezoa. 


Recabarren, Kespaldiza, Reparax. 

Segarra, Saldfas, Saldiyia, Sigorraga. 

Tellaeche, Tmclos. 

Urbina, Urqniza, UrzHa, Urra, nizurrtin, Umitla, Urioste, Ufln, Urtubia, 
Urrea, Urleta, Ugareta, Ugas, Urdlnola, Uriona, Ustarte. 

Vergara, Yicafia, Viscarra. 

Zabala, ZtUiiga, Zaldivar, Zafiarta, Zameleu, Znmeta, Zumaeta, Zublaeta. 

3*. Apellidot catdlanes, — Ixm apellidos catalanea, entre log cuales hemoB 
anotado loa pertenecientes & dlalectoa aflnes, oomo mallorqninos, valencianos 
y llmosines, son propordonalmente numerosoa. m 

Bxlsten A lo menos 628 apellidoa diatlntos cuya caracterfstica conslate en 
la acentuaci^n, casi slempre aguda, circunstanda que le da mucha analojfa 
con los apellidos del sur de Francia. Oatalanes son los slgnientes apellidos: 

Amat, Antonfs. 

Blsqnert, Balcells, Baldrlch, Barcel6, Barbertl, Betancnr, Boix. 

Oanovat, Castafier, Oarbonell, Gonell, Gapr^, Oasteiz, Gant6, Onizat, OatalAn, 
Oastelld, Caradeuc, Catalayut, Capdevlla, Oerver6. 


Ferrer, Ferran, Felid, Flux&. 

Gamiz, GuixA, GayA. 

Jover, Juniet Jofret. 


Llovett LlauzAs, Llorens. 

Montt, Matte, Merchant, Martorell, Mlquel, Matta, Mir6, Melius, Monserrat. 


Paul, Pau, Palet, Pibemat, Pulg, Prat, Pastorell, Pled, Puyd, Puyol, Perelld, 
Palau, Perd, Pinochet 

Riobd, Rencoret, Reus, Ramis, Rus, Ros, Rocafort. 

Santandreu, Sabater, Semanat 

Texelro, Taford, Torrentd. 

Verdeguier, Verdeguez. 


4*. ApeUido9 gaUegos, aragoneses y otro9. — Hemes agrupado los apellidos 
de orijen gallego. aragon^, andaluz y asturiano por considerar que su dasifl- 
eacidn es bastante dlficil y requerlr un largo y detenldo estudio que no con- 
ducirfa & un fin pr&ctlco inmedlato. 

En el c&lculo de proporclones que hemes hecho; apareoen 819 apellidos dl- 
ferentes que son comunes en Aragdn, Andalucfa y Asturias, pero, que tambien 
se encuentran radicados en otras rejiones de Espafia. 

Un lijero estudio nos ha permitldo convencernos del hecho de que estos apelli- 
dos tieuen su orijen en las lenguas habladas por las diversas rasas que 
domlnaron en la peninsula y que su radicacldn o permanencia constante 
desde tiempos muy antiguos en una rejldn o provincia determinada no 
obedece sine & circunstancias erentuales. 

Por consiguiente, estos apellidos tienen un orijen efiscaro, latino, gdtico o 
&rabe, las cuales razas ejercieron mayor o menor influencia, en las diversas 
rejiones de la peninsula espafiola. 

Los apellidos gallegos tienen semejanza con los Portugueses y dlfieren poco de 
los castellanos ; pero conservan su caracterfstica especial, como que la influen- 
da morisca y gdtica no fu^ en Gallda considerable. Los sigulentes consti- 
tuyen ejemplos de apellidos gallegos: 

Andrade, Acufia, Araujo, Acevedo, Arbelo, Altamirano, Altamlra. 


Gaamafio, Oaamargo, Ck>u8lflo, Caldaa, GuttUlo. 

Freire, Fajardo, Feljoo. 


Lemos, Lemua, Lima, Lugo. 

Marifio, Merlfio, Mejfa, Moscoeo, Molero, Morelra. 

NoYoa, Nogueira, Neira. 

OJea, Ossorlo, Ovalle, Obando, Ocafia, Ocarransa. 

Puga, Parga, Pereira, Portela. 


RlesGO, Rlveiro, Riviideiieira. 


Taboada^ Tamallauco. 


Los apellidoa aragoneses conservan su caracterfstlca casteUana, pero ea 
f&cil hallar modlflcadones rejionales en que domina la influencia de la lengua 
franoesa y morlaca. 

Son de orijen aragonte, loa slgulentes: 

Anglada, Andrada, Anadon, Anglade. 

Belmar, Belmonte. 

Camus, Costelnau, Galatayud. 

Fabres, Febres» Fftbrega. 






Los apellidOB orijinarios de Andalucfa tienen el sello de la Influenda Arabe, 
como se demuestra en los slgulentes: 

Albarr&n, Almonacld, Albornosc, Almarz&u, Allste, Alarc6n, Alcal&, Alcazar, 
Ayamonte, Almonte, Albuquerque, Aro, Arln, Abell&n, Adaro, Albujar, Alfaro. 
Aliante, Alfafara. 

Benavides, Benalcazar, Bujanabal, Benlmells. 

Lorca, Lucena, Lamas. 

Los apelUdos asturianos son castellanos en su Inmensa muyoria pero, son 
numerosos los que conservan clerta afinidad con los gal legos. Son asturiunos 
los slgulentes: 

Arbieto (del vasco Arbleta). 

Hlsuma, Bergufio, Bueras, Beberlno, Brafies, Belefio. 

Candamo, Cangas, Cabralea, Gartablo, Garabes, Casares, Coruefio. 


Gljon, Grado. 



Lezama, Labra, Lueje, Loredo. 


Murlas, Mitres, Mlralles (Mlra-valles), Mlnayo. 

Navla, Negueira. 

Prendes, Puelles. 

Rodll, Rlera. 

Somiedo, Sarlego, Sayago (Santiago), Seijaa. 

Trello, Trelles. 




5*. Ap^UidoB portuffue9e9, — ^Despiwi de la rasa espafiola* ningiina otra ba 
introducido mayores elementos ^tnlcos que la portuguesa, apesar de que loa^ 
apellidoa netamente Portugueses no son proporclonalmente numerosos. 

D^bese esta anormalidad A la circunstancia de que en Portugal son corrientea 
los apellldos de modalidad castellana, gallega y andaluza, y, por conslgulente- 
en nuestro estndlo hemoe considerado como espafioles todos los que tlenen esta 
fisonomfa, no obstante de estar derto del orijen portugu^ por lo menos in« 
mediato, en gran ndmero de ellos. 

Ka cuanto & la ^tnlca estlmamos que no Introduce esta anomalfa una per-^ 
torbacldn apredable si se considera la comuni6n de razas que ban poblado^ 
ambos pafses hoy separados ya por lenguas y gobiernos diferentes. 

Apellldos de modalidad portuguesa pueden exceder en ndmero muy reducido- 
sobre 251 que es lo que hemos apuntado en otra parte. Apellldos Portugueses- 

Aguiar, Albano, Almeida, Azevedo, Antunes, Alcayde, Agdero, Adaro, Aedo^ 

Barboza, Braga, Bringas, Bothello, Brito. 

Oarneyro, Ooello, Ck>loma, Gaamacho, Oarvelho, Gasadoyro. 


Espinoza, E^spifieyra. 

Figueyras, Fonseca, Ferreyra. 



Magalhaes, Magallanes, Melo, Maquleyra, Machado, Monteyro, Mazeyra,. 
Mosquieyra, Mella, Meneses, Madureyra, Mosqueyra, Merlo. 

Nogueyra, Neyra. 

OUveyra, Oporto. 

Portoseguro, Portocarrero, Pereyra, PIncheyra, Pineyro. 


Souza, Sylva, Sequeira, Saa. 


6*. Apellidos germdnicos. — ^En los prlmeros afios de la conquista de Chile, 
aparecen los prlmeros apellidos germflnicos; Blutnen, despues traducido en 
Floret, y, lAsperguer, al parecer, modiflcacidn de otro de mils dificil pronuncia- 
cl6n. Los apellidos de indole teutdnica que se encuentran durante todo el 
periodo de la Golonia son escasos y quizes casi todos ellos pertenezcan & 
sacerdotes de la Compafiia de Jesds. 

A mediados del slglo XIX, con motive de la colonizacidn de las provlncias 
australes, iniclada por el Presidente Don Manuel Montt, comienzan & figurar 
los apellidos germftnicos en Valdivia y Puerto Montt. 

Desde entonces el ndmero y varledad de estos apellidos siempre ban ido 
en aumento con el desarrollo de la inmlgracidn alemana, y se ha acrecentada 
basta alcanzar abora & 1,384 apellldos diferentes. cifra sobrepasada solamente 
por los de orijen castellano y vasco. 

lios apellidos de orijen Jermdnlco son facllmente reconocibles por sus radicalea 
y sufijos que le dan un aspecto verdaderamente especial. Son Jermdnicos los 
siguientes apellidos : 

Anwandter, Albertz, Amtmann, Arendt, Altermadt 

Bernstein, Branden, Bendeich, Burmelster, Bfthre, Braun, Bebrens, Bock, 
Bischoff, Mhmwald, Bonn, Bucksbaum, Brandt, Becker, Bayer, Baetzner, 

Calmann, Goester. 

Doggenweiler, Decker, Delcbert, DUnner, Dietsch. 

Ehrenfeld, Ebensperguer, Ehrmann, Ehlers, Eimbeck, Engelbach, E3)ner^ 


Fehrenberg, Flnsterbasch, Fnlislocher, Flacb« Fritz, Feisse, Fonck. 

Gildermelster, GrieBsellch, Grunenwald, Gronemeyer, Gleisner, Gelss, Gleln, 
Gunckel, Gflnther, Gubler, Greve, Gabler. 

HengBtenberg, Harnecker, Heiifemaim« Heffer, Herssmann, Heimaussen, 
Heinsohn, Hanisch, HoUstein, Helfmann, Hdrmann, Hoffmann, Horstmann, 
Haverbeck, Hermann, Hutt, Hirsch, HeUnpell, H&berle, Haebig, Huber, Haaae. 


Kapstein, Klrsinger, Kanffman, Klein, Knabe, Kupper, K5mer, Krauss, 
Knust, K5nig, Kahler, Keller, Kirshbach, Konig, Kunatmann, KOhme, Knffre, 

Lunecke, Lispergoer, Lemm, L&nguer, Loveck, L&nger. 

Monberg, Mansfeld, MOlke, Mohr, MoUenhauer, Mayer, Munich, Machmar, 
Mann, Mflller, Muhn, Mey^. 

Nlemeyer, Neumann, Nelaser, Neckelmann. 

Oettinger, Ohde, Oehrens, Ostertag. 

Pohlhamer, Pabst, Paulentz, Poeniacfa, Petzold. 

Rosenfeld, Reitze, Belmers, Rosenberg, Belss, Beiat, Roaenthal, Boepke, 
Rdtter, Rosenblut, Rlesgraf, Rosenkrauz, Bettig, Rothsteln, Rudolph, Rudolff, 

Stelnmeyer, Schwab, Schencke, Schwencke, Schwartzenberg, Schulz, Sang- 
melater, Sparenberg, Siegle, Strobel, Schuster, Sdunelaer, Seckel, Sinn, Spring- 
mtlller, Saelzer, SchOller, Schoaseler, Stolzenbach, Stagmeiyer, Seitz, Stfiblng. 
Schumacher, Schneider, Schierwagen, Strickler, Schlack, Schwager. 

Tanembaum, Thmnm, Thile, Tillmann, Xallmann, Timmermann. 

UUmann, Uthemann. 


Voigt, Vorwerck. 

Wattenberg, Wagemknecht, Wehrhahn, Waldeck, Wieland, Wleaae, Weil, 
Wageman, Wulff, Wenderoth, Wiedmaier, Weinateln, Wlnkelhagen, Westen- 
mann, Wolff, Waak, Wahlen, Wachsmann, Werckmeiater, Walther, Wertenberg, 
Westermayer, Wieghardt 

Zimmer, Zwanzger, Zerwec^ Ziei^, Zeitler. 

7*. Apellido$, italianoM. — ^La raza italiana ha introductdo m^ de 1,286 
apellldos en la sociabilldad chilena. Bl elemento Italiano, en Chile, ae repre- 
aenta por indivfduos de toda la peninaula entre loa cualee parecen aer maa 
numerosoB loa orijinarioa de Gtoova. Tambi&i hemoe oonalderado como ita- 
lianoa muchoa apellldos cuyoa fundadorea eran auatriacoa, auizos 6 franoeaea, 
pero que, consecu^ites con nueatroa propdaitoa, noa hemoa deaentendido de 
eata drcunatancia para conaiderar el apellldo por au aspecto etnol6jloo. 

Loa apellidoa Italianoa toAb comunea aon loa patronfmicoa cuya terminaddn 
en i, no ea otra que la antigua latina id, dulcificada por el uao. 

Loa apellidoa de apodoa aon aaimiamo comunea y quizaa m&s numeroaoa que 
loa que figuran en otroa idiomaa. 

Apellidoa italianoa son loa aigulentea : 

Ambrosi, Andreolli, Angellotti, Antonini, Arcoli, Albertini, Agerato, Aiea- 
aandri, Aquaviva, Alberdi, Almanchi, Anaaldo, Andinl. 

Baachieri, Benvenuto, Baaciarini, Barcala, Bancalari, Benello, Balletl, Banfl, 
Bianchi, Bellagamba, Bellerini, Beniacelli, Beriaao, Bordalf, Bracamonte, Ber- 
nardi, Bardeai, Berguccio, Bertroli, Barbagelata, Buono-Oore, Becroffo, Belenchl, 
Becd, Bernardini, Bacarreza, Belloni, Benedetti, Begnea, Bacigalupi, BetoUnl, 
Bertoglio, Boffo, Betteto, Bettelini, Brignardello, Brugnoli, Boggia, Boldrlni, 
Billeai, Bozzo, Bertucci, Boitano, Boaai, Braciano, Bruni, Buzzola, Buzzonl, 


Cademartori, Ganessa, Oastagneto, Oanipod6iiico, Gapimnegra, Geradelll, 
Oapra, Gapurro, Oapellant, Carlucci, Qampora, Gicarelll, Gataldo, Oontardo, 
Oontardl, Oossl, Oaaanoya, Cinzano, Garlola, Gapazioli, Ooasio, Oaaacnberta, 
Gasali, Gambiazo, Gancino, Gazorati, Geppi, Gavatore, GIbllo, Golona, Colombo, 
ContU Com, Gironella, Gataldo, Gentenaro, Cadenaaao, Germeleti, Ctrvleri, 
Codelia, Cormico, Gorro, Caailni, Castera, Gonodl, Compagnotte, Garraodolo. 

Denegri, Devescovi, Deodati, Devoto, Deroti, Dnoci. 


Ferrara, Ferrari, Ferrnflno, Fernandi. 

Giaconi, Granello, Garibaldo, Giordano, Geraldino, GattL 


Ltanzarotti, Laniaroni, Liioni, Lnsardo. 

Marconi, Menfi, Malfatto, Monti, ManfredL 

Nicolo, NeU, NoU, Nunci, NicolL 

Onetto, Onelli, Orlandl, Oma. 

Padovanl, Pasalaqna, Pellagati, Pelegrini, Picardo, Peragallo, Pantanelli, 
Pastorini, Podeatft, Possi, Polloni, Perfetti, Pastoie, Penna, Palasii, Parodi, 
Pincetti, Paasi, Panlini. 

Ripamonti, Ricci, Rocoo, Rondixsoni, Ragassone, Rebeoco, Rnblna, Rin^tti, 
Rocha, Roflsi. 

Stephano, Simondl, Simonetti, Simoni, Servi, Sobara, Snoct 

Toasara, Tioomia, Trayersari, Taacara, Tenderinl, Tomaast 

Ubaldi, Ugliotti. 

Vezozzi, Vitagliano, Yiaconti, Vignolo. 


8"*. ApellidoM franceses. — ^Los apellidoa francesea ocupan el coarto lngar entre 
lo8 apellidos eztranjeros con 1,209 formaa dlferentes. 

Los apellidoa francesea m&B conocidoa en nneatro pais aon : 

Aninat, Alibau, Alexandre, Andreu, Abadie. 

Bombal, Bmnnet, Ballac^, Bernard, Boiaon, Beancfaemin, Beauchef, Barr6, 
B^ze, BlondeaiL 

Courselle, Glaveaux, Gazotte, Cant, Courts, C^ionteau, Ghampny. 

Darteil, Delano (De la Noy), Dejardins, Dobl^ Dncbart, Decombe, Didier, 
Delaport, Delanaaye, Dilanaon, Delone, Despot, Dev^ Dinan, Deqwoy, Da- 
mirail, Desmandryl, Duclos, Decourt, d*Heron, D'Hnigne, Dejean, Dncand, 
Durand, Dubris, Ducasse. 

Francois, Ferrand, Fornte, Fittean, Frezier. 

Gay, Guillon, Girardin, Quillauma 

Heranlt, Hnget 

Lafitte, Lev^qne, Lavergue, Le-Feuvre, Lonbert, Lacourt, Lenoir, Lebnin, 
Laroche, Lozier, LavaL 

Monvoisin, Mathien, Mirail. 

Nercaseaux, Nogu6i. 

Petit, Parroiaien, Prevost, Poiason, Pelllsler, Parmotier, Pltot, Petit, Parrier, 
Pesse, Paul, Perrenoud. 


Renard, Rillon. 

Sazi^ Servoin, Sobercaaaeaux, Saint-Marie, Simon, SomenriUe, Solmlgnaa 

Tiffou Turenne, Toussaint 



0*. ApeUid09 br^dfUeoB. — ^Los apellidoa britAnioos o ini^eses comprenden 
tambifo los escoseses, irlandeses, galeses, coyo orijen se encaentra en los 

6848C— 17— voLi- 


antiguoB dialectos bretones. Son moy varlados y llevan un aeUo caractertetico 
que pennite dasiflcarlos fAdlmente en su lengna de oriJen« Domina sin em- 
bargo en elloe la Influenda latina, franoesa, y, sobre todo, la genuAnlca de 
coyoa dialectoB sobreBale el aajdn. 

Bn la obra an6nlma, " Old Timer9 4n €hUe," flgoran aobre 1,400 apellidoa de 
fisonomfa brit&nica. En nnestro eatndlo hemes colecclonado 1,268 formas de los 
cuales anotamos como ejemplos, los siguientes : 

Adams, Allman, Armstrong, Allfandlch, Abbot, Allen, Arnold, Allardlce, Alli- 
son, Allstone, Andrews, Alsop, Antbony, Appleby, Applegreen, Applegath, 
Arthur, Atkinson. 

Bayle, Brown, Brownne, Betteley, Balrd, Baker, Balwin, Baynon, Balfour, 
Barclay, Barnett, Barry, Barrington, Barton, Banks, Batchellor, Bath, Beach, 
Bean, Beard, Bell. 

Clark, Carson, Carpenter, Carter, Chace, Chadwlck, Charles, Cox, Chamber- 
lain, Child, Christie, Clark, Cleaveland, Carey, CUtton, Cochrane, Cockbaln, 
Cockborn, Cock, Cood, Cunmilng, Cooper, Cross, Cunningham, Croft, Colton. 

Davis, Dlmalow, Darlington, Dartnell, Davidson, Denton, Deason, Duncan, 
Dervey, Dicks, Dickson, Douglass, Day, Dunn, Davenport. 

Eastman, Eastwood, Easton, Eddlngton, Elliot, ElUs, Edwards, Ewing. 

Fox, Fairweather, Farmer, Farr, Foulker, Field, Fletcher, Foster, Foweraker, 
Freeman, BYost, Fulton. 

Garland, Gibbs, Gardner, Glover, Greene, Griffiths, Gilbert, Gray, Graham. 

Howard, Haigh, Hale, Hall, Hamilton, Hardie, Haviland, Harris, Harrison, 
Harvey, Hillman, Haywood, Herderson, Henry, Hobbs, Hodgson, Hume, Hill, 
Howe, Hudson, Hutchinson. 


Jacobs, Jacks, James, Jameson, Jenkins, Johnstone, Jones, Johnson. 

Kerr, Kilpatrick, King, Kennedy. 

Livingstone, Louisson, Lackington, Landman, Lynch, Lathrop, Lawrence, Lee, 
Leigh, Lyon, Latdiam, Unsay, Lloyd, Long, Longton, Loring, Loving. 

Mac-Kenna, Mac-Kensie, Mac-Clure, Mac-Kay Mac-Clean, Mac-Kellar, Macs 
Iver, Mac-Coutcheon, Mac-Kines, Mac-Hale, Mac-Innes, Mac-Mahon, Mac-Don- 
ald, Mac^Ferrey, Mac-Namara, Mac-Taggard, Mac-Vlcar, Mac-Kenncy, Mac- 
Kentha, Mac-Kinne, Mc-Pherson, Mc-Lean, Miller, Meeks, Melrose, Manhood, 
Marshall, Mathews, Melggs. 

Newman, Neroman, Nelson, North. 

O'Byan, O'Higgins, O'Relly, O'Neil, O'Carrol, O'Brien, O'Shee, O'Donovan. 

Paton, Pellross, Penros, Parson, Patterson, Pickering, Peter, Post, Putman, 
Peterson, Porter, Patrlckson. 


Reed, Ried, Rice, Robbins, Richardson, Robinson, Roberston, Rodgers, Ross, 
Rawlings, Ramsay, Radfort, Rogers, Ramson, Ralph, Raby, Richard, Ruther- 
ford, Roberts. 

Sandford, Swlnburn, Stewart, Stuard, Stuven, Stevenson, Simpson, Scott, 
Sawyer, Saxton, Scott, Sea, Sheriff, Smith, Somervllle, Somercales, Spencer, 
Stevens, Smiths, Sthephenson, Sutherland, Swlnglehurst. 

Trumbull, Thayer, Tonkin, Turner, Tupper, Thomas, Thomson, Taylor. 



Wall, Wallace, Ward, Whiteside, Watson, Wellington, WUklnson, WiUlams, 
Williamson, Walton, Watt, Webb, Wilson, Wadlngton, Wood, Woodd, Wood- 
gate, Westman, White, WiUcock, Walker, Weir, Willshaw, Wormald. 


10*. ApeUidoM e9iavo9. — ^La rasa eslava estendlda en la mAs yasta reji6n de 
Europa, habla numeroflOB dialectoa, en los cuales se ban Jenerado apellidoB de 
formas caracterfstlcas qae permite reconocerlos con mucha facilidad. Hemos 
ooDtado en Chile 791 apelUdoB eslavoe, nt&mero que eatlmamoe exigno. Bn su 
mayorfa corresponden & las raaas croataa, dftlmatas, serviaB y polacaa. 

E^Jemploa : 

Agu8tinovich» AncidL 

Bencich, Bitsch, Bndrovlch, Bndlnlch, Bezmalinovich. Bartucevich, Branda- 
novicb, Baburlzza, Boretich. 

< -apitanlGh, Clavich, Cristich, Carotich, Oaatalevlch, Ghodowieski. 

I)i»lwerlch, I>omeyko, Dronichevich, Darpich, Dmnalcicb, Durapsky. 

Fodlch, Fatalovicb, Foretich, Felich. 

Godcevich, Gustoff, Golcovich, Garacovich, Groothoff. 


Icevich, Izacovicta, Ivanoyich. 

Jungiovlcfa, Jauswenski, Jankoneaky, Jatovich. 

Katalinich, Kejevich, Kucbeleff, Kirchoff, Kientzi, Kamiski, Kulesesoski, 
Kirseako, Kiosko. 

Linvetlch, Lopecich, Linnich, Luvich, Lukinovich, Laiirlch. 


Martnrlch, Mafich, MiJazlOTich, Marudch, Mitrovich, Maravich, Malinarich, 
MarinzuUch, Micacich. 



Publicevich, Parmidcb, Paulevlch, Prlacbtt, Papicb« Pnratich. 

Rodevicb, RoylnoTltch, Rodich, Ratecovicb, Roloif, ReaczynskL 

Stilpecovicb, Stancich, Rusovicb, Reska, Santich, Staticb, Slulaki, Scbutlzki, 
Sziachki, Sarich, SJusloff, Stoicovlcb. 

Tomaaeyich, Tatrovicb, Toeaca, (Toeaka) ; Triyicb, Tiaka. 

Violicb, Vodnizza, Viskupoeki. 

Woff, Waligorskl, Wlordarowaki. 

Yukowlsky, Yukousky. 

Zaanich, ZtiecoYicb, Zurzulich. 

ll^ Ap^lidot flamencoM. — ^Hemos anotado los signientes apellidos que tlenen 
caraterfsticas flamencaa : 

Adrower, Alenck. 

Boonen, Bardel, Bettancoart, BobllUer, Byrt 




Gnldemonte, Gantto, Gardeweg. 

Hunneus, Huet, Heyl, Hoenelsen, Heierensans. 






Popelalre, Prelott Perborg. 

Qnaet-faalem (?). 

Bowse, Ro<^k, Rocuant, Rooxe. 





Verluys, Vandorse, Vandel, Verboon. 

Warny, Wlngard. 


12*. Apeliidos etoandinuBvoM. — Loe siguientes apellldoe proceden de Suedm, 
Noniega, Dlnamarca y aiin de Rosla y Alemania. 

Bertjerodt, Berthelsen, Bdltsb. 

Ohristel, Ghrlstensen. 

Drenthel, Doepking. 




Johansen, Jetsen, Jacobsen, Jalinke. 

Knudsen, Koennelsen* 

Lttttermersk, Luttjens. 


Nielsen, Nordenflycht 



Simmonsen, SOthers, Schr(5der8. 


Weasel, Wenjoe. 

13*. Apellidos griegos. — De evldente orijen griego son los que enameramoa 4 
continuacl6n : 


Cncussys, Candta, Ck)roinlna8, Gacusala, Gorotia, Charalambla. 

Datis, Displritos, Domlnis, Demconis, Delaytermoa, Deamartls. 


Kairis, Kacholofus. 

Montoys, Mylos, Monjys, Mytjaus, Mutis, Miletta, Mlchelia, Marthos. 

Nespolus, Nicoasla. 

Serca, Shaimalls, Spirus, Saridakls. 

Tacussls, TheodulcMs. 


14*. ApeUidoM turcoi drabc$, — ^Anotamos loa siguientea: 

Anad, Alianak, Abogabir, AH, Abrlgaber. 

Ben-azul (Aben-ad-nosur). 


Huddad, Halabld, Hlrmas. 

Jarach, Jabugarrade. 

Kura, Kudjed. 




Snlamf, Salomd, Salamd, Sollmano. 




15*. Apellidos chinot. — ^Bste orijen le hemes asignado A loa slgui^ites ape- 

Acham, Ach&, Achon. 

Chin, Chol-Loo, Chin-Sti, Chum, Ghen-to, Ghong-Ghin-San, Ghang, Ghing. 


Hong, Hop-Heng, Huang-Hop, Ho-Ghong-Long. 


Kai-Td, Kon-€iod, Kun, Kong» Kun-Jim, Ka-On, Kuang-Kung-Chong, Kun-Sen. 

Lo-Kang, Lung-Pan, Lay-Sang, Lo-Lein, Lee-Hop-Sang. 



San-Kin, San-Lee. 

Tao-Ta, Tong-Sang, Tang-Tay. 

Yon-Kon, Yo-Long. 

Wing, Won, Wing-Seng, Wang, Wan, Wing-Gliong, Wo^Hop, Wuo-Hing, Wuo- 

i6*. ApeUido9 Japone9e8, — ^Los apellidos Japoneses ofrecen un especiai interns 
por el significado que tiene cada uno de ellos; pero como la Indole de nnescro 
trabajo no nos permite estendernos, noa limi tamos d enuuierar los sigulentes, 
que hemos encontrado en Santiago: 

Fujimura, Fujii. 

Kato, Konaka. 

Shimidzu, Sasaki. 


Yamashita, Yudsuki, Yamamoto. 


17\ Apellidos mapucJies. — Hemos anotado algunos apellidos usados por indl- 
jenas, tomdndolos de documentos de diferentes ^pocas, con el objeto de que 
puedan servir para mostrar las caracterfsticas de los apellidos orijinados en 
la lengua mapuche. 

Hay apellidos que se mantienen en dos y mds jeneraciones, especialmente 
aigunos de caciques, aiyas reducciones estan situadas en laa Provinclas de 
Malleco y Gautiti. Los 'siguientes son los apellidos anotados: 

Aillavilld, Antilicon, Anquenehue, Antequepe, Anlcoyan, Abdul, Antll, Acuu, 
Achen, AdhuCs Adiemantu, Alhu6, Adui, Ahuilantu, AiUalluhii^, Aillamamil, 
Aillanti), Aiquintui, Antipan. Aulil. 

Butapichon, Butaman, Bitul. 

Cachigulrre, Caduman, Cahuinguelay, Caigambay, Galilican, Oanihue, Oatrio, 
Catulef, Catrui, Chacabuco, Guruquelin, Curudn, Caliunir, Cayunnhuel, Cal- 
bugur, Colupil, Oolipi, Calbuqueo, 

(^'heuqulClrre, Chuquillanca. 

Kpul, Epufian. 

Guarache, Gueiuiplchun, Grul. 

Hulnchipoco, HuIUinco. 

T^vicheu, Leviman, Litimil. 

Llanquxhuel, Llanquilleo, Llaquimil. 

Maipti, MaripiUan, Milequelen, Millaquepu, Maullin, Manquilef. 

Naupaj-ante, Nahuellal, Nahuellel. 

5}apual, franco, f^ipan. 

Palcacheo, Pnilnlebu, Palnlmar, Painepichun, Pailahueque. 

Quintraguala, Quinelecan, Quilales. 

Reiiquinnte, Kniman« Racan. 

Trintre, Tabalauquen. 

18^ Apellidos americanos, — Existeu 6 ban existido en el pals, algunos ape- 
llidos de orijen americano pero que, no es posible clasificar por su reducido 

Anotamos A continuaci6n los siguientes : 


Ghilca, Ghncumata, Ghunchurri. 


Jaiva, Jaifier. 


Plfiufinrl, Mlfilmlfil. 


Talagante, TlUviche. 


19'. ApeUidos varios. — Exlste un nilmero considerable de a pel lidos de «>rtjen 
desconocido. Por bus aspectos, no permite claslflcarlos en ninguno de los diez 
i ocho grnpoe que hemos estndlado; y, si bien en algunos casos pudl^amoB 
suponer que tlenen un orljen enropeo, 6 aslAtioo 6 afHcano, en la mayorla de 
la veces, nos ha sldo imposible precisar la lengua & la cual pertenecen nl el 
pafs de donde proceden. 

Hay algunos apellidos que parecen ser de procedencia majiar o hdngara; 
otros que son sin duda rumanos ; varios que pudieran ser ejipcios ; numerosos 
de fisonomfa &rabe, no pocos que seguramente son de flllacl6n rusa; y, final- 
mente, un ntimero npreciable de apellidos de aspecto hebreo. 

Los siguientes apellidos son algunos de los no clasiflcados : 

Aboy, Acha, Acim, Aly, Antiguay, Afiate, Averete, Ales, Anativia, Arcllfbia, 
Artel, Ayar, Ay mar, Alguruza, Allan, Acame, Arboer. 

BOettcher, Bhriin, Behnck, Baerlswol, Bufadel, Bellack, Babis, BeUi, Bartks, 
Baur, Bosmm, Berghmans Blu, Balbum, Beelen, Betelii, Belztl. 

Ck>hol, Oonn, Ck>hl, Cole, Coh4, Caler, Caanf, Ck)rmico, Oao, Ooamene» 
Cranisbro, Carrus, Oayac, Gar^, Ghoh, Cohen, Goe, Cristu, Cnruohet, Caheb, 

Chnmudes, Chapotet, Ghaumes, Ghapf, Ghopis, Ghfiden. 

Dalh, Deblin, Delpi, Deneen, Desamf, De-Veer, Duren, Dusougleer, Druwa- 
niorud, Drege, Drourmen, Dutran, Duve, Duscugler. 

Elufln, Emus, Erslcin, Espajea, Ecaudon, Espor, Evertz, Eade, Ellor, Embrei, 
Equis, Erbo, Erce, Esperl^ Eyde, Eyquen, Emanuel. 

Flgellat, Faltot, Fanenil, Fava, Fenwik, Ferr^, Perrte, Finzet, Fahega, Fan, 
Finzol, Fontetes, Fourea, Framcuel, Frurfas. 

Gamonae, Ganz, Guana, Ged, Ganzave, Gailquantes, Giott, GofFaauz, Gogkel. 
Goldiz, Grolhues, Guatubay. 

Hvicitrn, Hallub, Heppt, Heroctt, Hernautt, Hestresth, Hairani, Hnbraham, 
HlUairek, Hosfele, Houel, Heukens, Huelim. 

Igneret, Imas, Ivam, Izamith, Iscarnia, Isern. 

Jassckes, Jacn^, Jnbres, Jai, JaiUar, .Toqcose, Jaque, Jarabram. Jaulhac, 
Jego, Juchter. 

Knest, Koheu Kalojdz, Kohler, Kahen, Kectell, Kemdi, Klehraet, Kuehan, 

Luyack, Lethaby, I^vy, Lewin, I^vin, Jjau, Lanctot, Lalame, I.hautleres, 
I.afeulade, Lenurricbel, Langharr, Lassus, Liez, I^oases, Logam. 

Marabolis, Malabram, Maffet, Menvrine, Mesteru, Mlnusa, Magiin, Mambran, 
Mandrachaz, Mannequin, Marias, MnruU, Maschke, Masgslnot, Masqularem, 
Mazachiodi, Medan, Morsch, Muent, Mulsow. 

Nicoreanu, Namara, Nilo, Nosilio, Niscon. 

Or^s, Oerers, Osyres, Orsted, Oziadaz, Osarnet, Ozanne. 

Panatt, ParafP, Passlg, Penak, Penzos, Puchigr6. 

Quique, Quellac, Quisque, QulladrAn. 

Rom, Raby, Raab, Roab, Ritehi, Roussche. 

S^venes, Sproatt, Soffia, Semir, Salinats, Smijils, Szendi, Semane, Sarhy, 
Scheples, Schryver, Suau, Seddon, Sderader, Shu, Smigilskg, Staimbuck, 
Shuarze, Schapacasse, 

This, Tomes, Tlhlsta, Togna. 


Valaz^, Vichreoh. Veil, Vlan. 



Wgrcene, Wite, Witlca, Wnpper, Weill. 

Yacotar, Yanten, Yoacham. 

Zameiio^ Zmirak, ZegeUn, Zegel, Zenis. 

OapItulo V. — Con^ideracUmea €tnica$, 

Hemos dicbo que los apellidos pueden servlr de base esoenta de grandes 
Inconvenientcs pora determlnar la toilca de an pafs. Aunque esta afirmacidn 
sea en derto modo una novedad, acaso dlacutible bajo muchos aspectos, es 
eyldente que, por lo menos, proporcionan los apellidos Mementos de cftlcnlo que 
permiten deducciones encaminadas ft la solucidn del problema ^tnico. 

Estimamos, pnes, que el estndio de la onomatolojfa paede ser aynda eflcaz 
para establecer la proporcidn en que se encnentran las diversas razas que 
pueblan un pafs. 

En esta creencia hemos adicionado el presente capftulo ft nuestro estudio 
dasiflcativo, esperando que pueda servir de base inductiva ft un trabajo mfts 
amplio de qui^n se encuentre con las fnerzas necesarias para emprenderlo. 

Nuestra base Jeneral de estudio la constituyen, numerosos roles 6 indices 
nominatives correspondientes ft todo el pais desde los primeros aflos de la 
conqoista hasta la presente. 

Sin embargo los cftlculos en que bemos basado nuestras deducciones ^tnlcas 
tienen por fundamento una serle de documentoe correspondientes al afio de 
1907, entre todos los cuales reunen 167,400 nombres. 

EiSta cantidad, exigua para el efecto de fundar conclusiones cientificas, es 
suficiente para un ensayo preliminar, desprovisto de mayores pretensiones. 

En efecto, la cantidad de 167,400 nombres con que bemos operado suministra 
una base suficiente de estudio para establecer la propordonalidad, pues, nos 
dan 158,003 apellidos de orljen espafiol y 8,397 apellidos de procedenda ex- 
trafia, esto es que pertenecen ft razas y lenguas que no ban formado la nadona- 
lidad espafiola. 

Por consiguiente, corresponde ft la rasa espafiola el 94,984 % y ft las razas 
extrafias el 5,016% de la sums total de 167,400 nombres que hemos estudiado. 

Aplicando esta proporci6n ft la poblaci6n del pafs, calculada en 3,500,000 
habitantes, exceptuando la raza indfjena, nos resulta como consecuencia que 
Uevan apellidos espafioles 3,324,440 indivfduos y apellidos estrafios el resto 
<:e 175,560. 

Los apellidos espafioles son usuales en casi el 95% de la poblacidn total 
del pafs pero como Elspafia misma tiene su ^tnica especial, hemos estimado 
conveniente divldir los apellidos espafioles en cuatro grandes grupos, cuya sola 
enundaddn Justiflca nuestro procedimiento. 

£jStos grandes grupos corresponden ft los castellanos, vascongados y cata- 
lanes, siendo el cuarto constitufdo por los apellidos que no entran por su 
estructura en ninguno de las lenguas o dialectos anter lores 6 que, procediendo 
de lenguas no espafiolas, ban sufrido tales alteradones en la Peninsula, que 
no es posfble clasificarlos en ninguno de los expresados grupos. 

Ck)rresponden el siguiente porcentaje ft cada uno de los cuatro grupos dentro 
<1e los 167,400 nombres ft que ya no hemos referido : 


Por dento. 

Castellana 69. 845 

Vnscongada 13. 848 

Por dento. 

Catalans 2. 867 

Varias 8. 924 

Esta proporcidn nos permite calcular en 2,427.027 el nfimero de personas que 
existen en el pafs cuyo ori jen es castdlano ; en 484,690 los individuos de sangre 


yaflcongada 6 imyarra ; en 100,S46 los que proceden de las provincias que hablan 
la lengua catalana 6 bus dialectos aflnes; y en 812,840 los descendlentes de 
espafioles no comprendldos en loe grupos anterlores. 

Los apellidos eztrafios corresponden oomo hemos Tlsto al 5,016% de la pre- 
citada df ra de 167,400 norabres con que hemos o|)erado, base con la cnal estl- 
mamos en 176,560 el ndmero de personas que en todo el Pais usan apellldoB 
estranJeroB 6 no espafioles. 

Esta proporci6n de poco mAs del 5% que corresponde & los apellidos ez- 
trafios se distribuye entre las nadonalldades 6 razas que enumeramos & con- 
tinuaddn, del modo slguiente: 


Portuguesa 0. 909 

GermAnica 1. 268 

Italiana 0. 640 

BYancesa 0. 571 

Inglesa 0. 683 

Eslava 0. 312 


Flamenca 0. 067 

Escandinava 0. 047 

Ar&blga 0. 043 

Oriega 0. 033 

China 0. 028 

Diferentes 0. 475 

Ck>n estos datos nos es posible calcular el ntlmero de personas que en toda 
la Repdblica tienen un orijen extrafio & las razas que pueblan Espafia; y, 
consecuentemente es f&cil deseomponer la cifra de 175,560 indlylduos que lleyan 
apellidos eztranjeros en la forma slguiente: 


Germftnlcos 44,380 

Portugueses 34, 965 

Italianos 22, 400 

Franceses 19, 985 

Ingleses 18, 655 

Bslavos 10, 920 


Flamencos 2, 345 

Escandinavos 1, 645 

Ar&bigos 1. 505 

Griegos 1, 155 

Chinos 980 

Diferentes 16, 630 

Una observaci6n de cardcter ^tnico nos ha manifestado la presencla de 
una considerable cantldad de apellidos hebreos & veces modlficados por otras 
lenguas pero siempre dlstlnguibles por su peculiar aspecto. 

Seria interesante un estudio histdrico sobre el orijen y formacl6n de los 
apellidos adoptados de grade 6 por fuerza por los judfos en los palses europeos 
en donde se han radicado. 

I>as vlcisitudes experinientadas por esta raza, acaso mds digna de admlracidu 
que de recelo, ha inipreso en ella un car&cter especial que se manlfiesta & irav^s 
de un velo de melancolfa y temor, de esperanza y resignaci6n. 

La raza hebrea suefia con un futuro de grandeza que es su dnica aspiracldn 
para conseguir el cual trabajan con perseverancia y dentro de severas priva- 

Estos h&bitos han formado la idiosincrasia especlaUslma del hebreo la cual, 
sea por las leyes at&vicas 6 por las de la herenda 6 sea por las de inducci6n 6 
asimilaci^n, perduran en las familias & travte de muchos siglos aun despu^ de 
perder sus creencias relijiosas. 

La influencia de esta raza en Chile, es por la drcunstancla expresada verda- 
deramente considerable y quizds de mayor trascendencia que lo que es en otras 
naciones americanas con la dnlca excepci6n de Estados Unidos. 

N6tese que hacemos esta afirmacldn en cuanto & la raza misma y sin atender 
d su credo relijloso, pues, que sabemos que en Brasil y Arjentina, prospers nu- 
merosa colectividad israelita. 

El orfjen Judio de numerosas y antiguas fiimllias chilenas es un hecho in- 
discutible, dentro del criterio de franca observacidn; pero cuya comprobaci6n 


severa, como lo ezlje la erf tica clentifica de la hiatorla, ofrece dlflcoltadea acaao 
inaalvables deMdas al interte que siempre bubo por ocultar la procedencia 
bebrea eo tiempoa de la Ck>loiila. 

Abora mlamo, cuando las prevendonea de nusa y relljidn, van deblllt&ndoae 
con las libertadea poHticaa y el progreso en todo drden de ideas, ezlsten recelos 
y snsplcacias acaso mAs intensos en qnienes mayores motlvos babrla para que 
Be mostraran induljentes. 

Sin embargo las simples sospecbas basadas en tradlclones Intimas, en b&bitos 
mas 6 m^nos caracterfsticos, en aptitudes eq^ieclales de mercantUlsmo, no con- 
stltuyen base deductlva sufldente para establecer prooedenda b^rea ni aun 
considerando estas drcunstancias en conjunto. 

Hay otras drcunstancias que ofreoen base mAs segura de Inf ormaddn aunque 
no siempre excenta de dlflcnltades que predlsponen el error. 

Sin duda alguna la antropolojfa flslca propordona los mejores elementos 
deductlTos para establecer el predomlnio de la rasa bebrea en Oblle, espedal- 
taeate en las clases acomodadas. 

SI se exceptda las rasas de color, nlnguna otra mantlene sus caracterlstlcas 
domlnantes por minima que sea la propord6n en que pueda enoontrarse; y» 
nlnguna otra sums mAs f&dlmente sus caracterlstlcas ffsicas y morales en la 
descendenda de consangufneos en que exists un abolengo oomdn de raza bebrea. 

La onomatolojfa permite bacer suposidones mas 6 menos fundadas sobre la 
nacionalidad y raza de los Indlviduos; pero todas las regies observadas para 
esta cla8ificacl6n son inapropladas tratAndose de la rasa bebrea, en cuyo Idloma 
8e conservan como apellidos escasos nombres tradlcionales alterados con la in- 
flnencia de lenguas extrafias. 

En Cbile bemos encontrado apellidos hebreos modlficados por la lengua 
castellana, inglesa, francesa, alemana, itallana y eslava; pero no son sino 
excepdones, pues la mayorfa de los apellidos que usan los descendientes de 
Judfos, se ban jenerado en In lengua correspoudiente del pals de radlcaci6n» 
sea al perder su reliji^n 6 al Terse obllgado por drcunstancias de orden 
politico 6 social & adopter alguno de la Indole del idioma corriente. 

En Austria, Polonia y Alemania, los bebreos adoptaron por apellidos, nombres 
de cludades 6 de lugares jeogr&flcos de estos pafses que completaban al propio, 
comunniente de fisonomfa hebraica. 

Tambi^n fueron aficionados al uso de nombres compuestos de dos 6 mas 
elementos de ordlnario porticos, en que el simboUsmo y la est^tica entran 
aparejados y son reflejo del alma bebrea proscrita; pero conliada en un 
futuro de grandesa que es la esperanza colectiva de la raza^ 

Los apellidos de esta naturaleza, cuya variedad es tan grande como lo es el 
mando de la idea en que ban sldo Jenerados, no son estrafios en Chile. 

Ck>mo ejemplos de signiflcados de estos apellidos, indicamos los siguientes : 

Valle de floree, Valle de rosas, Valle de Oro, Valle de Plata, Valle de 
Esperanza, Montafia de Luz, Montafia de Flores, Montafia de Rosas, Montafia de 
oro, Montafia de plata, Lucero del alba, Estrella del norte, Estrella del sur, 
Lucero de la Tarde, Fuente de Plata, Fuente de Flores, Piedra de Oro, Pledra 
de Berilo, Piedra de Rubf, Piedra de Diamante, Piedrablanca, Piedra Roja, 
Monte de Piednd, Monte de Bondad, etc, etc. 

&n Inglaterra y Holanda, ban conservado mAs tiempo los Judfos sus nombres 
proplos y conform&ndose con la costumbre ban agregado en estos pafses las 
deslnencias son 6 Men, 6 simplemente la letra «, como en los ejemplos siguientes : 

Adamson, Adams, Jacobsen, Yacobs, Isaacson, Isaacs, Davidson, Davids 6 

No exlsten en Eq;>afia apelliaos propiamente bebreos de orijen anterior A 
1492 ; pero son conoddos los usados por los converses y sus despendlentes basta 



la fecha ; machos de los cnales coindden oon nombres proplos locales tambl^Q 
usados como apellldos. De este j^nero son los nombres adyocatlTos y relijlosos 
de que hemos hablado y entre los cuales mendonaremoe : Santa Cms, Santa 
Marfa, Santa F^ Salvador, Jordan, y Ooaresma como tlpos mas caracterfstlcos. 

Las persecaclones relljlosas y la anlmadversldn que ezistfa en Espafia contra 
los hebreos obllgd & estos A buscar suterfujlos para evltar los males con- 
slguientes. Entre los medlos mas ezpedltos que usaron se debe menclonar el 
uso de nombres y apellldos crlstlanos y no pocas veces la apropiacl6n de 
nombres de personas estinguldas cuya filiaci6n conodda y certlflcada, los 
colocaba en situacldn de evitarse molestlas de otra manera Inevitables. 

No seremos nosotros qulenes descorramos el velo que cubre el mlsterloso 
orljen de algnnos apellldos hoy respetables por muchos conceptos ; pero, no por 
eso dejamos de lamentar el hecho de que documentadones vlciadas alteren la 
verdad con perjnldo de estudlos clentfflcos de Innegable Importancla. 

En Ohlle, hubo Judfos, encablertos y desc^idlentes de Judlos converses que 
gozaron en tlempos de la Oolonla de una tranquJlldad que caredan en otraa 
partes. No hubo contra ellos la anlmadversidn que puede observarse, aun en los 
tlempos presentee y en las nadones mas progreslstas del mundo. 

La prole de Mos, numerosfslma, sobrla, actlva 4 intelljente fu^ fuslon&ndose 
lentamente con los elementos de la m&a pura sangre espaliola, produclendo 
vAstagos que mAs tarde sobresalleron en todos los drdenes de la actividad y 
del progreso de la Repdbllca. 

Glmentado el r^Jlmen de Ubertad con los prlmeros Qoblernos Independlentes, 
las creendas relijiosas no fneron ya obstftculos para que se radlcaran Judfos 
de relljldn. 

Desde entonces se ven apareoer hebreos cuyos meredmlentos personales les 
permltleron formarse sdlldas vinculadones sodales. Casados con chllenas 
formaron hogares en que los hljos slguleron sin obstAculos la relljl6n de la 

Guando no 611os mlsmos, sus hlJos 6 sus nletos ban descoUado por especlales 
aptitudes para el comerdo, la Industrla, 6 la banca y ban llegado A ser Arbitros 
del capital y de la alta poUtlca. 

QuizAs deben las dases dlrijentes de nuestro pafiEi la mayor sums de sub 
enerjfas al crecido porcentaje de sangre hebrea que drcula por sus venas. 

Sobre este particular, y sin otro fundamento jeneral que la presuncldn, nos 
permitimos indicar algunas dfras que reflejan la proporci6n en que la raza 
hebrea se manlflesta en los dementos ^tnlcos del pais : 

Espafioles 78 apellldos con el 2% del total 

Portugueses 42 apellldos con el 18% del total 

QermAnicos 136 apellldos con el 9% del total 

Franceses 76 apellldos con el 6% del total 

Ingleses 28 apellldos con el 7% del total 

Eslavos 66 apellldos con el 2% del total 

Varlos otros 22 apellldos con el 4% del total 

Escusado me parece manifestar que habrfa sldo interesante terminar este 
capftulo con una ndmlna de los 447 apellldos que, segdn nnestra oplnidn, co- 
rresponden & famllias de procedencla hebrea; pero, aparte de consideradones 
de Indole social, acaso Injustlflcadas, hay otras que es necesarlo sefialar. 

Es muy dlfidl hacer aflrmadones que no descansen en hechos predsos que 
puedan invocarse como testlmonlo de verdad 6 fundamento de deducdones. 

Estos Inconvenientes se presentan trat&ndose del orljen hebreo de los ape- 
llldos radlcados en Chile. 


Eh probable que dos 6 uiAs presunciones de evidente fuerza comprobatoria 
llevarfaD la convlccidn al m^ esc^ptloo respecto de muchos apellidos; pero hay 
tantos en qne nuestra aseyeracibn, basada en simples sospechas, no es bastante 
pmeba para destrufr una Impngnacidn. 

Adem&s, hay apellidos que corresponden A descendlentes de Judfos que son al 
mismo tiempo comunes A famllias de la mas pura raza espafiola; entre estos, 
podemos mencionar muchos apellidos patronfmlcos como: Alvarez, Bermudes, 
Fernandez, Gonzalez, Ifilguez, Martinez, Rodriguez, Sanchez, Tellez, y otros, 
como Espinoza, Torres, Ck>ncha, Guerrero, Flores, Plc6n, que sdlo podrian 
citarse, indicando el nombre del fundador en Chile. 

Lo que. sucede con apellidos de orijen espafiol se advierte tambien con otros 
de distinta nacionalidad ; por lo que, conclufmos advirtiendo que lo relaclonado 
sobre este particular s6\o debe tomarse en globo como una impresidn derivada 
<1e investigaciones de cardcter jeneral. 


Archivos de la Biblioteca de Santiago. 

ArcldTO Jeneral de los Trlbunales. 

Archivos de las Parroquias de Santiago, Valparaiso, Ck>noepci6n, Talca, Chi- 
lian, Quillota, lUincagua, Melipilla, San Fernando y Limache. 

Archivo del Rejistro Civil de las Circnnscripcioncs de Santiago, Valparaiso y 

Archivo del Tribunal de Cuentas. 

Indice del Cementerio Jeneral de Santiago. 

Koles de Contribuci6n de Haberes de todas las comunas de Chile. 

Rol de inscripciones electorales de Iqulque, Antofagasta, Copiap6, Serena, 
Valparaiso, Santiago, Curic6, Talca, Chilian, Concepci6n, Temuco, Valdivia y 
Puerto Montt. 

N6minas de la Conscripci6n del Servicio Militar. 

Liatas de cartas sobrantes de Santiago, Valparaiso y Concepci6n. 

Cat&logo del Archivo de la Real Audiencia. 

Cat&logo del Archivo de la Capitania Jeneral. 

f ndlce Jeneral del Archivo de loe Tribunales. 

CatAlogo de los Manuscrltoe relativos A los antiguos Jesultas de Chile. 

Madoz. Dlccionario estadfotico-histdrico de Espafia. Madrid, 1848. 

Riera. Dlccionario Jeogr&llco de ESspatla. Barcelona, 1881. 

Ouerra, Dlccionario de la nobleza gulpuzcoana. San Sebasti&n, 1888. 

Barcia. Dlccionario Jeneral etimoMjico de la Lengua espafiola. Madrid, 

Bover, Noblliario mayorqulno. 

Tir$o de Aviles. Sumario de Armas y genealogfas de Asturias. 

Moya. Rasgo heroico. 1706. 

Sousa y Pereira. Teatro hist6rico de la Casa de Sousa. 1644. 

Bemi, AntlgOedad y previlejlos de los titulos de Castilla. 1769. 

I^pez de Haro. Historia de la Casa de Lara. 

Liaa»boa» y Sampayo, Noblliario portugu^s, 1728. 

Quintana, Historia de la antigfiedad, nobleza y grandeza de Madrid. 1027. 

Rivera. Genealojfa de la noblllsima famllia de Cervill&n. 

Astarloa. Apologia de la lengua vascongada. Madrid, 1808. 

Ocariz. Genealojias del Nuevo Reino de Granada. 1674. 

Lafuente. Historia Jeneral de Espafia. Barcelona, 1887. 

Argoie de Molina, Nobleza de Andalucfa. Sevilla, 1588. 


Ia exlsteocla del menclunndo sulcns, no conata hasta abora en la nomen' 

clatura anatdmlca. For eeto lo be denomlnado iiUctu monffolU. 
En este sulcus, como he dicbo m&s arrlba, ae ballan sujetas Iob partes flnale» 

del mdaculo obturador de loa p&rpadoa, por esto ea admlaible, que nendo et 

twIciM en utHM orttneot mit profunda 

que en otrot, debe teuer etta concavidad 

mA» pnmunciada, algHn efecto lobre la 

faz del tuaividuo y eo ipto camiriar e) 

dnfftUo de ptMicMn de lal muaoulo y for- 

mar por contimiientc, a»i, el caracte- 

rUtuM pliegiie monffol. Ct 

En los nifioB de tierna edad, no t«tA el 

eequeleto cranea) tan bfen desarroUado 

como en los adultos, por eso Be notan 

aun sella lea teriomorfag blen pronuncla- 

dea; eal tambien eaU aun el meadonadu 

sulcus bastante profundo, motive por el 

cnal tlenen muchoe nlfloa el pllegue mon- 

gol que desaparece con el avance de la 

edad o m&» bleu dlcbo cuando ae acentlla 

la ostflcaclOn del cr&aeo, ae borroa Tarloe 

de loa stgnos terlomorfos, lo mlamo qtie Fu.S.— MailUaoonelsulauUoneiUa. (Sulcus 

Otraa anomaUas como la " autura (ron- «owto d«rtjiiin«d by wrow marked ..) 

tails " f el " 08 Incae " que loa embrlooea y algnnoa cr&neoa de nlfioa de tleriut 

edad, aun tleoen. 
For to* ooniideracUmet aiwtadat, opino, que el plicffut mongtil ei moHvado 

por el tvlcK4 que 00060 de detcribir y que *e encuentra con ma^or o menor 

irUemidad marcada, en lot crancoi de Uu rasai nunvedlivat y en alfiuna* tub- 

ratas del AMplano A»dlno. Bate aulcua ca tan imperceptible en el crdneo del 

europeo (vcage Jig. 5) que Ut aiuttomia, hasta aliora, guarda gilencio de *« 

Otro caracterlstlcum racial monKOIolde que ae preseota alguuas veces en los 
.-i-rtneroa liel Altl|)li.[i.i j fsi«!,iiilmpnte en 
kM de Tiboaoacii, ea el oa malare biparU- 
num a o» iapontcum. 

La frecuenclB ^el os JapoDlcum. Iia sidu 
conatatada por von Luschan, Vlrcbow, 
Tea Kate, Kognnel, Urdllcko, Tnploard, 
y otros ; empero en el aSo 1913, publlc6 el 
Dr. Eotondo Hosebe del Iiistltuto anatO- 
mico de la Uolveraldad de E;oto en et 
JapAn, un estudio bastante eitenso con 
datos y observaciooes touiadas por il. en 
600 cr&neoB Japoneees y en 470 crfineos de 

Id£atlca procedencla estudlados por otros obserTadores ; en el conjunto de los 

caalee encontrA ana frecueacla de 3.2% de dicho algoo racial caracterlstico. 
Eotondo Haaebe, comparO estos datos coa la frecuencla del os japonlcum en 

los enropeos e Indloa norteamericanos, llegando a loa slgutentes resoltados: 

Por clento. 

Indlos Norteamerlcanos 0,2 

BuropeoB 0.8 

J^ioDeaes 8.2 

FIO. 7.— 1 



Fia. 6. 


ID mmchas ]n:inieololdca en Us nal^ 


Bn una serle de 20 cr&neos de TUraanaca que e8tndl4 el alio iMUUido, se halla 
un ejemplar ron on os Japonicnin dextrum (vease figs. 6 y 7). El oe Japonicum 
sinistrum en este cr&neo, tambifo debe haber eziatido en la nifies, porque se 
obserra aun el prindpio de una tutura y las f ormas angulares de las suturas al 
final del arco ZigomHtico 1, respectivamente de la sutura del oe Zigom&ticum. 

He medldo este crAneo mlnuciosamente y he Degado a claslflcarlo como del 
tipo slgulente: 

Dolicoc^fklo con fndice de cara superior 544. 

Hlpsic^alo, hlpsiconcho, mesorrhino, braquiestafllino, euric^falo, prognato y 

Es de suponer que este crdneo hublera sido mesatic^falo en caso de que no 
bublera sido sometido en la infanda a una deformaddn artificial circular. 

Jjo caracterfstico en este cr&neo es que tiene el procesu* marginalis dextr. 
et sinistr. mny bien acentuado, asi como tambien la persistencla de la sutura 

Este mismo cr&neo, tiene como se puede ver en la figura 6, la sutura mongolis 
bastante pronunciada. 

Ultimamente, en varias excavaclones que hice, he encontrado algunos cr&neos 
con el OS japonicum; pero daro es, que con los pocos encuentros no se puede 
hablar todavfa de una frecuencia procentual del os Japonicum en Tihuanacu 
y en el Altiplano. Hay que estudiar grandes series de crAneos para llegar a 
poder determinar cual serf a el porcentaje medio exacto del os Japonicum en los 
crftneos del Altiplano Andina 


La mancha mong61ica que hasta ahora fu^ considerada solo como un carac- 
terlisticum de la raza mongol, se encuentra tambifo en proporci6n extraordinaria 
en el cuerpo de nifios y adultos indfgenas en el Altiplano Andino. 

Esta mancha no solo se encuentra en individuos de pura raza aborigen, sino 
tambien es frecuente en la mestiza. 

En loe nifios de pura raza aimara (coUa) y quechua, se observan en algunas 
regiones hasta 92% la frecuencia de la mancha mongol.* 

Estas manchas se presentan con una multipllcidad de variantes, tanto en 
el color, cuanto en el tamafio y sitiiacl6n. 

El color en la mayoria de los casos es de pronunciado tinte morado o azul 
verdoso, que cubre gran parte de las nalgas, extendl^ndose en las formos y 
lugares mas caprichosos tambien a ambos lados de la columna vertebraL 
Vease Fig. 8, que representa una nlfia aimara con las manchas en las nalgas 
y la espalda. Las manchas mong6licas son muy conocidas entre los aimaras 
(collas) y entre los quechuas. Los primeros la llaman chin^hojfla (trasero 
▼erde) o larama (azul) palabras que las emplean en sus reyertas, como ex- 
presidn del mayor insulto que pudleran hacer a las personas que se quiere 
calificar de ser muy indfgenas. 

Los mestizos se insultan tambito entre sf, con la palabra " larama " vocablo 
empleado como la m&s humillante expresi6n. 

Los quechuas que tambito tienen la mancha mongol, usan para indlcarla la 
palabra kjoyu-siky (trasero amoralado). 

Tambien el sabio Profesor Dr. Lehmann Nitsche, ha observado la mancha 
mongol en los aborfgenes de la Repfibllca Argentina. Entre los que se ocuparon 
del orlgen y procedencia de la mancha mongol, el Prof. Bftlz fu^ el primero 

^ TambMn el Doctor Nestor Monies hiio en el hospital de nifios de Ia Pas (BoUTia) 
semejsnte obserradttn. 


que en 1888 oomprobd la OTigtcincia de esas manchaa moradas o aznles en el 
80 o 90% de los nifios japonesea. 

Seglin K. Wiedersheim, reaolta la mancha mongol formada de c^lolaa de 
naturalesa dlstlnta de aquella que ee halla corrlentemeDte en el carium de 
la piel humana. Bn el oorium de dertos aatropoldes, se encaentran elementoe 
aemejantes a loe que forman la mancha mongol en el bombre. 

La cienda estA de acuerdo que esta mancha es un reato de ^pocaa de evolu- 
ci6n pre-humana. 

Mucho se ha escrlto y oplnado respecto de la procedenda de las razas y 
sub-razas que pueblan y poblaron la America dd Sur, pero hasta ahora sin 
ninguna baae dentlflca. QuIsA eate pequefio eatndio furoyecte alguna luz en 
lo que toca al advenlmiento y orlgen del Homo Amerioaimt. 



Dean of the Department of Electrical Engineering, UrUverHty of Notre Dame, 

Notre Dame, Jnd. 

For decades sdentlsts, linguists and historians have tried to lift the dense 
▼ell that hides the origin of the Indians of Central and South America, but 
their efTorts have failed and the provenience of that wonderful people remains 
to-day a mystery as profound as it was generations ago. As one visits the old 
city of Cuzco, rightly called the " Rome of South America," and contemplates the 
magnificent monuments left by the powerful Inca race; as one visits the ruins 
of Saccsaihuaman, crowning the historical hill north of the city of Cuzco; as 
one admires the precision and beauty of the ruins of Ollantaitambo, Intihuat- 
ana, Tiahuanaco, or Machu-Picchu, he realizes that they represent, as do the 
pyramids of Egypt and the ruins of Rome a high type of civilization and a 
great race — a race which to-day, sadly enough, is rapidly approaching extinc- 
tion. Perhaps as one wanders through the portals and about the walls of these 
ruins his attention may chance to be arrested by the presence of his guide, an 
Indian — ^humility and poverty personified — a representative of the race that 
left indestructible traces of its superiority In works which defy earthquakes, 
and the heavy hand of time and man, and seem In their solitude to address the 
visitor with the eloquence of their silence and to question him as to the origin 
of their builders, the forefathers of the poor victim of circumstances, who now 
stands timidly by his side. But the great Empire of the Incas has only followed 
the fateful law of destiny. Its origin unknown, It grew and developed with the 
brilliancy of the approaching meteor, reached Its zenith of greatness, and then 
declined, finally succumbing to the heavy hand of the conqueror. 

The unquenchable thirst for gold blinded the men who were to convey civiliza- 
tion to the supposedly barbarous and infidel aborigines, and tradition was not 
only forgotten but was drowned with the tears of the despairing Incas, who wit- 
nessed the fall of their Empire, the assassination of their Emperor, and the 
desecration of the objects of their highest regard and respect. However, criti- 
cism should not fall too heavily on the men who conquered the Inca Empire. 
The two distinct civilizations which met in the valleys of the great Tahuan- 
tinsuyo were without a link that could lead to an understanding. Nothing 
d^nlte was known of the Inhabitants of tfaese landa before tlie diacovery of 


America by GhriBtopher Columbus, Americo Vespudo, D. Fernando Ck>rtei^ 
Marquez del Valle, and Francisco Pisarro, while tbere were strong arguments 
supporting the theory at the same time that the lands were unoccupied. St. 
Augustine denied the existence of the antipodes, and as early as 686, when the 
whole of Europe was submerged in the darkness of ignorance, Ravena writes 
that beyond Scotland there is no more land, though it was the general belief 
that beyond Britain there were some islands inhabited by devils, who were the 
cause of storms and winds. To quote Ravena : " If you intend to search beyond 
the place where the sun sets you will be disappointed, for those regions are 
known only to God, the maker of all things ; and behind these oriental regions 
tbere is a chaos which can not be searched.'* The above quotation is readily 
understood, since it was thought then that the sun entered the waters of the sea 
to pass the night and rest Strabo, Homer, and the early philosophers (about 
660 B. G.) held that it was against the will of the gods to travel on the sea. 
Thus a knowledge of the inhabitants of America and of the existence of the 
land itself were entirely lacking. 

Excepting among the Indians of Mexico and Central America, who used 
hieroglyphics to ke^ and transmit their ideas, it seems that no historic record 
was preserved. The Mexicans and Central Americans by their glyphic writing 
and the Peruvians .by knotted strings, called quipus, left meager traces of their 
history, but the Information preserved is very slight and traditions given by 
word of mouth soon after the conquest were already full of fables and ridicu- 
lous stories. It is worthy of note, however, that some of the fables regarding 
their origin bear dose resemblance to the origin of myths of Greek mythology, 
while in some instances it seems that the Indians fabricated rare and curious 
tales to deceive their oppressors, and that in others their beliefs were already 
Influenced by the religion of the intruders, giving to its tenets most fantastic 


The earliest ideas concerning the appearance of man in America are to the 
effect that the first inhabitants came across the waters of the polar regions, 
making use of sails and guided simply by the stars, since the magnetic needle 
was unknown until Invented by Flavlo de Amalsi some 880 or 400 years ago. 
Nothing ddlnlte Is said, however, of ttie race of men that ventured on this 
hazardous voyage. These people, however, must have had some Idea about the 
existence of land beyond the seas, else their arrival was merely by dianee. 
This last suggestion is opposed by the fact that such a journey without definite 
aim oould not have been undertaken with all the preparations that would have 
been required even to carry some types and species of animals. Certainly tf 
voyagers did reach the shores of the new land none ventured to return to the 
shores of their starting place. 

Were they, perhaps, according to these ideas, a tribe of men compelled by 
some powerful influence or geological change to travel on and on until they 
found land again, losing all tradition of their origin? Here we are at once 
confronted with Padre Acosta^s theories. Padre Acosta, a learned priest of tiie 
Society of Jesus, in his book on the history of the Occidental Indies, publlidied 
In 1606, offers the following explanation of the origin of the Indians. His first 
opinion is inclined to the view that the earliest inhabitants of the New World 
came across the waters of the sea with the definite intention of making their 
home on a land of which they had previous knowledge, but later In his book 
Padre Acosta himself offers arguments against this theory, recalling the fact 
that the people had in those days little knowledge of the art of navlgattoB, 
and also that since the biblical epoch of Noah's voyage no one ventured to sail 

68480— 17— VOL I- 


the seas. We find, however, lucid narratives of voyages as early as the year 
812 of the Roman era; for Pliny in his book on natural history tells of the 
people of Carthage sailing from Gibraltar to the farthest coast of Arabia. 
Pliny also mentions the descriptions given by Oornelio Nepote of a certain 
£3udozo, who, fleeing from King Ptolomeo Latyro, 165 or 170 B. C, sailed from 
Arabia and landed in Gibraltar. And even prior to this date we find descrip- 
tions of sea voyages. Herodotus tells us of King Neco, who sent vessels to sail 
around his domains, and how these travelers completed the journey in little 
more than two years. Padre Acosta, then, is inclined to think that the first 
Inhabitants of the New World came across the seas driven by storms and other 
natural forces, but he himself finds a strong argument against this view in the 
presence of the large variety of animals in America. 
To quote Padre Acosta : 

How can we imagine that people running aw*ay from the forces of tornadoes 
and storms could take care to carry not only lions, tigers, but also such a 
variety of useless and offensive animals, though the so-called lions, tigers, etc, 
found in America do not compare In size and description with the oriental 
types of these animals. 

These reasons led Padre Acosta to believe and in a way to suggest that 
there must have been a route by land Joining the new and the Old World, 
or at least the straits were so narrow at the time that navigation could be 
carried out without the use of large vessels. 


A man of considerable weight in philosophy, Alezo Vanegas, founding Jiis 
opinion on the writings of Aristotle, advances the theory that the Indians 
came from Carthage. Aristotle in his book on the marvels of nature tells 
of a voyage of the merchants of Carthage, who, starting from Gibraltar, after 
many days found a deserted island abounding in rivers, trees, and all that is 
necessary for the maintenance of human life. Their description of the vast 
wealth of this island was such that the senate of Carthage passed a decree 
prohibiting navigation to this island, lest this intelligence should reach other 
peoples, thus endangering the Carthagenian footing on the newly discovered 
land. The restrictions of this decree were such that people coming from the 
island or having knowledge of its existence were to be executed, so that the 
manner of reaching this land should not be known. 

Others, according to Aristotle, assert that the early Carthagenians, oppressed 
by the wars forced upon them by the Africans, and having knowledge of the 
existence of these islands from the Phoenicians, had on several occasions eml,- 
grated to them in numbers. Vinegas, considering these accounts, identifies 
the newly found land with the so-called Spanish Island, a name given to it by 
Columbus. At the time, however, the natives of the island called it " Hayti,'* 
which means " rough." It was also known as " Qulzqueya," which means " big 
land." To-day this island is known as Santo Domingo after the principal city 
therein. The proximity of this island to America is, in the opinion of Vine- 
gas, a plausible reason for thinking that people from Carthage voyaged 
to America, reaching the islands of Cuba, Porto Rico, Jamaica, from Santo 
Domigo. It is observed that there are a number of remarkable traits in com- 
mon between the Carthagenians and the Indians, but these can not be enum- 
erated at length. Suffice it to mention only a few of the most noteworthy. 
Pedro Cieza tells us of typical Carthagenian ruins found in the city of 
Ouamanga, Peru, about the origin of which the Incas seemed to be ignorant* 
but had a sort of vague Idea that they were constructed by white men haidng 


beards, who, long before, were the inhabitants of these lands. Yet while 
Glesa seems to distinguish between the ruins of Gnamanga as typically 
Carthagenian and those left by the Incas, there is little probability of such 
distinction having any basis in fact While the ruins of Tiahuanaco and 
Intihuatana are In form different from the ruins in the city of Cuzco, and 
even Ollantaitambo, an inspection of these ruins in my opinion reveals a com- 
mon order and perhaps a common purpose — ^that of defense. And yet not far 
from the city of Cuzco we find the ruins of a small hamlet called by the 
Indians ** Piquillaccta," which in construction is radically different from any 
other in Cuico. This hamlet is supposed to have been the property of one of 
the inilers of the Inca Empire. 


Another theory, less interesting, is that which regards the Indians as de- 
scendants of the Ten Lost Tribes, of whose disappearance daring the reign of 
Salmanassar little is known. Gilberto Glnebrardo, one of the advocates of 
this theory, describes the various points of similitude in their manner of living 
and customs. From history we gather that Plzarro and Diego Almagro found 
a colony of Indians in Peru that reminded them of Jews on account of their 
ethnological characteristics; and, again, the pronunciation of the words of the 
Inca dialect resembles that of the Hebrew, which is largely guttural. Padre 
Gregorio Garcia, of the Dominican order, gives a very interesting parallel be- 
tween the laws of the Hebrews and those of the Incas and their manner of ad- 
ministering justice, their dialect, and behavior in war — all thought to show a 
remarkable similarity affording confirmation of the theory. 


Some authors assert that the Indians came from the Island then known as 
Atlantis and since lost under the sea. The description given of this island by 
Grias, a famous writer of antiquity, conveys the idea of the immensity of the 
island and its proximity to America, and therefore the probability of its in- 
habitants journeying to New Spain and Peru. In the Mexican dialect we find 
that the combination "Atl " means water, and that the combination of the 
letters t and 1 is remarkably common in their words, and, according to an 
authority, there is no dialect or language where this combination appears so 
frequently. As an example, we have: Atlantona — the image of a woman in the 
water; Atlancatipeco — storm, etc. The name of the Atlantic Ocean has its 
origin in the name of the lost island. The opinion is that the first inhabitants 
came from Europe or Africa. Some have a tendency to believe that these people 
came from Spain to Atlantis and passed thence to America. These views are 
supported mainly by observations and comparisons of perhaps far-fetched cus- 
toms and dress. Among the customs I will mention one which seems to have 
been of moment among early authors. This is the presence of places of seclu* 
sion for virgins consecrated to the cult of the Sun in the Inca Empire, and the 
existence of convents for religious nuns especially in Spain. Again, there are 
the theories which point to the Chinese or Tartars as the probable forefathers 
of the Indians. Padre Gregorio Castro, in 1729, writes his opinion that prob- 
ably the Indians did not spring from one race of people, but from several that 
at different times forced by geological changes landed in America. 

Thus a variety of opinions lead us to adopt the theory of Padre Garcia. Un- 
doubtedly people have lived on this side of the world for a long period, and 
with growing numbers they came to organise certain forms of government, to 


formulate laws, imposing by oonqueBt their prindples and Ideals upon othenL 
Three unique and admirable civilizations deTelq[)ed — ^the Astec, the Idaya, and 
Inca. This development undoubtedly took place* as we may Judge from the ex- 
isting vestiges of its culture attainment in time so remote as to be counted by 
many centuries. 

The time allotted for this communication does not permit of more than a 
rapid glance at the enormous problems of the origin of the inhabitants of the 
New World. We owe much to the magnificent work of the Yale-Peruvian ex- 
pedition and the tact with which it has so ably been conducted by Prol Bing- 
ham, of Yale, whose discoveries in Machu-Plchu reveal great and hitherto 
practically unknown remains of antiquity which through scientific methods of 
research serve to tell the fascinating story of a most remarkable people. 



Dean of the Department of Electrical Engineering, Notre Dame UniverHtg^ 

Notre Dame, Ind. 

The Indian races who inhabited America made very little use of symbols to 
represent words, while in a large measure, especially in Peru, the Incas used 
the system of " quipus," or strings of different colors with knots, to represent 
their ideas. In the early days of the conquest, when attempts were made to 
write with the letters of our alphabet, the sounds emitted by the Indians to 
signify names of things, etc., the words were written so that when pronounced 
by them the sounds would be similar to that emitted by the Indians. This, of 
course, gave rise to a serious difference not only in the manner of spelling the 
same words but in the symbols or combination of letters to be used to express 
some peculiar sounds that did not exist in the language of the conquerors. As 
an example, the name of the dty of Guaco is derived from the Indian word 
** Kosko," which means " the center," as it was the center of the Bmpire of the 
Incas. In the spelling of this word the "k" has been used, but with a guttural 
sound which is produced with the base of the tongue acting against the posterior 
region of the roof of the mouth, and has therefore a sound quite different from 
the short sound "ca** in the word "calendar." Yet even the writers of the 
early days spell this word " Oozco," while Padre Holguin in his dictionary of 
the language or tongue of the Incas uses "Oc" for similar sounds, as in 
"Gconcay " ("to forget"), page 69, volume 1, where the "Oc" is supposed to 
have the same sound as that of "K" in the word "KoSko." Bven in this 
example there seems to be an error, fbr the third " c " of " Cconcay " is supposed 
to be pronounced as the combination of the first two ** Oc" Again, the name 
of the Inca language is " Keshua," where the " K " has the same sound as in 
" Kosko." The Keshua idiom is essentially rich in guttural sounds, and Padre 
Holguin, it seems, does not distinguish between entirely different sounds that 
correspond to different words and are spelled in his dictionary using the same 
combination of letters. As an example, let us again take "Oconcay" and 
"OcuUo" ("wood"), where the combination "Oc" is to have a sharp, quick, 
guttural sound, different fi!t)m the " Oc " in " Oconcay." From these examples 
it is evident that the comparison of Inca words, as they appear even in authori- 
tative treatises, with words of other tongues without a knowledge of their exact 
pronunciation, leads to errors. The knowledge of the manner of their pronnn- 


datloii can only be gained through long practice with the nativea. Thus it la 
tbat many Important facts about the history of the Incas are misunderstood 
and misinterpreted. Among these one is of special Importance and Is the subject 
of this paper. 


The name Ulrakocha Is found with the spelling " Vlracoclia " and an account 
of its origin is given in the History of Peru, by Gardlaso de la Vega, on page 
107. Volume I. Qardlaso, though a descendant of the Incas, does little Justice 
to tlie origin of the name and its significance. This narrative, which agrees very 
closely with that of others, of no less authority than Juan J. Bentanzos, is the 

Yahuar-Huacac (spelling of Garcllaso), the seventh Bmperor of the Incaa, 
greatly incensed by the conduct of his son and crown prince, Inca YupanquI, 
sent him away to his farm to take care of the beasts, thus inflicting on him a 
severe punishment. While Yupanqui was on the farm he claims to have had a 
vision or dream In which a supernatural being appeared to him dressed in a 
long white robe reaching down to the feet, unlike in this respect the then exist- 
ing form of dress. It was further observed that this being wore a beard. 
This supernatural personage revealed to Inca Yupanqui the approaching dangera 
from an Invasion of the insurrectionary tribe of the Chancas^ warned him of 
the Impending dangers and calamities, and conmianded him to go forth and take 
up arms against the foe. Inca Yupanqm returned immediate to Ouaco, where 
he found that all of his Information was troe^ and that his fattier, contemplating 
defeat, had even left the city of Cuaco (spening of to-day). Yupanqui, young 
and ambitious, offered hia suKwrt to his father, gathered his men, and went to 
meet the Ghancaa. The encounter waa bloody and the victory problematic until, 
as Gardlaso says, information waa carried to the Ghancaa that the freah reln- 
faroemoita to the Inca army conalated of soldiers that had turned to men from 
the atones because Yupanqui was the favorite of Ylracocha,^ the supernatural 
being that appeand to Yupanqui and who thereafter waa conaldeied their geC 
The fall title of this prince, who then became the eighth Bmperor of the Inoas^ 
would be Inca Yupanqui Pachacutic Hulrakocha. Following we have the 
meaning of these words : 

Yupanqui : You shall count ; you are going to count 

Pachacutic — ^where the cha Is pronounced as the cha in " chastity " ; the cu 
as the cu In ** cushion ** ; the ti as the ti in " timber *' ; and the c has the gut* 
tural sound given the k previously mentioned — means to transform, or he who 
changes or transforms the earth. 

Ulrakocha, which Is pronounced with the Ui as the EngUsh word we; the 
k to which we have assigned the guttural sound, and the cha as in Pachacutic, 
Is probably a compound word of the two "Uira" and "Kocha." The word 
Uira is pronounced even to-day by the remaining Indians in the same way aa 
it is pronounced in Ulrakocha, and it means "grease," while Kocha mean 
** lake " or " sea." Now, since in the Idiom of the Incas the adjectives precede 
the noun, it seems that Uira (grease) is the descriptive adjective of Kocha 
(sea). How Yupanqui and the later Incas applied this name to their god la 
ei^lained by the fact that with the adjective Uira which literally meana 
grease, it signified that which was great and rich, and from their concepts of 
the sea as an infinite and mysterious chaos, Kocha (the sea), seems to imply 
that this was the starting place of their god, and hence the name Ulrakocha. 

^(OarcUaso, 1728), Hulracocha (Montishios, 1840). and (H. Mossi. 1890), Uirft- 
cocha (Tflchodi, 1858), and (C. B. Maifcham, 1884). 


This theory is supported by the fact that the Spaniards were immediately giyen 
by the Incas the title of Ulrakocha, which is used even to^ay to designate 
the white people. The early Indians, when questioned as to the reason for 
the name of Ulrakocha as applied to the Spaniards, seemed to convey the idea 
that the apparition of Yupanqul coincided in many respects with the apparition 
of the Spaniards on their shores, for, like Ulrakocha, they had wtiiskers and 
had appeared and proceeded from the sea. 

Juan de Bentanzos, in his " Narration of the Incas," 1880, Chapter VIII, tells 
us of the rebuilding of the temple in the city of Ouzco, where, by the order of 
Yupanqul, the image of Ulrakocha, a brilliant and luminous divinity like the 
sun, was worshipped, and that possibly the comparison of Ulrakocha with the 
brilliancy of the sun gave rise to confusion and finally led to naming the temple 
the " Temple of the Sun." 

Antonio Herrera, a notable writer of Peruvian history, tells us in his third 
volume that the name " Tlceveracocha " was given to a man of extraordinary 
size and supernatural power, who, according to the Indians, appeared among 
them and who was the maker of all things and even the father of the sun. 

.. rpj^ M ^ g^ probability is the " Tlcci " of Padre Holguin's dictionary, which, 
if written to convey the true pronunciation of the word, would be "Tikse" 
meaning ** origin, beginning, fundamental." Thus we find this word in ** Ticd- 
Rumi," cornerstone; in Tlcci-Manta, from the beginning. (The spelling is that 
of Padre Holguin's dictionary, 1608.) 

Pachacamac. — Padre Bias Valara, a Jesuit priest and writer, tells us that the 
Incas, in their new conquests, after victory, would overthrow the idols and 
send the priests and men to worship Ulrakocha in the Temple of the Sun, but 
under the name Pachacamac, that conveyed more of a supernatural and divine 
meaning. This name is composed of the two words, ** pacha" and "camac." 
Pacha means " universe, world, earth." and camac, where the last c should have 
the sound of the k in Ulrakocha, means " maker." So Pachakamac means the 
" maker of the universe." It is found, however, that In the northern part of 
Peru the Incas had named a valley Pachacamac and had constructed a temple 
in his honor, where they had placed, according to Garcilaso, many of their idols. 
It appears that Pachacamac was worshipped by all the Empire as the divine 
origin and maker of all things, and as a being superior to Ulrakocha. A proper 
spelling of the name of this deity would then be Pachacamak. 

Con, — Juan J. Bentanzos, whose authority is strengthened by his knowledge 
of the Keshua, tells us that the Incas had it that a man of great supernatural 
powers came out of the lagoon of coUasuyo and made the sun, the stars, and 
the moon and was called "Con-Tice" (Tlkse?) — Vlracocha-Pachayachachlc 
(K?). The meaning of this last word Is the '* wise man," or " the regulator of 
the universe." The description of this divinity, as a man of great stature 
dressed in a white robe and having whiskers, coincides with that of the vision 
of Yupanqul. They moreover say that this man traveled toward the north and 
finally disappeared in the sea. H. H. Bancroft makes a note which deserves con- 
sideration : All the legends about the superior beings of the American Indians 
seem to have a common description, for they are always white, with beard, 
dressed in long robes, and usually appear and disappear suddenly and mysteri- 
ously. Such have been Quetzalcoatl, who appeared in Cholula, Mexico ; Votan in 
CShiapas, Mexico; Wixepecocha in Oajaca, Mexico; Zamna and Gukulean in 
Yucatan ; Gucumatz In Guatemala ; Urlakocha in Peru ; Bochica in (Colombia ; 
and Paye and Tome in Brazil. 

From other sources we gather that Ck>n was considered by the Indians as the 
son of the sun, who by his wish alone made men, valleys, and hills, and con- 


verted fertile ground into dry desert to punish the men for their faults. 
Finally he was condemned to exile by Pachacamak, who was also considered 
son of the sun. Con has been associated by many authors with words that hap- 
pen to have this syllable in their spelling — an occurrence by no means uncom- 


Besides the three gods that I have mentioned in the preceding lines in the 
order of their importance, we find that the Incas adored many others, some of 
which are given below with their respective meaning. 

Garcilaso mentions that in the northern part of Peru the Incas worshipped a 
deity whom they called Rimak, which means " he who speaks," founding this 
on another apparition of a supernatural man who spoke and commanded them. 
Rimac (k ?), however, is the name of a river near which the city of Lima was 
built (Lima from Rimac), and some authors assert that Rimak was a name 
given to this river for tlie reason that at times and in the season of rain it 
produced a peculiar murmuring sound probably due to stones that were carried 
by the current and to the acoustic conditions of the place. Of course, as has 
been said before, the sun, Intl, was worshipped as a visible representative of 
Pachacamak and Uirakocha. Then, again, some tribes worshipped the moon — 
Quilla ; the lightning — ^Illapa ; Mama-Kocha — ^the sea ; some stars — Ghasca, and 
even the earth — ^Mama-Pacha. . 

The comparison of some of these words with words of like meaning taken 
from the language of the Assyrians and Semites Is of interest. Thus the As- 
syrian word for lake, "Iku,** and probably from this ku which in Keshua is 
Kocha and Kota in Aymara. River in Assyrian is " Taku " ; the Somites called 
It " Aria " or ** Hnuiri," which in Aymara is " Hauira " and in Keshua " Mayu." 
The name given to heaven by the Indians is Hannk-Pacha, where Hanak means 
•• high," or " the highest," and Pacha, as given before, " universe." A region or 
a high place would be called Hanan-Pata, and we find that In Assyrian ** Ana " 
also means heavens, or that which is the highest 

Remarkable, indeed, is the philosophy of these people who had ideas of a god 
as the originator and maker of all things — a being of divine superiority whom 
they adored in all they saw that was beyond their power of comprehension. 

To-day the last descendants of these people are highly religious, pious, and 
strict in their relations with the church and the priests. In their relations with 
white men they are meek, humble, and timid. In their mutual and domestic 
relations they are stoical and greatly inclined to melancholy and sadness. 

As the sun sets behind the hills of the Indian cities of Peru one hears the 
melancholy notes of the qquena, the traditional Indian flute, and as he gazes 
round the hills or the valley, there he will find, sitting like a vigil at the door 
of his hut, the poverty of which needs no description, an Indian unhappily 
described by some as an *' empty shell," but to him who knows the Indian bet- 
ter, a being who, fully realizing the splendor of his forefathers and his own 
powerless abjection, is content with his lot and drowns in solitude, with the 
sad tunes of his qquena, the pains of his heart until the darkness of night offers 
hUn the comforts of rest from the toils of the day. 


Unitkd States National Mxtsetjm, 
Tuesday afternoon^ December 28^ 1915. 

Chairman, Henrt R. Howland, 

The following papers were presented : 

The study of the American and the European child, by Paul B. 

Ceremonial and other practices on the hiunan body among the 

Indians, by Walter Hough. 

The genesis of the American Indian, by AleS HrdliSka. 


Professor of ETperimentdi Pedagogy, New York University, 

A summary of the studies of thousands of American and European school chil* 
dren by yarions Boiopean and American anthon of at least average piomiiiMice 
shows that the most important factors in such studies are (1) age, (2) sez» 
(8) race, the least important (4) school brightness, and (5) environment. 

The general average values of a series of anthropometric meosareoients 
(standing height, sitting height, reach of arms, weight, mayJmum horisontal 
circumference of the head, maximum length, breadth, and height of the head, 
breadth and length of face, length and breadth of nose, length and breadth 
of ears, length and thickness of lips, determinations of hair, skin, and eyes, 
lung capacity, dynamic power, sense activity, etc.) are very much alike for 
both American and European pupils, the difference being most evident in their 

American pupils vary more than their European brothers and sisters at all 
the school ages studied (5 to 20 years). Hebrew children, both here and 
abroad, show the greatest variation; then come the Anglo-Saxon, then the 
Latin. The least variation is shown by Slav pupils. 

The variation is not uniform for all measurements. That for body height 
and weight Is the greatest, while that for the two common head diameters 
(length and breadth) is the least This uniformity is still more marked when 
we deal with the relative proportions derived from the absolute measurements 
(such as cephalic indices, cephalic module* cephalic capacity, ponderal index, 
various formulae for the health index, complexion, dynamic and spirometric 
capacity, efficiency for sense organs, etc.). 

As to the various theories advanced on the basis of the studies of certain 
groups of children, we must be conservative. 

1 There was no stenographic report of this session. 


At presoit there are many anthropometric works on children and yonth, 
American and Bnropean, which are nnder the spell, nnconscionsiy or consciondy. 
of saggestlon and even of scientific prejudices. When we approach such concln- 
fltons as, for instance, those of some recent investigations of Prof. Franz Boas, in 
which we are told that the descendants of European immigrants change their 
type In this country '* even in the first generation almost entirely/* we at once 
recall the as yet unproven conclusions of the German anthopologlst. Dr. Fritsch, 
who emphasized the influence of civilization upon the bodily traits of man 
in Africa, which resulted sometimes " in but a single generation, in important 
modifications of the more external racial characteristics'* (Fritsch's "Die 
Eingebomen SCId-Afrikas,** Breslau, 1872). Prof. Boas does not mention 
FVitsch's work, but advances a similar theory for America. If in addition 
we take into account that the measurements In the investigations conducted 
by Prof. Boas reports were taken by 13 individuals, whose scientific or anthrop- 
ological history is indicated only by obscure Initials, we can not but fe^ the 
crying need of an unbiased and thoroughgoing stady of the American child 
and especially of the European children in America. Original, critical, and com- 
prehensive Investigation must go hand in hand to produce results of great and 
permanent value. The good work accomplished so far in the study of children 
l8 BtlU largely suggestive rather than condusive, and calls for further and 
greater efforts. 



Curator of Bthnoiogy, United 8tate$ Vaiional Museum. 

The freedom with which man alten his physical frame by means of tattoo, 
perforatlonB, searificatloDa^ compressions^ etc, for ornament, has always at- 
tracted attention. The variety of the practices which Deniker classes as ethnic 
mutilations and the hardihood with which the attendant pain Is borne give 
the study a peculiar fascination. 

Afdde from Its absorbing Interest the study has considerable value from a 
Bdentiflc standpoint, but it is needless to point out that it is extraordinarily 
complex. In general the aspect that embraces the whole subject is psycho- 
logicaL A general survey shows that the practices on the body are wide- 
spread and quite varied among men. We find the hair, ears, cheeks, forehead, 
nose, lips, teeth, arms, fingers, breasts, abdomen, thighs, genitals, legs, knees, 
ankles, and feet treated profoimdly or superficially in an effort to express some 
phase of thought or even instincts of a great mass of inferior humanity. The 
range of varieties is also great Applications of fugitive paints, stains, crusts, 
and other matters form a large chapter of customs of great interest. Following 
them is the under decoration, the permanent tattoo confined to the light-skinned 
and the welts, scars, and pits of the dark-skinned sometimes reaching the 
extent of dermal sculpture. It is apparent that we have here a sharp division 
of practices between races. 

Thanks to John White, the artist who was a member of the expedition of Sir 
Walter Raleigh to Virginia, we have good pictorial evidence of the practices 
of the Indians of the Chesapeake as well as of the tribes living to the south- 
ward. Many of the men had the lobe of the ear pierced and In the incision 


placed either a single pendant of blue stone bead or a bundle of strands of 
black substance (hair?), tipped with yellow metal or yellow cord binding the 
ends. Men sometimes wore a blue necklace, or one apparently of black seeds, 
and wristlets, and a square gorget of plate copper. Archers wore an arm guard. 
Men painted themselves with elaborate designs In white and red, the arms* 
trunk, and calves of the leg being decorated. White depicts a man having 
concentric arches in black and red on his shoulders, breasts, and epigastrium; 
parallel lines on the upper arm ; and on the calves horizontal bands, and below 
them a frieze of parallel lines. A bandlike necklace is paneled around the 
neck, terminating in a sharp point on the breast bone. Men did not wear 

Women*s ears were not pierced. They wore necklaces of blue beads and 
strands of black seeds and shells made into a band. They were tattooed on the 
face, neck, arms, and calves, the designs being dots, bands, parallel lines, and 
zigzags. The calves of the leg, the wrists, and upper arm bore bands 
of decoration, but sometimes the lower arm was covered and a necklace band 
tattooed around the neck, the point, coming down between the breasts. Some- 
times the necklace terminated in a fancy pendant The chin bore four or, In 
cases, three tattooed lines, as among the Eskimo. From the corners of the 
mouth to the temples were two lines of dots or zigzags. A V-shape design was 


tatooed at the outer corner of the eyes and at the root of the nose. A thin bang 
is worn and over the eyebrows is a horizontal line of tattoo. 

The Florldlans (Tlmucuanan) pictured by White show that both men and 
women are elaborately tattooed all over the body, the designs being crossed 
by horizontal bands on the arms and legs. The woman has a band across 
the forehead, one line on the chin, and a circular band around the breasts. 
The man has a collar with points extending over the breast. Points from the 
tattooed areas on his sides extend horizontally over his abdomen. Both sexes 
wear large ear plugs; in the man hourglass shape blue in color, and in the 
woman yellow cylinders, probably bona The man wears a metal gorget and 
metal disks around the knees and elbows; the woman wears two necklaces. 
(See frontispiece, in Twentieth Ann. Rep. B. A. B.) 

Lafitau figures Indian women making cassine, or black drink, which was 
used in the south, and these women, as well as the men who await the drink, 
seated on a bench nearby, wear large ear plugs. (See Holmes, Aboriginal 
Pottery of Eastern United States, vol. 20, B. A. B., p. 26.) 

Another important class of practices are those which deal with compressions 
of the bony structure, especially of the cranium and exceptionally of the feet 
and of the muscular tissues. In this class may be Included perforations of 
the tissues, as the familiar lip, nose, and ear perforations, world-wide among 
the lower races and not unknown among the civilized. 

The customs of shaping parts of the body may have been affected by the 
involuntary deformations caused by the cradle, horseback riding, canoe, etc. 
There are also craft deformations and the effects of wounds, etc., which may 
have aided in setting a fashion. 

It is evident that the question of the location of superficial mutilations on 
the body depends on clothing, unclothed peoples, from the manifest conditions, 
being most addicted to the custom. Thus tattooing on clothed peoples would 
point to a period when art was not hidden under vestments and even took their 

There are perhaps many more, but the chief reasons for the practice of 
tattoo brought out in the course of this work are as follows: 1. Practices 
which have become plain custom, following some other antecedent idea ; identi* 


fication; totemic; record of heroism, sign of rank, distinction, or wealth; 
ornament ; clothing and love of the bizarre. 2. Practices still connected with 
religion ; fetichistic protection ; religious society badge ; passing rites or stages ; 

A study of the GatUn collection of Indian portraits, painted in 1834-1840 
and numbering nearly 600, gives some information as to the customs of the 
tribes east of the Rocky Mountains at the period mentioned. 

It will be seen that these Indians very generally cut the shell and lobe of the 
ear and wore loops of beads and feathers, etc., In the Incision. Sometimes only 
the lobe was pierced, but in many instances the whole shell was outlined 
by the cut (Dakota), and by distension with weights was made to form a 
great loop (Shawnee). Sometimes an incision was made through the upper 
ear and another through the lobe (Pawnee), but more frequently among 
the Pawnee the custom was to make a single gash In the lobe. Gatlln 
shows nose rings from the Caddoan, MuslEhogean, and Algonqulan stocks, 
the latter having the most examples. Gatlln depicts metal rings, but it* is prob- 
able that disks of shell and stone were formerly used. Only one case of note- 
worthy deformation of the ear lobe was observed — that of a Shawnee (Algon- 
qulan family), whose lobe was enormously expanded. (Gatlln potrait No. 200.) 

Gatlln represented tattoo only on the Ponca (Siouan), but it is known that 
several tribes visited by Gatlln practiced it. The National Museum exhibits a 
sacred bundle of the Osages containing the full equipment for tattooing, which 
in this case was ceremonial and related to Initiation in a religious society. 
The custom in this vast geographic area was very limited, however, and its 
use was confined to small spaces on the body, and the designs were unusually 
compact escutcheons. The Eskimo tattooed the cheeks and lower lips. The 
northwest coast tribes tattooed extensively, and in general the custom was more 
prevalent on the Pacific coast 

In North America the mass of the practices on the human body under 
discussion are found west of the Rocky Mountains. In this respect the regions 
east of the mountains seem a great eddy, while the stream that flows through 
the three Americas runs on the Pacific side of the barrier. Head deforma- 
tions, laborets, nose and ear plugs, extensive tattoo, etc., follow this stream 
originating in Asia. 

From present knowledge it may be stated that the Indians east of the Rockies 
sparingly practiced ethnic mutilations and confined such as they did use almost 
exclusively to the head. 

These remarks are qualified, since they refer to customs of Indians of the 
nineteenth century, whose practices were on the verge of disuse, and this is 
seen in the fact that a large per cent of Gatiin's Indians had only a minute 
lobe perforation in which to hang a lK>b, or had none at all. There is archae- 
ological evidence which when collected and worked over may show a contrast 
to the state of the Indians at the time of the discovery. Thus, Mr. Glarence B. 
Moore has found pottery ear plugs, li inches in diameter, at MoundsviUe, Ala., 
and at the same place an ear plug of sheet on wood base with bone 
connection. Such ornaments are also found in the Ohio mounds, and probably 
an interesting series of nose and ear ornaments await identification of material 
in archseological collections for North America. 

An examination of the arch^ological resources of the United States National 
Museum shows no occurrence of lip or ear plugs in the Eastern States, except 
a soapstone grooved ring from Delaware Water Gap, which may be an ear 


From nunols, Miaaoiirl, Ohio, Kentucky, Tenneflsee, Arkansas, Alabama, 
Georgia, and Florida there are examples of typical specimens, being the copper 
spools of Ohio ; the spool disks, 81 indies in diameter, of Missouri and Arkan- 
sas; mushroom shapes, probably labrets, from Georgia; and wooden ear plugs 
from Florida. There are also examples of nose pieces of bone. 

Mexican labrets and ear stoppers are made of obsidian and quartz, and 
show marvelous skill in stone working. The labrets are of two types — ^the 
hat shape and the shark-tooth shape. The latter, if there is any similarity 
of use with the Eskimo cotype, was used in piercing the lip and starting the 
hole for the labret The most prevalent type in the western EiSkimo area is 
the hat shape, which is general in Mexico. 


Curator of Physical Anthropology, United States National Museum. 

The greatest problem of American anthropology Is unquestionably that of 
the genesis of the Indians, who were found by the first white men to have 
already spread over and occupied the whole continent, as well as all the 
habitable islands belonging to America. 

Without pausing to consider any preliminaries and especially the many more 
or less vague speculations connected with the subject, I will approach directly 
the several questions into which, on close analysis, this problem resolves itself. 

The foremost of these questions is that of the unity or plurality of the 
race. We know that the aboriginal population of America was divided into a 
great many tribes and even a number of what might be called nations, 
which were frequently very hostile to one another; we have learned that there 
were many different languages and dialects; remarkable differences in culture 
and the material results of culture ; and also marked differences in the physiog- 
nomy, color, details of physique, and in the behavior of different groups of 
Indians, all of which would seem to indicate that there might have existed 
some, if not considerable, racial diversity among the native Americans. 

But if these matters are subjected to careful and comprehensive scrutiny, 
such as in a large measure is already possible to-day, we find that the various 
differences presented by the Indians were or are frequently more apparent than 
real; that actual and Important differences are In no cnse of sufficient 
weight to permit of any racial dissociation on their basis ; and that such more 
substantial differences as exist between the tribes are everywhere accompanied, 
or rather underlaid, by fundamental similarities and identities which outweigh 
them, and which speak most potently against any plurality of race on the 
American continent and for the general original unity of the Indian. 

We thus see that the American languages, while not infrequently differing 
considerably in phonetics, vocabularies, and even structure, belong neverthe- 
less all to one fundamental class, the polyslnthetlc, and present other Important 
resemblances In their complexity of grammar, Ideas of gender, formation of 
numerals, modes of plurality, formation and rOle of prefixes and sufilxes, rela- 
tive values of the pronoun, dialectic differences in the two sexes, etc., which, 
taken together, speak for one and the same, though doubtless ancient and 
probably extra-American parentage. 


In a similar way we And that, notwitlistaiuliiig nnmerous more or less pro- 
noanced local dilferenoea in details, tliere are in all tribes many deep-seated 
and significant evidences of oommon substratum of culture. Ttiey exist in 
the stone, clay, wood, and bone technique; in weaving and baslcetry ; in methods 
of fire making; in clothing and the limited household furniture; in agricul* 
ture ; in games ; in all that relates to medicine, religion, conceptions of nature; 
in folklore; in social organizations; in the usages of war; and in stiU other 
important and intimate phases of the life of these people. 

Going still further we find that there are fundamental resemblances in the 
mind and behavior of the Indian throughout the two continents. One wlio has 
become well acquainted with the mentality of the natives in any region of 
either North or South America will find, upon elimination of the local environ* 
mental peculiarities, faithful counterpart of the same in all other regions; 
and the behavior of the Indian is much the same everywhere in his family and 
tribal relations, in the care of the young, and in all his functions. 

The constitution of the Indian, taking this term in the modem medical sense, 
is also much the same throughout the two continents. He is everywhere readily 
affected by, and falls easy prey to, alcohol ; he is physically enduring, without 
being actually ezc^tionally strong; he is little or not at all subject to various 
degenerating and constitutional diseases, such as cretinism, rachitis, cancer, 
Insanity, etc., but is everywhere very readily affected by tuberculosis, trachoma, 
measles, smallpox, and sexual infections. 

Last, but not least, there are the radical resemblances and Identities of body 
and skeleton. Some of these features are: 

1. The color of the 9kin. — ^The Indian's color differs, according to localities 
and habits, from dusky yellowish or yellowish brown to that of solid chocolate. 
Tile fundamental color is moderate brown, or, more correctly, yellowish brown. 

2. His hair, as a rule, is black (to reddish black after exposure). It ranges 
about the medium In coarseness, being never fine; and it is straight, except in 
the old or unkempt, where there may be slight irregular waviness, and in 
the men who wear long hair, wliere the tree ends may show some tendency of 
turning upward. The beard is scanty, on the sides of the face generally 
completely absent, and it is never long. On the body there is no hair exc^t 
a little in the axlllie and on the pubis, tliough even there it is usually sparse. 

8. The Indian is generally free from special characteristic odor appreciable 
to the white man. His heartbeat is ilow. His other functions are everywhere 
much alike. The sise of the head and of tlie brain cavity, though differing 
considerably in individuals and also to some extent with the mean stature of 
the tribes, averages on the whole idl^tly less than that of white men and 
women of similar height 

4. His eyes, as a rule, are above medium to dark brown in color, with de- 
cidedly bluish conjunctiva in younger children, pearly white in older subjects, 
dirty yellowish in adults ; and the eye slits show a prevailing tendency, more or 
less noticeable in different tribes, to a slight or moderate upward slant; 
that is, the external canthi (especially the right) are more or less higher than 
the internal. 

5. The nasal bridge is moderately to well arched; the nose Is frequently 
strongly developed In the males and often convex ("aquiline**) in shape, but 
is lower, shorter, and more commonly strai^t or even concave in the females. 
It is never very high, or as fine or slender as in whites, nor again so thick and 
broad as in the negro; and its relative proportions in the living as well as in 
the skull (barring individual and some localised exceptions) are prevalently 


medium or mesorhinlc. The malar regions are, as a rule, large or prominent. 
The suborbital or canine fossie are usually more shallow than in whites. 

6. The mouth is generally fairly large to large, and the same is true of the 
palate. The lips average from medium to somewhat fuller than in whites; 
are never thin (except after the loss of front teeth and alveolar absorption), and 
again are never as thick as in the negro ; and the lower facial region shows in 
general a medium degree of prognathism, standing, like the relative proportions 
of the nose, near midway between those in the whites and those characteristic 
of the negroes, though frequently closer to the whites. The chin is well de* 
veloped, but on the average less prominent than in whites, and is not seldom 
square. The whole lower jaw is on the average larger than in whites. The 
teeth are of medium size when compared with those of primitive man in gen- 
eral, but are frequently perceptibly larger when contrasted with those of the 
cultured white American or Eiuropean. The upper incisors of the Indian pre- 
sent throughout, with rare individual exceptions, an especially important fto* 
ture : they are on the inside, or lingually, characteristically shovel-shaped — ^that 
is, deeply and peculiarly concave, with a marked cingulum. The ears are rather 

7. The neck, as a rule, is of only moderate length, and never thin in health. 
The chest is somewhat deeper than in average whites. The breasts of the 
women are of medium size to somewhat above me<liuin, and often more or less 
conical in form. In the females the disproportion between the pelvic region and 
the shoulders is less marked than in whites. There is a complete absence of 
steatopygy, and the lumbar curve is moderate. The lower limbs are somewhat 
less shapely and generally less full than in whites ; the calf in the majority is 
moderate, less than the average in either the whites or the negroes. 

8. The hands and feet, as a rule, are of relatively moderate to small dimen- 
sions. The relative proportions of the forearm to arm, and those of the distal 
parts of the lower limbs to the proximal (or, in the skeleton, the radio-humeral 
and tibio-femoral indices), are in general, throughout the two parts of the 
continent, of similar average value, which differs from that of both the whites 
and the negroes, standing again somewhat in an intermediary position. 

9. In the Indian skeleton, from Canada to Tlerra del Fuego, besides the 
hitherto mentioned characteristics, point after point of important resemblance 
or identity are met with, which mark unequivo'^ally the many distinct tribes 
as descendants of one and the same group of humanity or race, and serve to 
distinguish them from other races, except those with which they have a com- 
mon prehistoric origin. Such features include, besides those relating to the 
skull, such highly distinctive traits as platybrachy in the humerus, platymery 
in the femur, and frequent platycnaemy in the tibia; high frequency of per- 
foration of the septum in the humerus; a great rarity of the supracondyloid 
process in any form; and other conditions. There are many tribal or local 
differences in these respects, but on the whole the similarity of the skeletal 
parts throughout the continent is such that a classification of the Indian into 
more than one race on its basis would be impossible. 

Taking all the above facts Into consideration, and remembering further 
that whatever differences are observable in the Indian in any direction are 
quite equaled if not exceeded in other large and fundamental single groups of 
humanity, such as the whites, the Asiatic yellow-browns, etc., we can, it seems, 
arrive at only one possible conclusion, which is that the Indian throughout the 
American Continent represents but one strain of humanity, one race ; and that 
his variations are intraracial fluctuations and developments, of more or less 
remote, frequently perhaps pre-American, origin. These variations in some 


instances may already constitute subtypes or subraces, but go no farther ; and 
even in such more specialized groups the majority of the physical as well as 
physiological characteristics are still intimately connected with those of the 
rest of the Indians. 

Having reached the momentous conclusion of the fundamental unity of the 
American race, we can now approach the second great question concerning the 
American aborigine, which is that of the antiquity of the race on this continent 
The solution of this part of our problem may be approached in two ways — 
(a) by critical reasoning, and (5) by material evidence. 

(a) Can the Indian be possibly regarded as a true autocthone of America? 
In other words, could he have evolved from lower forms on this continent? 
There have been those, and they included even some men of science — such as 
Morton and much more recently Ameghino— who were inclined to adopt or have 
actually claimed this view. But in the present state of our knowledge it is 
easy enough to dispose of this hypothesis. The anthropologist of to^ay knows 
definitely that man evolved from lower primates. There is now plenty of 
material evidence to that effect, regardless of other considerations. These 
primates must naturally have approached man in all important respects, which 
condition could only be realized by advanced anthropoid apes; but no such 
forms have ever existed in any part of America. There were on this continent 
Eocene and Oligocene lemurs and small monkeys, and eventually the ordinary 
American monkeys, but nothing of the nature of an advanced type which 
could possibly be included in the more proximate ancestry of man. This fact 
alone suffices to effectually dispose of the notion of an American origin for the 

But there are other logical and decisive proofs that such origin was im- 
possible. I shall mention but two : 

In the first place, the Indian, notwithstanding his diverse si)ecial character- 
istics, is on the whole exceedingly like the rest of mankind in every important 
feature, so that if we should accept the view that he originated in America 
we should be obliged to conclude that the whole of mankind originated here — 
a notion which has actually been advocated, but which at the present time 
would probably seem rather monstrous even to those who would otherwise 
be disposed to believe in an American origin of the Indian ; for it is well known 
that all the species that come or ever came near to man live or lived in 
parts of the Old World, and that the earliest known forms of humanity belong 
equally to the Old World. It is to the warmer regions of the Old World 
that we are led to look for man's origin, and the rest of the earth could only 
have been peopled through the gradual dispersion of mankind or of forms that 
eventually led to mankind from these centers of development. 

In the second place, we know that a very early and technically very primi- 
tive form of humanity had reached the central part of western Europe already 
somewhere near the middle of the Quaternary or Glacial epoch, and we would 
look in vain for any feasible mode of bringing such a primitive being at that 
time from America to what is now southwest Germany, Belgium, France, Spain, 
and England. 

All these reasonings, nevertheless, would perforce be subverted If, as has 
happened so frequently within the last few decades in Europe, there were dis- 
covered on the American Continent unquestionable skeletal or cultural remains 
of early man, geologically ancient. As could be expected, from the great 
interest in such remains created by the European discoveries, with human 
credulity and especially with the general inclination of the less disciplined 
or trained mind toward the wonderful, with its need of dwarfs, giants, and 


beings of mysterious power or of great antlqiiity, and also as a result of Uie 
many possibilities at accidental indusion of human artifacts or remains in old 
strata, the occasional rapid foesilization of human bones, and a possible com- 
mingling of such bones or other vestiges of man with the bones of ancient 
animals — claims to discoveries of skeletal or other remains of early American 
man were and are even now not wanting. Announcements of such discoveries 
have appeared repeatedly both in North and South America, and have given 
rise to much unwarranted speculation. Upon being subjected to unbiased sci- 
entific scrutiny, however, the antiquity of the majority of the finds upon which 
the structure of man's antiquity in America was to be reared, have vanished 
from the field of evidence, and the residue are supported by evidence so defec- 
tive that no conclusions of any chronologic value can legitimately be based 
upon them.^ Impartially weighed the probabilities are in every instance against 
rather than for great antiquity. So far, then, as physical anthropology is con- 
cerned, the whole subject can be summarized by the statement that, while we 
now possess numerous and in some instances great anthropological collections 
from this continent, and while many old caves, rook shelters, and other sites, 
some of which yielded numerous remains of quaternary or earlier animals, 
have been carefully explored, yet there is not to this day a single American 
human bone in existence or on record the geological antiquity of which could 
be demonstrated. It is in fact impossible for us to this date to produce, though 
they might reasonably be expected, any specimens which could demonstrably 
compare in antiquity with the remains of, for instance, the predynastic or 
early dynastic E^gyptians. 

As the matter stands, therefore, even if we were inclined to accept man*s 
great antiquity on this continent on the basis of some a priori considerations, 
for which, however, there is no basis, we should seek in vain tor support of 
tbe theory from material evidence ; and we can not possibly have recourse to the 
personal opinions of those who, because of religious belief, temperamental indl- 
nation, ignorant credulity, or imperfect observations, have claimed and in some 
Instances still claim the presence of man here in times far antedating the recent 
or even the glacial period.' It stands to reason that if man had originated 
in America and spread thence to other continents, we should by this time have 
found some evidence at least of his local antiquity which could be freely accep- 
table to all of us, as are many of the precious remains of European early man. 
If there is no such evidence, or at least none that the most thorough students 
of the subject can conscientiously accede to, then assuredly we are not Justified 
to this moment in accepting the theory of any geological antiquity of the Ameri- 
can race. 

Having reached the only possible conclusions on the two important questlona 
thus far considered — namely, that the American aborigine represents but one 
single race, and that the presence of this race on this continent is of no demon- 
strated geological antiquity — ^we now come to the third and final great complex 
of questions involved in the problem of the genesis of the American Indian — 
the whence, when, and how of his occupancy of the New World. 

Considering the primitive means of transportation of prehistoric man, it will 
be agreed, I think, that he could only have come ftom those portions of the 
Old World which are nearest to America. These portions are the west coast 
of northern Africa, the northwest of Burope, and above all the northeaatem 

^This applies to all claima of this nature made op to the end of 1916, and includes 
the most recent "ancient man** from Florida. 

■Detailed treatment of this question from aU aspects will be found in writer'a 
pnbllcations, particularly Bulletins 88 and 62, Bureau of American Btbnology. 


parts of Asia; and geology shows that there were no nearer lands, or other 
than perhaps a flir northern Asiatic-American land connection, within the 
period that can be assigned to man's existence. 

Between Africa and South America, however, at their nearest approach, 
there are nearly 2,000 miles of distance, and the separation between the nearest 
points of North America and Burope is even much greater. It is not at all 
likely, to say the least, that man reached the American Continent from either 
of these directions except In recent historic times, after he had sufficiently 
developed his means of navigation ; and this would hold equally true if he had 
come by way of Iceland and Greenland, for even there the stretches of water 
are vary considerableL 

But turning to the Asiatic Oontinent, we see there were no such dlfflculttes. 
Only 30 miles separate the two continents at Bering Strait, and on a clear 
day American land is visible from the hills of East Cape. North of Bering 
Strait there existed. It seems, up to relatively recent times, actual land con- 
nection over which many animals reached the New World, and which oould 
have served as a direct bridge to man, but we can indulge as yet in nothing 
except speculation on this point The Bering Sea itself could possibly have 
been crossed by the way ofwSt Lawrence Island or even ^sewhere; and 
2,000 mUes farther south there is the long semilunar chain of the Aleutians, 
which reach to within 400 miles of Kamchatka, and even that distance is broken 
nearly in halves by the Commander Islands. It is true that the sea there Is 
rough and fogs prevail, but from what we know of the navigative achievements 
of the natives of that coast in skin boats in recent times, it is within the range 
of possibility that these conditions could have repeatedly been overcome and 
the distance covered by men of earlier times. Here then we have several prac- 
ticable routes by which the Asiatics could have reached America, and their 
presence, with the absence of other such routes elsewhere, gives strong sup- 
port of the view that those who eventually became the American aborigines 
reached this continent from northeastern Asia. 

Let us now turn to racial evidence. We have passed above in brief review 
the principal physical and physiological (^aracteristics which distinguish the 
American aborigine; where, in the Old World, are there or were there people 
who approach this type most closely? 

This was surely not in AfMca, for there is little in common between the 
Negro and the Indian. It was not in historic Europe, which during this time, 
and barring few Asiatic incursions, was peopled only by the white race. If 
we turn to Asia, however, we see that large parts of Siberia and the eastern 
coast of the continent, with much of Malaysia and even Polynesia, were and are 
still peopled by nations and tribes that differ more or less from each other, due 
to admixture and local differentiation, but that on the whole are of a type 
which in most of its essentials is identical with and in others close to that of 
the Indian. This type persists to this day with particular purity In certain 
parts of the Philippine Islands, such as among the Igorrotes; in Formosa; in 
a large portion of Tibet; in parts of western China; in Mongolia; and over 
many parts of Siberia. It can frequently be met with in China proper, in 
Korea, in Japan. It is a type which is characterized by the same range of 
color as well as quality and peculiarities of distribution of hair ; by the same 
dark brown eye with yellowish conjunctiva and slight to moderate slant; by 
similar prominence of the cheek bones and characteristics of the nose, as weU 
as other parts of the face ; by close resemblance in the rest of the body ; and, 
In addition, by similar mentality and behavior, with close affinities in other 
functions, as well as in numerous habits and observances. The physical 

08486— 17— VOL I 10 


-resemblances between some members of the Asiatic groups and the average 

-American Indian are such, that If one or the other were transplanted and his 
body and hair dressed like that of the members of the tribe In the midst of 

. which he was placed, he could not possibly be distinguished physically by any 

' means at the command of even a trained observer. 

Such resemblances can not be fortuitous; they show that eastern Asia has 

-.been and in a large measure still Is peopled by a type of humanity which, 
while no more homogenous than, for example, the white race, stands never- 
theless on the whole nearest of all the existing human types to that of the 
American aborigine. Given the close proximity of the two continents which 
would permit the passage from one to the other of people even in a relatively 

. primitive state of culture, and finding further that, outside of heterogeneous 
Immigrants and mixtures, the two regions are peopled to this day by what 
is radically the same type of humanity, we have what constitutes the strongest 
possible argument for the unity of origin of the eastern Asiatics and the 
American Indian. And as man can not be assumed to have originated in 
America and to have migrated to Asia, there remains but one possible condu- 
sion, which is that our aborigines were derived from the Asiatic continent; 
and they must have come by the northern routes, which were not only the most 
practicable, but also the only ones that would enable man in the earlier stages 
of culture to reach the New World. The Pacific Islands were not peopled until 
in relatively recent days, the eastern groups later than America itself, and 
hence need not be considered in this connection any more than historic Europe 
or Africa. If any parties from these have ever reached this land they could 
have come only after the Indians had spread all over and were well estab- 
lished, and while such parties could have introduced a few cultural peculiari- 
ties they could not materially affect the population. 

Granting, on the basis of preceding considerations, that the American 
aborigine came from Asia, we are still confronted by the two Important ques- 
tions as to when and how this Immigration could have been effected. 

As to the time, we have no direct evidence and can hardly hope for any; 
but it seems that we can approach a solution of this mooted question quite 
closely in an indirect way. 

It is self-evident that before man could have migrated from Asia he must 
have peopled that continent, and he must have peopled it in relatively large 
numbers, for only that would have enabled him to overrun the Immense terri- 
tory. Man does not migrate like the birds ; he spreads. He is gregarious, and 
he is a creature of habits, one of the strongest of which is the attachment to 
his home, be this the limited site of a sedentary community or a larger territory 
of a nomad tribe. He will only move because of compulsion, such as caused by 
enemies, or on account of some calamity, or exhaustion of resources, or because 
of superior prospects ahead in the line of climate and food. He can not be 
supposed to have reached the cold northeastern limits of Asia before the 
warmer, richer, and more available parts of that continent were settled or 
hunted over ; and he could not have reached America, of course, until after all 
this took place. We are able, then, to establish one definite landmark in ref- 
erence to the time of the beginning of the peopling of America — it could only 
have followed that of most of Asia. 

This leads us to the second step in our quest — namely, the peopling of Asia 
itself and more particularly its northern portions. 

Archeologlcal researches in northern Asia, including Japan and China, are 
still largely in thehr infancy ; nevertheless they indicate the presence over wide 
territory of many remains of human occupation, in the form of burial mounds 
as well as ruins and other signs of man's activity. The great majority of these 


remains are known to be of no great antiquity,, dating from historic or late 
prehistoric times; but there are also older mounds, cave remains, and sites 
which yield no metals, but only stone and bone implements, with primitive pot- 
tery. These latter remains are the earliest in northern Asia thus far discoy- 
er^ and the culture they r^resent corresponds in general .t9 that of parts of 
the neolithic epoch of Europe. And what is true of cultural applies also to 
skeletal remains from these mounds and sites: they show relatively modem 
forms, close to such as existed in the Old World during the neolithic age. Wb 
have therefore no evidence or even a promise of evidence so far that these por- 
tions of the Asiatic Ck>ntinent were peopled except at a relatively recent period. 
Curiously enough the American man corresponds also physically most to 
the neolithic man of Europe. All of which leads to the strong presumption that 
the banning of migration into America probably did not take place before the 
time of the European neolithic period, which, translated into years, would be 
somewhere between, say, 10,000 years ago and the dawn of the historic period 
in the Old World. 

Right here, however, the claim might be urged that perhaps the north 
Asiatic man had a difTerent origin from the European neolithic population, 
and may have reached the northern confines of Asia before the more western 
branch or branches of humanity peopled most of Europe. To this it may be 
answered that this would be a hypothesis unsupported by any material evidence. 
The northern Asiatic man of all periods is too near in every important respect 
to the white man to be regarded as a distant relative, much less as a dif- 
ferent species, as would necessarily have to be had he had a separate 
origin; and there is nothing that would even suggest his presence in northern 
Asia before the existence of the neolithic man of Europe. It seems much 
more Justifiable to acc^t the view that he was derived from the same stock 
as the mass of the European neolithic population, and peopled Asia through 
migration by the central and southern routes. But granting, for the sake of 
argument, the wholly improbable supposition that he had developed apart in or 
to the south of Asia, we should still have to assume that, having reached- prac- 
tically identical physical and cultural status with the later prehistoric Euro- 
pean, and having spread from the south over just about as much territory as he 
would have covered in coming from Europe and that against much greater ob- 
stacles, his advent to the northeastern limits of the Asiatic Continent could 
hardly have been any earlier than had he started from the west and over 
the great central steppes. The assumption of a separate origin of the eastern 
Asiatic, and consequently the American man from that of the Ehiropean (and 
Asia Minor) population, would not make the Indian any more ancient. 

The question of any possible earlier, preneolithlc immigration into America 
from the European northwest, requires little attention. The later paleolithic 
man of Europe, lived during the ultimate phases and the recession of the last 
ice invasion, when the northwest of Europe, barring the southern portions of 
what now is England, was as yet scarcely habitable or passable for primitive 
man, as was probably at that time also the case with the larger portion of north- 
eastern America. How could he have reached this continent? Still earlier in 
Europe we have the Neanderthal man, and obviously no one would claim 
he could have reached America and evolve the Indian. 

Thus, from whatever aspect we take the question, the when of the peopling 
of America does not yield to be answered except in terms of moderate antiquity, 
corresponding in all probability to that of the neolithic European and Mediter- 

It remains for us to give a few thoughts to the mode or modes of man's 
coming to the New World and his subsequent spread and multiplication on this 
continent And here, I feel, it will be necessary in the first place to free our- 


■elves from all notion of a mass migration. So far as can be ascertained, the 
northeastern portions of the Asiatic Continent were never within man*s time tit 
either to harbor or permit the migration over of any large numbers of human 
beings at one time. The only rational conclusions in this respect seem to be 
the following: The northeastern Asiatic man, in relatively small nomadic or 
seminomadlc groups, hunted and fished along the rivers and seacoast, living 
tn the close neighborhood. As the game diminished through this or other 
causes, he followed it, not southward where other tribes were doubtless 
established or claimed the ground, but farther northward and eastward. In 
the direction of least resistance and of greater abundance, until he reached 
the Kurlles, Kamchatka, and still later, the northeastern extremity of Asia. 
Arriving at the limits of the mainland he was doubtless already well provided 
and expert with boats, capable under favorable circumstances of sustaining 
prolonged sea voyages. Some party, then, in all probability struck out or was 
driven eastward, eventually reaching the Aleutian chain; and, once discovered, 
these Islands would serve as a natural bridge, over which in the course of 
time and without perhaps establishing more than a few temporary stations on 
the now open way, groups of the Siberian natives would reach Alaska and the 
American Continent. Or he crossed first by the Bering Sea or Strait, possibly 
even by the still more northern land connection if it still existed. Quite likely 
In the course of time he utilized all the practicable means of ingress to the new 
world. Once on the American Continent, full of game and free of people, he 
would no more turn back, unless to bring his family and friends, but would 
follow the game, spread rapidly and multiply; and under favorable circum- 
stances it would not take him many centuries to people both North and South 

At all events, whatever the circumstances of the first coming on the Ameri- 
can Continent may have been, it may be safely assumed that only relatively 
small parties reached the land at one and the same time, and that there was 
no simultaneous migration of whole peoples. But the comings were doubtless 
repeated; the news of the new land must have reached back and the first 
parties would be followed by others, irregularly but indefinitely. There were 
quite probably even repeated discoveries of the New World in different parts 
of its northwestern limits, and the immigration may be assumed to have con- 
tinued from the time the first Asiatic parties reached the new land, some- 
where during neolithic time, down to the historic period, when parties of Bs- 
kimos were found to trade across the St. Lawrence Island and the Bering 

The newcomers, though all belonging to the same main race, were evidently 
not strictly homogeneous, but represented several distinct subtypes of the 
yellow-brown people, with differences in culture and in language. 

The first of these subtypes to come over was, according to many indications, 
the dolichocephalic Indian, represented in North America to this day by the 
great Algonquin, Iroquois, and Shoshonean stocks ; farther south by the Plman- 
Aztec tribes; and in South America by many branches reaching over large 
parts of that continent from Venezuela and the coast of Brazil to Tierra del 

Following, came, it seems, what Morton called the '*Toltec" type, quite as 
Indian as the other, but marked by brachycephaly. This type in course of 
time spread over the northwest coast, the central and eastern mound regions, 
a larger part of the Gulf States, the Antilles, Yucatan, much of Mexico and 
Central America, and eventually reached the const of Peru and other portions 
of South America, 


Still later, and when the continent was already well peopled, came, accord- 
ing to all indications, the Eskimo and the Athapascan Indian. The former, 
finding resistance to the south which he could not overcome, remained in and 
q[>read over the farthest north, developing various environmental physical modi- 
fications that have removed him on the whole further from the Indian tlian 
is the case with any other branch of the yellow-brown people. The Athapas- 
cans, a virile bradiycephalic type, on one side closely allied physically to the 
actually prevailing Mongolian type of nortlieastern Asia and on the other to 
the earlier American brachycephals, may have reached the country before the 
Eskimo. However this may be, their progress southward was evidently also 
blocked, obliging the body of the enlarging tribe to remain in Alaska and north- 
western Canada; but along the western coast some contingents succeeded in 
penetrating as far as Galifornia, where they left the Hupa, and to Arizona, 
New Mexico, and parts of northern Mexico, where we know them to this day 
td the Lipan and Apache. 

This, in brief, seems to be the stoi7 of the " Genesis of the American Indian*' 
on the basis of the present and generally accepted anthropological evidence. 
There are stlU many uncertain, many dark places, but the general view seems 
already fairly dear. The subject calls for a continued and intensified research, 
more particularly in our Northwest, and, above all, in eastern Asia. 

Father Morice. I want to say just one word to tell you how glad 
I am to see that, with his usual cool headedness and with his usual 
logic, Prof. Hrdliika hafi been telling you something that to me, as 
one of the audience, seems just what should be said concerning the 
origin of the American Indians. We have had so many theories and 
there are so many people who are so prone to see mystery everywhere, 
that it is really refreshing to find somebody who has studied on the 
spot the various discoveries, making many explorations, with a view 
of determining the origin of primitive man in America, and to find 
him telling us something which seems just the very — w.ell, I would 
say something absolutely like what becomes the case. Of course it 
is easy to see after a man like the professor here, who has been going 
everywhere, even as far as Asia, tells us that those Indians of ours 
come from Asia and gives the reasons — it is easy to see the proofs of 
it; and it seems to me we can not but believe him. At any rate, I for 
one am very ready to believe, after a study of some 32 years of the 
Indians of Canada, that we should agree with all and every word that 
he has said. 



United States National Museum, 
Tuesday morning and afternoon^ December t9^ 1916. 

Chairman, A. C. Simoens da Silva. 

The following papers, presented on behalf of Section I of the 
Second Pan American Scientific Congress, were read by title at the 
two sessions: 

Apuntes sobre arqueologfa venezolana, by Luis B. Oramas. 

Food plants and textiles of Ancient America, by William Edwin 

The Inca people and their culture, by Hiram Bingham. 



Oficial de la DireccMn AdminUtrativa del MinUterio de Relacumes Interiores 

de Venezuela. 


Animados por nuestra incUnaci6n a la Arqueologfa y en vista del estado 
Indpiente de eata ciencla en nuestra patria, tan rica en productos naturales y 
arqueol6gicos, hemes proseguido trabajos anterlores, y explorado en septlembre 
de 1914 los Valles de Aragua donde data de mncho tlempo atrAs la 
d6saparicl6n de la raza aborigen. El alio de 1547, en que Joan de Ymegaa» 
Tenlente Gobemador y Gapitiln de la Provincla de Venezuela, tomd posesl^n 
de la "Laguna de Tacarigua,'* ya loe indfgenas casi la habfan abandonado, 
eomo dice Juan P^rez de Tolosa: ''de dlez alios & esta parte, de paz y de 
gnerra, ban destruldo la mayor parte de los Indios comarcanos & la dlcha 
laguna de Tacarigua y puerto de Burbumata y bus comarcas, hacitodolos 
esdavos, siendo de la dicha gobernaci6n de Venezuela, & cuya causa los indios 
que ban quedado ban dejado sus propios Intereses 6 asientos, y se babfan 
subido ft la montaftas." ' 

Bn nuestros trabajos de exploraci^n nos dedicamos especialmente a visitar 
las Islas y orillas del lago de Valencia o Tacarigua y otros lugares adyacentes 
que luego cltaremos. 

Bn diferentes puntos en que se crey6 necesario averiguar la estacidn pre- 
Golombina, practicamos ezcavaciones que nos dieron mucbas de ellas un 
resultado por demfts satisfactorio. 

1 There was do Btcnographlc report of these ■essions. 

• D. Jos^ de Oriedo y Bafioe, " Hletoria de la Conquista a Pobladdn de la ProTinda 
de Venesnela," Madrid, 1880, tomo II, pAgina 240. 



La zona riberefia limitada entre dlcho lago y los pueblos Santa Cruz y Mag- 
daleoo donde est&n ubicadas las posesiones pecuarlas Camburito, La Guarta, 
La Quinta, Las Matas y La Hu^rfana ofrecen multitud de tiimulos o cerrltos 
de tierra h^chos por la mano del hombre; la mayor parte de ellos ban sldo 
destruldos por exploradores, anos con el prop6sito de hacer estudlos y otros 
para especuladones comerclales. Gasl slempre son estos cerrltos de forma 
convexa y sus laderas desclenden snavemente; hay tambl^ de contornos Irre- 
gulares y pianos en la clma : los pequefios tlenen aproxlmadamente sels metros 
de di&metro por dos de altura, y los grandes mlden en la base cincuenta metros 
(900 metros segdn Marcano) por tres de altnra; est&n constltuldos por una 
tierra uegra parecida a humus, trafda de lugares mds o menos lejanos por 
artifices prehist6ricos ; la superficie donde est&n plantados estos tUmulos es 
de tierra gris calcdrea con gran cantidad de caracollUos de las especles 
slguientes: Ancylus Moricandi Orb., Hydrobia coronata Pfr., Hydrobia stag- 
nalis L., JSydrobia Emesti E. v. M., PlanorbU pronus E. v. M., esplculas de 
esponjas y restos de diatom^ceas,^ exactamente iguales a los que hay en la 
oriUa del lago de Valencia, por haber sido ocupada esta regidn por el mismo 
lago en ^poca pasada. 

ESscudrifiar los cerrltos era el tema principal de nuestras investlgaclones y 
para estudiarlos elegimos aquellos que no presentaban indicios de exhumaciones. 
£Impez&bamos a excavar la base de la elevacidn en sentido trasversal y apare- 
cfan a menudo objetos de adorno (fig. 1), armas de piedra (fig. 2), utiles 
industriales, fdolos de barro cocido, &c. (fig. 3) ; en esas colinas, al continuar 
la excayaci6n hacla el centro, a una profundidad de cincuenta centimetros, 
encontramos los sarc6fagos. Al romper la cubierta, el contenido estaba formado 
asf; el cr&neo se halla inclufdo dentro de la cavidad del t6rax; aqu^ descansa 
inmediatamente, sin intermedio de la columna vertebral sobre la pelvis, delante 
de la cual, pres^ntanse cruzados los fdmures y demAs huesos largos, l^ de 
las manos y pi^ h&Uanse rellenando los intersticios que dejan entre sf los 
anteriores huesos; y a veces algunas costillas penetran en las 6rbitas del 
cr&neo. Tambi^n se encuentran los esqueletos en cuclfllas, indinados hacla 
adelante, pero siempre cubiertos de una coraza de cascos o pedazos de botijones 
de arciUa, de diez a quince centimetros de longftud por igual anchura y un 
centfmetro de espesor, colocados unos encima de otros en varias capas imbri- 
cadas, tapando las Junturas y macizados los huecos. Los pedazos que forman 
la cubierta, provienen quizds de sarc6fagos de tierra cocida, an&logos a los 
descritos por 6. Marcano ' y A Jahn.* 

No todos los cerrltos contienen objetos y osamentas reunidos, pues suelen 
encontrarse ttimulos con huesos solamente, sin objetos de adornos, &c ; por lo 
cual los actuales moradores de aquellos lugares dicen que existen ^Gerritos 
de Indios pobres " y de " Indies ricos." 

Los estudios de Marcano y Jahn, sobre esta materia, concuerdan con nuestras 
observaciones, excepto en lo que respecto a los botijones enteros o sarc6fag08 
que contienen huesos y objetos, &c. ; circunstancia que nos induce a creer que la 
osamenta que encontramos, tal vez provenga de algiin cementerio que hubiera 
sido mudado de un lugar a otro. 

Obtuvimos como producto de las excavaciones de los Valles de Aragua el 
material slguiente : 200 objetos de piedra ; hachas pulidas en forma de cufia ; de 
diorita, anfilolitica, nefrita ; morteros, objetos esf6ricos, mazos, &c. ; 250 objetosi 
de cerftmica; fdolos fftlicos, antropomorfos, flguras zoomorfas, vasos, vasijas, 

^ B. Ton Aarteni, " Die BinnenmollutkeD Venesuelas," Berlin, 1878. A. Bmatp ** La 
Bxpocidta Nadonal de Yeneniela en 1888," Caracas, 1884. 
■ ^ Bthnographie Pr^eolombienne du Yenemela.'^ Paris, 1889. 
■QlobQS, B. LXXXYI, n* 7, 18 de agoeto de 1904. 


&c. ; varlo0 collares de conchas marinas (Strombus gif^ns), pectorales o sonantes 
de pledrn serpentina; y esqueletos hnmanos,' Entre la osamenta fljnirn nn 
crftneo deformado artificlalmente (fig. 4), cocrtumbre ^sta que recuerdn la de 
los caraibes insulares y otras naciones del Oontlnente anoericano. 

Las vasijas que encontramos en el interior del lago tiacfa la "Punt a de la 
Oabrera" (tig. 5), son por demAs interesantes pnes exfste allf la tradlc!<^n de 
que los indios Uenaban dichos en vases con las cenizas de los cadftveres que- 
mados, para arrojarlos luego al lago como ceremonial religioso. Ni se puede 
dudar que esos reciplentes fnesen amas cinerarias, pues los indios practicaban 
s^furamente la cremacidn, de lo cual pudimos convencernos en febrero pr6ximo 
pasado cuando trepamos a la cueva de " Las Quacamayas,** sitnada cerca del 
pneblo ''Agua Blanca/' Bstado Portuguesa; esta eueva o cavema encn^itrase 
en una roca escarpada, a veinte metros de altnra que contlene gran cantidad de 
cenizas revueltas con pedazos de huesos carbonicadoe, y en las paredes de la 
gmta, mu^stranse todavfa las sefiales del faego. 


Sumamente importantes son estas construcciones prehlst^rlcas, que se hallan 
disemlnadas en diferentes puntos de los Llanos de loe Bstados Portuguesa y 
Zamora, recorridos tUtlmamente por noootros. Desfgnanse en esos lugares, con 
el nombre de Galzada, Lamo de Perro^ o Terrapl^n, dertas elevaciones de tierra 
apisonada, de circunf erenda y altura variables ; algunas de un metro de altura 
por seis de dlAmetro, y otras de ocho a veintidnco metros por uno a tres de 
altura. Ellas se encuentran en medio de la extension Inmensa de sabanas que 
Be anegan en la ^poca de las lluvias, la cual dura en aquellos lugares desde mayo 
basta diciembre. Estas calzadas suelen comunicarse con colinas semejantes a 
las de los Valles de Aragua, aunque mds elevadas y pendientes, hasta el ex- 
tremo de ser algunas de ellas inaccesibles ; guardan mucha analogfa con las 
que se conocen en los E^tados Unldos con el nombre de Mounds-builders, Estas 
colinas artificiales tienen generalmente forma c6nica, con clnco aristas que 
descienden del v^rtice a la base; otras son irregulares tal vez por derrumba- 
mientos ocasionados por el tiempo; estAn hechas de la misma dase de tierra 
de las calzadas; y a poca distanda de ellas n6tanse viejas excavadones que 
Indican los sitlos donde probablemente se extrajo la tierra para la cons- 
trucci6n de las mencionadas colinas y calzadas. La naturaleza de la tierra y 
aquellas extensas regiones estAn constituldas por un limo fino sin arena ni 
piedras, material este que no existe en toda la comarca. En la proximidad 
donde se hallan esas obras existe por lo comtin un manantial {ojo de agua o 

En muchas de estas colinas efectuamos excavadones. En la tierra, dura 
como piedra, embot&base el azad6n, instrumento 4ste diffdl de conseguir; y si 
a ello se afiade la incuria de los nativos, se comprenderA la dificultad insupera- 
ble que hubimos de veneer, por lo cual empleAbamos la dinamita, para ayudar 
a la demoliddn, la cual no nos di6 el resultado que esperAbamos, pues sdlo 
hallamos en escasa cantidad reciplentes de tierra cocida, en forma de pera 
(fig. 6), huecos, formados de una sola pieza y con una sustancia similar a la 
cera, adherlda a sus paredes Interiores. Tales objetos se encuentran no sola- 
mente en los cerritos, sino tambldn en las orlUas de los rfos, cafiadas, &, de 
aquella localidad, donde se presume que hayan existido los aborfgenes pre- 
colombinos. Tambi6n encontramos un mazo de piedra, un embudo de barro 
coddo y otros objetos rotos y de poca importancla, pero ningrdn matel*ial 6seo ; 

^A este material nos referlmoi proUjamente en nnestro estudlo comparado de 
antropologfa y arqneologfa venesolanaa. 



de todo lo cual se infiere que no eran constmfdos esos monumentos para 
mamoleofl Indtgenaa, tino probablemente como Bittos sagrados donde efec- 
toaban sus megoe; y para que sub romerias no tuvlesen iaconyeniente 
dnmnte el perfodo de las llaviaA, servfanse de camlnos levantados artifl- 
dalmente que aUn perduran. Puede que tambi^n estaa conBtrucciones se 
destinaran para obeervar desde larga distancia las operaciones de las hordaa 
enemigas que amenazaran sn territorio; allf, se resgaardaban como en fortifi- 
caciones. Bn oorroboracl6n a este aserto, trascrlbiinos lo que a este prop6Bito 
refiere Fray Pedro Sim6n ; " Las dudadeB de Ouana-Guanare y Barinas, por lo 
mAB cercano de ellas pasan los dos famosos rfos (fuera de otroe que no lo son 
tanto) Apure y Zarare, q«e tantas veces hemos tocado, ambos caudalosos y 
que en lOB inviemoe inundan grandes pedazos de sus tlerras .conveclnas, y segtln 
dieen, entran Juntos en el rfo Orinoco, Oerca de sus docas. Por ^stos suben 
deade ellas Iob Garibes que dijUnos poblaban aquellas Provlncias y otroB de la 
isla Trinidad, en sub piraguas y canoas hasta Uegar ft eBtos Llanos, y dej&ndolaa 
eaeondidas salen del rfo y lot pasean ett grandes tropas, asaltando los pueblos 
qoe, de miedo de esto, Iob tlenen todoa cercados con tres 6rdeneB de cercas de 
maderoB de palma en cuadro, y tan largas* que por cada lienzo corren arriba de 
trescientOB pasos hasta quinientos y seisclaitos, y no son pocos Iob pueblos 
que hay de esta suerte en algunas partea.'* 

**Aqui se meten con toda su chusma y mantenimientos en tiempo de verano, 
que es en el que vienen los Oaribes, y puestas & largos trechos centinelas^ 
tlenen de aviso de dfa eon humadas y de noche con hachos encendidos, de 
la yenida de los Caribes, con que se ponen en arma, si bien nunca se descuidan, 
por si acaso lo estuvleren las centlnelas, si por fuerza de armas los rinden y se 
apoderan de Iob pueblos los Garibes.*' ^ 

Miguel de Ochogavla, vedno y Sbcomendero de la ciudad de Barinas, cuando 
BBfttt^o por aqueUoB llanoB con el propdsfto de descubrir el rfo Apure, relata lo 
slguiente : ** Vf unas ezplayadas como empinadas cey vas y hobos, constituydos 
estoB y aquellas en unas emlnen<;ias que a manos compussieron las troppas in* 
memssas de yndlos caquetios que se retiraron por estos llanos quando la venida 
de los espailoles primeros tomaron tierra en Goro, ^indad primera de las yndias, 
y fueron a poblar con su caglque el gran Manaure la laguna de Garanaca, 
adonde oy assisten los desseodientes de estos, segun la opinion derta de los mas 
vaquianos que con gertessa grande assi lo afirman por la tradition que de sus 
antepaBsadoB An tenido.**' A eBte propdsito el Doctor Alyarado observa que 
'* descartando de esta tradici6n lo eyidentemente falso, de que esos trabaJOB 
se hideran para s61o el trAnsito de Manuare, siempre hallamos aflrmado en 
el fondo que las calzadas de los Llanos fueron obra de los Gaquetfos." ' 

AlgunoB de estos terraplenes y cerritos hAllanse mendonados por el Ilustre 
Bar6n Alejandro de Humboldt y el distinguido americanista Llsandro Alya- 
rado,* quien visitd yarias de esas construcdones. Humboldt no lleg6 a yerlas, 
pues la clta que hace en el "Voyage aux Regions Equlnoxiales du Nouveau 
Continent," la tom6 del manuscrlto (Viaje de Varinas a Santa-Fe) de M. 
Palacios, segtin B mismo lo aseyera. Dice asf : " Les plaines de Varinas offrent 
quelques faibles monumens de Tindustrie d*un peuple qui & disparu. On 
trouye, entre Mijagual et le Gafio de la Hacha, de yrais tumulus, qu*on appelle 
dans le pays les SerriUoM de los Indios, Oe sont des colUnes en forme de cones, 

^ " NoticlM Historiiilefl de las Conqolstas de Tierra Firme en las Indlas Occideotalas,'* 
BogotA, 1882, tomo I. pAg. 194 y IM. 

* Fray Jadnto de Caryajal, " Relad6ii del Deacabrlmlento del Rio Apure hasta so 
iBgreao en el Orinoco," LeOn, 1892, pig; 146 j 147. 

* Btnografia Patria, "Notas e Ideas'* El Cojo Ilostrado n* 881, Caracas, 1907. 

* ** Constnicclones Prehlstdricas,** La Indnstrla, n* t, Caracas, 1904. 


^lev^es en terre a main d'hommes, et qui renferment probablement des oflsemens, 
comme les tumulus des steiHpes de TAsle. De m^me, prCe da Hato de la Oal- 
74ida, entre Yarinas et Canagua, on d^couvre une belle route de 5 Ueuea de 
long faite avant la conqu6te, dans les temps les plus reculte, par les Indigenes. 
O'est une chauss^e en terre de 15 pleds de haut, traversant une plalne souvent 
Inond^. Des peuples plus avanc6i dans la culture 6tolent-lls descendus des 
montagnes de TruxUlo et de Merlda vers les plaines du Rio ApureT Les 
Indlens que nous trouvons aujourd'hul, entre cette riviere et le Meta, sont trop 
abrutls, pour penser & f aire des chemlns ou A ^ever des tumuhu." ^ 

La dlstrlbucl^n de las calzadas y collnas que hemoe vlsltado, empesando 
desde el Dlstrlto Pedraza, del Estado Zamora, es como slgue: 

En el hato "Los Oerrltos" de Eplfanio Vegas, entre Mljagoal y "Campo 
Alegre," se hallan clnco montfculos; uno de ellos, que dlsta cuatrodentos 
metros de la casa de habltad^n del referldo hato, mlde cuatro metros de 
nltura, por doce de dl&metro, tlene una planlcle en su parte superior, y con 
aristas que van de la superflcle al v6rtloe del terrene en piano IncUnado. 
Eifectuamos una grande excavaddn en este cerro, de la cual extrajimoe pocos 
objetos. Los otros cerrltos, tamblen removldos, son mAs pequefios, y estto algo 
separados entre si, exlstlendo una vertlente de agua pr<)zlma a ellos. La 
calzada m&s cercana a los cerrltos mendonados dlsta sels kll6metros, mAs 
o menos, y se halla en el lugar llamado " La Mljagua de Pedraza," prolong&n- 
dose muchos kll6metros hacla la montafia de Concha. 

Por el camlno que une a "Oludad Bolivia" (Pedraza nueva) con Gurbatl* 
se alcanza a ver a la derecha como a clncuenta metros una promlnencla de 
tree metros de dl&metro por uno de altura. 

Un cerrito de tres metros de dl&metro m6s o menos de forma Irregular, 
con muchos Arboles y con un manantlal al pl^, hdllase en la posesl6n pecuarla 
nombrada "El Mamdn," del sefior Jos6 Maria Pulido, la cual dista trelnta 
kll6metros de Ciudad Bolivia. La misma posesldn tlene tres cerros mAs, de 
la mlsma categorfa del prlmero, pero mAs pequefios, sltuados &i la montafia 
" Mata de Le<}n " y m&rgenes del rio Tlcoporo. 

Entre los rios Anaro y Tlcoporo, hato del Doctor QermAn Cordero, se en- 
cuentra una calzada. 

En el hato denomlnado "La Calzada" de Frandsco Paradas, ezlsten tree 
collnas a den metros de la ofldna; la mayor de ellas llamada "Oerrito del 
General Pftez," es de forma c6nlca en la clma y con snroos profondos que 
bajan del v^rtlce a la base ; es casl Inacceslble. De este oerro se divisa haata 
gran dlstancla la Inmensa eztensl6n de la Uanura. Los otros dos cerrltos 
est&n casl Juntos, exlstlendo una vertlente de agua cerca de dlos. La cal- 
zada (que da nombre a la posesi6n), estA casi Intacta; se extiende hacla los 
rtos Tlcoporo y CanaguA por espado de muchos kilometres. 

Inmedlato al pueblo de CanaguA, en la flnca llamada ZurlpA de Jos6 Maria 
Oabald6n, hay tres monticules mAs. 

Otra loma hAllase en el sltio "Mata del Cerrito," hato Galleja, jurlsdlccldn 
del Munldpio Santa Luda, y algunos mAs que no tuvlmos ocasldn de ver. 

Por el camlno de Barlnas a Torunos se distingue otra calzada un poco derrum- 
bada, pero de muchos kll6metros de extensl6n, la cual pasa por la " Mljagua de 
Barlnas," Lamlnitas, el caserfo Caronl y slgue a Torunos y de aqul al monte 
" SanJ6n de Antonio," Jurisdiccl6n del Dlstrlto Obispos. No distante de esta 
calzada, se encuentra un cerro cercano al pueblo de "La Luz" y al hato de 
Carlos JordAn. En la mlsma posesi6n se halla un terraplAn cerca de las 
sabanas conocidas con el nombre de Tallaneras. 

^Tomo VI, pAg. 66 y 66. ParU, 1820. 


A dies kll6metro« del Munldplo Dolores estH una calzada, que comlenza en 
** Sabana Nueva '* y se Interna en la montafia " La Macagua," donde se llama 
** La Loma " por la altura que pr o a cn ta ; eatre eate Munldplo y d rfo GborroGo 
bay un cerrlto, hada el lugar nombrado " Banco Garaballero." 

Otra collna se obaenra en el lugar denomlnado ** El Oerrlto," situado en el 
camlno que comunlca a Nutrias con " El Begalo/* de cuyo pueblo dlsta dnco 

A pocas cuadras de este mlsmo Munldplo '* El Begalo,*' se hallan cuatro o 
dnco cerrltos mfls, de donde procede un curloso collar de pledras que poseemos 
(fig. 7). 

E2n la costa del rfo Ghorroco que pasa por dlcho pueblo se columbra una cal- 
sada; una parte sigue de norte a sur bacla Nutrias, y la otra, de naclente a 
ponlente, se interna en dlrecci6n del pueblo Morrones, aproxlm&ndose a los dl- 
ques que se encuentran en el Munldplo Papeldn, a las m&rgenes de los cafios 
IgQes, Cumarepo y rio Guanare. En esa misma localldad se encuentran dos o 
tres colinas entre " San Nlcol6s/* Sabaneta y Bocon6 de Barinas, cerca del 
cafio Hacba, y es probable que una de ellas sea la dtada por Humboldt al re- 
ferlrse a esos parajes. 

Otras calzadas no distantes de estos puntos se confunden con las de los lu- 
gares Maraca, Arlsa y Lozada.' 

Adyacente a la calzada que pasa por Morrones se balla un cerrlto de forma 
irregular como de dos metros de altura por catorce de dldmetro : de 61 eztrajimos 
objetos perlformes, iguales a los del Distrito Pedraza. 

La calzada de Morrones se comunlca con la que existe a oriUas del antlguo 
cauoe del " Ouanare Vlejo." Otra calzada mibi se t6 bada el sur; en las m&r- 
genes del cafio " Los Indies.*' Inmediato al pueblo de Guanarito, en terrenes de 
Antonio Castej6n encu^ntrase un montfculo de metro y medio de altura por 
dlez de di&metro, con mucbos ftrboles ; creemos que tete fu4 uno de los cerrlllos 
▼Isitados anteriormente por nuestro amigo el Dr. Lisandro Alvarado. 

En el camino de Guanarlto al Distrito Arlsmendi, cerca de la boca del "Cafio 
Garrao/' se presenta otro cerrlto que parece flgurar en *' La Carta Plana de la 
Frovincia de Caracas o Venezuela" por Don Juan L6pez (1787). Segi&n A. 
Ernst' se sefialan en esta Carta, cerca del pueblo de "San Jaime" y no 
leJOB donde el Guanare desemboca en el Portuguesa, tres cerroa con esta 1ns- 
crlpcl6n **CerrUo9 levantadoi a mono," ley^ndose m^ hada la Izqulerda 
u xierra* levantada^ por loa antiifuo$ 4ndio$." £3 pueblo de " San Jaime," a 
que se refieren L6pez y Ernst, es la " YlUa de San Jaime " llamada hoy " La 
Unl6n," Distrito Arlsmendi, del Estado Zamora; no sabemos si las otras oons- 
trucciones indlgenas representadas en la Carta de L6pes estUn comprendldas 
en las que aqui hemes mendonado. 

No tenemos notlda de que en otraa regiones de Venezuela haya trabajos 
antiguos de la dase referlda; pues los camlnos prehlst6rlcos que ezploramos 
d afio de 1911 en la cordlllera interior hada T&cata son dlferentes de los 
descritor en el presente estudio, como se ve los siguientes pftrrafos de una 
publlcad6n que hicimos entonces referente a aquella exploraddn : ' ** Bs segura- 
mente la comarca en los llmites de los Estados Miranda y Aragua, la mAs 
profusa en petroglifos, indudablemente el asiento por muchas centurlas de par- 
clalidades mfls 6 menos avanzadas en una dTllizaddn relativa. 

Testimonio de ella son los trozos de camlnos que se ven donde qulera, en 
las serranfas en que hoy se levantan las plantaclones denominadas "Guare," 

^"La America Prehistdrlca." La Opinito Nadonal n* 756 de 8 de Julio de 1885 
'Lola B. Oramas "Bocas con Orabadoa IndXgenas entre TAcata, San Caalmiro y 

OOiripa,'* Caracaa, 1911. 


" Laa Dolores," **Altagracla," " La Emilia," y ft la otra banda, en Jiiri8diccl6n 
de San Sebastiftn, *' Marcano," y ** Los Negritoe." 

Betas sendas 6 verdaderos caminoe, preeentan en ▼arios lugares banqueos 
de 5 y mfts metros en la antigua roca esqolstoea, y sa traaado sinooso ft travea 
de montafias, valles, planlcies y en la fragoaa serranfa, aorprende y admira. 

Encu^ntranse tambl^n como Inequfvoca sefial de loe puebloa que babltaron 
esta re{ri6n y abrieron esos camlnos en las explanadas naturales, aslentos de 
vivieudas, ft los que loe caminoe conyergen o se irradlan.*' 

abobIoenks de lob llanos al bxtboeste de cabacas. 

Los aborfgenes de los Estados Portnguesa y Zamora fueron los mismos de 
Yaracuy, Lara y Falodn. 

El Ck>nquistador George Hohermuth« (el mismo a quien apellidan los bis- 
toriadores, Jorge de £2spira, por el sitlo de Alemanla donde nacid) pasd por el 
bajo llano y encontrd indfgenas, que, segdn el relato del cronista Juan de 
Oastellanos,^ eran indudablemente de trfbus idteticas a las de aquellas reglones : 

" I^ tierra se corrld que era contJgua, 
Hasta venir ft dar ft Hacarlguu, 

De grandes y estendldas poblacioncs 
Y llenas de naciones dlferentes, 
Culhiu, caqu(iti09, y coifoneM, 
OiraharoM feroces y yalientes. 

Descubren campos anchos y hermosos, 
Ck>n dafio de las gentes mas Tecinas; 
Atravesaron rios caudalosos. 
Guanaguanarl, Tapia y a Barinas; 
Los indtos ffirahariu, bellcosos, 
Salieron a las gentes peregrinas 
En campo llano y en zavanas rasas, 
En guarda y en defensa de sus casas.* 


Segdn Real CMula expedida en 1658 por el Rey de Espafia, se establecieron 
las misiones de rellgiosos capudilnos andaluces en la Provincia de Caracas, en- 
trando en su Jurlsdiccldn los Llanos de Portuguesa y de Zamora. Los Indfge- 
nas que constltutan las encomlendas eran aportados, la mayor parte de trlbus 
del Guftrico. Apure, Orinoco, &. Esta variedad de indfgenas eran : achaguas o 
ajaguas, amaibos, atapaimas, atures o atatures, caquetfos, cuacuftros, cucuaimas, 
chiripas, dasaros, gayones o coyones, guamos, guamonteyes, guaranaos, guftricoe, 
guaiparas, guaiquires o guaiquerles, masparros, otomacos, taparitas y yaruros.* 

Valiosas colecciones arqueol6gicas se ban vendldo en el extranjero: la de 
Vicente Marcano : f u6 adquirida por la Socledad Antropoldgica de Paris, la de 
Aristides Rojas : un Museo privado de Londres, la de Alfredo Jahn : el Museo 
Etnogrftfico de Berlin, y ditimamente la de 0. F. Witske la comprd el sefior 

1 •* Blegfas de Varones nottres de Indlas/' Madrid, 1874, Parte II, Bleida II. Canto I. 

* Jos^ Ffiix Blanco, " Documentos para la Hlstorla de la Vida Pf&blica del Libertador '* 
(Noticia que ban tenido j tienen ettas Misiones de Capncbinos de la Proyincla de 
Caracas), tomo I. Caracas, 1875. 

Mariano Marti, " RelacUta y Testimonio Integro de la Tisita general de este Oblspado 
de Caracas y Yenezaela ft, 1771-1784 (Mannscrito de la Biblioteca Naclonal de 

Hermann A. Shnmacher, " Hamburgische Festschrift snr Brinnerung an die Bnt- 
deckang Amerika*s.** Hamburgo, 1802. 

D. Angel de Altolagnirre y Dnvale, "Reladones Geogrtflcas de la Gobemacidn 
de Yeneraela** (1797-68), Madrid, 1009. 

Pedro M. Arcayn, "Los Aborf genes del Bstado Falcdn," Bl Agnila, n* 174 A 191, 
Coro, enero a Julio de 1906. 


Theodore de Booy, de New York. Tal vei la dnlca eztotente sea la que, durante 
▼arioe alios, hemes venido acoplando a expensas del proplo peculio. SI el 
Oohierno Nacional nos prestase su decidldo apoyo, serfamos capaoes de dar el 
calor de nuestro eotuslasmo y las energfas de nuestra Juventud, a fin de formar 
una colecci6n arqueol6gica y antropol6glca, que demuestre ante propios y 
eztralloe, el teeoro de la pr^iistoria venesolana. 

Tales artefactos y obras de los aborlgenes de Venezuela, fueron haUados por 
el autor en una exploracl6n arqueoldglca que practlcd en la refldn Oeste y 
Suroeste de dicha Repdbllca, la cual corresponde a los E^stados Aragua, Gara- 
bobo, Oojedes, Portuguesa, Zamora y Apure. 

Deecrfbense y pree^ntanse fotograffas de aquellas producciones Indfgenas y 
se hacen comentarlos sobre ellas. 

biblioorafIa t autobes consultados. 

1. D. Jo94 de Oviedo Bafios. "Historia de la Onquista y Poblacl6n de la 
Provincla de Venezuela." Madrid, 1885. 

2. E. yon Martens. " Die Binnenmollusken Venezuelas.*' Berlin, 1873. 

8. A. Ernst " La Exposicidn Nacional de Venezuela en 1883.'* Caracas, 1884. 

4. Gaspar Marcano. ** Ethnographle Prdcolomblenne du Venezuela" (Vallees 
d*Aragua et de Caracas). Paris, 1889. 

5. Globus, B. LXXXVI, n* 7, 18 de agosto de 1904. 

6. Fray Pedro Sim6n. "Noticlas Historlales de las Conquistas de Tierra 
Firme en las Indlas Occidentales," Bogota, 1882. 

7. Fray Jacinto de Carvajal. " Relaci6n del Descubrlmiento del Rio Apure 
hasta su ingreso en el Orinoco " Le6n, 1892. 

8. Llsandro Alvarado. *' Ktnografia Patria, Notas e Ideas." El Cojo Ilus- 
trado n" 381. Caracas, 1907. 

9. Llsandro Alvarado. " Construcciones Prehist6ricas," La Industria n' 7. 
Caracas, 1904. 

10. Alexandre de Humboldt. "Voyage aux R^ons Equinoxiales du Norn- 
veau Continent " Paris, 1820. 

11. A. Ernst. " La America Prehlst6rica." La Opini6n Nacional n* 756 de 
8 de Julio de 1885 (Caracas). 

12. Luis R. Oramas. " Rocas con Grabados Indfgenas entre TAcata, San Casi- 
mlro y Quiripa " Caracas, 1911. 

13. Juan de Castellanos. " Elegfas de Varones Ilustres de Indlas," Madrid, 

14. Jos6 F^lix Blanco "Documentos para la Historia de la Vlda Pdbllca 
del Libertador," Caracas, 1875. 

15. Mariano Martf *'Relaci6n y Testimonio Integro de la Vlsita General de 
este Oblspado de Caracas y Venezuela &," 1771-1784. (Manuscrito de la Bibllo- 
teca Nacional de Venezuela.) 

10. Hermann A. Schumacher ** Hamburgische Festschrift zur Erinnerung an 
die Bntdeckung Amerika's," Hamburgo, 1892. 

17. D. Angel de Altolaguirre y Duvale, '* Relaciones Geogrftficas de la Gober- 
naci6n de Venezuela," (1767-68), Madrid, 1909. 

la Pedro M. Arcaya, " Los Aborl^enes del Estado Falc6n " Bl Agulla n"" 174 
a 191, Core, enero a Julio de 1906. 

19. Luis R. Oramas, "Materiales para el estudio de los dialectos Ayam&n, 
Gay6D. Jirajara. Ajagua," Caracas, 1916. 



Of the United States Department of Agriculture, 

This paper is intended to call attention to the principal food plants, textiles, 
and other useful plants which the Americas have given to the world. It is 
based primarily upon collections and obserrations by the author in Chile, Peru, 
Bolivia, and Mexico, supplemented by the study of additional material from 
those countries and Argentina, and from various parts of the United States, 
derived from ancient graves, cliff-dwellings, caves, and prehistoric burial 

Much that has hitherto been Avrltten on the origin of cultivated plants has 
been based on the testimony of early explorers and missionaries, many of whom 
received their information from natives whose language they understood but 
Imperfectly. The present account has chiefly to do with actual specimens con- 
cerning which there can be no doubt. It Is illustrated by material taken from 
the collections of the United States National Museum, and by photographs and 
drawings of specimens In the Field Museum of Chicago, where the bulk of the 
material collected by the author is to be found; the American Museum of 
Natural History, New York City; and the Peabody Museum of Harvard Uni- 
versity at Cambridge.* 

It is possible here to reproduce only a few of the author's illustrations. Many 
other photographs are reserved for his paper to be presented for publication by 
the Bureau of American Ethnology. 

His interest in the food plants of ancient America was first awakened by 
the discovery of charred corn and corncobs in the burial mounds situated in his 
native Scioto valley, southern Ohio. Afterward, in 1887, while cruising along 
the coast of Chile and Peru, he unearthed much interesting material from 
graves near the shore at Arica and Caldera ; and later, in 1891, while acting as 
commissioner to Peru for the World's Columbia Exposition, he assisted in 
opening at least 200 graves. Plate I ' is reproduced from a field sketch made 
at Ancon, on June 11, 1891. It shows a mummy enveloped In wrappings of 
coarse cloth at the bottom of a grave nine feet deep. The mummy was in a 
sitting posture, with the knees just under the chin. The wrappings produced 
the shapeless bundle shown in the illustration, upon which a false head had 
been placed. About the neck was hung, a bag of coca leaves. On the bottom 
of the grave in front of the mummy was a work-basket filled with spinning 
utensils, together with yarn and thread of various colors. On top of the basket 
were the parts of a loom and a flat wooden cuchara, or weavlng-sword. Lean- 
ing against each shoulder were reeds wrapped with yarn of remarkably bright 
colors. In front of the basket were several pods of Inga ferillei. the pulp of 
which Is still a favorite sweet of the Peruvians. On each side of the basket 
there were utensils of pottery and gourds. The two largest Jars were empty; 
they had probably contained water or chicha. One of them was covered with the 

half shell of a gourd. In the wide-mouth jar shown on the right of the illus- 

■ ^_^_^__ 

1 For facilitatlDg his researches in these museums the author is much indebted to Dr. 
Walter Hough, Mr. Edwin Porter Upham, and Mr. F. L. Lewton, of the National Museum ; 
Dr. C. F. Millspaugh and Mr. Huron H. Smith, of the Field Museum ; lit. Charles W. Mead, 
Dr. Herbert J. Splnden, and Dr. Alanson Skinner, of the American Museum of Natural 
History ; and Mr. S. J. Quemsey, of the Peabody Museum at Cambridge. 

« Omitted. 


tration tbere were several ears of dark-red maize; in the covered saucer- 
shaped gourd near it, a number of small fishes. In the covered dish on the left 
were several crabs in a remarkably perfect state of preservation. In the Jar 
back of this were black beans (Phageolus vtUgarU) of two varieties, and in 
another vessel some peanuts. The mummy was resting on a "Cushion padded with 
Tillandsla plants, a species still growing near A^ncon, somewhat resembling the 
Spanish moss of our southern forests, but coarser and stiffer, and of a terres- 
trial habit of growth. The walls of the tomb were not lined. The roof was com- 
posed of two mats of reeds {tarimas de caHa) so laid that the parallel reeds 
crossed at right angles. They were supported by six poles of the remarkable 
durable pacay (Inga fevillei). Through the mats the fine sand of the desert had 
gradually sifted until the tomb had been filled. The mummy and the objects 
accompanying it were sent to the Columbian Exposition and were afterward de- 
posited in the Field Museum of Natural History at Chicago. 

The grains, fruits, gourds, and roots from graves on the arid coasts of Peru 
and northern Chile and from the dry caves and diff dwellings of southwestern 
United States are In a remarkably perfect state of preservation, while those 
from regions where there is more rainfall have persisted only when charred or 
carbonized by fire, as seen in specimens from graves in Argentina and from 
burial mounds of eastern United States. 

The wealth of plant products deposited in the graves of northern Chile and 
Peru is well known. Those found at Ancon have been much studied, espe- 
cially by Wittmack, in connection with the monumental work of Relss and 
Stuebel, " Das Todtenfeld von Ancon ; " and also by Mortillet, " Jje Cimetidre 
d* Ancon," in Bulletin de la Socl^t^ d'Anthropologie, 1876; Rochebrune, "Re- 
cherches d'Ethnographie Botanique sur la Flore des Sepultures P^ruviennes d' 
Ancon,** in Actes de la Society Linntenne de Bordeaux, 1879 ; and Constantin et 
Bois, "Sur les Graines et Tmbercules des Tombeaux P6ruviens de la P^riode 
Incasique,'* in Revue G^n^rale de la Botanique, 1910. 

The material sent by the author from Peru to the National Museum was not 
kept together as a collection, and the plant products were stored away in 
drawers. It was not until a careful search had been made that specimens 
of food products collected by the author and by others were brought to light. 
These were exhibited at the recent Congress of Americanists in the lower 
corridor of the museum. The accompanying illustration (pi. ii*) is reproduced 
from a photograph of a case of food products from ancient Peruvian graves, in 
the American Museum of Natural History, New York, Including maize, beans, 
peanuts, sweet potatoes, potatoes, arracacha roots, and roots of mandioca. 

In addition to actual fruits, grains, see^ls, tubers, roots, and leaves, nearly all 
of which have been recorded, in the works just died, from the extensive 
necropolis of Ancon, near Lima, beautiful representations in terra cotta of these 
and other vegetal products have also been found in graves, principally in the 
vidnity of Trujlllo and Chlmbote, higher up the Peruvian coast. Often actual 
specimens of maize, squashes, peanuts, and fruits have been used for making 
molds for burial vases found Interred with the mummies; and the original 
model has been reproduced with such accuracy that the horticultural varieties 
of such staples as maize and squashes are clearly discernible, and the speci- 
mens may be compared with corresponding varieties now cultivated. Vases of 
this nature were almost entirely absent from Ancon graves, but were remark- 
ably abundant in the localities above cited. In the limits of the present paper 
It will scarcely be possible to present much more than a list of the plant prod- 
ucts from pre-Columbian sources, now existing in American museums. 

^ Omitted. 


Plate m is reproduced from a photograph of a case forming part of the 
author's exhibit at the recent Congress of Americanists. In the center of the 
case is a large terra cotta vase, the upper part of which is covered with casta 
of peanuts. In front of it is a large vase representing a root of Canna ediMs, 
with a human head rq;>re6ented near the orifice and the lower part divided 
and subdivided dichotomously like the vase shown in figure IB. To the left 
of this is a smooth vase of black ware with a peanut represented <m each 
side; back of the latter a crook-nedced squash; to the left of it a potato, in 
black ware, more or less conventionalized; near the left extremity a pair of 
similar potatoes, behind wliich is a squash. To the right of the center Is a 
vase of black ware with four conventionalised ears of corn on its sides and 
a human head on the neck; to tlie right of this a frog, bearing on its ba<& 
some roots of-mandioca or sweet potatoes; next to this the cast of an An- 
nona fruit; and on the extreme rifi^t a group of four connected lucumas. 

In the exhibit accompanying this paper the author has included specimens 
of maize from prehistoric graves of Chile, Argentina, and Peru ; from caves and 
cliff dwellings of northern Mexico and southwestern United States; and from 
graves and burial mounds of eastern United States, the latter in a carbonized 
condition, in some cases accompanied by beans. The exhibit also includes maize 
cakes or bread of the ancient Peruvians, also from prehistoric graves, excellent 
specimens of which may also be seen in the Peabody Museum at Cambridge. 

Representations of maize in terra cotta and in stone are also shown, the 
most striking of which are those accompanying maize gods of the ancient Peru- 
vians and Mexicans. In some specimens the ears of maize have evidently been 
cast from actual specimens ; in others the maize is more or less conventionalized. 
A series of remarkable maize gods in the Field Museum at Chicago is shown, 
as well as two similar gods in the American Museum of Natural History, New 
York. All of these come from the vicinity of Chlmbote, Peru. Cruder specimens 
of smooth black clay from Chepen are also shown. 

From Oaxaca, Mexico, there is a remarkable maize god of terra cotta, of 
Zapotecan origin, representing a human figure accompanied by 11 perfectly 
formed ears of maize, evidently cast from actual specimens; and in the same 
case are exhibited casts of two standing figures of the Mexican goddess Cinteotl 
holding ears of maize in pairs, and a seated goddess with grotesque face and 
ears of maize in her headdress. 

In addition to these antiquities specimens of maize grown by the Indians of 
the present time are exhibited, the most striking of which perhaps are the 
broad-grained starchy Cuzco maize ; a remarkable sweet com with short, thick 
eors, also from the interior of Peru ; enormous ears of maize with perfect rows 
of grains from the territory of Teplc, Mexico; and brightly colored scarlet and 
black ears grown by the Tewa Indians of northern New Mexico. 


The seeds of Chenopodium quinoa, an important food staple of the Titlcaca 
region, have been found in graves near the coast. In 1887 specimens of the 
plant itself with Its terminal clusters of small seeds were dug up by the writer 
at Arica, together with fabrics of llama-wool, llama-drivers* sUngs, and other 
objects from the great Peruvian plateau. Specimens of charred quenua seeds 
from prehistoric graves in Argentina, received from Dr. Juan B. Ambrosetti, 
director of the Ethnographical Museum of Buenos Aires, are included in the 

Fio. I.— Funtnl vatt In 

Pod Unfa fnitUi), Ir ..^ , ._ 

W.E. Safloid, IWl. (FMd UuHum ol 

Cbasbapayu llnuods from Chimbole, Pen 
CoUacMdbyUanuclB.ZMiilaU. (FicldHuuui 
of Natural Hln«7- "a. 100137.) 

Flo. <.— Funeml vest wprMMiling two polatiMB 
(SoIanvM liibt'oiamj in DHluruJ CDlois, from 
ChImboi», Peru, folleclcd by W. K. Sallord, 
IWl. (FlfJd Museum of Nsturnl Hislcr]', No. 



exhibit. The preimration of this grain for the table was witnessed by the 
writer while serving as commissioner for the World's Columbian Exposition in 
Bolivia. The seeds, which are very bitter, were first s^arated from dried 
plants suspended in the hut of the Indian host, parched and trodden upon by 
the host's sister, to remove the hnsks, winnowed by being slowly poured from 
the height of 4 or 5 feet upon a small outspread blanket, so that the wind 
might carry away the chaff, and then boiled in many successive changes of water 
until all bitterness was eliminated, and the pretty snowy white embryos burst 
forth from the testa. Served with a little salt the dish was a most acceptable 
substitute for grits or rice.* 

No specimen of Amaranthus seed has thus tax been found in ancient Peru- 
vian graves. It is certain that Amaranthus caudatut was cultivated on the 
great plateau of Pern and Bolivia at a very early date, but there Ls not yet con- 
clusive evidence to show that it was cultivated by the Quichuas or Aymaras 
in pre-Columbian times. On the other hand, it is a well-established fact that 
a white-jseeded Amaranthus, called huauhtli by the Aztecs, was one of the food 
staples contributed annually to the Mexican Bmperor by his subjects. This 
grain is still used as a maise substitute in western Mexico in times of scarcity. 
Unlike the quinua it is not at all bitter, but when parched has a lAeasant pop- 
comlike taste, and is sprinkled over cakes like poppy seeds or sesame and then 


Specimens of beans from prehistoric graves of Peru, Argentina, and North 
America are exhibited. These certainly included three species: PhtiseolUB 
vulgarUt Phaseolus lunaius, and Vhaneohis multiflorus. None of the last-named 
was found in South America ; but on the other hand a number of smooth globose 
beans called tchui, or chuvi, by the Quichua Indians were taken from graves at 
Ancon, and it Is possible that these may be specifically distinct from PJuueoltu 
vulgaris. In one net of a peculiar shape, which may be likened to a three- 
fingered glove (U. S. Nat. Mus. No. 133065), at least eight varieties of beans 
were found, including four kinds of "purutus** {P?iaseolus vulgaris), three 
kinds of "pallares*' (PfMseolus lunatus), and the spheroid "tchuis** already 
mentioned. In the same net specimens of cotton seed were also found. 

Padre Cobo mentions the fact that the round beans called tchui, often beauti- 
fully colored, were used by the ancient Quichuas in playing certain games. In 
Mexico the variously colored beans of Phaseolus mulHflorus were somewhat 
similarly used by the Aztecs, who called the beans, or ** ayacotH,** or *' ayecotli,*' 
and the game of chance played with them " patolli.** The fleshy root of this 
bean, called "clmatl,** was used by them medicinally. The white variety of 
Phaseolus mulHflorus, " iztacayacotli,'* now called ayacote bianco, has been fre- 
quently mistaken for Ph<iseolus lunatus, and it is this variety which, under the 
name of "Aztec bean," has been exploited as a discovery in an ancient cave 
dwelling of our Southwest. As a matter of fact, it is far inferior to the com- 
mon Phaseolus lunaius, and is scarcely edible when mature. 

A few specimens of Phaseolus lunatus from Peru in the author's collection 
are pure white, like the common varieties of our markets ; some, however, are 
mottled like the "pataxete" of Chiapas and the ^'patani** of the Philippine 
Islands; others are blackish or maroon colored or yellow and brown and 
brown particolored. The presence of a number of distinct varieties in a single 
prehistoric grave indicates that beans had been cultivated in Peru a long timb 
previous to the discovery. 

^See th€ writer's paper, "A forgotten 
the XIX Congress of Americanists. 

68436— 17— VOL i 11 

cereal of ancient America,*' in the Report of 



No flpedmeii of lupine has been found In the prehistoric graves of Peru, but 
beautiful herbarium material of Lupinus cruckshankHi was collected by Mr. 
O. F. Oook during his recent mission to Peru, in the vicinity of OUantaytambo. 
The pure white seeds of Mr. Ck>ok*s specim^is, called **tarui," or "tarhui** 
by the Quichua, bear dose resemblance to those of LupifUM alhus of southern 
France. In other q;)ecimens, collected near Guzco by Mr. W. F. Wight, some of 
the seeds are marked with large brown spots about the hilum. The presence 
of these lupines in South America, so distinct from the endemic species of 
that continent and so very similar to those used for food in the Old World, 
is of great interest to the ethnologist 


Numerous specimens of peanuts (Arachis hypogaea), chiefly from the graves 
of Anoon, are to be found in the collections of all the museums visited by the 
author. But one species or variety was observed, resembling specimens col- 
lected by BCr. Guy N. Oollins in southern Mexico. This is the common form 
cultivated in China, Formosa, and India, where it was probably introduced at 
a very early date. In addition to the specimens of the nuts themselves, funeral 
vases of terra cotta incrusted with representations of peanuts are common in 
collections. Three specimens of vases of this kind are shown by the author, 
together with earthenware pans from graves at Ghimbote, evidently intended 
for parching peanuts. These pans have hollow handles pierced with a hole to 
allow the moisture to escape, and a convex top with a small round opening 
evidently to be closed by a plug or a cover. On one of these pans peanuts are 
painted on the handle. The modem Peruvians call peanuts " mani," the name 
by which they are known in Cuba and Porto Rico. Their Quichua name, how- 
ever, is "inchig," or "inchic.** In Mexico they are known as *' cacahuates,** 
a name derived from the Nahuatl " tlalcacahautl," or "ground cacao.*' One 
of the most common mistakes in works on cultivated plants is the state- 
ment that Arachis hypogaea is of African origin. 

In addition to algaroba pods (ProBopit sp.), probably used for food, and a 
Oaeaalpinia used for dy^ng, the large pods of Inga fevillei were found by the 
writer in several graves at Ancon. This fruit, locally known as pacay, 
has its seeds enveloped in a thick white cotton-like edible pulp of sugary 
sweetness. At Ancon the poles supporting the rush mats forming the roofs of 
many of the ancient tombs were limbs or stems of pacay trees, the wood of 
which is very durable under ground. Vases of black terra cotta representing 
pacay pods, sometimes accompanied by a bird trying to open the pod, are not 
uncommon from the graves of Ohimbote and its vicinity. 


At Ancon a species of Tillandsia, still common on the neighboring desert, 
was used for stuffing the false heads of mummies, and in some cases as a carpet 
on which bodies were deposited. Pineapples were apparently unknown on the 
coast of Peru in prehistoric times, since no vestige nor plastic figure of the fruit 
has been found in the graves. . The strong silky fiber of the wild pineapple so 
highly prized for textile purposes in other parts of tropical America under the 
name pita fioja, is also absent from the graves. 



Gourds of many forms, all referred to Cuourhita lagenaria, are common in the 
graves of Pero and Chile, and were the commonest source of such utensils as 
pots, platters, bottles, canteens, funnels, ladles, and decanters, among the 
aborigines of America, from GbUe and Argentina to the St. Lawrence River. 
Not only are specimens of gourd dishes and gourd bottles found, both plain and 
ornamented by pyrography, but they are also represented, in many forms, in the 
terra cotta utensils and funeral vases found in Peruvian graves. In the ancient 
caves and cliff dwellings of northern Mexico and southwestern United States 
gourds are almost as abundant and varied in shape as in Peru, and they have 
also been found in caves of eastern United Statea 

In the Peruvian graves the gourds used as receptacles for beans, maize, 
crabs, fish, or other food are often cut in such manner that the upper part 
forms a lid to the lower. Among the favorite forms represented in terra cotta 
is that which is constricted in the middle, more or less like an hourglass in 
shape, very closely resembling forms used as models in Chinese and Japa- 
nese art. 

From an archffiologlcal point of view Cucurhita lagenaria is perhaps the most 
interesting of all the economic plants, since it undoubtedly occurred in Burope, 
Asia, Africa, and Polynesia, as well as In America, in pre-Coldmbian times. De 
Gandolle thought it might be confused with species of Pepo or with the tree 
calabash, Crescentia cujete, but its seeds, which have also been found in ancient 
graves, serve at once to distinguish it from these genera. Illustrations of vari- 
ous forms of gourds and of vases fashioned after them will be presented in the 
author's forthcoming paper in an annual report of the Bureau of American 


Almost as varied in form as the many kinds of gourds were the squashes and 
pumpkins of ancient America, usually referred to the botanical species Pepo 
nuuHmuB and Pepo vulgaris. Few vestiges of the fruits themselves are found in 
Peruvian graves; but numerous representations of them occur, some of which 
were evidently cast from actual squashes and pumpkins. In the dry caves and 
cliff dwellings of southwestern United States numerous peduncles of squashes 
and fragments of the shells have been found, together with specimens of squash 
seeds. The latter were much used in this region and throughout Mexico and 
Central America for food and for maidng n drink called horchata, or orchata, 
by the Spaniards. In none of the Peruvian graves opened by the writer were 
seeds of squashes or pumpkins found. 

Among the varieties of Pepo represented in the pottery of Chimbote, Tm- 
Jillo, Ch^)en, and neighboring localities were several forms of " crook-necked 
squash,** often bearing warts upon the surface. Some of them were evidently 
casts from actual specimens ; others, especially some of those found at Chepen, 
were conventionalized and of cruder workmanship. One of the most remarkable 
is a beautiful cast of a *' summer crook-neck '* from Chimbote in the Field Mu- 
seum at Chicago (no. 1106), collected in 1882 by the writer. Another one, in 
the American Museum at New York, appears to be an exact representation of 
a warty hubbard squash, with a human figure seated upon it 

In Pern the common name for pumpkins and squashes is sapallo, from the 
Quichua zapaUa. In Mexico the Nahuatl name ayotl was conomonly used by the 
Aztecs, with various adjective prefixes to designate the different kinds. They 
ate the flowers {ayomoohitl) and young buds in the form of a stew, and the 
seeds iauoachtli) paithed and ground, sometimes pressed in cakes and wrapped 


In corn husks like tamales of maize. The name now applied to squashes in 
Mexico is calabaza ("calabash"), brought by the Spaniards from the Old 
World where it was applied to the common gourd, Cucurbeta lagenaria. This 
name can be traced to the same origin as the word carapax, applied to the gourd 
as well as to the hard shell of a crab or turtle. 

No vestiges of squashes or pumpkins have thus ftir been found in the mounds 
of eastern United States; but it is well known that several varieties of these 
were cultivated by Indian tribes of this region in prehistoric times, and that 
they were not only eaten fresh but were cut into slices, dried, and preserved 
for use very much as they are still preserved by the Indians of the Southwest 
Snarly travelers In the Ohio valley describe the strings of dried squash and dried 
pumpkins in the dwellings of the Indians and their preparation for food by 
frying in bear's grease. 

In Mississippi County, Mo., remarkable vases of tferra cotta closely resembling 
the common pyriform squash (ayotli) of Mexico have been found. Specimens 
of these are shown in the writer's exhibit ; and similar specimens are included 
in the collections of the American Museum and the Peabody Museum of Har- 
vard University. Illustrations of them will be included in the author's forth- 
coming paper to which reference has already been made. 


In the exhibit presented by the author are three specimens of chirimoyas 
(Annona cherimola Miller) belonging to the collection of the United States 
National Museum, which were found in Ancon graves. They are of three dis- 
tinct kinds: Smooth, or nearly so (forma Uevis), areolate with a small wart- 
like dot near the apex of each areole (forma tuberculata) , and mammillate 
with teat-like protuberances and acuminate seeds (forma mamillata). The oc- 
currence of these fruits in pre-Columbian graves will refute at once the state- 
ment of Padre Cobo that the chlrlmoya was introduced by him into Peru from 
Guatemala ^ in the early part of the seventeenth century. 

In addition to the specimens of fruit are shown two funeral vases which were 
evidently cast from the fruit itself. One of these Is a chlrlmoya, and the other, 
of larger size, bears a close resemblance to the guan&bana, Annona muricata. 
The latter, which was brought back by Mr. O. F. Cook from his recent mission 
to Peru, is identical with a specimen previously collected by Dr. Edward H. 
Davis, the companion and collaborator of the archieologlst E. G. Squier, to 
whom the world is indebted for much light on the ancient monuments of Peru. 

It is interesting to note that In the mounds of the Ohio Valley, the scene of 
the first archeological work of Squier and Davis, charred seeds of the pawpaw 
(Asimina trUoha), the North American representative of the Annona family, to 
which the chlrlmoya belongs, have been found. 


Lucumas are well represented in the graves of Peru. At Ancon the glosoy, 
polished seeds, with their large, rough areole, bearing a resemblance to horse 
chestnuts, are quite common. In several of the graves the fruit itself was found 

1 " Ha POC08 afios que Be da en este relno del Peru la Ohirimoya, la cnal, donde yo 
primero la yf fa6 en la dadad de Gnatlmala el alio de 1629, camlnando para M<lxlco ; y 
pareddme fmta tan regalada, qne eentl careclese della este reino; y ail, envifi deide 
all! una bnena cantidad de bus pepitot A nn conocido, para qae las repartiese entre 
lot amlgoB, como lo hiio. De manerm que, cnando volvl yo de Mizico A cabo de trece 
afios, hall4 qne ya habtan nacldo muchos deetos Arbolee y llevaban fruto." — Bernab4 
Cobo, HlBt. del Nnero Hondo, toI. 2, p. 18, 1801. 


by tbe writer, usnally divided transrersely into two halves, with the thin outer 
Blcin abraded into starlike designs, evidently for ornamental purposes, so that 
the bright orange-colored pulp of the fresh fruit might be contrasted with the 
green outer surface. The seeds differ considerably in shapa In the fruits 
having a single seed they are almost ^obose; in fruits with several seeds they 
are more or less compressed laterally. From graves farther north, especially in 
the vicinity of Ghimbote, Ghepen, and Trujillo, many burial vases of fine 
texture representing lucumas have been found. Specimens in the United States 
National Museum represent the fruit in groups of four ; in other specimens the 
fruits are in pairs or single. Many of them bear the characteristic persistent 
calyx, which serves to distinguish these fruits from others belonging to the 
Solanaceie. There are apparently two species of Lucoma represented In the 
graves, the most common of which, of a broadly ovoid or subglobose shape, has 
been identified by Prof. Henry Pittier as Lucutna obtyoata of Humboldt, Bon> 
pland, and Kunth. 


No specimens of the soft pulpy fruits of the common pepino of Peru (fifotoiNfiii 
mwrioatum) have been found in the graves, but representations of it in pottery 
are not infrequent Sometimes the fruits are represented in pairs, sometimes 
in groups of several, with the longitudinal stripes on the smooth surface indi- 
cated in color very much as in nature. The fruits are ovoid or oblong-ovoid in 
shape, with an obtuse or rounded base and with the axis of the fruit often some- 
times curved near the extremity. In some spedmens a large-beaked bird is 
represented with the fruits. The fruit is still much cultivated. It is long 
stalked, with a flve-lobed calyx and a smooth yellowish skin streaked and 
splashed with purple in longitudinal lines. The pulp Lb somewhat like that 
of an eggplant, but aromatic and Juicy. In the American Museum of Natural 
History there is a funeral vase of black pottery from Ghepen (Bandolier col- 
lection, No. 6080), representing a cluster of four turbinate Solanaceous fruits 
with slender recurved stems, which probably represent a variety of pepino, with 
fruits larger and relatively thicker than the common form. 


Other Solanaceous fruits represented in pottery are apparently species of 
Gsrphomandra, sometimes called *' tree tomatoes,*' with smooth surfaces striped 
somewhat like those of the pepino, but with the fruits more pointed or ogival 
Shaped at the base. They are long-stemmed fruits, sometimes represented in 
clusters or in pairs, and apparently belong to two species, one having the calyx 
lobes comparatively short and obtuse, like those of Oyphomandra heta<!ea, the 
other with the calyx lobes long and acute, like those of (7. caludna. 


Ohachapoyas almonds {Oaryocar amygdalifonne) are repres^ited in the col- 
lection of the writer by actual specimens from an Ancon grave, and also by a 
r^resentation in terra cotta of two kernels of the nuts from a grave at Ghim- 
bote. The latter are at once distinguished by their bean-like form and the 
peculiar exserted decurved embryo. A figure of a nut from Ancon is shown in 
figure 2 and of the funeral vase from Ghimbote in figure 8. These nuts, 
which take their common name from Ghachapoyas, northern Peru, where they 
are endemic, are the fruit of a handsome forest tree They were highly 
esteemed by the ancient Peruvians, and are praised by early Spanish writers 
as an exquisite delicacy for the table. 



Red peppers {Capsicum frutescens) are represented iQ the exhibit of the writer 
by fine specimens from pre-Columbian graves near Lima, and also by the photo- 
graph of a tora-cotta vase bearing two capsicum pods in the Peabody Museum 
of Harvard University. 


In the collection of the United States National Museum and in the American 
Museum of Natural History there are small strings of bean-like cotyledons of 
seeds belonging to the Lauraceie, closely allied to the aromatic AcrodMidiwn 
Puchury-minor, more commonly referred to the genus Nectandra. Those of 
our collection were obtained from an ancient grave on an island in Callao 
Harbor, while the American Museum specimens were collected by Bandelier 
from a grave at Lachay, not far from Ghancay, on the coast of Peru north 
of Callao. (B. 9231.) These seeds belong to the same family as our spice 
bush and sassafras, and in some parts of South America are still used as a 
substitute for nutmeg. 


In 1887 the writer found in a basket of weaving and spinning utensils in- 
terred with a mummy at Ancon a lump of fragrant, dark-brown resin-like 
substance which proved to be identical with the celebrated balsam of Peru. 
It was sent by him with other material to the United States National Museum, 
but was in some way mislaid, and when sought for afterwards could not be 
found. Fortunately, however, further specimens of this precious substance, 
also from Ancon graves, were afterwards found by the writer in the American 
Museum at New York and the United States National Museum at Washington. 
The New York specimen (B. 8772) consisted of a blackish mass contained in 
a small spheroid gourd which has been split in two. The balsam, with its 
glassy fracture, resembling a piece of- obsidian, when slightly rubbed with the 
finger gave forth the delightful fragrance which characterises it. 

The Washington specimen (No. 132618) was collected by the late William B. 
Curtis at Ancon and given by him to the United States National Museum. It 
consists of a resin-like mass of the balsam in the bottom of an oblong gourd 
(Crescentla) which had been crushed by the diggers who opened the grave. 
This specimen is included in the exhibit presented by the writer. The top of 
the gourd is tightly closed by a piece of skin. A photograph of a frpedmen of 
the plant producing this balsam, MyrowyUm bdlBomum, taken by Prof. Henry 
Pittier during a recent mission to Colombia is also shown. 


The hollowed seeds of Thevetia peruviana (Th, neriifoUa Juss.) were used 
by the ancient Peruvians for making a rattling sound. Sometimes a fringe of 
these were sewn as a border to a ceremonial sleeveless shirt A photograph 
of specimens of these seeds from an Ancon grave now in the Field Museum 
is included in the exhibit of the writer. Theveiia peruviana is closely allied 
to the Mexican yoyotli (Thevetia thevetioides H. B. K.), the seeds of which 
are often called " codos de fraUe ** or ** hue90$ de fraUe,'' The plant itself has 
clusters of yellow flowers and bears a close resemblance to an oleander, and 
on account of this it is sometimes commonly called " yellow oleander.** 

Other hollowed seeds used for rattles or '* cascabeles ** are those of a species 
of walnut iJufflans sp.), specimens of which, from a prehistoric grave in 


Argentina, are included in tlie exhibit of the writer. These were received by 
the United States National Museum from Dr. Juan B. Ambrosetti, the dis- 
tinguished director of the Ethnographical Museum of Buenos Aires. 


In the exhibit of material of material from pre-Ck)lumbian sources, the fol- 
lowing are represented: potatoes (Solanum tuhero8um) both white and yellow; 
sweet potatoes {Ipomoea hatatcts) ; mandioca (Manihot utUUHma) ; achira 
{Canna eduUs) ; yacon {Polymnia edtUU) ; ucuncha {Xantho8oma sagitti- 
folium) ; and possibly axipa {Pachjfrrhizus sp.). 

Funeral vases of terra cotta representing the more common variety of 
Solanum tuberosum are not infrequent One of the most striking of these 
showing two potatoes in their natural colors is in the Field Museum of Natural 
History at Chicago. Other specimens in black ware, more or leoa convention- 
alized, are displayed in the exhibit of the writer. (See fig. 4 and PI. III.) 

In addition to these, specimens of yellow potatoes, distinguishable by the 
peculiar sqvamiform appearance of the surface, are represented in terra cotta 
vases.. In the American Museum are specimens of chunos, or potatoes frozen 
and dried, among the material from ancient graves of the Peruvian coast 

Sweet potatoes are represented by actual specimens from Ancon graves, 
both in the New York and the Cambridge museums, as well as by representa- 
tions in terra cotta funeral vases. 

In addition to actual specimens of roots of Manihot, there are frequent 
representations of dusters of the latter in terra cotta borne on the back of a 
frog-like monster. The god of agriculture is represented in terra cotta, holding 
in one hand a stalk of maize and in the other an uprooted stalk of mandioca 
bearing a cluster of roots. A grater or rasp of terra cotta and sharp fragments 
of hard stone found in a Peruvian grave was probably used by the ancient 
Peruvians for grating mandioca roota 

The roots of achira (Canna edulis) are represented in two terra cotta 
funeral vases modeled after their shape; those of yacon (Polymnia eduUs) by 
actual specimens in the collection of the United States National Museum and 
by a terra cotta vase showing three of these roots terminating in an upright 
stem on which the head of a monster with large canine tusks is shown. 

Another vase with several tubers growing from a large tuber is doubtfully 
referred to Xanthosoma. It may possibly be intended to represent Arrctcada 
eduJis, a plant with succulent roots allied to celery. Other roots in the collec- 
tion of the American Museum of Natural History are referred to Pachyrrhlzus, 
the yam bean. 


In many of the Peruvian graves leaves of Brythroxylon Coca L. have been 
found, sometimes in large bundles, but usually in woven bags or pouches, ac- 
companied by small gourds containing slaked lime or ashes together with a 
small spoon of hardwood or bone for dipping out the lime. This use of lime or 
ashes for chewing with coca leaves recalls the similar custom of India and 
Malaysia of using these swbstances with the areca nut and leaves of the bet^ 
liepper. Some of the coca bags are of plain designs, but more often they are 
beautifully woven in two or three ply with colored brocade-like designs of birds, 
llshes, cats-heads, or geometrical figures. The gourds containing lime are not 
infrequently ornamented, and in some localities, especially at Arlca, on the 
coast of northern Chile, spoons of carved bone of beautiful designs have been 


found in prehistoric graves ; and carved bone buttons, or toggles, resembling the 
netsukes used by the JajMinese for suspending their tobacco pouches to the belt 
have also been found. Specimens of the latter may be seen in the Field €k>lum- 
bian Museum at Chicago. Two packages of leaves from Peruvian graves, sent to 
the Smithsonian Institution by the late Henry Meiggs, who constructed the 
celebrated Oroya Railway over the Andes, were found by the writer, one bear- 
ing the label " tobacco," the other " Paraguay tea.** The contents of both of 
these packages, however, proved to be coca leaves, which are very easily iden- 
tified by the lateral pseudo-ribs on each side of the true midrib from base 
to apex. 


Ohocolate was unknown to the ancient Peruvians. Among the aborigines of 
Trc^ical America it was chiefly used by the Mexicans. In addition to its stimu- 
lating properties, somewhat similar to those of coffee and tea, it is also a rich 
and nutritious wholesome food. Its use undoubtedly extends back to great 
antiquity, but the writer has seen no actual specimens of pre-Columbian origin* 
In archieological collections from Mexico, however, ornamented Crescentia 
gourds evidently intended for chocolate cups are not uncommon. In some 
regions a cold drink was prepared from the ground parched grains of maize 
mixed with pulverized cacao kernels, and served in oblong gourds. Chocolate 
(from the Nahuatl cJiocolatl) as prepared by the ancient Mexicans was a paste 
made by grinding toasted seeds of cacahuatl {Theohroma Cacao) upon a stone 
metatl with the aid of a stone resembling a rolling pin. The paste was 
flavored with vanilla (tlUxochitl) and the aromatic petals of the ear flower, or 
xochinacaztil (Oynibopetalum penduliflorum), and was sweetened with the 
sirup of the maguey, or metl. After the discovery spices were brought from 
the ESast Indies and the ear-flower petals were replaced by cinnamon. Vanilla 
continued to be used, but cane sugar took the place of the sweet sirup from the 
century plant The chocolate-like cupana, or guaran& of South America, de- 
rived from PauUinia cupana, owes its stimulating properties to an alkaloid 
very closely allied to caffein. 


No specimens of yerha matCj or Paraguay tea, has been found in Peruvian 
graves ; but in graves of Argentina, evidently pre-Columbian, the characteristic 
gourds from which this tea takes its name have been found. These gourds are 
a small variety of the variable Cucurhita lagenaria, and their vernacular name» 
fnate, or mati, of Quichua origin, has been applied to the plant Ilex para- 
guariensiM, which yields the well-known beverage of eastern South America. 

It is interesting to note the use of the very closely allied Ilex vomitoHa of 
the southern United States by the aboriginal inhabitants of Florida, Georgia* 
Texas, and adjacent regions, for making a beverage called the *' black drink." 
This was used in solenm ceremonial feasts of purification accompanied by a 
strict ritual, and also in the ceremony of initiating adolescents into the status 
of manhood. Like Ilex paraguariensis, its northern ally owes its stimulating 
properties to caffein. The emetic effects of the ceremonial drink made from 
it by the Indians were in all probability caused by the addition to it of the 
narcotic Lobelia inflnta, a herbaceous annual believed by many tribes of 
North American Indians to have magic properties. 


It is well established that the use of tobacco was widely spread In America 
before the discovery. Though undoubtedly of subtropical origin, its cultivation 


had extended In prehistoric times far to the northward. Golambas found it 
used by the natives of the West Indian Islands,* who smoked it in the form of 
dgarettep wrapped In maise hnsks. On the Isthmus of Panama the smoke was 
inhaled by the nostrils through Y-shaped tabes. In Mexico the Aztecs, who 
called It yetl, or plcietl, used It like Incense in their religious ceremonies, and 
attributed to it supernatural virtues. Among the North American Indians, 
who smoked It in pipes, or calumets, it played an Important part in certain 
ceremonies, especially In treaties of peace. 

All vestiges of the plant Itself have disappeared from the ancient mounds 
and graves of North America, yet the great number of tobacco pipes obtained 
from these sources shows how extensively It was used in prehistoric times. 
Together with tobacco, other herbs were sometimes smoked, either for flavoring 
it, as in the case of TrUUa odoratisHma of the southern United States, or for 
diluting It, if too strong, as in the '* klnnlkinnlck *' of the North American In- 
dians, Arcto8taphylo8 uva^rH and Comu€ BtoUmifera. 


In addition to tobacco, Ck)lumbus and his companions on his second voyage 
noticed a second narcotic used by the natives of the Island of Hispaniola. 
This was a finely powdered snuff resembling cinnamon, which was inhaled 
through the nostrils by means of a Y-shaped tube. Its effect was to Intoxicate 
and cause visions or hallucinations, believed to be supernatural, and while 
under Its Influence the priests or magicians were supposed to receive messages 
from the gods. This snuff is correctly described in the very flrst account 
of the ethnology of the aborigines of the New World, written in 1496 by 
Bamon Pane, and his account of it was corroborated by that of Las Casas. 
An erroneous description of it was published later by Ovledo, who stated 
that the powder was Ignited and its smoke inhaled through the forked tube 
referred to above. This author believed the powder to be a form of tobacco, 
and he Is responsible for the errors of subsequent writers. It was really 
a preparation made from the fruit of a mimosa-like tree, still known in 
Hlspaniola and Porto Rico as Cohoba. This tree, PiptaderUa pereffrina, is 
widely spread in South America, and is there used for making a narcotic snuff 
by many Indian tribes.* 


In addition to the fermented drinks, chicha, prepared from maize and from 
quenua seeds in Perm, octU, or pulque, prepared from the sap of meU, or ma- 
guey, in Mexico, and the various drinks called tizwln (Nahuatl, teyhit4n$i, intox- 
icating) obtained from malted grain, there were certain other important nar- 
cotics, regarded by the ancient Americans with superstitious veneration. 

The most important of these in Mexico and southwestern United States were 
the saK»Ued sacred mushroom, or teonanaoatl, which in reality is a small, 
fleshy, spineless cactus Lophophora ioWiamsU, identical with the peyote» still 
extensively used by Mexican and North American Indians,' and the oMiuhqui, 

The Identity of the latter plant, held sacred by all the Indian tribes who use 
it, was carefully kept secret from strangers. In some tribes the plant could 
be used only by certain priests and secret societies. like the sacred mush- 
room it was administered to produce visions, to reveal hidden objects and 
discover thieves, and as an anesthetic for surgical operations. The late 

^Bee the writer's iwper, "Identity of COtaoba, the Nareotle Snuff of Andent Haytt,** 
In Jonm. Wash. Acad. 8d. 6 : 647-602. 1916. 

'See "An Aatee Narcotic (Lophophora wUUamoUy* by W. B. Safford, in Jonmal of 
Heredity, toI. 6, pp. 201-4I11» 1915. 


Dr. Manuel Urblna of the Mexican National Muaenm belleyed It to be a 
morning-glory, Impomoea 9ida^olia; but none of the Gonvolvulaoeie have nar- 
cotic properties. He was misled by Hernandez, who never learned the identity 
of this sacred plant, but who described and figured In its stead the Ipomoea 
referred to. As a matter of fact, the name oloHuhqui, originally applied to cer- 
tain species of Gonvolvulacefle, was given to a certain Solanaceous plant with 
flowers shaped very much like those of a Convolvulus or Impomoea. Xlminez, 
who translated Hernandez's work into Spanish and published it in the City of 
Mexico (1614) before the original Latin work am)eared in Rome (1651) also 
failed, either purposely or through Ignorance, to reveal the secret so Jealously 
guarded by the Mexicans. *'In ancient times," he says, "the priests of the 
idols who wished to have converse with the devil and to receive answers to 
their doubts, ate of this plant to make themselves crazy, and to see a thousand 
phantasms which were presented and placed before them; so that this plant 
must be the Solanum maniacum of Dloscorides.*' To this account he adds: 
•' It will not be a great error to reftrain from telling here where it prows, for 
It will matter very little that this herb be not described here, or even that it 
remain unknown to Spaniards.*' ' 

It is interesting to note that the ololiuhqul has been identified by the present 
writer with Datura meteloidea DC. still used as a narcotic and anesthetic by 
several tribes of Indians of our Southwest, and regarded as sacred by some of 
them. Mrs. Matilda Coxe Stevenson, In her ESthnobotany of the Zufii Indians, 
relates a pretty legend connected with " this precious plant, which is believed 
to have once been a boy and a girl," resembling a story from Ovid*s Metamor- 
phoses. For a long time she was unable to learn the botanical identity of the 
plant, but In 1002 she succeeded in doing so. Specimens of Datura meteloidet 
collected by her in New Mexico are In the United States Natural Herbarium. 
They are identical In all respects with specimens previously collected in various 
parts of Mexico and southwestern United States by Dr. Bdward Palmer, who 
called attention to the use of this plant as a ceremonial and narcotic by several 
tribes of Indians. By several California tribes it Is used in the rites of 
Initiating boys Into the dignities of manhood. 

Still another narcotic used by the Indians of northern Mexico and the United 
States should also be mentioned. This is a scarlet bean, Sophora aecundiflora 
Lag., which produces delirious exhilaration followed by a long sleep. According 
to Dr. Harvard, it contains an amorphous alkaloid, sophorin, with strong nar- 
cotic properties. In early days of Indian raids into Texas among the prizes 
carried back by the Indians were quantities of these bright-colored beans strung 
together like beads. So highly were they valued that a string 6 feet long waa 
often accepted in exchange for a horsa The beans were pulverized and either 
eaten or taken in whisky or mezcal. In all probability they were the original 
" mezcal bean," and this name has been transferred to the peyote, or disks of 
Lophophora loCttiamHi, used for the same purpose, but in no sense beanlike In 
nature or appearance. 


The textile fabrics of ancient Peru are remarkable for their diversity, their 
fineness, and the beauty of their designs. They are admirably described from 
a technical standpoint by Mr. M. D. C; Crawford in his paper on Peruvian 
Textiles.^ The principal fibers used by the Peruvians, besides vlcufia, alpaca, 
and llama wool, were cotton and BHircraea fiber. 

^ Ximenex, Fr. Francisco. Cnatro LibroB de la Nataraleia, p. 126, ed. 1888. 

akthbopoijOoy. 159 


At least three kinds of cotton have been found in Peruvian graves — ^whlte, 
tawny or vicufia-colored, and reddish-brown or maroon. All these are varieties 
of Oossypium peruvianum, which Is still cultivated extensively in Peru, espe- 
cially in the Piurra Valley, inland from the port of Payta. They differ, how- 
ever, in the length and smoothness of the fiber, the white being longer and more 
even than the brown and tawny-colored. Crude cotton was found, together 
with cotton prepared by carding cones of fiber ready for spinning, and skeins 
and balls of cotton yam, white, tawny, and brown. Spinning was accomplished 
by means of the i^indle ; spinning wheels were unknown. In some cases there 
were distaffs to hold the cotton ; in others the cotton was wound about the left 
forearm. The whorls of the spindles were of terra cotta, often beautifully 
ornamented with conventional figures of birds, fish, or geometrical designs. 
Baskets containing sets of spindles of various kinds, doublers for spinning two- 
ply thread; weaving bobbins, daggers, swords, and heald rods, often with 
brightly colored yam wrapped about them ; and in some cases small looms with 
half-woven fabrics on them. There were also small thick bowls, in which the 
lower point of the spindle rested while spinning like a top. Ehccellent diagrams 
of Peruvian looms are shown by Mr. Crawford in the paper already cited. The 
fabric was made tight or compact by beating up the weft with the weaving sword, 
and In places where It might catch by inserting the point of a dagger-like pricker 
of bone or smooth hardwood. BCr. Crawford encountered no weaving comb 
among the textile utensils of the ancient Peruvians examined by him, but the 
writer was fortunate In finding a beautiful specimen of this implement in the 
Peabody Museum of Harvard University (No. 74627) which was undoubtedly 
used after the same manner as similar Implements are used in Asia, the teeth 
being Inserted between the warps In order to press the weft compactly home. 


This fiber, obtained from the Peruvian " century plants '* allied to the agaves, 
or magueys, of Mexico, was much used by the ancient Peruvians for making 
twines, nets, and laces, often of great fineness and beautiful design. It was 
also used for weaving fabrics resembling the mummy cloths of Egypt In all 
probability the fiber was obtained from the long, thick-pointed, bayonet-Uke leaf 
very much as the Ixtle fiber is now obtained from certain species of wM agave 
In Mexico. Botanlcally the fiber is related to the well-known sisal and henequin 
fibers of commerce. Untwisted furcrsa fiber, as well as balls and skeins of 
twine, fish lines, nets, and ornamental reticules or bags of this fiber are not 
common in collection. In the exhibit presented by the writer are two small 
netted bags made of it, accompanied by heckled fiber. The bags, containing 
beans, were found In the grave of a child not far from Lima, Peru. Another 
much larger bag, remarkably shaped like a three-fingered lace glove, contained 
eight varieties of beans and some cotton seeds. This was found at Ancon 
by the late Mr. William E. Curtis, formerly director of the Bureau of American 
Republics (now the Pan American Union). 

^Anthropological Papers of the American Museam of Natural History, voL 12, pp. 

68-104, 1015. 




ProfeMsar of Latin American History, Yale University. 

To tbe average reader the term Inca denotee everythliig that is ancient 
Peruvian; to the careful archieologist it means the tribe or nation that ruled 
part of Peru during the three centuries preceding the Spanish Gonquest, while 
to some more exact specialists it refers only to the rulers of this tribe. Qood 
precedents may be found for all of these meanings, but actually the first is 
entirely too broad, while the last does savor somewhat of pedantry. It appears 
to me that the term Inca may fairly be used to designate the nations that 
occupied the major part of the Central Andes from the earliest times down to 
the Spanish Conquest Such a differentiation distinguishes these peoples, both 
from the coastal tribes and nations who were finally conquered by the mountain 
folk, and also from the savage tribes of the interior or Jungle peoples ; from the 
semldvilized tribes in Ecuador and the northern part of Peru as well as from 
the nomadic peoples in southern Bolivia, northern Argentina, and Chile. 

Apart from its convenience, a justification for the term in its suggested use 
may be found in the significant forms of architecture and pottery that b^ongs 
to the ancient peoples in this area. 

Furthermore, it must be borne in mind that there was no written language in 
South America preceding the Spanish Conquest ; that the chances of being able 
to date definitely the various ruins or the gigantic labors of the so-called 
megalithic folk are practically nil. There are many traditions, some reason- 
able, others fantastic, of the origin of the tribe which in its strictest sense may 
be said to be the tribe of the Incas. There is little doubt that this tribe was 
connected by direct descent with earlier tribes. It is, to say the least, not 
easy to differentiate their work from the work of the megalithic folk. Accord- 
ingly, for the purpose of this discussion, I have adopted the term "Inca 
peoples" as one which covers the originators of Central Andean culture from 
its earliest times down to the advent of the Europeans. 

Sequence of cultures in the Andes is extremely dlfllcult to determine. In the 
first place, there are no large sandy areas which, by gradually engulfing the 
life of a village, preserve a record of its culture and are later so convenient 
when the excavator comes to work out its stratification. In the second place, 
stupendous landslides may sweep away in a few hours the accumulation of 
centuries and overturn everything in such helter-skelter fashion as to place 
what is older actually above what is newer. This has happened near Cuzco. 
In the third place, the Spanish conquerors were primarily treasure hunters, 
and the results of their work and that of their successors have been to destroy 
the majority of the evidence. The thirst for treasure even to-day is so great 
as to cause otherwise sane and intelligent people to accuse the scientific investi- 
gator of criminal excavations and of nefarious transactions in gold and silver 

In consequence of these difficulties in arranging a satisfactory sequence of 
culture in the highlands, the builders of Machu Picchu, as well as those of 
Cuzco and Ollantaytambo, may properly be classed as representatives of the 
Inca peoples. 

The characterization of the culture of the Inca peoples may be considered 
under various heads. The chief and most obvious is that of architecture. Lack 
of timber, the prevalence of heavy rains during part of the year, and the ease 
with which stone might be procured, early led to the development of stone as 


building materlaL Their culture did not extend to the use of lime or cement, 
although we do find that during one of their culture periods they developed 
the practice of laying their building stones in mud, thereby avoiding the neces- 
sity of carefully fitting the stones to any great extent Their desire to secure 
stability, however, led them to develop a method of building walls whereby 
strength and permanence were secured through the keying together of irregular 
blocks which were made to fit absolutely the one to the other. Even what 
appear to be rectangular blocks are prevented flx>m slipping one upon the other 
by certain Irregularities of the inner surface. The upper and lower surface of 
these stones were frequently convexed or concaved, the convexity of one stone 
approximating the concavity of the adjoining stones. 

In constructing their walls the pure arch was not evolved. A few circular or 
semicircular buildings have been found, but the majority are rectangular or 
nearly so, and there appears to have been a great devotion to horizontal and 
right lines. Their walls are seldom, if ever, exactly perpendicular, there being 
generally a marked batter. This tendency of lines to converge at the top is also 
seen in the shape of the doors, windows, and niches. 

In the building of their houses they developed several ingenious devices such 
us "lock holes" for fastening the bar back of a door; "ring stones,*' which 
were inserted in the gables to enable the roofing beams to be tied on (similar 
ring stones inserted in the walls of the houses enabled one end of a hand loom 
to be tied to them) ; projecting stone cylinders which, when placed near the 
edge of the gable, could be used as points to which to tie the roof and keep it 
from blowing off. When used within the house these cylinders made con- 
venient hooks and supports. They also served for ventilation and drainage. 

Sculpture In a crude form existed, but there are no well-executed examples 
of representations of the human body, and the sculptured cats that may be seen 
on several huge bowlders are suggestive and symbolical rather than academically 
correct. So far as modeling in clay goes, they had some skill in copying animals' 
heads, but at best it is crude in comparison to the great skill displayed by the 
coast peoples. Painting seems to have been in use at the time of the Spanish 
CJonquest, but authentic examples of early painting are so scarce as to lead to a 
very considerable doubt as to their authenticity. 

The best examples of painting are seen in the decorations of the pottery. A 
pair of dishes found in Machu Picchu, bearing as decoration somewhat crudely 
drawn butterflies painted in three colors, represents about the finest kind of 
ceramic decoration. Most of the decoration of the pottery consists of geometric 
patterns. It may be suggested that there was the same prejudice against the 
use of the human form in decoration as existed among the Arabs. The fact that 
among the coast peoples one finds the human form well represented in many 
forms, some of them extremely degenerate, and the lack of such degeneracy in 
the pottery of the mountains may lead to the conclusion that the worship of the 
sun and a finer type of religion was practiced by the people of Machu Picchu. 

In general their pottery is marked by simple and graceful lines like that of 
ancient Greece, and resembling in its simplicity and utility some of the modem 
vessels at present In use in French kitchens. The aryballus, the beaker^liaped 
oUa, and the ladle with a decorated handle are among the most characteristic 

There Is a striking similarity between certain forms and those found in the 
rums of ancient Troy belonging to a period more than 2,000 years before 
Christ. Even some of the bronzes found at Machu Picchu so closely resemble 
some found by Dr. Schllemann in Troy as to make it extremely difficult for the 


casual observer to tell them apart As it does not appear that there could have 
been any direct connection between Troy and Machu Plcchu, one is driven to the 
conclusion that we have here the development of an autochthonous culture along 
lines strikingly reminiscent of those of one of the most ancient parts of the 

Owing to the extreme moisture of the climate near Machu Picchu, the remains 
of cloth were very few. But from the specimens found on the islands in Lake 
Tlticaca we know that the Inca peoi^es actually did arrive at a high degree of 
skill in the manufacture of textiles through their ability to procure the wool of 
the small American camel called the alpaca. By the use of hand looms artistic 
and Intricate patterns were produced, and cloth of the utmost delicacy of texture 
is not uncommon. It is said that the finer cloths were woven by the Virgins of 
the Sun for the use of the Inca Emperor himself and the high priest 

Metal articles, on the other hand, are easily preserved for long periods of 
time, even under adverse climatic conditions. We have been able to learn that 
in metallurgy the people of Machu Picchu were extremely skillful makers of 
bronze and frequently gave evidence of a charming artistic sensibility in the 
nature and attitude of the decorative figures, which Include the heads of birds 
and animals, and in one case the figure of a young fisherman engaged in his 
favorite pursuit 

Their skill In metallurgy has been shown by the researches of Prof. Mathew- 
son, of the Hammond Laboratory of the Sheffield Scientific School, of Tale 
University, who has published a metallographic description of more than 100 
metal articles, chiefiy bronze, brought from Machu Picchu. The collection 
embraces such tools as axes, hatchets, knives, chisels, bars, and pointed instru- 
ments, such domestic implements as mirrors, tweezers, small knives, pins, 
needles, and spoons, and such articles of adornment as rings, bracelets, spangles, 
and bells. In the past, collections of metal objects from the lands of the Incaa 
have usually been preserved intact for exhibition purposes. Sometimes speci- 
mens have been submitted for chemical analysis, since this merely involves the 
preparation of a small sample by drilling and does not spoil the specimen. No 
considerable number of specimens has ever been thoroughly submitted to metal- 
lographic examination, since such work necessitates mutilation of the cq^ieclmen. 
After consulting with Dr. Holmes, of the National Museum, we determined 
that it would be wise to take advantage of the fact that the exact source of 
all the subjects In this collection was known and that few of the pieces were 
of rare or unusual design to permit their thorough examination even if it 
meant their destruction. As a result we now have the satisfaction of knowing 
more than has ever been known before in regard to the structure of these metal 
objects, the methods of manufacture, and the reasons for the composition of 
Inca bronzes. 

While the metallographic examination could not be expected to furnish any 
clue to the smelting process used in preparing: the metal, we are able to draw 
the following conclusions ftom Prof. Mathewson*s work: Some of the bronzes 
are remarkably pure. Aside from very small quantities of sulphur, most of them 
contain no metallic impurity whatever. One specimen consists of very nearly 
pure tin; probably the first direct proof that we have had that the Inca 
metallurgists were acquainted with tin in Its elementary form. Prof. Mathew- 
son thinks it fair to infer that they used this pure tin in preparing their 
bronzes. Some archaeologists have taken the position that since the greatest 
quantity of tin is usually found in those implements that require it least, they 
believe the presence of tin in Inca bronzes to be accidental. This hypothesis 
has been carefully considered by such practiced miners as the Gerro de Pasco 


Co. and the Guggenheims, and their experts agree that so far as known copper 
and tin ores go this is an untenable thesis. 

Prof. Mathewson also finds that while the percentage of tin contained in 
Inca bronaes Is not governed by the use for which they were intended, it does 
appear to have been governed by another reason, namely, the requirements of 
the methods of manufacture. The more delicate or ornamental pieces contain 
the maximum percentages of tin. It appears that bronze containing a high per- 
centage of tin yields the best Impressions in casting, because bronzes of this 
character expand in solidifying. Nice details of the pattern are thus more 
readily brought out in the finished product 

Furthermore the Incas appear to have known that the casting operation 
of small delicate objects is facilitated by increasing the tin content, because 
such alloys retain their initial heat longer and remain longer in a fluid 
condition. This information was particularly useful to them in casting such 
objects as by reason of their small size tended to cool rapidly. The ancient 
metallurgists appear to have availed themselves of this knowledge, thus ac- 
counting for the higher percentage of tin in small ornamental cast objects. 

The metallographic tests further indicate that cast pieces were frequently 
hammered and annealed as the occasion demanded. At the same time Prof. 
Mathewson believes that the early Incas were unfamiliar with refined methods 
of heat treatment, and so were compelled to sacrifice the extra hardness and 
strength obtainable by increasing the tin content in large objects which 
required considerable working. Apparently cold working was Invariably de- 
pended upon to produce the final stiffhess and hardness of an object, and it 
seems probable that more than one heat was needed in forging the blades 
of the chisels. This necessitated a low tin content in such objects as axes, 
large knives, etc. 

Accordingly we find that Inca bronze was not accidental — first, because ores 
yielding accidental bronze of similar analysis to the South American bronzes 
are not known to the miners; second, because pure tin was found at Machu 
Picchu, and found in such form that it had evidently been intended for use in 
casting rather than for any other purpose, no artifacts of pure tin being known 
from South America; and, third, Prof. Mathewson's discovery that the highly 
ornamental ebjects, requiring very careful casting and a small amount of 
hammering, contain approximately that percentage of tin best suited to produce 
a good casting, and those objects which had to have a hanmiered edge contain 
a low percentage of tin in order to enable them to be cold worked. 

Knives were generally cast in one piece and then cold worked, such reheating 
as took place being solely for the purpose of softening the metal to facilitate 
cold working and being probably less than red heat Some specimens were 
repeatedly hammered and reheated to an annealing temperature. Similar 
surface characteristics have been r^roduced in the laboratory by hammering 
on the anvil with a broad*faced hammer. This hammering might have been 
done with several of the stone tools found. Regarding the original size and 
shape of the castings from which the knives were made, little can be said. 
Several knives may have been made from one cast piece. In all cases the 
blade appears to have been worked and hammered so as to extend the metal 
more or less nnifdrmly in several directions. In any event the casting structure 
was thoroughly obliterated, so that the knives in tlieir present condition do 
not bear much resemblance to the original cast form. Ohisels, on the other 
hand, were not widely dUferent fhnn the castings used in making dienu 


A number of the cast stractures were altered by cold working with annealing, 
others by hot working, and one specimen shows two distinct varieties of metal 
in its construction. It is a small knife with a conventionalized llama head. 
The metal which projects up into the head is of a lower tin ccmtent than the 
head itself. The head contained a higher content of tin, so that by expansion 
the result would be better detalL 

The most unusual bronze q;>ecimen found at Hachu Picchu is a knife sur- 
mounted by an ornamental group comprising a prostrate fisher boy with line 
and fish. Rxamination showed that the blade had been shaped after casting, 
but without sufficiently drastic treatment to remove the casting cores. This 
vedmen, in common with many others, seems to have been cast as a well- 
designed and carefully executed handle, with a body of outlying metal, which 
was later hammered into its desired shape and hardness without the necessity 
of drastic annealing. 

The head was cast In place around a core of lower tin content metal, which 
forms the shank and blade of the knife, and which may have been hammered 
out to its desired shape before the head was cast on. Careful examination of 
a broken axe blade shows that the Implement was used in heavy work, perhaps 
upon stone, whereby the edge suffered severely and was appropriately dressed 
tmrn time to time. The structure near the edge is notable in that it shows 
severe deformation of a character which could result only from hard use and 
not from shaping the edge by hammering along the sides. Possibly sharp inner 
comers of nice stone cutting were obtained by using bronze axes. 

A small crowbar in the collection, one of those champls that always attracts 
the admiration of Peruvians, was used in a tensile test, which gave an ultimate 
strength of 28,000 pounds per square inch, although the metal In this particular 
case is of very poor quality. Worked bronzes of the same composition when 
hardened show greater strength. Nevertheless a fairly large stone could be 
pried into place without actually breaking this bar. 

The question has often arisen as to whether the builders of Machu Picchu did 
or did not use bronze implements in the finishing of the finer stone work. 
While we are sure that hammer stones were the chief tools for dressing stone, 
it appears to be entirely possible that bronze tools may have been used where 
sharp inner comers were needed. Bronze, however, was too soft to last long 
in such work, and it is not likely that it was often so employed. Experiments 
in the National Museum have demonstrated that patience, elbow grease, and 
sand will cause stone tools to work miracles. 

Their surgical tools were probably of bronze or obsidian. Surgery appears 
to have been practiced to a considerable degree. If one may Judge by the large 
numbers of trepanned skulls that we have found in caves within a radius of 25 
miles of Machu Picchu. Some of them show that, in the words of the moderns, 
"the operation was successful, but the patient died immediately afterwards." 
Others, on the other hand, show that the wound healed and the patient lived 
for a considerable period after the operation. In some cases the cause of the 
operation appears to have been disease; in others the evidence leads to the 
conclusion that the operation was intended to relieve pain caused by wounds 
received in battle. Since the favorite weapon of the Inca peoples was the sling, 
and clubs were conunon, it is not surprising that the skulls of many soldiers 
should have needed the relief that came from skilled trq;>annlng. We found 
no arrow heads or spear points in this region. 

In the art of war there was considerable development of skill in defense 
rather than offense. Fortifications constructed with salients and reentrant 
angles so as to admit of lateral fire were not uncommon ; high walls, even dry 


moats, were not unknown. Forts were frequently located on sightly eminences 
commanding a fine view of all approaches. 

They had no machinery and did not use iron or steel. They used levers and 
inclined planes. They also made huge fiber ropes. Long suspension bridges 
were constructed of these ropes and their aid must have been invoiced in the 
construction of their huge walls. They thought nothing of handling blocks of 
stone weighing five tons and upward. Indeed, in the walls of Sacsahuaman 
and in the fortress of Ollantaytambo there are numerous stones that weigh over 
15 tons which have been fitted together with a skill that has amazed all be- 
holders ever since the advent of the first Bnropean. 

Their works of engineering likewise included the straightening of river 
courses and terracing the banks of rivers, thereby preventing them from eating 
into the highly desirable bottom lands or alluvial plains. 

They built irrigating ditches along the mountain sides and around precipices. 
They constructed well-paved, but narrow, highways over which foot runners 
could rapidly pass, but which were not Intended for wheeled vehicles, since the 
latter did not come within the ken of the Inca peoples. These roads are fre- 
quently taken over steep places by means of long flights of stone stairs. On 
these roads at convenient intervals were erected rest houses. They constructed 
large corrals for their fiocks and h«rds. 

This brings us to the subject of the domestication of animals and plants 
which formed an important feature of the culture of the Inca peoples. It 
appears that the eactent of these peoples and their influence throughout the 
Andes extends no farther north than the known limits of the llamas and the 
alpacas. In fact, the development of their culture may be said to have de- 
pended in large measure on their success in domesticating these varieties of 
the South American camel. Two other varieties, the vicufia and the guanaco, 
have never been domesticated. The alpaca and the llama, on the other hand, 
were domesticated so long ago that no wild members of these races remain. 
To have been able to raise and to train hundreds of thousands of llamas^ which 
could carry from SO to 100 pounds apiece, enabled the Inca peoples to carry out 
engineering and agricultural works far in excess of that which they could have 
done had they been obliged to depend entirely on human burden bearers. 

Equally important in the developing of their culture was their good fortune 
In domesticating the white potato and in developing various varieties of it, and, 
furthermore, in developing maise or Indian corn. We have found the white 
potato plant from which the potato was domesticated, but we have hitherto 
been unable to identify the wild plant from which maize was developed. The 
use of maize appears to have been common to most of the American tribes, but 
the domesticated white potato and its development and the discovery that by 
freezing and drying it this useful article of food might be kept almost indefi- 
nitely enabled the Inca peoples to pass by periods of famine and drought in a 
way that must have proved very valuable to them in their struggle for existence 
and in the development of their culture. Not only did they domesticate food 
plants, including a number of others beside the potato and the maize, but they 
also discovered the medicinal uses of a considerable number of forest plants, and 
cultivated these medicinal plants in their little gardens, as their descendents 
stiU do. 

In religion the Incas were fond of worshiping high places, fine views, and other 
striking natural objects, such as huge, irregular bowlders, waterfalls, springs, 
and the wonders of the air and the sky, such as rain, thunder, the starry firma- 
ment, the moon, and, above all, the sun. In a cold, mountainous region like the 
Central Andes it was but natural that the blessed sun, which is so eagerly 

68430— 17— VOL I 12 


welcomed in the morning and so essential to the raising of the crops and to 
the comfort of shivering mortality, should have been regarded as their chief 
divinity. It was likewise natural that they should have held great feasts of 
rejoicing and solicitation at the solstices. They were superstitions and believed 
in the value of fetishes and in the spiritualization of the material universe. 

The Spanish chroniclers give us many details in regard to the ancient religion 
which are so strikingly like the essentials of the Holy Catholic faith as to lead 
the critically inclined to wonder just how far this resemblance actually ran. 

Ot literature as such they necessarily had none. Their records were kept by 
means of knotted strings and possibly by stone counters. Like most primitive 
peoples they had remarkable memories. Fine examples of prayers and chants 
were recorded by some of the early Spanish chroniclers. How far these things 
have been influenced by the writers* natural desire to please the readers is a 
matter that is still open to discussion. 

With regard to the presence of actual drama the most diverse opinions pre- 
vail. Sir Clements Markham was firmly convinced of the age of the drama 
OUantay, and so are most Quichua scholars in Cuzco to-day, where the play 
Is annually reproduced by the local society interested in the preservation of 
the ancient language. Critical students of comparative literature, however, find 
in the characters and make-up of this drama so striking a resemblance to the 
Spanish drama of the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries as to 
make many of them unwilling to believe that it is anything more than a post- 
Columbian dramatic adaptation of an ancient tradition. 

In regard to music, so far as one may Judge from the present-day music of 
the Andean peoples, it was a very simple affair and limited to a few notes re- 
peated continually in a minor key and not highly developed. 

In regard to customs of burial their practice seems to have been almost 
uniformly to place the body in a sitting position with the knees drawn up 
dose to the chest and the hands near the face. Burial usually took place in 
caves or under rocky ledges and was frequently accompanied by offerings includ- 
ing earthenware, small bronze objects, and food. 

One of the more interesting burial customs observed in our recent work In 
Peru was that of placing pairs of dishes in the graves. TMs is particularly 
true of small dishes or ladles, but is also true occasionally in the case of small 
Jugs. Larger Jars like aryballi or beaker-shaped ollas, etc., do not appear to have 
been made in pairs. An obvious explanation is that a family could readily do 
with one water Jar, one cooking pot, and so on, but even the smallest size family 
would need two ladles, if these served as dishes from which soup or stew could 
be eaten, as appears to have been the case. 

The foundation stone of the culture and development of the Inca peoples was 
the family group or clan. The family tie was v^ry strong and still is. The 
extent to which members of a family will go in alleviating suffering and distress 
in distant members of the family is perhaps the most striking and delightful trait 
in the South Americans of to-day. This fundamental base of their civilization 
greatly influenced their architecture, since houses must be arranged in clan or 
family groups ; influenced their religion, enabling them to ascribe to particular 
shrines or to remarkable bowlders the name of the family ancestor and to wor- 
ship it as his representative; and formed a basis on which government could 
rest, the heads of families being held responsible for the members of the clan. 

Finally, it was truly a remarkable civilization which the Inca people devel- 
oped. In difllcult feats of oigineering they equaled the greatest ever accom- 
plished by primitive peoples. In textiles the products of their hand looms 
can with difficulty be paralleled to-day. In the simplicity, sincerity, and 


qnninetry* of their pottery tliej produced examples surpassed only by the 
Greeks. In metallurgy they did not succeed In learning how to use Iron. In 
the working of gold, silver, copper, and tin they were still at a primitive 
stage at the time of the conquest, although In the construction of bronze they 
were remarkably clever. 

Perhaps most unfortunate of all was their failure to develop an alphabet or 
even some form of hieroglyphics similar to that developed in southern Mexico 
and Oentral America. It is indeed remarkable that a people who succeeded in 
equaling the ancient Egyptians in architecture, engineering, pottery, and tex- 
tiles should have tallea so far behind them in the development of a written 
language. This is the most serious obstacle that stands in the way jof our 
learning more of that enterprising race. 



Thx United States National Museum, 

Wednesday morning^ December 29^ 1916. 

Chairman William H. Holmes. 

The following papers were presented : 

What the United States Government has done for the science of 
iinthropology, by F. W. Hodge. 

The passing of the Indian, by James Mooney. 

The grindstones of the primitive inhabitants of Cabo Frio, Brazil, 
by Antonio Carlos Simoens da Silva. 

Explorations in the Ozark Mountains of Missouri and Arkansas, 
by Charles Peabody. 



By F. W. HODGE, 
Bthnoloffist in Charge, Bureau of American Bthnoioffy. 

So far as determined, the first manifestation of interest on the part of the 
Government of the United States in ethnologic researches among the Indian 
tribes (although the method was such In that day that one can hardly call it 
scientific) was early in the year 17^2, when the Secretary of War, under whose 
d^artment the Indian affairs were then administered, commissioned Leonard 
D. Shaw, a Princeton student, as deputy agent to reside among the Cherokee 
for the purpose of learning the languages of the southern tribes and to collect 
material for their history and all things thereunto belonging. Shaw was 
instructed also to ascertain their respective limits, to make a vocabulary of 
their languages, and, in addition, to perform certain administrative duties. 
While this endeavor is of historical interest, it proved to be of no ethnologic or 
linguistic importance, for in the following autumn the young student was 
dismissed from the service, and so far as known his observations produced no 

The next step to obtain information respecting the manners, customs, beliefs, 
and languages of the Indian tribes was taken by President Jefferson in 1808, 
which resulted in the Lewis and Clark expedition into the Northwest While 
general in its conception and plan, and designed mainly for the purpose of 
opening trade with the Indian tribes of the western wilderness, Jefferson's 
instructions to Meriwether Lewis leave no doubt that the ethnology of the 
natives was regarded by the President as of special importance, for he especially 
stipulated the observations on the native tribes that should be made by the 
expedition for the use of the Government. These were to include " their names 
and numbers; the extent and limits of their possessions; their relations with 



Other tribes and nations; their language, traditions, and monuments; their 
ordinary occupations in agriculture, fishing, hunting, war, arts, and the imple- 
m^ts for these ; their food, clothing, and domestic accommodations ; the diseases 
prevalent among them, and the remedies they used ; moral and physical circum- 
stances which distinguish them from the tribes we know ; peculiarities in their 
laws, customs, and dispositions, and articles of commerce they may need or 
furnish, and to wliat extent. And," continues Jefferson, "considering the 
interest which every nation has in extending and strengthening the authority 
of reason and Justice among the people around th«n, it will be useful to acquire 
what knowledge you can of the state of morality, religion, and information 
among them, as it may better enable those who endeavor to civilize and instruct 
them to adapt their measures to the existing notions and practices of those on 
whom they are to operate." 

It will thus be seen that, although the practical side of the young explorers* 
researches were perhaps dominant, Jefferson's interest in the advancement of 
scientific knowledge can not be overlooked. The written results of the expe- 
dition were not published by the €k>v^nment, but were deposited with the 
American Philosophical Society of Philadelphia, after a somewhat condensed 
report had been printed for the trade, and It was not until 11 years ago that 
the original Journals were published. 

Of somewhat lesser importance, yet resulting in information of considerable 
ethnological value, was the expedition of Lieut Zebulon Montgomery Pike to 
the headwaters of the Mississippi, and through what was then the Territory of 
Louisiana into the present Ck>lorado and New Mexico, in 1805 to 1807. Pike's 
expeditions were the first military and the second governmental explorations 
which were pushed to any considerable extent in the then almost unknown 
region of the West and Southwest; consequently, like Lewis and Clark, Pike 
met numerous tribes not known even by name to Americans. His narrative 
has been published in numerous editions and in sev€<ral languages. 

Important knowledge from an ethnological and statistical point of view was 
gained in 1820-21 by the Rev. Jedldiah Morse, who in 1820 was commissioned 
by the Secretary of War to make a visit of ol>servation and inspection to the 
various Indians, particularly to ascertain the number of tribes, the extent of 
territory, their mode of life, customs, laws, and political institutions, etc. 
Morse made olMervations of numax>us tribes, especially those of the region of 
the Great Lakes, the results of which, with much additional information, were 
published at New Haven in 1822 in a report to the Secretary of War on Indian 

In 1819-20 MaJ. St^hen H. Long, by order of the Secretary of War, con- 
ducted an expedition from Pittsburgh to the Rocky Mountains, the report of 
which, published in 1823, is replete with Information respecting the habits and 
customs of the Indians through whose country Long passed, and containing also 
a series of vocabularies. So successful did this expedition prove to be that In 
1823 Long was again commissioned by the Secretary of War, this time to ex- 
plore the source of the St Peters River, Lake Winnipeg, Lake of the Woods, etc., 
the account of which, also with Indian vocabularies, was published in 1824. By 
reason of the fact that at this early period the Indians had been little affected 
by the Influences of civilization, unusual opportunities were presented to these 
soldier explorers, who in most cases made good use of them, as their published 
reports amply show. 

In this brief space it is not possible to do more than allude to the various 
surveys and explorations, undertaken by the Government that proved to be of 
ethnologic Importance. Among the first and perhaps the most noteworthy of 


these was the United States exploring expedition, popularly known as the 
Wilkes expedition, undertaken In 1888-1842, attached to which, as philologist, 
was Horatio Hale. In this capacity Hale studied a large number of the lan- 
guages of the Pacific islands, as well as of North and South America, Australia, 
and Africa, and also investigated the history, traditions, and customs of the 
tribes speaking them. The results are given in Hale*s Bthnography and 
Philology, published by the Gk>yernment in 1846 as Volume VII of the expedi- 
tion reports. Some of the vocabularies form the basis of the classification of 
several American linguistic stocks, while the objective material later became 
the nucleus of the anthropological collections in the National Museum. 

The first of the later military expeditions productive of ethnologic results 
was that of 1846-47 by MaJ. W. H. Emory, assisted by Maj. P. St. George Cooke, 
Capt. Johnston, Lieut Abert, and others, who conducted a reconnolssance from 
Fort Leavenworth, in the present Kansas, to San Diego, Gal., including parts 
of the Arkansas, Rio Grande, and Gila Rivers. All of these ofllcers contributed 
more or less to the knowledge of the customs and languages of the tribes en- 
countered, and called attention to Important archieological remains observed 
by them, while J. M. Stanley, whose paintings of Indian subjects attracted much 
attention in later years, served as artist to the expedition. 

Following the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo with Mexico In 1848, the needs of 
definite Information respecting the then unknown western wilderness led to 
several expeditions under the direction of the Topographical Oorps of the War 
Department, chlefiy for the purpose of determining the most practicable routes 
for a railroad to the Pacific. It is Impossible even to summarize the results of 
these expeditions, however important, or to set forth even briefly the ethnologic 
observations made among the various tribes by members of their corps. 

A word, however, should be said of the reconnolssance by Lieut J. H. Simp- 
son into the Navaho country, by which was gained almost our first knowledge 
of the now celebrated archieological remains In the Chaco Canyon of New Mexico 
and in the Canyon de Chelly of Arizona, of El Morro and its historically impor- 
tant Spanish inscriptions, of the hitherto little known Navaho tribe, and of the 
languages of the Pueblo Indians. R. H. Kern, draftsman of this expedition, 
pr^ared some valuable drawings which illustrate Simpson's report 

Various military reconnolssances in Texas, notably the expedition by Capt 
R. B. Marcy from Fort Smith, Ark., to Santa Fe in 1849, all of which contributed 
somewhat to the knowledge of the Indian tribes, should also be mentioned here. 
Likewise should be noted, by reason of the incidental ethnologic data which it 
affords, the report of the expedition conducted by Capt Lorenzo Sltgreaves In 
1851 down the Zufii and Colorado Rivers, In New Mexico and Arizona, illus- 
trated with drawings of Indian subjects by Kern. Nor should we overlook the 
most Important of all these military surveys, that conducted in 1853-64 by 
Lieut A. W. Whipple, from Fort Smith, Ark., to the Pacific, along the thirty- 
fifth parallel, because of the ethnologic and linguistic studies and record by 
Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner, over a vast territory that hitherto had been 
virtually unknown, illustrated with the drawings of Baldwin M($llhausen. This 
expedition was avowedly exploratory and scientific, and, considering the period, 
it fulfilled its functions well, as is shown by the results of the ethnologic and 
linguistic observations recorded in one of the 13 volumes of its reports published 
in 1855-1860. 

Next followed an expedition to the Colorado River of the West under 
command of Lieut J. C. Ives, also of the Topographical Corps, in 1857-68, 
by which we gain our first glimpse of the Hopl Indians through the observa- 
tions of an American explorer, although known to history for more than three 


centuries prior to Ives's time. MQUhausen was artist for this expedition also, 
but his illustrations of Indians, while of some value, are scarcely to be reckoned 
with those of the later days of photography. 

The military explorations and surveys of this period were numerous, but 
they w^re not all fruitful in ethnological information, and of course none of 
them followed the exact scientific methods of the present day. Yet considerable 
valuable Information of an ethnological and archaeological nature is buried in 
the reports of surveys conducted by topographical engineers of the Army 
about the middle of the century, such as Newberry's Report on Geology of 
the Exploring Expedition from Santa Fe to the Junction of the Grand and 
Green Rivers in 1860, published in 1876, and Simpson's Report of Explorations 
Across the Great Basin of the Territory of Utah in 1869, also published in 1876. 

The chief product of the survey by the United States and Mexican Boundary 
Commission in 1860 to 1868, ftom an anthropological point of view, is the 
Personal Narrative of John Russell Bartlett, published in 1864, not under 
Government auspices, to be sure, but based on data collected by a member 
of the commission, which make this report both archieologically and ethnologic^ 
ally valuable. And not alone does this narrative record the incidental ethno- 
logical results of the boundary survey, for Bartlett recorded numerous Indian 
vocabularies, as yet unpublished, during his official connection with the com- 
mission, one of them, at least, representing a now extinct language — ^the Piro, 
spoken until a few years ago near El Paso, Tex. 

These various military surveys and reconnolssances which flashed rays of 
knowledge through the great unknown and brought to light Indian tribes whose 
very names were strange to American ears, opened for the man of science a 
field of marvelous richness. John Wesley Powell, of course, knew of the Ives 
expedition to the Colorado River 10 years before he undertook his own explora- 
tion of the Grand Canyon from 1869 to 1873, the reports of which, while of no 
great ethnologic importance in themselves, resulted in the organization and 
development of systematic ethnologic researches in the United States that 
have proved of monumental Importance both for their own results and for the 
stimulus they have afforded other institutions. For these explorations, com- 
menced by Powell in 1869 by congressional action, were by the same authority 
subsequently continued as the second division of the Geological and Geographi- 
cal Survey of the Territories, and finally as the Geographical and Geological 
Survey of the Rocky Mountain Region under Powell's immediate charge. It 
was due to Powell's personal activity that special attention was devoted by this 
survey to the ethnology of the Indian tribes, a direct result of which was the 
eventual publication, in nine quarto volumes, of the series of Contributions to 
North American Ethnology. 

Meanwhile the United States Geological and Geographical Survey of the 
Territories, under F. V. Hayden's direction, was conducted ftrom 1876 to 1877, 
and the Geographical Surveys West of the One Hundredth Meridian were in 
operation under Lieut. George M. Wheeler, of the Corps of Bngineera, United 
States Army, during 1877 and 1878. 

All of the«e surveys conducted ethnological and archseological researches of 
importance, the Hayden wrvey deserving special credit for the investigations 
by Holmes. Jackson. Barber, Hoffman, and Bessells on the archaeology and 
physical anthropology of the ancient Pueblos, of Matthews among the Hidatsa, 
of Mallery, Schumacher, and Eells among tribes In other sections. 

Of no less importance from an anthropological point of view were the results 
of the Wheeler survey, for, in addition to many brief reports of observations 
on archieology, ethnology, and linguistics, a quarto volume exceeding 500 pages 


was devoted to reports on arclueologicnl and ettanologicnl collections from 
California, from ruined pueblos of Arizona and New Mexico, and from certain 
interior tribes, by Putnam, Abbott, Haldeman, Yarrow, Henshaw, and Garr,. 
with various Indian vocabularies revised and prepared by Albert S. Gatschet. 

All of these surveys were merged into the present United States Geological 
Survey in 1879, in the organic net of which was incorporated, at Poweirs in- 
stance, provision for continuing the systematic ethnologic researches organized 
and developed by him, some of the results of which were published as C!on- 
tributions to North American Ethnology. 

From its foundation the Smithsonian Institution had been active in American 
archaeology and ethnology; Indeed, the first volume of its Contributions to 
Knowledge was devoted to Squier and Davis's now classic Ancient Monuments 
of the Mississippi Valley, published in 1848, and this was followed by Squier's 
Aboriginal Monuments of the State of New York in 1850 ; Whittlesey *s Descrip- 
tions of Ancient Works in Ohio In 1852 ; Riggs's Grammar and Dictionary of the 
Dakota language, 1852 ; Latham's Antiquities of Wisconsin, 1855 ; Haven's Archse- 
ology of the United States In 1856; Morgan's Systems of Consanguinity and 
Affinity of the Human Family, 1869; Swan's Indians of Cape Flattery, 1870, 
and others too numerous to mention. It is natural, then, ih*c the continuation 
of the ethnologic researches of the various Government surveys was placed 
under the direction of the Smithsonian Institution in 1879, when the present 
Bureau of American Ethnology came into existence under Powell's directorship. 

I should prefer to relegate to another the task of summarizing the activities 
of this bureau, already well known to most of you, perhaps, through the wide 
distribution of its publications. During the 36 years of its existence it has pub- 
lished 82 volumes in its series of annual reports, 58 bulletins In 60 volumes, 4 
volumes of introductions, and various miscellaneous publications, as well as 
7 of the 9 volumes of Contributions to North American Ethnology inherited from 
the Powell Survey. 

Representing the most important research in anthropology conducted by the 
Government, it may be well to state that the activities of the bureau of a more 
strictly scientific nature relate to every department of anthropologic research — 
physical, psychological, linguistic, sociological, religious, technic, and esthetic — 
all pertaining to the American aborigines, as prescribed by law, with the excep- 
tion of a single study of a phase of Hawaiian culture. Its activities, as set 
forth in its various publicationB, have extended from the Arctic to Argentina 
and from the West Indies to the Pacific. The bureau has accumulated a work- 
ing library of 20,237 books and 13,188 pamphlets, a collection of about 1,600 
manuscripts, chiefly linguistic, and between 15,000 and 16,000 photographic 
negatives of Indian subjects, many of them made more than 40 years ago. 

Work in anthropology by the parent Smithsonian Institution need not be re- 
ferred to in this presentation further than what has already been said, as it is 
not a Government establishment In a strict sense. But the National Museum, 
which has always been under the care of the Smithsonian Institution, has, of 
course, been prominent in advancing the interests of anthropology as one of its 
three departments, as is best shown by the collections about us and by its many 
publications pertaining to various aspects of the subject, especially those relat- 
ing to the anthropological collections In the museum. While hampered by lack 
of means, the museum has yet found it possible within recent years to organize 
and develop a division of physical anthropology, whose collections, as you may 
see, have taken a prominent place among those of their kind throughout the 

There is scarcely a branch of the Government service that has not con- 
tributed in some measure to the advancement of anthropologic research. 


Although designedly an administrative bureau, the Office of Indian Affairs has 
been a noteworthy contributor In this direction — ^to a larger extent, Indieed, 
than one would at first suppose; for the investigations of Henry R. School- 
craft were conducted under Its auspices and at the Qovernment expense, 
and his History of the Indian Tribes, published In six volumes, from 1851 
to 1857, but never finished, represents their chief results. To the Indian Office 
also should be credited the attempt to found a national gallery of Indian 
portraits, as well as the hundreds of reports of Its agents among the Indiana 
in the field, many of which, sometimes unwittingly, shed Important light on 
ethnological problems of high value to our science to-day. More directly the 
Indian Office has been Interested in later years in preserving certain phases of 
Indian culture, such as their music and their decorative arts, but in this 
direction much more could be done without hindrance to Indian education and 

The Bureau of Census has rendered Important service to American ethnology 
by the collection and publication of statistical Information pertaining not alone 
to the aborigines of the United States, but to the immigrant peoples and 
their descendants, as well as to the defective, delinquent, and dependent classes, 
and on other basic sociological topics. Noteworthy among the results are the 
reports on the census of Alaska, Including the native tribes, the reports on 
the Indians taxed and those not taxed, as a result of the census of 1800, and 
the recent valuable summary, by Dr. R. B. Dixon, of the Indian census returns 
of 1910. 

The Army Medical Museum, with the aid, especially in the earlier days, of 
the Medical Ck>rps of the Army, has done much toward advancing Interest in 
somatology by gathering collections, in making and preserving records of 
physical measurements of soldiers, and especially in bibliography by means of 
its splendid Index Catalogue ; but as this subject has already been presented in 
detail by a member of the staff of the Medical Museum we need not dwell on 
it now.* 

The Bureau of Education, with a benign interest In Indian advancement, has 
published a report on Indian Education and Civilization by the pen of Miss Alice 
O. Fletcher, and has contributed somewhat to our knowledge of the natives 
of Alaska. Even the Revenue Service of the Treasury Department has rendered 
aid by its reports on cruises of its revenue cutters along the Alaskan coast, 
during which observations on the Indians were made; while the Weather 
Bureau, in two separate works, has contributed data on the weather lore of 
both whites and Indians. The Congress itself has added, through the publica- 
tion of reports of Government agents, commissioners, military officers, and 
others, n large body of valuable data pertaining to the Indian tribes, many of 
theiu gathered at a time when the natives were still uninfluenced by the 
inroads of civilization. These are buried among the thousands of printed 
congressional documents relating to every phase of the Indian question, or 
appear in the American Archives, the Annals of Congress, the American State 
Papers, and other documents published by authority of Congress. More di- 
rectly anthropological, more recent and more unusual, was the investigation of 
the Immigration commission which authorized researches pertaining to the 
effect of changed conditions and environment on the bodily form of American 
immigrants, the final results of which, prepared by Dr. Boas, were published 
in 1911. 

1 Bee " The Army Medical Maaenm in American Anthropology," by D. S. Lamb. Pro- 
ceedings of the Nineteenth International CongreM of Amerlcanista, Wasliington, 1917. 


Of prime importance to American arclueology was tlie enactment by Ck>ii- 
gress in 1906 of a law for the preserration of aboriginal American antiquities 
on Government reservations of whatever nature, as well as on the public 
domain, with provision for their excavation only for the benefit of institutions 
of learning and by competent students of archaeology, and also for the preser- 
vation of catalogues of collections, photographs, and the like, and imposing a 
penalty for its violation. The success of this law has been evident since its 
enactment, in practically abolishing the digging of ancient remains on Gov- 
ernment lands for mercenary purposes. The Department of the Interior, under 
whose jurisdiction are many national monuments, has expended liberally of 
its funds in the scientific excavation and repair of such important ruins as 
those in the Mesa Verde National Park of Colorado and the Casa Grande 
ruin of Arizona. 

I have thus briefly reviewed the more Important activities of the various 
branches of the United States Government in the direction of anthropological 
research. The pioneer work in the science resulted in a record of facts that would 
not now be otherwise available, and although the tasks were sometimes crudely 
performed, they gradually led to the development of those scientific principles 
which we are now endeavoring to apply. While many opiwrtunltles for con- 
ducting anthropological studies in the United States have passed forever, and 
while the departments of the Government engaged in this work do not always 
have the means for pressing their activities with greater vigor, I think the 
record will show that the United States Government has not been neglectful 
in contributing its fair share to the development of the science of man in the 
Western Hemisphere. 

The Chairman. When the Section of Anthropology was organized 
it was planned to ask representatives of the different Latin- American 
countries to be prepared to say something in regard to the part taken 
by their respective Governments in the promotion of the science of 
anthropology, but the time was too short to communicate with all the 
countries. However, I have asked the foreign ethnologists now in 
attendance at the congress to make brief extempore statements of 
what has been thus done, if they feel so disposed. 

Representatives of several of these countries then addressed the 
session in Spanish, but owing to failure of the section to secure the 
services of a Spanish reporter no record of these remarks was pre- 

The Chaibman. I now take pleasure in calling for the paper by 
Mr. Mooney on ^^ The passing of the Indian. 


Bureau of AtnerU^n Ethnology, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D. C. 

On the 28th of Decemt)er, in the year 1700, John Lawson, surveyor general 
of Carolina, which was still undivided, started from Charleston, S. C, to cross 
the two Carolinas and came out about seven weeks later on Albemarle Sound, 


after a Jonrney of some 400 miles, nearly in a semicircle, along certain well- 
known Indian trading paths of that time. In this Journey he stopped almost 
every night in a different Indian town, and he says there seemed to be an Indian 
town about every dozen miles. He names 28 tril)es which he met or which were 
near his line of travel and gives the approximate population of several of them. 
To-day only one of these tribes is in existence at all, and that tribe has dwindled 
from approximately 4,500 In Law8on*s time to about 700 mixed bloods now, who 
are living in exile hundreds of miles away from their earlier home. This is a 
fair illustration of the fate that has overtaken the Indian since the white man 
has come upon him. 

Some years ago I was called into a consultation concerning a brief paper which 
purported to give an idea of the present Indian population. The writer had 
taken the ordinary perfunctory statistics, very often rose-colored for advertising 
purposes, and proved in the course of about two pages that we had more Indians 
now in the United States than we had ever had before. I knew and said that 
could not be possible and so was asked to give attention to the problem myself, 
as a result of which I have for several years devoted a good deal of time in 
the Bureau of American Ethnology to a study of the past and present Indian 
population. I shall not trouble you to-day with too exact figures or with ref- 
erences, but give you the assurance that when you read my book yoja will find 
all these figures exactly given so far as is possible, with a list of authorities. 

In attacking a problem it seems a safe preliminary to get the measure of the 
problem. On first thought it might appear that an attempt to arrive at the 
approximate number of Indians within the present United States limits, at 
the period of the first disturbance by the white man, would be an impossible 
task; but on closer consideration we see there is a way to reach at least a 
fairly satisfactory result. The southern cotton farmer, for instance, knows 
that with an average soil it requires about 1 acre to produce a bale of cotton. 
If he wants to raise a certain amount of cotton he must cultivate a certain 
number of acres of land. The southwestern cattlemen estimate 8 acres of 
pasturage for each head of cattle. They count their acres and their stock, 
and know how one corresponds with the other. 

In the same way, considering the Indian population, along the coast, in the 
forest country, in the mountains, on the treeless plains, on the arid desert, and in 
certain other special districts, and knowing the habits of life of the Indians 
who occupied each region, it Is not difficult to understand that there was a 
certain ratio of population for each section. To live by hunting the buffalo an 
Indian tribe of 1,000 people required a certain minimum number of siquare 
miles of territory. For the same number of Indians living in part by agriculture 
and in part by hunting, in a wooded country, the number of acres or square 
miles needed was not so great. The Indians who depended almost entirely 
upon agriculture required about as much land as the ordinary white farmer. 
One of the best studies, in fact, the very best study, of that kind ever made, 
is that by Dr. C. Hart Merrlam in regard to the Indians of southern California. 
As a professional biologist he has made a close survey of the lands of southern 
California with reference to the spontaneous food supply, and I have taken 
his estimate for the Indian population of that State as the very best. I have 
dealt both with the original and the present population of the tribes north of 
Mexico, Including the United States, British North America, Alaska, and 
Greenland, but shall confine myself on this occasion to the United States proper. 

There are two very common errors in refjard to the original Indian popu- 
lation of the United States. On the one hand is the theory of a very great, 
and in fact a dense, population before the white man came, this theory 


being based upon the exaggerated idea formerly prevalent in regard to 
everything relating to the Indian. Ck)lonist8 coming to this country from 
Europe, where they had been accustomed to large populations, intensive culti- 
vation, and complex governmental systems, used here the same terms that 
they had been accustomed to using at home. The chief of a little Indian 
village they called a king. The chief of three or four such villages they 
naturally called an emperor, and then these petty royalties must have their 
courts and their palaces and all the paraphernalia of a high civilization. In 
exploring the country the new settlers sometimes, came upon the remains of 
an Indian settlement, and 3 or 4 miles away they found the remains of 
another, and a short distance farther on the remains of another, and they 
Jumped to the conclusion that those three Indian settlements represented 
three distinct centers of occupation at the same time. As a matter of fact, 
in most cases the Indian shifted very readily, and when he found that the 
local supply of fuel, grass, or game was exhausted, as in the earlier times 
he had no pack animals excepting his wife, the easiest solution of the dif- 
ficulty was to move a few miles and start over again, consequently a large 
number of settlement sites does not necessarily imply a large number of con- 
temporaneous settlements. I say nothing of prehistoric settlements, as that 
is outside of our problem. 

On the other hand, there has been a systematic and continuous effort on the 
part of civillzers and philanthropists generally, both official and unofficial, to 
represent that all that the white man through his various agencies has been 
doing for the uplift of the Indian, as the white man considered it, has resulted 
in an increase of the Indian population: that thereby the Indian has become 
strong, healthy, civilized, and self-supporting, as contrasted with the old days 
of wild freedom, and that he shows it by an increase in numbers. The figures 
given to prove this, however, are very deceptive. 

There is an old recipe for the making of rabbit soup, which starts out, " First 
get your rabbit.** So when we count Indians we must first know what is an 
Indian. We have a right to assume that before the white man came all our 
Indians were full-blood Indians. Now, it is extremely doubtful whether even 
20 per cent are of full blood, and it is almost certain that half of them have 
hardly one-quarter of Indian blood. To illustrate, let us take the Cherokee 
tribe, probably the most important and one of the very largest in population 
of all our Indian tribes. They held by actual occupation, as Indians occupy a 
country, nearly 40,000 square miles of the southern Allegeny region. In the 
earlier historic period they numbered from year to year, with very little varia- 
tion, approximately 20,000 individuals. To-day they number, according to official 
report, about 42,000, besides about 100,000 more claimants for Cherokee rights 
whose claims have been repudiatetl by the tribal and Federal courts. 

This is the way a part of the official Increase comes about. In 1838 
the bulk of the Cherokee tribe was removed from the East to the West, 
very much against the will of the Indians. Their great chief at that 
time, who fought for years against this removal, was John Ross. His name, 
as you can see, is a Scotch name, and he had only one-eighth of Cherokee 
Indian blood. His first wife was a mixed-blood woman, who died In the 
removal. His children by her might have been of one-fourth Indian blood. 
His second wife was a white woman, and his children by her were only one- 
sixteenth Indian. Their grandchildren now living in Oklahoma are almost all 
of them of only one- thirty-second Indian blood, as such " Indians " nearly 
always intermarry with the white race rather than with the Indian. The 
youngest descendants of this great historic chief of the Cherokee have only one- 
8lxty*^fourth of Indian blood, and I have talked with men and women out 


tbere who had full Cherokee rights and privileges, and yet liad only one- 
half or less than one-half so much Indian blood. A similar condition prevails 
in many other tribes, so that the Indian as reported upon the official census 
list to-day is not what any self-respecting ethnologist would consider an Indian, 
excepting in the minority of cases. 

In some tribes also we find *' adopted " Indians. While the Cherokee, Creek, 
Choctaw, Chickasaw, and Seminole in Oklahoma had their so-called national 
governments they had the privilege of adopting members from the outside. 
The Cherokee Nation, as it existed in 1890, consisted of approximately 28,000 
Cherokee citizens. Of those, 2,000, within a dozen or so, were adopted white 
men who had married into the tribe ; that is to say, a white man marrying one 
of these "galvanized Indians," as they were called, of even one-sixty-fourth 
Cherokee blood, became by tribal law a Cherokee Indian, and all his children 
would be Cherokee Indians by the same rule. Besides the 2,000 adopted whites, 
there were over 3,000 negro Cherokee citizens, their former slaves by birth or 
parentage; there were also about 1,200 Indians adopted from other tribes, 
chiefly Shawnee and Delaware. Of those who had any share of Cherokee 
ancestry, about 20,000 or 22,000, the great majority had more white than 
Indian blood. I doubt if there were then in the Cherokee Nation more than 
5,000 individuals who looked like full-blood Indians, spoke the language, or 
thought and felt as Indians. Naturally we find a larger share of the white 
element in the wealthier tribes. The local white man is not studying ethnology. 
He is after a land allotment, an oil royalty, a timber right, or a slice of the 
tribal funds, and he marries in with the tribes that have them. 

Among the tribes along the southwestern border there is also an important 
captive element, as I learned when I first began work with the Kiowa 25 years 
ago. I found there were many captives among the Kiowa, as also among their 
allies, the Comanche and Kiowa Apache, but the agent could not tell me how 
many, as they were all listed on the rolls simply as Indians. I took a census 
among the Kiowa, and found 32 still living in a tribe of about 1,100 souls, 
although it was then nearly 30 years since the last captives had been taken 
by war parties raiding in Texas or Mexico. They had been taken as children 
and raised as Indians, and Included Mexicans, Americans of Texas or Kansas, 
and one man who remembered crossing the ocean with his parents from Ger- 
many. The children of captive parents on one or sometimes both sides num- 
bered nearly one-fourth of the whole tribe. There were also a number of 
Intermarried white men, old-time scouts or traders, American, French, Irish, 
Oerman, and Jewish, all of whose children were enrolled as Indian. A similar 
condition exists among the Comanche, Mescalero, and Apache, and In less 
degree among the Pueblo and Navaho. 

Smallpox has been the greatest single destroyer of the Indian race of the 
United States. Next after smallpox rank whisky and dissipation, and then 
starvation and exposure in wintertime. Next In fatal consequence has been 
famine following repeated removals and disturbance of old family life, and 
last of all comes war. All our wars with the Indians from the beginning, 
excluding wholesale massacres in California, have probably killed a smaller 
number than any important smallpox epidemic has killed in one year. We 
have record of several historic epidemics, but in going over old documents 
we find Indications from time to time of others unrecorded, as, for Instance, 
a casual mention of a smallpox or fever epidemic which has swept over a 
whole Indian area, bnt which is only mentioned incidentally In some treaty or 


Without going Into figures or details I may say that as a basis for esti- 
mating the original Indian population and following it up tribe by tribe 
through their various removals, and through the divisions as they came about 
and formed new groupings, and as they shifted about and became known 
under new names, I mapped out the territory Into certain topographic 
and historic units. The white disturbance In the eastern United States began 
about the year 1500. The white disturbance on the California coast began 
approximately 200 years later. But there are certain areas which may be 
studied as a whole; for Instance, In the north, the New England States. 
By considering the habits of life of the people in such regional units and the 
various epidemics and Indian wars and so on we can arrive at a fairly 
correct estimate. 

As illustrating the fate of our native tribes two examples may serve. Taking 
California first, we have estimates of the original California Indian population 
before the coming of the Spaniards and later the American miners, varying 
all the way from about 150,000 to 700,000, this last being the deliberate opin- 
ion of Powers, who went there officially to make an Indian survey of the State 
in 1875 and 1876. He thinks 500,000 is the minimum, and that 700,000 la 
more probably correct. I have come to the conclusion that Dr. Merrlam 
is nearer right than anybody else, his estimate being approximately one-fourth 
of a million, or 250,000. To-day, of all those we have left, officially, about 
14,000. In other words, by disease and by robbing them of their food sup- 
plies, as the farmers and stoclouen did when they came into the country, and 
by deliberate wholesale massacres by the early miners, and by dissipa- 
tion, we have killed off in about 70 years close to 95 per cent of the original 
population of California. 

On the plains one of the most important tribes iu the earlier times was that 
of the Pawnee. A French officer who was sent up the Missouri in 1702 to learn 
the strength of the tribes, with a view to possible hostilities, estimates the 
Pawnee at 2,000 families, approximately 10,000 souls. In 1838 the missionaries 
Dunbar and Allis made a house to house census, and arrived at the same re- 
sult — ^about 10,000. One estimate of the same period goes as high as 12,500. 
As yet there had been no disturbance of Pawnee life, but a few years later 
people began to go to Oregon, and the main Immigrant trail was laid out through 
the Pawnee territory, bringing with it dissipation, murder, and cholera. The 
result was that in the fall of 1849 there were only 4,500 officially reported, one- 
fourth having died of cholera within the year. In 1861 they were officially re- 
ported at 3,416. In 1873 they were removed to Oklahoma, and six years later 
there were only 1,440 left To-day there are only 660, including all mixed 

The same story is approximately true of nearly every tribe still in existence 
north of the Gulf and the Mexican border. 

Mr. Ejsoebeb. I should like to have Mr. Mooney say what data 
there are as to the earlier Navaho population. He claims that the 
Navaho have increased rather than decreased in numbers. I should 
like to know whether there is any trustworthy evidence on that point- 
Mr. MooNET. The Navaho problem is one of the most confusing 
in this whole study. It is conmionly stated, even officially, that in 
1867 the whole tribe was gathered up and removed to a reservation 
in New Mexico. By a study of the documentary history of that re- 
moval we discover that this statement is very incorrect. There were 


certain persons of prominent local influence who wanted to prove 
that the thing was not possible, that it was not possible to move a 
whole tribe ; and there were others who wanted to show that it could 
be done and afterward to say that it had been done. The result 
was that when those who undertook the work had corralled 7,300 
Navaho they said they had all of them, but it developed afterward 
that they had only about one-half. Anyone who knows that coun- 
try I think will agree that it would have been very difficult to gather 
up 15,000 free wild Indians through those mountains and carry them 
away. Two years later there were 9,000 imder Government control 
and supervision, with an unknown number probably still in hiding. 
It is now commonly assumed that there may be 18,000 to 20,000, but 
it is a difficult country for census taking, and even the official reports, 
which estimate the Navaho at 22,000, put down one bunch of 7,000 
as ^^ a mere estimate.'' The best calculation is probably that of the 
resident Franciscan missionaries, who give them about 18,000. We 
may take this exceptional increase as the result of the tribe con- 
tinuing to live in its old habitat upon its own accustomed food re- 
sources, with its blood unpoisoned and without continual disturb- 
ance from the outside. 

The Chairman. We are now ready to hear Dr. Simoens da Silva's 
paper on ^^The grindstones of the primitive inhabitants of Cabo 
Frio, Brazil." I have particular pleasure in announcing to Dr. 
Simoens da Silva and to the audience that the State Department 
has just received a cablegram from Brazil designating Dr. Simoens 
da Silva as the official representative from that country in the Second 
Pan American Scientific Congress. 



President of the Fluminense Institute of History and Geography, Rio de Janeiro. 

In Brazil, as was the case more or less on the greater part of our American 
Continent, the primitive native tribes Inhabited In preference localities in the 
coastal regions, and were, for a long time, restricted to the use of stone imple- 
ments. The latter is still the case with some of the tribes of natives in the heart 
of onr Immense country, who have not yet reached the stage of replacing their 
primitive arms and implements by more modern and practical ones. 

The aboriginal tribes of the coastal regions, being driven back more and more 
from century to century and year to year, by advancing civilization, to the less 
accessible mountain regions, found their final refuga at the distant headwaters 
of the great rivers in the heart of the continent, but th^v have left behind them, 
clearly traceable, the Imprints of their residence or passage. Among these traces 
are the Sambaquls (Kltchenmlddens) which we frequently encounter along the 
coast and about the mouths of the great rivers; the burial grounds scattered 


almost all over the country, and the pictographs on stone, found at points which 
are to-day almost inaccessible. There are also the arms and Implements they left 
behind at points in their passage and residence, which we frequently meet with 
buried in the soil, under the roots of giant trees or in alluvial deposits on the 
banks of streams ; and finally there are the traces of their activities in quarrying 
and shaping stone. Among the utensils left are mortars and pestles and the 
grindstones they used. Not only the portable ones which they carried with them 
6n their excursions, but the fixed ones which could not be moved. 

It is with the study of the latter kind that I have occupied myself — ^with the 
accessories they found so necessary in preparing their arms and implements and, 
which even in the present day we can not dispense with, although in greatly 
different form. I have taken up the study of this subject because so little atten- 
tion has been given to it by our scientists and on account of the real utility and 
positive originality of the objects in question. 

In order to explain as fully as possible the subject I am dealing with, I will 
give a short historic account of the tribes originally inhabiting the coastal re- 
gion of Brazil and specially the region wherein are found the remains which 
form the subject of my study, the old Captaincy of Sflo Thom^. in the State of 
Rio de Janeiro, at Gabo Frio. 

The best known tribes of Indians inhabiting the coastal region of Brazil were 
the Aymb^res, Cahetfis, Goytacazes, Potygu&ras, Purls, Tupynamb&s, Ck>roado0, 
Guanhans, Saborys, Xumetos, Sacucfis, Oamopis, Guacfis, Jacorit6s, Oaribdcfts, 
Guarulhos, PittAs, Jor6ros, Tamoyos, and others. The Tamoyos, who lived in 
the coast region, for centuries known as Cabo Frio, belong to the great nation of 
the " Tupy," which, for a long period inhabited the maritime coast to the north 
and to the south. This picturesque part of the coast lies in latitude 23^ 00' 
40" S. and longitude 2h. 48m. W. of Greenwich, in the ancient Captaincy of S&o 
Thom6, afterwards Province and now the State of Rio de Janerio. The district 
still retains the name given to the cape, which stands as an advanced sentinel 
to the east, Cabo Ftio. 

Of the prowess of the Tamoyos Indians, which originally inhabited this region, 
the following is known : 

They had established themselves on the long strip of coast from the cape to the 
bar and surrounding Lake Araruama and part of Lake Saquarema, and in the 
neighborhood for some distance, when they became the object of continual 
fierce attacks by a neighboring tribe, the Goytacaz, descendant of a powerful 
nation called the " Qe" which sought to Invade their dominion. The Goytacaz 
were a fierce and warlike tribe, who had the reputation of being anthro- 
pophagous. The Tamoyos, being valiant and warlike and much respected, suc- 
ceeded in keeping out the intruders. They made use of various devices of 
warfare, among which were some 100 to 200 war canoes that they had built 
themselves, and fought with, under the directions and orders of their 
" tchatias " or chief s, with such success that they finally succeeded in subduing 
the invaders, the Goytacazes, who, retiring from this district, settled down 
finally in the locality which to-day constitutes the town of Campos. The 
Tamoyos, on the other hand, who remained settled in the district which is 
the subject of this memorial, came to be known ns "The Indians of Cabo 

Besides being valiant warriors these Indians were good musicians and 
dancers, and Improvised war songs, religious as well as entertaining. Owing 
to these qualities they kept in friendly relations with various other tribes of 
Indians of the neighborhood. They had a calm, dignified bearing and were 


always seeking to Improve their condition. It does not appear strange, there- 
fore, that they accepted the invitation extended to them by the French to join 
them when they invaded the territories of the Grown of Portugal, hoping by that 
means to free themselves of the hard yoke imposed upon them by the Iberians 
nnd to gain their independence. They allied themselves with the French in- 
vaders and formed with them a confederation which for a long time gave much 
trouble to the Portuguese of that region. The necessity to which they were 
thus put of keeping their arms always sharpened brings me to the subject of 
ray study. 

More or l^s in the center of the locality they inhabited, at a place known as 
"Mount Itd/iiru," afterwards called "Morro da Quia*' (Guide Mountain), we 
And a hill strewn with blocks of fine-grained granite (see cut No. 1), on which 
they prepared, by abrasion, their stone implements and weapons, consisting of 
pieces of silez, diorite, diabase, gabbro, and even of nephrite. These blocks, 
which they used as grindstones, gradually acquired from the grinding deep 
depressions or grooves, which still remain visible, testifying for all time to 
the presence and activities of the great tribe of the Tamoyos. 

I desire here to mention two references to these grooves — the first by Dr. 
Ladislau Netto, ex director of the National Museum at Rio de Janeiro, and the 
other by Father Sim£o de Yasconcellos, of the Order of Jesuits. In his work, 
Investlgac5es sobre a Archeologia Brasileira, Dr. Ladislau Netto says that 
he verified the existence on the rocks on the above-mentioned hill of grooves 
pointing in different directions, which api)eared to him made by individuals 
kneeling or squatting, for the purpose of grinding fragments of diorite, of 
which they made their hatchets, grinding them on said rocks with water and 
sand. Some of these grooves he found from 80 to 120 centimeters in length. 
From my own personal observation on the spot I disagree, in part, with this 
statement — ^first, because it is not only at the top of the mountain, but also on 
its slopes and base, that the blocks of stone made use of by the Indians are 
found; second, because we should not take it for granted that only squatting 
or kneeling the Indians could grind their arms, when tliey could do this quite 
as well standing, fitting, bending over, or even lying down — ^positions which 
can be observed still in Peru and Bolivia in the weaving of their cloth and 
UoncJios and in other occupations of the Indians of those countries; third, be- 
cause diorite was not the only rock employed by the Indians of Gabo Frio in 
the manufacture of their arms and implements, they used many other kinds, 
including the granite; fourth, because, finally, the grooves referred to, which 
I examined in detail, are not exclusively from 80 to 120 centimeters in lengtli, 
but from 19 to 170 centimeters. 

In the work of SIm9o de Yasconcellos that Jesuit Father says : 

That these grooves are attributed to the cord of St. Thom^ (who gave his 
name to that captaincy), who irritated at the refractory character of the 
hearts of the primitive Indians against his teachings, wanted to prove to them 
that it was easier to make an impression on the rocks by whipping them with 
his waist cord than on them by preaching them the Gospel. 

I do not want to enter into an argument against legends. Therefore I will 
pass over this one, as weil as the following, which was told mo l^y various 
nged persons of the community of Gabo Frio — namely, that it was Jesus Ghrist 
who caused those impressions when he walked the earth, by whipping the devil 
on those rocks to make him disappear from that vicinity. 

Having made known these facts I will now proceed to give an account of the 
examination made of the erratic blocks found on the mountain referred to. 
which bear the lasting proofs of the work of the Indians who inhabited this 
part of Brazil. 

68436— 17— VOL i 18 


There are in existence 10 of these stones, which the Indians used as grind- 
stones and left behind them when they were driven from their lands of Gabo 

The first is found on the slope of the Morro da Gula, which faces the Itajum 
road. Its base is more or less on a level with that public road, and the whole 

stone is slightly inclined toward the same. This stone presents on its superior 
surface, which measures 2.50 by 1.45 meters, 29 perfectly defined grooves pro- 
duced by grinding, varying in length from 82 centimeters to 1.70 meters, in 
width from 1 to 2i centimeters, and in depth from 1 to 2 centimeters. The 
direction of these grooves, produced longitudinally on the surface of this great 
block of granite, is in every case In the direction from the mountain toward the 
road, or vice versa. And it was ol>served on this stone and all the others that 
the moss and soil have covered the surface of the rock with a thick crust, 
filling up the grooves so that they can not be readily examined until the crust 
has been removed with the aid of a scraper or penknife. (See cut No. 2.) 

The second stone, relatively small, is found on the slope of the hill and pre- 
sents its surface in two distinct planes, the one more or less horizontal and the 
other considerably oblique, with an Inclination of about SO^. On these surfaces 
two groups of grooves are found. On the first there are 11 small, neat grooves, 
varying in length from 10 to 61 centimeters, of which two, the last to the left, 
are slightly curved, their extremities pointing toward the center of the stone, 
contrasting with the others which are all straight. On the second are found 
eight grooves, of which five are vertical and three horizontal, two of the last 
cutting through the ends of two of the first 

The first measure in length, all told, from 45 to 70 centimeters, and the 
last, from 40 centimeters to 1 meter with 2 centimeters of width and depth, 
more or less. 

The third stone, which lies at the point of the mountain, or rather at the 
upper angle, still facing the Itajuru road, presents nine grooves on its surface, 
which measure from 40 to 80 centimeters in length, having the same width and 
depth as the anterior, and run in various directions, being disposed in the 
shape of a fan. 

The fourth. Just above the last one on the crest of the mountain, shows on its 
surface one part plane and perfect and two others quite different, as they are 
l)oth actual depressions in the rock. On the perfect plane we can count 
seventeen grooves, measuring from 86 centimeters to 1.10 meter in length, 
running in several directions with a variation of 45'. In the greater of 
the depressions there is not the least vestige of the work of man. In the 
smaller one, however, there are five grooves, all small and not very neat, 
as they are too shallow. They measure in length, all told, from 32 to 47 
centimeters only, and run all In one direction. 

The fifth stone, which lies well on top of the crest of tlie ridge, turned toward 
the other side of the city and toward a precipice, has on Its surface 84 
grooves, which, measuring from 29 to 84 centimeters In length, without any im- 
portant width or depth, although small, are mostly very neat, forming in one of 
the angles a sort of radiation as of the sun's rays. There also exist several 
singular cavities. In form more or less elliptic, measuring generally 16 centi- 
meters by 11 centimeters in diameter and 4 centimeters in depth, which, in my 
opinion, were produced by the friction in the preparation of arms and utensils. 
The grooves are all perfectly straight, with the exception of one, which Is 
curved, with the points this time turned toward the edge of the stone. This 
stone is notable for the variety in the direction of the grooves. 


The sixth stone^ which lies just below the ridge of the moontain, presents on 
its two distinct fiices, one above the other, 20 grooves, on the average very neat. 
On the first face, which is the larger and upper one, there are 18 grooves 
measuring from 88 centimeters to 1 meter in length with regular width and 
depth, all straight, and on the second one only two^ with €6 centimeters one 
and 41 centimeters the other. All are slii^tly curved with their ends turned 
to the edge of the stone. 

The seventh stone, on the crest of the mountain, quite near the chapel of the 
*' Nossa Senhora da Quia," presents two surfaces, facing in quite opposite direc- 
tions from each other. On one of these we find 10 grooves, measuring in length, 
from 30 to 80 centimeters, running all in the same direction. 

The eighth stone, near the former and at the commencement of the slope of 
the mountain, has on its smooth surface 20 grooves, some very dean, running 
all in one direction, and of the same width and depth as the last ones, measuring 
all told from 30 to 1J20 meters in length. 

The ninth stone, at the summit of the mountain and leaning against the 
chapel, is one of a group of blocks here slightly inclined toward the slope on that 
fide. Its surface shows 13 grooves, of which 10 are straight, 2 slightly curved, 
and 1 decidedly curved, measuring from 26 to 70 centimeters. On the surfaces' 
of this block we also find several perfectly hemispherical cavities smaller 
than those on the fifth stone, with 6 to 9 centimeters in diameter and 2 or 
2i centimeters in depth. 

The tenth stone, at the summit of the path which ascends to the atwve^ 
mentioned chapel, presents on one of the comers of its upper surface eight 
somewhat oblique grooves, in general not very clean and all of which are 
curved, with 26 to 08 centimeters in length. 

These 10 blocks of stone, described as above, present on their surfaces, in all^ 
184 grooves, produced by friction, of which 168 are straight and only 16 are 
curved. The latter are found on only 5 of the blocks — namely, 2 in the second* 
1 in the fifth, 2 in the sixth, 3 in the ninth, and, finally, 8 in the tenth. 

So important are these remains that I decided in the middle of this year to 
request the chief executive of the municipality to have two of them transported 
at a convenient time — one to the National Museum and the other to the Museum 
Simoens da Sllva — requesting at the same time that the remaining stones be 
cared for and preserved for the benefit of those who may be interested in the 

Brazil possesses, distributed over its vast territory, other llthic objects of the 
same kind, of which I will only dte for reference the following, which I found 
in the State of Bahia : 

In the district of Amargosa, formerly better known as Baetinga,^ in a quarry 
on the shore of the River Timbo and on the ranch of Sao Jose, are various 
ledges of rock, which present groovings caused by grinding. Not regarding it 
necessary to deHcribe them all, I will only refer to one of the grooves, which 
measures 06 centimeters in length by 11 to 2i centimeters in width and 1) to 8| 
centimeters in depth. 

At the ranch of Varzea in the same district at a place called " Pedra do Ban- 
heiro** (bathtub rock), there are found in a steep rock separated from a 
great block of granite by several natural bathtubs facing the west, five artificial 
grooves of usual types. 

^Bee danlflGatloii of BaetiBga In the work "The Jade in Bnudl,** by Dr. Blmoens 
da SUva. 


However, tbese are not the only ](ind of grindstones used by tlie Indian tribes 
of Brazil. I allude to the small slabs, easily carried, used by the Indians for 
the same purpose, some of which are mentioned in scientific papers, Brazilian 
as well as foreign, and others still are preserved and catalogued in museums 
and private ethnological collections in the country. Of these I may mention 
the following specimens: Ck>ming from the same district of Cabo-Frio, in the 
State of Rio de Janeiro, I have in my collection a fragment of diabase rocic * 
measuring 27 centimeters in length, 7 centimeters in width, and 5 centimeters 
in thickness, weighing 2,310 grammes, of elongated form, and with four surfaces, 
three of which have been well worn by the grinding of certain lithic arms and 
instruments, some for cutting, some for perforating. 

I also have in my possession one coming from the municipality of Olinda, in 

tlie State of Pernambuco, which is a handsome hatchet of nephrite with two 

longitudinal grooves in one of its faces, both measuring 12 centimeters in length, 

from 1 to li centimeters in width, and 1 millimeter only in depth.' 
I have another, coming from the city of Amargosa, or Baetinga, in the State 

of Bahia, also of nephrite rock, which is a true hatchet, which, having been 

used for the same purpose, was cut in two equal parts, as the grooves went 

around the piece almost through the middle longitudinally on both faces.* 

I might mention various others but of lesser interest here. A specimen may be 
seen at the Museu Paulista, also of nephrite, coming from the same place of 
Amargosa, brought by the active Mr. Christovam Barreto and scientifically de- 
scribed by the director of that museum, Prof. Hermann von Ihering, in the 
review of that institution, Vol VI, page 554. There are also known those 
of the Museu Nacional of Rio de Janeiro of diorite rock, minutely described 
by its former director, Dr. Ladislao Netto, on pages 486 and 487, Volume VI, 
of the archives of that museum. 

In conclusion I want to say that the classification of the material of the speci- 
mens referred to in this memorial was kindly made by my late lamented friend. 
Dr. OrviUe Derby, unfortunately no longer amongst the living, and that the 
specimens referred to as belonging to me are with various others preserved in 
the Museum Simoens da Sllva, founded by me August 2, 1879. 

Mr. DA SiLVA. Mr. Chairman, I want to offer to the National 
Museum a piece of this jade which I have had mounted [handing a 
piece of jade handsomely mounted on a silver stand]. 

The Chaibman. I am sure that the National Museum is greatly 
indebted to Dr. da Silva for the gift of this rare specimen. 

The next paper on the program is entitled '^ Explorations in the 
Ozark Mountains of Missouri and Arkansas," by Prof. Charles 

-^ ^ _ iri -■■ 

^E2xhlbited by Dr. Simoens da Silva in luminous projections at the Facaldad de 
V^osofla of Buenos Aires in 1010, on the occasion of his conference at the Seventeenth 
International Congress of Americanists. 

*Dr. Simoens da Silva, The Jade in BrasU (Nephrite from Bahla.) 





Curator European Archeology, Peabody Museum, Harvard University. 

Director Department of Archeology, Phillips Academy, Andover. 

From June 30 to July 27, 1915, the work of excavation was carried on in the 
80-ca1led "Ash Cave," 4 miles from Cassville, Barry County, Mo., under the 
direction of the writer, assisted by his daughter, Miss Margaret Christina 
Peabody, Mr. B. H. Jacobs, of Bentonvllle, Ark., and by a corps of workers six 
or seven in number. This is one of the characteristic caverns of the district. 
The Ozark uplift is full of eroded valleys, in which the streams, aided perhaps 
by atm<xspherlc action, have carved out cliflTlike banks and sides and In places 
have undercut these. 

In the cllffti there open numerous caves, usually extending inward from a 
** rock-shelter ** entrance. They occur in sandstone as well as in limestone 
strata — more often in the latter — and are often of considerable dimensions. 
Many years ago Mr. Jacobs noted the occurrence of dustlike deposits in some 
of the caves and found that these were likely to contain interesting traces of 
human occupancy. He kindly notified the department of archoeology of Phillips 
Academy, Andover, of this observation, and It was under his guidance that the 
curator of the museum, Mr. W. K. Moorehead, and the writer took up the work 
of excavation in Jacobs Cavern, MacDonald County, Mo., and later In the 
Kelley Cavern in Madison County, Ark. 

The quantity of the soft deposits in the caves is very great. From Jacobs 
Cavern several hundred cubic meters were taken out, and a like amount from 
the Cave. The presence or absence of this deposit seems directly con> 
cerned with human occupancy and perhaps directly proportional to the length 
of the occupancy. It has been the custom to refer to the deposit as " ashes,*' 
and it Is clear that fire has been active during the whole time of its deposition 
as evidenced by the constant recurrence of charcoal, true gray ashes, traces of 
''hearths," burnt bones, etc., but fire is not responsible for the entire deposit. 
Dust, decayed leaves, and wood, and disintegrated stone, accumulated by wind 
and water are responsible for much of It. There are present also stalagmltlc 
deposits and breccia. 

In Jacobs Cavern evidences of human occupation were found in *' toadstool " 
stalagmltlc formations at the depth of 50 centimeters, Indicating considerable 
age — how great, however, there Is no means of determining, as the rate of 
fttalagmltlc growth depends on five or six factors, the constant of which is 

In the Ash Cave a little breccia, showing human agency in its composition, 
adhered to the walls of the rock shelter at a height of a meter and a half 
above the highest " ash ** floor observed in that place. This phenomenon was 
repented at a corresponding level on the opposite wall of the cave. It seems 
unlikely, however, that the deposit ever filled the cave to that height and 
the occurrence remains unexplained. 

Great numbers of animal bones In good preservation were found. The 
species identified Include bison, beaver, wild turkey, raccoon, woodchuck, and 
Virginia deer ; the last in great numbers. 

It is estimated that the maximum deposit In any cave may be accounted 
for by a residence of a thousand years or so. There is no stratification; the 

^This paper was presented at the Joint aestion Thursday morning, Dec. 80, 1015, at 
the National Mnseum of the Nineteenth International Congroes of Americanists, 
affiliated socletips, and section 1. 


<!haracter of the deposit and the indusiODs seem the same at all depths. In- 
cluded fipecimens are more numerous near the surface. 

In spite of careful search no trace of human action was found In the ** red 
4:lay'* strata underlying the "ash" deposits. The red decomposed limestone 
80 well known abroad and present in characteristic caves here has, so for 
fis the writer knows, remained sterile In this country. No trace even of 
''dribbled" specimens has been found, though their presence is noted in the 
strata Immediately overlying. 

The period of the close of the occupancy of the ash caverns is hard to 
<jetermine; wandering parties of Indians, as well as of white men, have 
resorted to them at various times, and the former probably picked up and 
<ised again the available implements. There are men now living who recall 
traditions of summer Ozark occupancy by migratory Indiana. ' 

The absence of burials has led to the suggestion that the caves were the 
summer resorts of the flood-plain Indians — a theory discredited by the total 
absence of whole pottery vessels and an almost equal absence of the orna- 
ments and implements of stone and shell which the holiday-making Indians 
would be sure to have with them. About all we can say then is that tribes 
of very simple homogeneous culture lived, worked, and ate in the rock shelters 

The work in this region has been carried on by Phillips Academy, Andover. 
Mass., and the specimens are there preserved. 



United States National Museum. 
Friday morning^ December 31 j 1915, 

Chairman, William H. Holmes. 

Papers presented : 

The place of archaeology in human history^ by William H. Holmes. 

The rise and fall of the Maya civilization in the light of the 

monmnents and the native chromcles, by Sylvanus Griswold Morley. 


Head Curator of Anthropolooy, United State* National Museum. 

Anthropology, which is defined as the science of man, may be regarded as 
presenting two distinct phases: (a) The historical phase, which deals with the 
present and past, and (b) the practical phase, which relates to the present 
and future. The former comprises all of those researches designed to aoquhre 
a knowledge of the present and past of man and the latter with aU of those 
researches which have the present and foture welfare of man in view. The 
form^ is the historical phase of the science, the latter the practical. The term 
history as affiled to the human race is a comprehensive designation corre- 
sponding to the historical phase of anthropology. According to Poweirs classi- 
fication anthropology may be considered under seven heads or departments, 
giving rise to as many branches of research: Somatology, the science of the 
human body ; psychology, the science of the human mind ; philology, the science 
activities designed for eiEpresslon ; sociology, the science of institutions ; sophi- 
ology, the science of activites designed to give instruction; technology, the 
science of the arts and industries ; esthetology, the sdenoe of activities designed 
to give pleasure. In working out its problems each of these branches employs 
every available agency of research within and without its particular field and 
makes use of every kind of record in which the history of man Is embodied. 

The sources of information to be drawn on In these researches are com- 
prised under two principal heads — (1) Intentional or purposeful records, and 
(2) nonintentional or fortuitous records. The intentional records are of five 
forms, as follows: (1) Pictorial, as in pictures and pictographs; (2) major 
<>bjective, as in commemorative, monumental works; (8) minor objective, as 
In quipu and wampum; (4) oral, as In tradition and lore; (5) written, as In 
glyphic and alphabetic characters. It should be observed that with each of 
these categories goes necessarily a mnemonic element — a very considerable 
dependence on memory. Fortuitous records take numerous forms: (1) The 
great body of products of human handicraft to which no mnemonic significance 
has ever been attached; (2) the nonmaterial results of human activity as 
embodied in language, beliefs, customs, music, phUosophy, etc; (8) the ever- 
existing body of unpremeditated memories which accrue to each generation and 
are In part transmitted adventitiously; (4) the record embodied In the physical 

^ There was no etenognphic report of this session. 



constitatioo ctf man, whidi, when properiy read, aids In telling ttie story of tils 
deFelopment from lower forms; (5) the records of int^ectoal growth and 
powers to be sous^t in the nature and activities of tlie mind ; (6) the envtron- 
ments which may be made to assist In revealing the story of the nature and 
upbulldiug of the race and its culture throughout the past. 

It is from these diversifled records, present and past, tliat the story of the 
race— of the seven grand divisions of human Idstory — must be drawn. Archs* 
olog:^' stands quite apart from this classification of the science of man, since, as 
will l>e shown, it traverses in its own way the entire field of researdi ; howbeit, 
it usually claims for its own more especially that which is old or ancient In this 
vast body of data. It is even called on to pick up the lost lines of the earlier 
written records, as in the shadowy beginnings of glyphic and phonetic writing, 
and restore them to history. It must recover the secrets of the commemorative 
mouuments — the tonihR, temples, and sculptures intended to Immortalise the 
now long-forgotten great. It must follow back the obscure trails of tradition 
and substantiate or descredit the lore of the fathers. It must interpret in 
its way, so far as interpretation is possible, the pictorial records Inscribed 
by the ancients on rock faces and cavern walls, these being among the most 
lasting of purposeful records. All that archaeology retrieves from this wide 
field is restored to human knowledge and added to the volume of written 
lUstory. Ardissology Is thus the great retriever of history. 

The science of archaeology is equally useful in the field of the fortuitous 
records of humanity, for it reads or interprets that which was never intended 
to be rend or interpreted. The products of human handicraft, present and 
past, which have automatically recorded the doings of the ages, are made to 
tell the story of the struggles, the defeats, and the triumphs of humanity. The 
fortuitous records embodied in the nonmaterial products also of man's activi- 
ties are made to cast a strong light on the history and significance of the mate- 
rial things of the past Even the body of knowledge gathered from many 
sources and stored In the memory of the living, though untrustworthy as a 
record, may be made, if wisely employed, to illumine the past ; and the physical 
and psychical man of to-day are in themselves records and may 1>e made to 
tell the story of their own becoming, thus explaining the activities and the 
products of activity throughout the ages. All that archeeology gathers from 
this wide field of research Is contributed to the volume of written history. 
It is thus not only the retriever of that which was treasured and lost, but 
equally the revealer of vast resources of history of which no man had pre- 
viously taken heed. 

In the great work of assembling the scattered pages and completing the 
volume of the history of man, archseology may well claim first place among the 
contributing sciences. The range of its activities may be further defined. Since 
history must be regarded as embracing the entire record of the race, whatsoever 
form it may take, there can in reality be no such thing as prehistory, and hence 
no such thing as a prehistoric period or prehistoric arehfeology, heuce these 
terms, If used at all, should not be employed without first fully setting forth 
their particular application. There can, indeed, be no satisfactory or scien- 
tifically useful classification or separation of the history of human culture as 
a whole or even with a. single people on a basis of time or period. The begin- 
ning of the written record is not the end of the unwritten record either for the 
race as a whole or for any of the groups. We may think of a people as having 
a period of written history — a period dating from the l>eginning of writing 
among that people--or we may think of a people without writing, which by 
accident of geographical proximity has found a place in the written record .of 



a neighboring, more advanced nation; bnt the unwritten phase In no case 
ceases with the beginning of the written phase of the history of any people. A 
large part of the current history In all cases, being unwritten, passes, unless 

temporarily conserved by tradition ..-^.^^..^ 

or by some nonpurposeful method, >^«»tw \ Mr^i^j.i ••■:.- ■■•. .-. M rf^»iMM*i^ 

lilAUKAU I. 

directly Into the vast body of the 
subject matter of archjeologlcal sci- 
ence or otherwise Into the great 
blank o( oblivion. 

Referring to the American Conti- 
nent, and using the term prehistoric 
In the usual sense, we may think of 
the prehistoric period as ending and 
the historic as beginning with the 
landing of the Norsemen in the year 
1,000 A. D. ; or, disregarding this 
episode as a mere negligible incident, 
without practical effect on the pre- 
historic status of the aborigines, we 
may think of the landing of Columbus 
as ending the prehistoric and begin- 
ning the historic period. It is custo- 
mary to speak of the historic i^eriod 
in America as thus limited, and of 
the prehistoric as covering all pre- 
vious time (diagram I) ; but this is an unscientific classification. Tho Colum- 
bian discovery did not reveal the American aborigines or make known their 

place in history, save in the most 
limited way. The race and its cul- 
ture continued for a long time prac- 
tically within the realm of the pre- 
historic (the unknown and unwritten) 
somewhat as Indicated in diagram II. 
The actual separation, the scientific 
separation, is between the Avrltten 
and the unwritten. As commonly ex- 
pressed, the prehistoric phase of the 
history of a particular people or eth- 
nic group would end and the historic 
phase begin with the first written 
record of that people. Thus the pre- 
historic status of the Peruvians would 
end and the historic begin with the 
arrival of Plzarro, of the New Mexi- 
cans with the arrival of Fray Marcos 
de Nlza, and of the Virginians with 
the landing of the Roanoke Colony. 
The prehistoric (unwritten) period 
of the valley of the " River of Doubt " 
would end and the historic would 
begin when Roosevelt made his much-challenged report; the previous history 
of the valley being outside of the range of history recording peoples, is pre- 
historic — that is, without designed record, and so It largely remains. 

ill AGRA M 11. 


Althongb the first pentuinent record (so culled) of a people may be regarded 
u marking the besiniiiiig of the period of written history of that people, the 
separction of tlie two fields is not thus correctly 
Indicated. In each case the written record 
rnw covers but a limited portion of the historical 
subject matter of the people of the area con- 
cerned, as Indicated in diagram IL In tact 
the unwritten, the true prehistoric, never ends, 
and the task of the arclueologist has tin un- 
limited future OS It has an Inexhansttble past. 
Concrete examples may serve further to UIos- 
trate the relation of history and the so-called 
prehistory; that Is, of the written and the on- 
written phases of the human record. 

The history of Rome Is recorded In a thousand 
volumes, yet there is much more of Roman his- 
tory within the period of written history which 
can be Imown to the modem world only throngh 
excavation and research, and much more stlU 
which can not be known at all. The orchico- 
loglcal phase of the history of Roma beglna 
practically with the present and extends back- 
ward over a snccesslon of periods passing In- 
definitely tieyond the dawn of its written hi*- 
DiwuM III. j^py toward the beginning of man's career In 

the basin of the Mediterranean. Even a modem city like Woshlneton, now 
not two centuries old, has a record of events entombed beneath its pavements 
awaiting the pick and spade of the archieologlst 
of the future. Resting upon a substrotnm filled 
with relics of the aborigines, the subject in 

recent years of extended and Important research mm 

is a layer of deposits pertaining to the British 
colonial regime, and a stratum superposed upon 
this filled with traces of the century and a half 
of the modem Republic. The bulk of the un- 
written Is by far greater than that of the writ- 
ten. It would seem thus that the Capital City 
boa Its unwritten record to wlilcb, however, the 
arcbieoloBlst-historlan may not need to apply, 
since the written record Is exceptionally com- 
plete, unless. Indeed, a fate like that of ancient 
Rome should In the fullness of time fall to 
her loL 

That antiquity la not a necessary attribute of 
the subject matter of srchieoioglc sclencf* may 
be further Illustrated. The cont«its of an an- 
cient village site In Asia Minor, for example, 
deserted before the beginning of the Christian 
era, contains mined buildings and other works, 
OS well as minor relics of various kinds, on and 
beneath the surface. All of these antiquities 
are prt^terly within the purview of the archieoloKlst, who nses them In deter- 
mining people, culture, period, relations, and origins. The contents of a vlllaBa 



site deserted by a prludtlve trtbe In Arizona a generation ugo furnlBbes neorlj 

Idoitlcal remalnB, all ot wblch are eQually well within the purview of ttaa 

•tadent of ardueology who may use them In 

detertnlning the people, the culture, the period, 

relations, and orlgloB aa in the other case. The 

period does not In any way affect the status of 

the subject matter of the science of archeology, 

Events lost to sight but yesterday and unwritten 

can be restored to the realm of the known only 

through the agency of this science:. 
The wide range ot the field of arcbsology may 

be made more fully apparent by a consldera- ^ 

tkm of the accompanying diagrams, in which the 

field of human history, represented by the space 

between two diverging lines. Is assumed to 

b^u at tbe bottom with the birth of the race, 

to widen with the ages, and to end at tbe top 

with the present time. On this field is laid 

down (diagram III) a theoretical scheme of the 

relation of the wholly unrecorded (A) to the 

wbole body of recorded history (B). It Is 

dear that In the earlier stages the wholly un- 
recorded most occupy a large port of the his- 
torical field, but records of a fortuitous kind, 

constating of the physical remains of man and 

tbe simpler forms of his works, have been 

preserved under 

** certain favorable 

conditions from Diaobah v. 

the earliest times, 

as Indicated at O. With the passing ages this 
"* area Increases in Importance, and new forms <a 
record arrive, gradually occupying a consider- 
able part of the field. It Is assumed thot pur- 
poMful records began perhaps during tl>e early 
stages of savagery (diagrams IT, V), the point 
In Intellectual evolution at wblch the suggestion 
of keeping In memory post events and of fixing 
dates of present and future events dawned upon 
the mind. The five forms ot purposeful record 
which arose In turn — traditional, minor mne- 
monic, monumental, pictorial, and written — had 
beginnings, we may say, at D, E, F, O, H, re- 
spectively. (Diagram V.) Insignificant and of 
slow development at first the purposeful records 
gradually expanded, as Indicated in the dlngntm, 
so that to-day they occupy an Important place 
in the historic field, the written record (o) hav- 
ing increosed In scope with exceptional rapidity. 

It Is observed that the several purposeful rec- 

DiAouN VI. '"''^> although kept up continuously from genera- 

tion to generation, are not necessarily permanent 

for while additions ore made to-day the records of yesterday ore being obliterated. 

An fade ont with tbe passing of the years and are lost, though et different rates. 


as indicated in diagram VI. The oral records (6) persist for a few generations 
only, or at most a few centuries. The monumental mnemonic records (c), of 
which the dolman and the pyramid are examples, are durable as structures; 
they suggest their purpose and tell of the customs of the time ; but the associ- 
ated record, being unwritten and hence dependent on tradition, is soon wholly 
lost Even the written record has in many instances lost its significance, as in 
the case of dead tongues, becoming thus a part of the subject matter of archieo- 
logical research, and if not thus retrieved passing into oblivion. The minor 
mnemonic id) are hardly more permanent. The quipu, for example, dug from 
a Peruvian grave, contains no hint of the record which it was intended to ke^ 
and is without significance save such as it may acquire through the efforts of 
the archaeologist.* The pictorial record (e) alone, while it endures, retains, and 
conveys a considerable measure of its purpose and significance, for the story, 
graphically told, is intelligible, in part at least, to all men of all times. 

It is apparent from the above that the enduring portions of all material 
forms of record may in time become part of the subject matter of archseology, 
80, as before shown, it is plain that this science must traverse the entire field of 
human history, howsoever recorded, drawing its data from the whole record, 
purposeful and fortuitous, present and past, contributing the product to the 
ever-growing yet insufficient and never fully permanent body of written history. 

To-day the realm of unwritten fortuitously recorded history is still vast as 
compared with that of written history, research having made hardly more than 
a beginning in its exploration of the scattered archives of past ages; but the 
inquisitive turn of the civilized mind respecting antiquity will have its way, 
and in time the story of the past of man in most of its essential details will 
have been, through the agencies of archaeology and contributing sciences, so 
fully told, though never to be completely told, as to become in its principal 
outlines a part of common knowledge. 

Although we speak of permanent records, harboring the delusion that civili- 
sation has achieved means of perpetuating a knowledge of human events, it 
must be allowed that, as has been shown, no known record really perpetuates 
indefinitely; stone crumbles with time and books are eaten by worms or de- 
stroyed by fire and decay. Nothing of history approaches iiermanency, save 
through purposeful repetition in books and on monuments, and even this means 
afTords but a shadow of perpetuity, since this repetition can continue only so 
long as a kindly nature continues to fertilize a mutable and finite world, per- 
mitting the race to survive and its higher phases of culture to flourish. 


Of the Carnegie Institution of Washington. 

Probably tlie greatest aboriginal culture of the New World was that developed 
by the Maya of southern Mexico and northern Central America during the 

^ An extraordinary example of objective mnemonic record is fumisbed by the practice 
of the Incas of Pern. The mnmmled bodies of the earlier mlers were brought out at 
stated periods and awarded the same daily service by their descendants as when living. 
By this practice a body of memories relating to the most important personages and 
events in the history of the ration, extending over a period of several hundred yean, 
was preserved; yet the record thus kept alive was necessarily restricted in scope, and 
in a few generations muftt have become In large part vague and merged with myth. 


first 15 centuries of the Christian era/ In some fields of activity, it is true, 
they were surpassed by other peoples. Thus, for example, the Inca excelled 
tfaem in the textile arts ; the Chlriqui in metal working ; the Aztecs in military 
organization, but Judged as a whole tlie Maya civilization would appear to have 
been the most notable expression of the native American mind. A review of 
the history of this remaritable people, as set forth in the hieroglyphic inscrip- 
tions on their monuments, as well as in the native chronicles, is the purpose 
of the present paper. 


Old Bmpibb. 

I Arcludc Period.... ..EarlieHt limes Down To 1 Ahau 8 Kayab 

'* •• 360 A. D. {circa) 

II Middle Period 1 Ahau 8 Kayab To 4 Ahau 13 Yax 

360 ▲. D " 460 A. D. (eiroa) 

III Great Period 4 Ahau 18 Yax To 8 Ahau 3 Ceh 

460 A. D " 600 A. D. {circa) 

Niw Bmpibb. 

IV Colonization Period Katun 6 Ahau To Katun 1 Ahau induaiye 

420 A. D " 620 A. D. (circa) 

▼ Transitional Period Katun 12 Ahau To Katun 4 Ahau induaiye 

620 A. D-^ " 980 A. D. ieiroa) 

▼I Renalaaance Period Katun 2 Ahau To Katun 8 Ahau 

980 A. D " 1190 A. D. (circa) 

▼II Toltec Period Katun 8 Ahau To Katun 8 Ahau 

1190 A. D " 1460 A. D. (circa) 

Till Final Period Katun 8 Ahau To Katun 13 Ahau indusive 

1450 A. D " 1537 A. a (circa) 

Maya historj' may be divided into two general epochs — ^the Old and New Em- 
pires—each of which contained several periods, as shown in the accompanying 
table. The Old Empire flourished during the first six centuries of the Christian 
era in what are now the States of Chiapas and Tabasco in Mexico, the Depart- 
ments of Peten and Izabal in Guatemala, and the adjoining western part of 
Honduras. The New Empire, which literally grew out of the Old, lasted from 
the fifth century, A. D., to the Spanish Conquest in 1541. Its provenance was 
the peninsula of Yucatan, whither the Maya migrated during the fifth to sev- 
enth centuries, the closing period of the Old Empire being contemporaneous 
with the opening period of the New Empire, as shown in the above table. 

The sources for the history of the Old Empire are exclusively archaeological, 
consisting chiefly of the hieroglyphic inscriptions, the art and architecture 
of the dliferent southern cities. For the New Empire, however, the sources 
are in part, at least, documentary, that Is, the native chronicles, which give 
chronological synopses of the principal events from the colonization of Yucatan 
to the Spanish Conquest. 

a The correlation of Maya and Chriitian chronology followed in this paper is that 
suggested by the writer. See "The Correlation of Maya and Christian Chronology/* 
Amer. Jour. Archeology, 2d ser., ziv, pp. 103-204. The correlation proposed by 
Bowditch is 256 years earlier. Bee ** Memoranda on the Maya Calendars Used in the 
Books of Chilan Balam/* Amer. Anthr., N. S., Ill, pp. 129-138. Other correlations 
have been advanced by Brasseur de Bourbonrg, Plo Per<s, Valentini* Seler, and 
Goodman. All are based prlmarUy on the same evidence, namely, certain chronological 
statements in the native chronicles, the so^salled Books of Chilan Balam. The reasons 
why the writer has proposed a new correlation of the two chronologies, when there were 
already so many in the field, are not germane to the present discussion ; suiBce it to 
say in this connection that his correlation is based on more extensive evidence than 
any of the others, and requires less manipulation of the original sources. 


The origin of the Maya civilization 18 lost in the remote past, not even ttie 
shadowy half lights of tradition illnmining its beginnings. The very earliest 
Inscriptions literally burst upon ns fully formed, the flower of long-continued 
astronomical observations expressed in a graphic system of exceeding intricacy. 
It seems probable indeed, Judging from the complexity of the earliest texts, 
which are in stone, that the hieroglyphic writing must have been developed on 
some perishable medium, such as wood or fiber paper or parchment, the destruc- 
tion of which by natural processes would satisfactorily explain the entire 
absence of its earlier stages. 

The earliest dated object known is the Tuxtla Statuette (PI. I), found near 
San Andrte Tuxtla in the State of Vera Cruz, Mexico, and now in the United 
States National Museum.^ It dates from the early part of cycle 8 in Maya 
chronology, about 100 B. O., and, what is even more important. It is the only 
dated Maya carving that has been found outside of the region where the Maya 
civilization Is known to have flourished. 

If it could be definitely established that the Tuxtla Statuette was made in 
the region where it was found, it might indicate that we should look for the 
beginnings of the Maya civilization somewhere in this vicinity, rather than 200 
miles to the southeastward, where It reached such amazing proportions. 

Any explanation, moreover, which attempts to account for the origin of the 
Maya civilization must concern itself also with the problem presented by the 
Huasteca, a Maya-speaking people inhabiting the eastern coast plain of Mexico 
from the Rio Panuco southward as far as Tuxpam, but who present not one im- 
portant cultural characteristic of their southern brethren. Indeed, so far as the 
Huasteca themselves are concerned, it seems certain that they must have 
broken off from the main body of the Maya before the latter developed their 
distinctive civilization, which was so extensively copied in later times by other 

These two facts, the provenance of the Tuxtla Statuette and the existence 
of a Maya-speaking people even farther north, suggest a pos^slble northern origin 
for the Maya culture, perhaps as already suggested, somewhere on the Gulf 
coast in Mexico between the Panuco and Grljalva Rivers. 

This question of the original habitat of the Maya, important as It Is, must. 
In the present state of knowledge, necessarily remain Indeterminate.' What is 
certain, however. Is that as early as the first century of the Christian era they 
were firmly established In what Is now northern Guatemala, southern Mexico, 
and western Honduras, and the Archaic period of the Old Empire may be con- 
sidered as being fairly under way. (See PI. II.) 

I See Holmes " On a Nephrite Statuette from San Andrte Toztla, Vera Cms, Mexico,** 
Amer. Anthr., N. 8., vol. 9, no. 4, Oct.-Dec., 1907. 

'Another Important question which closely touches our subject is that of the relative 
ages of the Maya and Archaic cultures, the latter not to be confounded with the 
Archaic period of the Old Empire, however. The Archaic culture has been applied 
to a class of remains, extremely homogeneous In both subject matter and technique, 
that has been found In the States of Mlchoacan, Collma, Jalisco, Teplc, Chiapas, Puebia, 
and Vera Cruz in Mexico, and In Guatemala, Salvador, and Honduras, which in genera! 
is the area inhabited by tribes of the Nahna or Mexican arroup. See Splnden, " Notes 
on the Archieology of Salvador, Amer. Anthr., n. s., xvli, pp. 446-487. Splnden believes 
this culture to have been developed and spread by Nahua peoples in connection with 
the origin and development of agriculture. While it Is somewhat premature to attempt 
to correlate the two cultures through ladc of evidence bearing on the question, it 
appears fairly clear already that the Maya probably developed their distinctive civilisa- 
tion after the distribution of the Archaic culture throughout the region where It la 
now found, although It does not appear to have been materially, or in fact discemlbly^ 
affected by the latter. 


period of Cycle 9, about 210 A. D.' Tlkal (see PI. Ill, a),' was undoubtedly the 
largest city of the Old Empire, and this monument would appear to indicate that 
It may have been the oldest as well.* But for its origin we must seek an even 
greater antiquity than 210 A. D., since there are a number of other monuments 
here of earlier style than Stela 3, the dates oT which have not yet been 
deciphered. This city with Its towering temples, the highest more than 175 
feet above the level of the plain, was occupied throughout the Old Empire 
being one of the last of the southern cities to be abandoned. 

The earliest date at Gopan, the next city founded (Pis. II and III, 5) la tn 
the fifth katun of Cycle 9, about 250 A. D., although here again there are still 
earlier monuments which have not yet been dated. Copan was not occupied bo 
long as her great northern rival, possibly because it was on the southern fron- 
tier. The site Is remarkable chiefly for the great wealth of its hieroglyphic in- 
scriptions, probably as many as a third of all the known texts coming from 

Toward the close of the Archaic period in the ninth katun, about 335 
A. D., Pie<lra8 Negras ( PI. II ) , on the east bank of the Usumacintla River, was 
founded, and 25 years later, about the year 360, Naranjo and El Pabellon, 
which conclude the list of sites dating from this period. The map presented in 
Plate II, then, shows the Maya world as it was at the end of the Archaic 
period, by which time at least four of the large cities had been established: 
Tikal, C]!opan, Piedras Negras, and Naranjo, the first two being the largest and 
most important of the Old Empire. 

Note how the number of cities had increased a hundred years later, at the 
end of the Middle period (PI. IV). The new sites are shown in the plate in 
lighter shading, the archaic sites, which carried over, in heavier shading, and 
the abandoned sites — Graciosa and El Pabellon — ^in outline. 

Of the new cities by far the most important are Palenque and Yaxchilan, 
the earliest date at the former being in the eleventh katun, about 370 A. D., and 
at the latter in the twelfth katun some 10 years late. 

Palenque (PI. Ill, c) is probably the best known of all the Maya cities. The 
magnificence of its temples, the beauty of its sculptures, particularly those in 
stucco, the interest attaching to the emblem of the cross found here on several 
tablets, and the erroneous notions to which this latter circumstance has given 
rise, have all combined to throw a glamor of romance about the site, hardly 
equaled by that of any other center of aboriginal population in America. 

Toward the close of the Middle period, in the fifteenth katun, about 450 A. D.. 
Quirigua was founded, probably as a colony from Copan (PI. V, a). The 
largest monument in the Maya area is found here, a monolith nearly 40 feet 

^For a reproduction of the complete text of this important monument see Maler, 
" BxploratiouB in the Department of Peten, Quatemala: Tlkal," Mem. Peabody Mns., t. 
no. 1, pi. 15. 

*Ttae reproductions of the bIx Maya cities shown in Plates III and V are taken from 
the oil paintings by the artist Carlos Yierra. These wer^ made under the writer's 
supervision for the Maya exhibit at the Panama-California Bxposltion at San Diego, 
and are fairly accurate, being based on actual surveys. Indeed, such is the luxuriance 
of the forest growth now covering most of them, that the accompanying views give a 
better idea of their appearance than could be gathered from a bird's-eye view of the 

*In May, 1910, the Carnegie Institution Central American Bxpeditlon discovered a 
new site in northern Peten, Guatemala, some 15 or 20 mUes northwest of Tikal, whlck 
was called Uaxactun. This city Is chiefly remarkable for having a Cycle 8 I. S. (Stela 9), 
namely 8 Men 8 Kayab (50 A. D. circa), ISO years older than Stela 8 at 
Tikal. It farther supports the statement made above, that this general region. 1. e., 
Tikal and vicinity, is probably the oldest center of the Old Rmplre. 



in length and weighing upward of 50 tons.^ In measuring tlie magnitude of the 
labor involved first in quarrying this huge block of stone and in transporting it 
about 2 miles to the place where it was erected, and later in completely covering 

Plate IV. 

Tbc> Maya World in the Old Empire — End of the Middle Period,, approxi- 
mately 460 A. D. 

1 This monumeot now leans some 12 feet from the perpendicular. The height of the part 
above ground is 26 feet, but such is the character of the Quirlgua soil, a pasty, alluvial 
deposit, that it seems necessary to postulate at least another 10 or 15 feet for the part 
burled in the ground in order to support the tremendous lateral thrust developed by 
the leaning position of the monolith. This leaning was probably caused by uneven 
settling in the foundations in ancient times, and It is gradually increasing. 

68436— 17— VOL i 14 


its sides with intricate carvings, we must bear in mind that all this was accom- 
plished without the aid of beasts of burden and without the use of metal tools. 

The distribution of the cities founded dtti:ing the Middle period (PL IV) show» 
that by this time the intensive occupation of the entire region was well under 
way: Palenque in the extreme west, the chain of cities extending up the 
Usumacintla Valley, La Honradez in the northeast, Yaxha and Itsimte in the 
center, and Quirigua in the south, all parts of the area, in fact, were being 
opene^l up, and a strong and homogeneous culture was everywhere developing. 

Before leaving this period, it is necessary to call attention to one other point, 
as yet but a tiny speck on the horizon, but soon to overshadow and cast inta 
perpetual eclipse all the cities we have been considering, namely, the discovery 
and colonization of Yucatan, which took place, according to the native chroni- 
cles, during the fourteenth or fifteenth katun, 440 to 460 A. D.^ This event, 
which was to have such far-reaching consequences, was probably due to the 
normal growth and expansion of the Old Empire. With the central region 
already occupied, the northern cities could expand only to the north, that la, 
toward Yucatan ; and doubtless a number of colonizing parties pushed out from 
these during the latter part of the Middle period and founded new settlements 
in what is now southern Yucatan. In this way the Province of Bakhalal was 
colonized about 460 A. D. 

The next map (PI. VI) represents the Maya world at the height of the Old 
Empire, about 520 A. D. Again the relative ages of the several cities are shown 
by differences in shading, the oldest being the darkest — 1. e., having the heaviest 
dotting. During the 60 years that have elapsed since the close of the middle 
period a number of new cities have been established; indeed, this particular 
katun, 18, is recorded at more sites than any other 20-year period in the Old 
Empire. All the large cities of the Archaic and Middle periods, with the possible 
exception of Palenque,' arc still flourishing, and of the new cities, three — 
Nakum, Selbal, and Ixkun — are already important centers. 

Everywhere we see evidence of highly organized communities under the 
direction of skilled administrators — of wealth in the form of accumulated 
reserves of food and labor, of technical skill in the carving of stone which 
halted at nothing, not even sculpture in the round. Everywhere we see the 
indications of a people thoroughly at home in their environment and complete 

^The first statement in the native chronicles which appears to be of a definite his- 
torical nature is the discovery of the Province of Zlyancaan or Bakhalal in Katon 
8 Ahan, or Katnn 6 Ahan, 440 to 460 A. D. In Bakhalal we reach for the first time 
a name still aisoclated with a definite locality — i. e., the lagoon of the same name 
on the southeastern frontier of Tncatan. In their movement northward this would 
quite naturally have been one of the first regions occupied by the Maya, and the 
present association of this name with this locality supports the historical character 
of the entry. 

'The case of Palenque yet remains to be determined. Bo far as the known dates 
are concerned, these indicate an occupation from Katun 10 to Katun 13 of Cycle 0, 
approximately 860 to 420 A. D. The art and architecture of the city, however, are 
such as hardly to have been achievable before Katun 17 or 18, about a hundred years 
later. Bplnden ably presents this evidence and makes out a strong case for a later 
occupation. The few dates recovered, however. Indicate an earlier occupation, the 
number of dated remains reaching their maxima in Katun 11 and Katun 18. It 
should be noted that only one or two stele have been found at Palenque up to the 
present time, which may account for this dearth of later dates there; and the Katun 
IS dates recorded on the tablets in the Temples of the Inscriptions, Foliated Cross, and 
8un, all late constructions on stylistic grounds, may Indicate that these tablets were 
designed originally for earlier temples, and that they are not now in situ, strictly 
speaking. Unless some such explanation is accepted, the contemporaneous character 
of the dates, so far as Palenque Is concerned, must be rejected, against which latter 
alternative the overwhelming weight of evidence elsewhere clearly points. 


have ceased to erect monuments. True, three new sites — ^Ucanal, Benque 
Viejo, and Flores — ^have been founded, but these were only provincial towns 
destined to a short life. The end of the Old Empire was at hand, and its 

Plate VII. 

The Mayn World In th<» Old Empire — ^Toward the end of the Great Period, 

approximately 580 A. D. 

closing date, 600 A. D., was being recorded at only three places — ^Tikal, Selbal, 
and Flores. 

The causes that led to this rapid decline are unknown. Cook has con- 
jectured that the primitive method of agriculture practiced by the Maya 


finally reduced the land to such a condition that It was no longer tillable by 
means at their disposal. This method consisted briefly in felling and burning 
the forest during the dry season and in planting at the beginning of the rains — 
a process which, if continued long enough, eventually destroys all the woody 
growth and permits perennial grasses to take root. Once this latter condition 
Is complete, the land could no longer be cultivated by this method, and the 
people were obliged to seek other homes. 

Huntington would have the decline of the Old-Empire cities due to far- 
reaching scientific changes which, he believes, increased the rainfall in the Peten 
region during the first five centuries of the Christian era, thereby stimulating 
the growth of vegetation to the point where it became a menace to agriculture, 
and finally in rendering the country so unhealthful that it had to be abandoned. 

Spinden has suggested that the decadence in art which characterized the 
close of the Great period was accompanied by physical, moral, and political 
decadence as well, and that these factors may even account for the fall of the 
Old Empire. 

Probably the decline of civilization in the south was not due to any one of 
these factors operating singly, but to a combination of adverse Influences, 
before which the Maya finally gave way. 

Although we are thus left in some uncertainty as to the exact nature of 
these influences, there can be no doubt as to their effect, namely, that during 
the early part of Cycle 10, about 600 A. D.. dated remains at all the southern 
cities suddenly ceased. 

It will be remembered that the Colonization period of the New Empire was 
iH>utempornneous with the Great period of the Old Empire (see the table). 
Probably we should picture a grreat exodus from the southern region about 
this time, not taking place all at once, however, but distributed over several 
centuries, beginning as early as the fifth century and continuing some time 
after the southern cities had ceased to erect monuments. 

With the opening up of Yucatan, the sources for Maya history change. 
From this time onward dated monuments become very rare, and the record is 
continued by the native chronicles. 

The next map shown (PI. VIII), although at the end of the Colonixntiou 
period, is only 10 years later than the preceding (PI. VII). Already, however, 
we find a monument being erected at Ohichen Itza in the far north and others 
at Quen Santo in the far south, a significant fact because it probably indi- 
cates that, in addition to the great migration that coloniased Yucatan, there was 
another to the south which laid the foundations for those later Maya cultures 
of the highlands of Guatemala, which, under one name or another (Quiche. 
Cakchiquel, Tzutuhil ) persisted until the advent of the Spaniards in 1524. 

By the third katun of cycle 10, 610 A. D., the colonization of Yucatan had 
been effected and the abandonment of the Old Empire if not actually completed 
was at least well under way.* The leader of this new movement was one Holon 

1 The importance of the Chlchen Itta and Quen Santo inscription* can hardly be 
oTerestimated. The former is presented on the front and nnderside of a lintel found 
by Thompson at Chichen Itsa in 1000. The inscription commences with the date 
10.2.a.l.9:0 Hnliic 7 Zac, approximately 610 A. D., and is particularly unique in 
being one of the only three Initial Series yet found in Yucatan. The other two are 
at Holactnn (Xcalumkin) and Tuloum. The writer has discussed the date and pub- 
lished a drawing of It. See " An Introduction to the Study of the Maya Hieroglyphs," 
Bulletin 67, Bureau of American Bthaology, figure 75b. The Quen Santo Inscrtp- 
tions are presented on two fragmentary stete found by Seler in 1800 at the hacienda 
of Sacchana, Chiapas, Mexico. He ascertained later, however, that these had been 
carried from the neighboring ruins of Quen Santo in Guatemala, Department of 
nuehuetenango. The monuments record the dates Ahau 18 Tax, and 


Cban Tepueh, and the first region settled* as we have already seen* was the 
Province of Bakhalal, by which name the country west of Bakhalal lagooo Is 
probably indicated. Toward the close of its occupation, 620-580 A. D., Chichen 
Itza (pL T, b)f which later became the greatest dty of the New Empire, was 

Here for the first time we encounter the Itza, a tribe or people destined to 
play the leading r6le In the new land. Their capital, Ghlchen Itza, built by the 
mouths of two large natural wells, which the name signifies, was at first smaU 
and unimportant Although the colonization of Yucatan marked the dawn of a 
new era for the Maya, their renaissance did not take place at once. Under 
pressure of the new environment, at best a parched and waterless land, their 
culture suffered important modifications. The period of colonization and the 
strenuous labor by which it must liave been attended were not conducive to 
progress in architecture or art At first the struggle for bare existence must 
have absorbed In large measure the energies of all, and not until their foothold 
was secure could the Itza have spared much time or effort In the embellishment 
of their capital. In the accompanying illustration, however, the city is pic- 
tured as it appeared a thousand years later, after long and memorable occupa- 
tion had filled its purlieus with a host of temples, the visible token, as it were, 
of the peculiar sanctity which it enjoyed tliroughout the north. 

The date of the next map (PI. IX), 040 A. D., is Just before the end of the 
Transitional period. Some time between G20 and 600 the Itza appeared to have 
abandoned Chichen Itza ond to have moved westward across the peninsula, 
founding Chakanputun on the west coast in 700 A. D. Why this move was made 
we do not know. Doubtless Mayas from the Old Empire were still migrating 
northward into Yucatan and opening new localities, and there also appears to 
have been considerable unrest in the new land, a shifting here and there. Doubt> 
less the group of transitional cities found by the Peabody Museum expedition of 
1012 to the westward of Bakhalal lagoon — ^Rlo Beque, Ramonal, Porvenlr, and 
others — date from this period. The conquest of the new environment although 
well advanced, was not as yet complete, and we may probably imagine the Maya 
of the time as still adjusting themselves to their altered circumstances, but as 
growing more and more confident with every passing year. 

In 040 Chakanputun was destroyed by fire, and tlie Itza were again set wan- 
dering. As one of the native chroniclers eloquently describes it " those of the 
Itza were under the trees, undar the boughs, under the branches to their 
sorrow." * 

After the destruction of Chakanputun, the horizon of Maya history expands. 
No longer are we following the fortunes of a single tribe. Maya-speaking 
peoples were pouring into the peninsula from Chiapas and Tabasco, and new 
cities were being established everywhere. Five centuries hod now elapsed 
since the first colonization of the country, and the people doubtless felt them- 
.selves fully competent to cope with any problems arising from their envlron- 
ment Once more their energies had begun to find outlet in artistic expression. AhaQ 18 Chen, of Maya chronology, approximately 605 and 610 A. D.. 
respectively, the latter being lesa than a year later than the Chichen Itia Initial 
Series. Illustrations of both inscriptions have been published by the Selers and by 
the writer. See CaeciUe Seler, **Auf alten Wegen in Mesico und Guatamala,'* p. 158. 
and E. Seler, ** Die alten Ansledelungen yon Chacnla in Distrlkte Nenton des Departe- 
ments Huehuetenango der Bepublik Guatemala," voL 1> flg. 7; and B. Seler, "Gesam- 
melte Abbandlongen sur amerlkaniscben Sprach und Alterthnmskunde," vol. 2, p. 258. 
The writer Introduced the same half-tone in Bulletin 57, op. cit, flg. 76. The peculiar 
historical significance of these dates has already been pointed out 

^See Brlnton, "The Maya Chronicles." Aboriginal American Literature. voL 1, pp. 
101, 146p 160. 



The Transitional period was at an end, and tlie Renaissance at last fully 
under way. 

Tlie opening of the eleventh century witnessed important and far-reaching 
political changes in Yucatan. After the destruction of Ghakanputun, some of 


The Mayft World in the New Smplre— End of the Colonliatlon Period, or 

Katun 8 Ahan, approximately 610 A. D. 

the Itsa returned to their former homes at Chichen Itsa and reestablished 
themselves there ; others founded a new city called Mayapan. About the same 
time Uxmal was founded by the Tutul Xiu (PI. V. o), a tribe which, aooording 


to Bishop Landa, had come from as far west as Chiapas/ From the first this 
latter city seems to have prospered, until at the time of the Spanish conquest 
its lords were the most powerful in the north. 


■,.'• ■" 

GUL r or 

Plate DC. 

The Maya World in the New Empire — End of the Transitional Period. Katun f< Ahau. 

approximately 940 A. D. 

In 1000 A. D. these three cities, Ghichen Itza, Mayapan, and Uxmal, entered 
into an agreement under the terms of which each was to share equally in the 

^ See Landa, Relaci6n de las Coaas de Yncatan, p. 45. 



Koveruuieiit of the country. Under the peaceful conditions which followed, the 
arts blossomed forth anew. This was the second and last great Maya epoch, 
their renaissance. During this period there doubtless arose the many cities 
noted on the map In Plate X. as well as a far greater number not shown. When 


Plat* X. 

The Maya World in the New Bmplre — Bnd of the Renalniaiice Period, Katun 8 Ahau. 

approximately 1190 A. D. 

fliese were all occupied the country must have supported a |K>pulation, for 
only such could have left remains so extensive. 

This era of universal peace and plenty was abruptly terminated In 1100 A. D. 
by an event which shook the body politic to its foundations and which disrupted 


the triple alliance ander whose beneficient rule the country had grown oo 

Although the causes leading to this event ore obscure, it is evident that the 
ruler of Ghichen Itza, one Chac Xib Ghac, plotted in some way against Hunnac 

Plats XL 

The Maya World in the New Empire — Jast after end of the Toltec Period, Katun 8 

Ahao, approximately 1460 A. D. 

Ceel, his colleague of Mayapan, and in the war which followed, the latter, by 
the aid of Toltec allies from Mexico, utterly routed the Itzan ruler and drove 
him from his capital. 


After the dissolution of tlie triple alliance a readjustment of power became 
necessary. The victors in the recent war assumed the chief direction of affairs, 
the ruling family of Mayapan, the CkxM>m, claiming the overlordship of the 
entire country. In recognition of their timely assistance, or possibly as their 
share of the spoils, the Toltec allies seem to have been given Ghichen Itza, at 
least the city appears to have fallen under strong Toltec influence during the 
latter part of Its occupation. 

The Itza, however, did not accept this arrangement without further struggle, 
and the thirteenth century was filled with their ineffectual attempts to regain 

According to the Spanish historians the fourteenth century was characterized 
by increasing arrogance and oppression on the part of the rulers of Mayapan, 
who found it necessary to continue to rely on their Toltec allies to keep the 
rising discontent of their subjects in check. 

The native nobility were humiliated by being compelled to reside at Mayapan 
ond administer the affairs of their respective provinces through deputies. The 
people were enslaved, and at length all came to hate the Gocoms. 

Thus far Uxmal appears to have kept itself aloof from the war between the 
other two members of the triple alliance, which had resulted so disastrously for 
Ghichen Itza. Doubtless under the wise policies of its ruling house, the Tutul 
Xiu, whose princes, all agree, were famed for their wisdom and Justice, the 
dty had been kept from entangling alliances with either side. At nil events it 
was the ruler of Uxmal to whom the Maya nobility turned for help when the 
tyranny of the Gocoms became no longer endurable. Some time between 1440 
and 1450 a coalition under the leadership of the Lord of Uxmal was formed 
against the Gocoms and their foreign allies, Mayapan was attacked, captured, 
and sacked, and all of its ruling family, except one son absent in Mexico, were 

The last map (PI. XI) shows the peninsula as it appeared shortly after this 
event, as a result of which all the largest cities, including Glilchen Itza and 
Uxmal, as well as Mayapan, were finally abandoned. 

After the fall of Blayapan the Tutul Xiu removed their capital to a new 
city, which they called Mani, meaning "it is finished." Gathering around 
him the remnants of his people, the only surviving Gocom migrated to the 
eastern part of the peninsula, where he founded the town of Zotuta. Ghel, the 
high priest of Mayopan, established his capital at Izamal. The Itza, dis- 
couraged with the outlook, left Yucatan en masse, retiring southward to the 
Peten region, where they founded their capital on an island in the lake of 
Peten Itza, which was conquered by Martin de Ursua in 1697.* 

^ lo this connection it is interesting to note that the modem Tillage of Florcs la 
not built on the same site as the ancient Maya city of Tayasal, first visited by Cortes 
In 1525 and conquered by Ursua in 1G07. 

When the writer first visited the Lake of Peten Itsa (March, 1014) he was Impressed 
with the small site of the island upon which Flores Is built, about a mile in clr^ 
cumference and accommodating with difBculty the thousand-odd souls now liylng there — 
far too small a place, it would seem, to havi* sheltered the large population mentioned 
by Villagutlerre Sotomayor. 

Just north of the island upon which the village is built there is a long peninsula, 
extending some two miles into the lake. The end is hilly, the part adjoining the 
mainland being flat and low. The entire length is covered with the remains of an 
extensive city — pyramids, mounds, and plazas. Dr. Boburg, the Government physician 
for the Department of P«ten, told the writer that a rise of 10 to 15 feet in the waters 
of the lake would convert the peninsula into an island, and further that there was 
abundant evidence that the waters have fallen within historic times. There seemi 
little doubt, indeed, that the historic island-city of Tayasal, conquered by Ursua in 
1097, is not the modern vUlage of Floret, but the extensive archnological site on the 
promontory to the north. 


All authorities, native as well as Spanish, agree that the fall of Mayapan 
sounded the death knell of the Maya civilization. The country split into a 
number of warring factions, each determined on the other's destruction. Ancient 
Jealousies and feuds, no longer held in leash by a strongly centralized govern- 
ment, were doubtless revived and rent the land with strife. Presently to the 
horrors of civil war were added those of famine and pestilence, each of which 
visited the peninsula at the close of the fifteenth century, carrying off great 
numbers of people. 

But the end was at hand. In 1517 the Spaniards landed on the shores of 
Yucatan, and 10 years later, under Francisco de Montejo, set about the conquest 
of the country. Although the Maya fought valiantly in defense of their homes, 
and were able to protract the struggle for 14 years, they were finally def^ted 
at Ichcanslhoo (later Merida), in 1541, and the conquest was complete. 

Here closes the independent history of the Maya. For fifteen centuries this 
remarkable people had preserved their cultural entity singularly intact and free 
from alien influences, only to succumb in the end to forces working from within. 
Through racial decay and internecine strife, the product, or perhaps the price, 
of their development, the Maya, like every other people of antiquity, came at 
last to their end; and while the Spanish Conquest was the immediate shock 
that shattered this once great civilization, the seeds of its decay and downfall 
had been sown long before the discovery of America. 



United States National Museum, 

Friday afternoon^ DeceTnber 31^ 1915, 

ChaiiinHn, F. W. Shipley. 

The following papers were presented : 

Lenguas indfgenas de Guatemala, by Adrian Recinos. 

Buinas indfgenas de la Beptiblica de Guatemala, by Fernando 

The Alaculoofs and Yahgans, the world's southernmost inhabit- 
ants, by Charles Wellington Furlong. 


Snbaeci'etario de RelacUmcs Exteriore$ de Oualemala. 

Lu« problemas etnofi^r&ficos del Nuevo Mundo, no obstante las vaUosas in- 
vestlgaciones realizadas desde los tiempos de Alejandro de Humboldt, con- 
tiniian esperando una solacl6n que satisfaga todas las exlgencias de la clencia 
y de la 16glca. Mlentras no se llegue a un acuerdo entre las encontradas In- 
terpretaclones de los sablos y los etn61ogos o no se descubran pruebas del orden 
experimental que fljen un criterlo deflnltivo, o por lo menos suministren bases 
menos diversas entre si que las que hasta ahora ban servldo para sustentar las 
teorfas propuestas en esta materia, pueden conslderarse las soluclones pre- 
sentadas por los Investigadores como meras tentatlvas y especulaclones, muy 
hermosas en general, pero que no pueden admltlrse como Indiscutlbles. La 
escasez de datos ciertos, de pruebas verdaderas, de argumentos convlncentes, 
bace de toda la etnograffa una clencia poco seg^ra, que aparte de clertas in- 
ducctones indudables, est6 entretejlda por hip6tesi8 mfis o menos arrlesgadas. 
La arqueologfa contrlbuye poderosamente a recoger los datos necesarios para 
la solucl6n de estos problemas, y sus estudlos y sus investigaclones verda- 
deramente notables, tanto en el Norte, como en el Centre y el Sur del Con- 
tlnente, ban empeza^o a preparar los materlales de una futura clencia que por 
ahora no es xn&s que una vasta doctrina y en general una atrevida conjetura. 

^Cu61 es el orlgen de los primitivos pobladores del Nuevo Mundo? Las razas 
fundadoras de los nOcleos de poblaci6n amerlcanos ^son origlnarias de estos 
territories, o proceden del Mundo Antlguo? Tal es la cuestion fundamental de 
estos estudlos, eniprendidos con entuslasmo y proseguidos con relative buen 
&Kito en todos los palses de nuestra America. La antropologfa, la geologfa, la 
arqueologfa, todas las ciencias puestas a contribucl6n por los investigadores, 
conducen hasta ahora a resultados que por lo menos dejan esperar una soluci6n 
no lejana de estos problemas, ya que no sean todnvfa universalmente aceptadas 
como la respuesta deflnitlva a las iuterrogaciones de la inteligeucia. El 
suelo americano estA aembrado de los testimonios dejados en ^1 por las 
emigraciones de las razas prebistOrlcas. En todas dlrecciones, sus huellas ban 

'Th^re wa« no stenographic report of thin MesBlon. 



qnedodo marcadas en forma monumental, en los restos de loa templos, de las 
obras de labranza y de Ingenierfa. Pero estos testigos del pasado apenas 
pueden responder a alguna de las cueetlones que el hombre moderno les pro- 
pone; y por otra parte, es innegable que estos vestlgios a su vez son huellas de 
razas modernas relativamente, y que para encontrar rastros de los pobladorea 
Terdaderamente antiguos hay que ahondar en el pasado y pedtr m&s a la 
paleontologfa que a la arqueologia, a las capas subterrdneas de la estructura 
terrestre donde est An ocultos los signos de los tlempos remotos y casl inaoeal- 
bles al pensamlento clentfflco. 

Una opinion que tiende a prevalecer entre los Investlgadores modernos, es la 
de que el terrltorio americano posey6 una raza primitlva, aut<3ctona, que tu6 
modlflcada posterlormente por Inmigraclones sucesivas de razas conqulstadoraa 
que se mezclaron con las primitivas dando lugar a la inmensa variedad de tipos 
6tnlcos que posterlormente se esparcleron por el Nuevo Mundo. Las lenguas de 
todos estos grupos son un Indlcio, por su variedad, de las fusiones de loa 
pueblos y del cruzam lento de las razas amerlcanas. La confusidn que producen 
estas lenguas diferentes y varladas en extremo es una de las princlpales 
dificultades con que tropiezan los mAs bdblles etndgrafos. Glavfjero aseguraba 
que s61amente las lenguas Indfgenas de Mexico dlfieren mds entre sf que 
cualesquiera de las lenguas de Europa, contando no e6\o las vivas sino las 
muertas tambi^n. Y refirldndose a un terrltorio algo menos extenso, el 
cronlsta guatemalteco Juarros, declaraba hace un siglo que las 26 lenguas que 
€i conslderaba pecul lares a Guatemala, clasifican a este pals como el m&a rioo 
en idiomas indfgenas entre todos los del Nuevo Mundo. Aunque en realidad 
las lenguas que corresponden al actual terrltorio de Guatemala son menos de 
las indlcadas, algunas de las cuales se hablan todavfa en territorios sujetos a 
otras soberanlas, el nilmero de idiomas Indfgenas hablados en un Area de 
60,000 mlllas cuadradas que constltuyen la RepAblica presente, es suficiente- 
mente grande para llamar la atenci6n y para dar idea de las dificultades que 
encuentra el que se dedica a estudiar la identidad de las razas que entre sf se 
dlferencian, entre otras muchas cosas, por el signo caracterfstlco de sus idiomas. 

Los mAs distinguidos etn6logos creen que el terrltorio comprendido entre el 
istmo de Tehuantepec, en Mexico, y el istmo de PanamA, o sea propiamente lo 
que debe conslderarse como America Central estuvo habitado por una raza 
aut6ctona primitlva que mAs tarde se mezcl6 con ramas extrafias, con mongolea 
y quiz As con derivaciones de la raza semftica, como propone Brinton. El becho 
es que los rasgos fision<3micos de los indlos de esta regi6n son tan diferentes de 
los de los individuos de otras razas indfgenas, que se hace precise admitlr 
influencias exteriores a que probablemente no estuvieron sujetas las tribus 
indfgenas de los Estados Unidos en el norte y del Peni y Brasil en el sur. El 
terrltorio comprendido entre los rios Usumacinta, Motagua y un afluente de 
tete, el rio de CopAn, o sea la parte norte de Guatemala ; una secci6n al noroeste 
de la Repilblica, en el departamento de Huehuetenango, y los veclnos Estados 
Mexicanos de Chiapas, Tabasco, Campeche y YucatAn, parecen haber sldo resi- 
dencia de una raza moderna, que conquistd este pais poblado por primitives 
americanos, florecl6 en 41, construy6 los monumentos mAs admirables del arte 
indfgena, y a su vez se extingui6, no se sabe hasta ahora por qu6 causae. 
Esa raza fu4 la raza Maya. Las razas actuates de Guatemala son descen- 
dientes de los mayas. Sin embargo, algunos grupos ^tnicos no parecen tener 
relacidn con aquellos Inmigrantes y se hace necesario admitlr que, a pesar de 
la absorcidn de ese pueblo dominador, se salvaron algunos remanentes de la 
raza primitlva. Los Indies slncas que todavfa viven en el sudeste de Guate- 
mala son un vestiglo de la poblaci6n primltiva. Desllndar unas razas de las 


otras, es el gran trabajo que debe realizarae en esta materia. En efecto, pnede 
asegurarse que la identldad de las razas indfgenas es el gran problema que la 
Antropologla debe proponerse resolver en Guatemala. Mientras no se reallce 
esta obra fundamental, todas las daslficaclones que se formulen de las lenguas, 
no pasar&n de ser un trabajo de oproximaci<3n, sujeto a numerosos errores. 

Es generalmente admltido que los mayas descendieron del norte y centre de 
Mexico y emigraron al sur, estableci^ndose en Guatemala y en la peninsula de 
Yucat&n. Muchos autores identifican a esta roza con los ulmecas y los prlml- 
tivos nahoas. Maudslay dice que los mayas y los llamados tultecos (nahoas) 
eran la mlsma raza y el mismo pueblo. Sin embargo, dentro de esta misma 
raza maya inmigrante se hace necesario reconocer diferenclas, de manera que 
seria aventurado afirmar que los pobladores de Gopdn, QuiriguA y los centres 
mayas de Yucatdn hablaban la misma lengua, por el hecho de que las inscrip- 
clones de sus monumentos son id^nticas. Sea de ello lo que fuere, es un hecho 
que los ulmecas o mayas conquistadores se mezclaron con los razas aborfgenes 
primitivas, lo que explicaria la formacion de las div^sas tribus exlstentes antes 
de la invasidn tolteca de que hablan los manuscritos guatemaltecos y que parece 
haber ocurrldo a fines del siglo XI o en el siglo XII de la era cristiana. Los 
caracteres de la raza maya aparecen en casi todas las tribus indlgenas exls- 
tentes en la actualidad en el territorio de Guatemala. Desir^ Gharnay, el 
c^lebre autor de la obra *' Cit^s et Ruines Am^ricaines/' encontr6 el tipo maya 
muy hermoso y expresd la Idea de que entre los labriegos de Europa no existen 
rostros mils Inteligentes nl Indlviduos de formas mils regulares y proporcionadas. 
Sin hacer comparaciones, se puede afirmar que el tipo de algunas tribus In- 
dlgenas guatemaltecas, tal como se le encuentra todavia en estado natural, sin 
mezcla de otra raza, es realmente Interesante y a veces corresponde al tipo de 
belleza del gusto europeo. 

Los mayas no eyolucionaron en poco tiempo; al contrario, parece natural 
que no hayan alcanzado el estado de perfecci6u en las artes y la cronologfa, que 
se descubre en los monumentos que de ellos han quedado, sino despute de 
muchos afios y siglos de exlstencia. Segthi los exploradores de la Escuela de 
Arqueologfa Americana, la ciYllizacidn maya floreci6 en el sur de Mexico, 
Guatemala y norte de Honduras durante los primeros 15 siglos de la Era 
cristiana. La correlacidn de la cronologfa maya y de la cronologfa europea, 
es sin embargo un problema todavia no resuelto ; pero si teto impide asignar a 
aquella civilizaci6n una 4poca determinada, en cambio no impide reconocer la 
considerable antigUedad del pueblo maya, los mils antiguos en civilizaci6n, segOn 
John W. Harsberg y de una cultura superior a la de los peruanos en la America 
del Sur. Los mayas fundaron en el territorio que hoy corresponde a Guatemala 
▼arios establecimientos, o grupos de poblaci6n, que podrfon dasiflcarse como 
sigue: 1*, Ciudades del Pet^n (Tikal) ; 2*, Valle del Motagua (Quiriifud) ; 3*, 
Copdn; y 4*, hada el noreste, prdxlmas al Palenque, las Ciudades de Chaculd. 
La importancia de estas ciudades es ya muy conocida y la perfecci6n del 
arte de sus fundadores los coloca en primer t^rmlno entre los antiguos ameri- 
canos. Causas desconocidas hasta hoy, provocaron el abandono y la destrucci6n 
de las dudades mayas, que en la ^poca de la conquista espafiola ya no eran 
mAs que ruinas. Hambre, pestes, guerras internas, ataque de tribus guerreras 
enemlgas, dice Maudslay, se han propuesto como causas del abandono de las 
dudades, pero el fen<)meno contlnAa siendo un mlsterlo y no sdlo los valles del 
Usumacinta, el Motagua y el rio de Cop&n se vieron desiertos, sino que ninguna 
otra raza logrd prosperar en ellos y los castellanos en el siglo XVI no encon- 
traron en los lugares pr6ximos a los antiguos y poderosos establedmientos 
mayas, mAs que una poblad6n miserable y degenerada, con excepci6n de 


Oop&u, doiide los chortis hicieron uua defensa heroica contra Um conqiii^tacloreH. 
El j^upo (le inmigr antes may as de YucatAn se detuvo al par6<^r ante la.s 
cadenas de moutaiias del norte de Guatemala y s^lo penetr6 por el valle del 
rlo Motagua hasta Qulrigu& y de allf, sigulendo el valle del rlo de Oopftn, 
nfluente del Motagua con el nombre de rto de Zacapa, se dlrigleron ul orleute. 
yendo a fundar la cludad de Ck>p&n en los decUves occldentales de la cadena de 
montafias del Merend6n. En cambio, el grupo maya establecido en Chiapas 
fund6 las ciudades de Palenque y ChacuUL y luego descendi6 por las sierras 
del oeste de Guatemala y quizes por la cueuca del Usumaclnta, a los territorki^i 
del centro y sur de Guatemala, a la actual UepObllca de El Salvador y pros!- 
guiendo m&s al sur penetr6 en Honduras, atravesd el Istmo de Panama y 11eg<> 
hasta las hoy Beptlblicas del Ecuador y el Perti. En efecto, pareoe comprobado 
que el cafiaris, lengua indigena del Ecuador es descendiente del quich4, incor- 
porado a la rama maya que floreci6 en Chiapas y Guatemala. El nticleo de la 
raza maya-qulch^ existl6 en efecto en la region descrita y de uhf arrancaron las 
diferentes ramas que poster iormente dleron nacimlento a las tribus que adn 
existen en territorio guatemalteco. El Ubro uaclonal de los qulch^, o sea el 
Popul-Vuh asiente que en un lugar denominado Hacavitz se detuvieron las 
razas en su peregrinaci6n desde el norte y que luego fundaron las diferentesf 
naclonalidades que los espafioles subyugaron en el siglo XVI. Las leuguas que 
estas naciones hablaban y hablan todavfa descieuden indudabloraente de la 
lengua maya-qulch^, y su cultura conserva parte de la cultura maya, aunque 
es notablemente inferior, por lo menos en las artes del dibujo y en arquitectura, 
que es lo que conocemos hasta hoy, a los pueblos que construyeron las metrd- 
polls y los templos de Palenque, Tlkal y Quirlguft. En las artes de la paz y 
probablemente en la organizacl6n social, dice Maudslay, los qulch^ y cachl- 
queles, unidos a las may as quizds hasta por la sangre, son inferiores a aquella 
raza incomparable. No quiere decir ^to que sean despreclables la cultora y 
la organizacidn social de los quiche, mames, cachlqueles y dem&s tribus guate- 
maltecas; muy lejos de eso, desde los espafioles que los conqulstaron hasta 
nuestros dfas se reconoce el m^rito de la civilizaci6n de dichos pueblos, fun- 
tiadores tambi^n de notablcns reinos y ciudades, como el reino quich^ y la opu- 
lenta capital, UtatlAn, para no citar mAs que un ejemplo. Bancroft oplna que 
Utatl&n nada tiene que envldlar u las ciudades de los incas ni a las de los 

Ck)n algunu ligereza se llama a las legunas centro-americanas " dlalectos *' 
del maya. El hecho de que se derlven de aquella lengua madre, no autoriza el 
Uamarlas dlalectos, pues son lenguas perfectas, completas, con una gram&tica 
y una literatura algunas de ellas, comparable con la llteratura y la gram At lea de 
la lengua azteca o nahuatl, que en el sentir de un t\16logo alemAn, Buschmann, 
9St& a la altura de los Idiomas mds perfectos del Antiguo Mundo. Llamar a 
estos idiomas dlalectos del maya — dice el Dr. Stoll — es tan indebldo como lo 
serf a designar al espafiol, el portugu^s y el italiano como dlalectos del latfn, 
porque proceden de aquella lengua. Algunas de las lenguas de Guatemala 
aparecen hoy muy diferentes del maya, pero hay que tener en cuenta el largo 
espacio de tiempo transcurrido desde que est&n en evolucidn. Miles de afios, en 
efecto, hace que estos organismos se desarrollan de conformidad con todas las 
causas que la ciencia reconoce como factores de la mutaci6n y constitucidn de 
los idiomas. Agentes ffslcos, psfquicos y soclol6glcos han contrlbuldo a darles 
su aspecto individual y definltivo. 

Estudiando las diferentes razas indfgenas que viven actualmente dentro de 
los Ifmites polftlcos de la RepAblica de Guatemala y analizando hasta donde 
es posible sus relaciones, podriaraos clasificarlas en los grupos siguientes : 

1*. lingua prlmitiva ahorigen: el Slnca. 


2\ L^guas Maya-quich^: Maya, Mop&n, Choi, Ghortf, Quechl, Poconchf, 
QuiclK^, Cachiquel, Zutnjil, Pocomam, Mam, Aguacateca, Ixil, Uspanteca, GhuJ 
y Jacalteca. 

8*. Lengiiaa de origen nahuatl : Pipil, AlagUilac. 

4"*. Caribes. 

1. Sifica. — £n algunos pueblos de Guatemala, en la costa del Pacffico y en 
direcci6n a la Repi&blica de El Salvador, ha ezlstldo una poblaci6n Indlgena que 
se conaidera por muchos Investlgadores como la poblacl6n aut5ctona de esta 
6eccl6n del Nuevo Mundo. Son los Indios sincas, que segdn el Padre Juarros 
exlstlan a principlos del siglo XVIII en los lugares denomlnados Guazacap&n, 
Ghiquimulilla, Taxisco, y Sinacant&n. Segt&n el Oldor Garcia de Palado, se 
hablaba esta lengua en Guazacapdn y en los Izalcos (Bepdbllca de Bl Salvador). 
El slnca no tiene conexi6n con la lengua maya ni con nlnguna otra lengua madre 
comdn, segi&n el Dr. Oalder6n, cltado por el Dr. Barberena en su Hlstoria 
antlgua de El Salvador; y de aquf puede deduclrse que los pueblos de esta 
regi6n lograron escapar a la lnvasl6n de los mayas y a las Irrupclones de los 

Es probable que una parte de esta poblaci6n, o qulz&s toda, fuera la que Jua- 
rros llamaba pupuluca y Garcta de Palaclo populuca. El Dr. A. von FrantsiuB, 
traductor de la Carta — ^Informe del Oldor Garcia de Palaclo, aflrma que el 
populuca no es lengua diferente a las dem&s de esta region y que ese nombre 
es el que los mexlcanos daban a los Indlos de esta costa por su defectuosa 
pronuuciacl6n del cachlquel. Pupuluca slgnlfica tartamudo, o el que no se 
expresa blen. Es en consecuencla lo mlsmo que la palabra '* Mam " o " Mem,'* 
tartamudo tambl^n, que los cachlqueles a su vez apUcaron a los habltantes de 
los actuales departamentos de San Marcos y Huehuetenango, por su mala artl- 
culaci6n, del Idloma cachlquel. 

2. Maya. — La lengua maya pura, que es la lengua de Yucat&n, se habla ea 
Guatemala en el Departamento del Pet^n que llnda con aquel Bstado mexlcano. 
No todo el terrltorlo del Pet^n est& habitado por Indlos mayas puros; 6M08 
residen al norte del rlo La Pasl6n, mlentras en los valles situados entre este 
rio y el rlo MopAn se esparcen los Indlos mopanes, como dlremos a continuacl6n. 
En las m&rgenes del rlo Usumaclnta estdn estableddos todavla los lacandones, 
que tambl^n residen en las vegas del rlo la Pasldn y en el rlo Lacantun, 
afluente occidental del Usumaclnta. Estos Indlos hablan maya tambl^ 

3. Mopdn* — Los ItzAes o mayas del Pet^n no se entienden f&dlmente con los 
Indlos del sur de dlcho Departamento, conocldos con el nombre de mopanes y 
que probablemente son una varledad de aquella raza y hablan nn dlalecto, 
pero no una lengua formal, deflnlda y propla. 

4. Choi. — ^En las fuentes del rio de la Pasl6n, al norte del Lago de Izabal y 
en el Palenque y Quirigu&, la pobladdn Indlgena hablaba y atln habla en 
algunos de dlchos lugares, el idloma chol, que tendrla de esta manera el 
honor de haber sustituldo a la gran lengua maya en los dos centros de cultura 
arriba nombrados. El Doctor Sapper plensa que los choles fueron absorbldos 
por los mayas que Invadleron el Pet^n procedentes de Yucat&n, y prlncipalmente 
por los quechfes estableddos al sur. SegAn el Doctor Seler, el niicleo de la 
lengua y de la raza chol se halla en Pet h&, Chiapas, al oeste del Usumaclnta. 

5. Charti. — ^Esta lengua sucede al chol en el valle del Motagua y en el rlo 
de Cop&n. Se habla en los departamentos de Zacapa y Chlquimula y se 
extiende por el valle del rio de Cop&n, hall&ndose en uso en los dlstritos de 
JocotAn y Camotdn y en el pueblo moderno de Cop&n, situado a una mllla de 
las liermosas rulnas de la renombrada cludad maya. No se detlene aqul, 
si no que atravlesa las montaflas de la frontera hondurefia y penetra hasta el 
interior de Honduras, slendo f&cll encontrarla en el valle de Sensentl, segdn 

6843ft— 17— VOL I 15 


asegura Squier. Algunas palnbras del chortf se parecen a las de otras lenguaa 
indfgenas de Guatemala, lo que ha hecho que algunos lo conslderen como an 
dlalecto del pocomam (Brasseur de Bourlxmrg, MUla, Stoll), del zendal 
(Sapper) o del qulch^ (Barberena). El Dr. StoU cree que es una variante del 
pocomam. Sin embargo, parece ser una lengua m&s antlgua que las anteriores 
y hay quien crea que es el Idioma de los prlmltlvos habitantes de GopAn y 
consldere que el ctaortf es de gran importancia para el conodmlento de la 
antlgua raza may a y para deHcIf rar los Jeroglfflcos de los monumentos exlstentes 
en aquella destrulda metr6poli. Intelfgentes Investigadores modernos ban 
crefdo Interpretar los Jeroglfflcos de las estelas de Gop&n como ^ocumentos y 
signos de la cronologfa maya; pero en cuanto a la lengua de los nrtffices que 
elaboraron dlchas Inscrlpclones relna la obscurldad m&s absoluta. 

0. Quechi. — ^Una de las regiones indfgenas m&s interesantes de Guatemala 
es el departamento de la Alta Verapaz, al sur del Pet^n. En aquella montafiosa 
region se dlrfa que se detuvo la invasi6n maya de YucatAn y que s61o despute 
de un largo tlempo llegaron a establecerse en ella pueblos de la familia maya- 
quich^ primeramente radicada en Chiapas y el noroeste de Guatemala. Estos 
pueblos fueron el quechf y el poconchf, un e6lo pueblo al principio, segt&n toda 
probabilidad, pero que posteriormente se divldid en dos pueljloci separadoe, 
con una lengua especial cada uno de ellos. Tal como hoy se encuentran esta^ 
tribus, es muy diffcil establecer limites a su territorlo, porque muchas veces se 
confunden y se encuentran famiUas que bablan una mezcla de ambos idlomaa, 
como ocurre en el curso medio del rio Polochic, en los pueblos de Telem&n y La 
Tinta, estaciones del Ferrocarril de la Verapaz. Las costumbres de ambas 
trlbus difieren entre sf como las lenguas respectivas. La lengua quechf es la 
del territorio mAs septentrional y comprende una &rea que va del rio Cbixoy 
al oeste al rio CahabiJn al este, teniendo al norte a los choles y al sur a los 
poconchfes. Se habia quechf en la actualidad, en Ck>b&n, una de las dudades 
mds importantes de la RepAblica, San Juan Cliamelco, San Pedro OarchA, 
Zamac, Lanquin, Cahab^n y Senahtl. 

7. Poconchi, — ^Bl territorio poconchf se extiende al sur de Gob&n, en el pueblo 
de Santa Cruz. Por el oeste arranca del valle del rio Chixoy, que lo separa de 
la rassa de UspantAn y por el este se prolongs hasta el valle del rfo Polochic» 
San Crist6bal, Santa Ciiiz, Tactic, Tamahil, Tucurii, La Tinta y Telem&n. 
Hacia el sudoeste, el territorio poconochf se halla en contacto con la raza y 
lengua quiche que se prolongan por el norte hasta el pueblo de Rablnal, antiguo 
e interesante centro indfgena. Por el sur, se relaclona con los pipiles de Salam&. 

8. QuicM'—^Sl m&s poderoso de los reinos indfgenas de Guatemala, el reino 
quich^ ocup6 en tiempos anteriores un extenso territorio. El rio Usumaclnta 
y su afluente el rio Chixoy lo limitaban por el norte y oeste y separaban a los 
quichds de los mayas y de algunos pueblos y tribus menores, los uspantecas, 
ixiles y aguacatecas; al oeste tambi^n, pero en direcci6n al sur, tenfan por 
veclnos a los mames; al este a los pipiles y pocomames, y hacia el sur una 
parte del reino quichd llegaba hasta el Octono Paciflco y otra terminaba en las 
fronteras de los cachiqueles y zutujiles. Las conquistas de Kicab el Grande 
llevaron las armas y el genio quiche a lugares muy distantes; esta raza ba- 
talladora domin6 a los mames a los cachiquelas y pr&cticamente a todas las 
naciones estableddas en Guatemala. Y en tiempos muy anteriores, segAn el 
historiador Mexlcano, estos mismos quiches o bus progenitores y ascendientes, 
penetraron hasta el interior de Mexico y llegaron hasta Mictl&n, que serfa la 
famosa Xibalbay de que habla el Popol Vuh. 

La raza quiche se halla establedda actnalmente en los mismos lugares en 
que la encontraron los espafioles, o sea en las altiplanicies y montafias del 


medio oeste de Gnatemnln. La lengua quiche se liabla i>or los indfgenas de los 
depurtamentos de Quiche, Quessaltenango, Totonicapdn, Retalhuleu y Suchite- 
p^uez. La c^lebre capital del relno, la ciudad de Utatldn, puede admirarse 
todavfa en sus ruinas, a poca distancia de la ciudad moderna de Santa C5ruz 
del Quiche. La poblaclon en toda la zona que describlmos es densa y abun- 
dante y la raza indfgena se conserva relativamente pura y es fnerte, trabaja- 
dora e Intel Igente. La lengiia quiche ha side blen estndiada. Su influencia en 
las deini'is lenguas de la America Central es tan grande como la de la lengua 
inayti, lo que induce a creer que ambas estaban unidas al tiempo de la invasi6n 
de las tribus del norte en el territorlo donde hoy se cncuentra Guatemala. 
AlgunoK uutores creen que el pocoman, el chortf y otros Idiomas de los que 
aquf estudiamos se derivan del qulch^. La verdad es que por regla general, 
nlnguna de las lenguas centrales ha escapade a la influencia del quiche. 

Esta lengua posee monumentos llterarios tan notables como el Popol Vuh, o 
sea el llbro de Ins tradldones sngrndas y her6icas de la naci6n quiche, con la 
descrlpcion de lu teogonfa y la narraclon de los hechos hist6ricos de este 
importante pueblo indio. Lo iSnlco que hoy se sabe de los antiguos quiches, 
procetle del Popol Vuh. Las tinicas tradiclones que se conservan de aquella 
raza numerosa y fuerte, se encuentran en este llbro que constituye algo asl como 
una Biblla nacional. Un fraile dominicano, el Padre Ximtoez, descubrid el 
manuscrito en el siglo XVIII e hizo de 61 una traducci6n espafiola, y un 
religiose francos, Brasseur de Bourbourg, lo tradujo despu^ a su Idioma y 
publico su traducci6n junto con el original quiche y un erudite comentario, 
en 1861. 

9. Uspanteca, — En la parte norte del departamento del Quiche, y a partlr 
de la cuenca del rio Chixoy, existe un pequefio territorlo poblado por una rama 
de la fa mill a quiche, San Miguel Uspantdn. Algunos au tores creen que la 
lengua que alU se habla es una lengua diferente que ellos llaman uspanteca, 
[)ero propiamente es el mismo quiche, Ugeramente alterado, pero fAcil de 
identiflcarse con este idioma. 

10. Cachiquel. — El territorlo donde nrtn se habla el idioma cachiquel, se dilata 
al este del territorlo quiche, pero en extension menor y comprende actualmente 
parte del departamento de Solold y los departamentos de Chimaltenango y 
Sacatep^quez y una parte del de Escuintl:x« o sea el distrito de Santa Lucfa 
Cotzumalguapa, hasta el mar. El quiche y el i)ocomam se hablan el norte 
de esta region; el pocomnm y el pipll de Escuintla al este. y el quicht^ y el 
zutujil al oeste. Fu6 en el seflorfo cachiquel donde los espafioles fundaron la 
priraera ciudad capital de la Colonla de Guatemala, en el propio lugar donde 
los indios tenia n establecida su capital, Iximch^. Oon el nombre de Memorial 
de TecpAn AtitlAn, se conserva un documento cachiquel semejante al Popol 
Vuh de los quiche y que contiene Importantes noticias acerca de esta nacldn. 
El Padre Flores, autor de una gram At lea de la lengua cachiquel, la llama 
lengua metropolitana, probablemente por el hecho de haber encerrado la prl- 
mera capital de la Colonla. Otros au tores extienden el nombre de metropoli- 
tanas al quiche y al zutujil. 

11. Zutujil. — El Lago de AtitlAn separa el territorlo cachiquel del territorlo 
zutujil. Este dltimo comprende una faja angosta que se desprende de las 
infi genes meridionales del Lago y desciende por las faldas y barrancas del 
volcAn <le AtltlAn sobre el Oc^ano Pacfflco. Entre el mar y la zona zutujil,. 
sin embargo, se inserta el territorlo quiche. En realidad, los zutujlles ocupan 
una porcI6n de tlerra muy reduclda y no comprenden sine unos pocos pueblos 
donde se habla esta lengua. bastante diferente del cachiquel y el quiche, sus 
veclnos princlpales. La hlstoria reflere las luchas que contra los zutnjiles 


mantuvieron los quich^, y ^to asi como el comercio constante, podrfa expUcar 
cierta semejanza que exlste entre algunas de las luUabras de ambos idiomas, 
que por lo demAs difieren mucho. Hablan zutujll en la actualidad los Indios 
de Atitldn, antigua capital del reino que nos ocupa, San Pedro la Laguna, San 
Iiucas ToUm&n y los campbs al sur del Volc&n, asf como los aborfgenes de San 
Antonio Suchitep^uez. 

12. Focomam, — ^Una faja de terrltorlo que parte de las fronteras occidentales 
del territorlo quiche, desde las m&rgenes del rio Grande o Motagua en su curso 
superior, y se extiende hasta la Repdblica de El Salvador, comprendiendo 
parte del Departamento de Ghimaltenango y los departamentos de Guatemala, 
Amatitldu y Jalapa, est& habitada todavia por una raza industriosa de Indios 
que hablan pocomam. Restos de antiguas poblaciones indfgenas se esparcen por 
el territorio, y entre ellas es dlgna de admiracl6n princlpalmente la fortaleza 
del antiguo Mixco, donde los esforzados pocomames hicieron una ber61ca 
defensa contra los castellanos. £1 pueblo moderno de Mlxco es de fundaci6n 
espafiola y se asegura que los castellanos agruparon en ^'1 a los sobrevivientes 
de Mixco Ylejo, como hoy se llama a la destrulda fortaleza y sus contornos. 
Son centros importantes de habla pocomam, al presente, San Marfn Jilotepeque, 
Mlxco, Petapa, Jalapa, Jilotepeque y Plnula (Departmento de Jalapa), Mlta 
y Chalchuapa (Departmento de Santa Ana, Repfiblica de El Salvador). El 
territorlo pocomam est& llmltado hacia el uorte por los pipUes de Salam&: al 
sur por los sincas y pipiles, y termina en el este Junto al territorlo de los 
chortfs de Esqulpulas y del sur de Chiqulmula. 

El Dr. Barberena, sabio guatemalteco y quicheista distinguido, considera el 
pocomam como un dialecto del quiche Gyrus Thomas, por su parte, siguiendo 
la misma opinion del Dr. Scherzer, uno de los m&a antlguos investigadores de 
las lenguas indfgenas de Guatemala, y al c^lebre viajero Irland^ Thomas Gage, 
cree que el pocomam es una rama del pooonchf. Los dos i&ltimos, en efecto, 
llama u poconchi a la lengua de Aniatitldn, lo que suponemos un completo error. 
El pocomam tiene en realidad cierta semejanza con el quich^, pero ignoramos 
qu4 razones hlst6ricas podrlan haber Influldo en la formaci6n de este dialecto. 
si hubiera de aceptarse que lo es del qulch^. Sdlo una confrontaci6n detenlda 
de las palabras y de la gram&tlca de ambas lenguas podria establecer la verdad 
en este asunto. El Padre Juarros confundfa el mam de Huehuetenango y San 
Marcos, departamentos pr6ximos al territorlo mexicano, con el pocomam del 
centro y orlente de Guatemala, y como veremos adelante, crefa que el pocomam 
penetraba hasta el interior de la region montafiosa de Huehuetenango y se 
hablaba en lugares como Soloma y Amelco, que son de legftima lengua chuj. 
El pocomam propiamente no abarca mds que el territorlo que al princlplo des- 

13. Mam. — ^El Dr. Barberena cree que los pocomames son restos de los cru- 
zamlentos de la raza maya-quich4 con los amerindas o habitantes prlmitivos de 
Guatemala. De la misma manera, aunque reconoci^ndoles mayor antigtiedad. 
interpreta la formaciOn de la familia mame, que de este modo descenderfa de 
los may a quiche mezclados con los aborf penes autdctonos. Hay cierta unani- 
midad en los historiadores en admitir que la raza mam o mame ocup6 casi todo 
lo que hoy se conoce con el nombre de Huehuetenango, Soconusco, Quezalte- 
nango, TotonicapAn y San Marcos; y segiin la tradici6n, el territorlo de los 
mames se redujo a sus actuales Hmites s61amente Uespu^ de una sangrienta 
campaAa de los quiches en tiempo de Kicab el Grande. Brasseur de Bour- 
bourg llega hasta creer que los mames ocupaban primltivamente el territorlo 
cachiquel y el lugar donde existi6 despu^s la capital de este reino, la ciudad de 
Iximch^. En la ^poca de la conquista espafiola, los mames habitaban el luismo 
territorlo en que atin se encuentran. o sea los departamentos de Huehuetenanj^o 


y San Murcos y algunos lugares del Estado mexicano de Chiapas. El terri- 
torio mame se extiende desde los montes Cuchumatanes al noroeste de la Re- 
ptlblica, hasta el Oc^ano Pacffico, en una ancha faja habitada per cerca de 
100,000 indtos que conservan la leugua, trajes y costumbres de los antiguos 
mames. La capital del reino era HuehUetenango, y cerca de la cludad moderna 
de este nombre se admiran todavfa los interesantes restos de la fortaleza de 
Zaculeu, donde los espafioles hlcieron una de sus m&s diffciles y peligrosas cam- 
pafias. Zaculen se encuentra en el valle del rfo Selegua, afluente principal del 
rfo de Chiapas, a lo largo del cual existen nuraerosas poblaciones mames. Este 
valle se prolonga prftcticamente hacla el noroeste, en direcci6n al departa- 
mento del Qulch^ en la cuenca del rfo Chixoy y sus afluentes; sin embargo, la 
raza mame no se extiende en ese rumbo, y al contrario, en 6\ se encuentran 
otras tribus diferentes, como la aguacateca y la ixll de Nebaj y Cotzal, que con- 
stituyen otro problema de la etnograf fa guatemalteca. 

14. Aguacateca, — Dos pueblos del departamento de Huehuetenango, reunidos 
actualmente en uno solo, Aguacat&n y Chalchitftn, poseen una pequefia porci6n 
de terreno en el valle al pi6 de los montes Cuchumatanes, al norte del terri- 
torio mam. Habitan la region unos 6,000 indlos que se esparcen por los montes 
veclnos y tlenen su centro en Aguacatfin. For el norte y este se relaclonan con 
los Ixiles y los quiches ; por el sur con los mames y por el oe^te, a trav^ de las 
elevadas montaflas de los Cuchumatanes, con los chujes de Soloma y S. Juan 
Ixcoy. Esta casta de indlos procede probablemente de los prlmitivos maya 
quich^ y no parece haberse mezclado nunca con las tribus veclnas, ni haber 
sldo dominada m6s que por los quiche que sometieron todas las naciones 
antiguas de Guatemala hacla el siglo XII. Las ruinas de Chalchitdn y 
Xolchtin por nosotros estudiadas en estos lugares, conservan los rasgos arqul- 
tect6nicos caracterfsticos de los nahoas de Teotihuacftn y todo hace creer que 
la antigua Chalchitftn, que los quiches denominaron posteriormente Agua- 
catdn, haya sldo un centro Importante de civllizaci6n Indiana. La lengua que 
hasta la fecha se habla en esta region, es diferente de los demds idiomas guate- 
maltecos, pero revela en muchos de sus elementos el orlgen maya, comtin a 
todos ellos. 

15. IxU, — Al norte de AguacotAn y en las cumbres y nltiplanicies de las 
montaftas, se extiende el terrltorio de los indlos ixiles, que hablan una lengua 
propia, algoi semejante al quiche, que se habla al sur, desde el rfo Chixoy, 
que bafla tambl^n el terrltorio ixil. Pertenecen a esta familia de lenguas 
s^lamente los llamados " pueblos de la Sierra,*' o sean NebaJ, Chajul y Cotzal. 
liOs trajes y costumbres se asemejan a los de los quiche, Los qulchfe, que 
colindan con ellos por el nordeste parecen haber Infiufdo tambl^n en el Idioma y 
los uses de esta tribu. 

16. Chuj, — ^La sierra de los Cuchumatanes, que atravlesa el Departamento 
de Huehuetenango desde la frontera de Mexico hasta el rfo Chixoy, forma 
una media luna que encierra por el norte a varias razas indfgenas cuyas 
lenguas se acercan mds a las lenguas de Chiapas que a las del Interior de 
Guatemala. Son los chujes y Jacaltecos, que el Padre Juarros confundfa con 
los pocomamos y que el mismo Dr. Stoll que es el que ha estudiado la etno- 
graffa guatemalteca con mfts detenimlento, no logr6 identlflcar. Los chujes 
habitan un extenso terrltorio en las fuentes del rfo Lacantiin, afluente del 
Usumaclnta, al norte de los montes Cuchumatanes. Son una raza fuerte e 
inteltgente, cuyos ntScIeos prlncipales se hallan en los pueblos de San Juan 
Ixcoy, San Pedro Soloma, Santa Eulalla, San Miguel Acatdn, San Sebasti&n 
Ooatdn, San Mateo Iztat&n, Amelco, Barillas, etc. El Idioma chuj tlene algtln 
parecido con la lengua mam, pero lo que en 41 predomlna es la influencia del 
tojol-abal, la lengua de Comitdn y otros lugares de Chiapas, o sea el chafiabal 


de que habla Brasseur de Bourbourg. El zeltal que se habla en la aldea 
guatemalteca de Gracias a Dios y en los lugares Inmediatos, ha Influido prlnd- 
palmente en la lengua de San Mateo Ixtatdn, que es la que se habla tambi^ en 
el terrltorlo donde exlsten todavia las notables rulnas de ChacuU, estudiadas 
con tanto aclerto por el Dr. Seler, Director del Museo Real de Antropologfa 
de Berlin. Chacul& fu4 un centro maya de la region occidental, probablemente 
posterior al Paleuque, del que no dista mucho. Los indlos de Ixtat&n habitan 
el territorio desde hace ceutenares de afios y han traido a ^1 su lengua ; pero 
la veciudad de las tribus de Chiapas ha hecho que giros y vocablos del zeltal, 
el zotzil y el tojol-abal se introduzcan en la primitlva lengua chuj, que por 
esta raz6n no es la misma en Chacul& y en San Muteo que en Solonia e 
Ixcoy, lugares alejados de los chiapanecos. 

17. JacaUeca. — Una montafia separa el valle del rio Oatarina, asiento de los 
pueblos chujes de Acatdn y Goat&n, del valle del rfo Azul, que nace en el terri- 
torio niaine de Todos Santos y S. Martin Cuchumatiiu y corre entre altas 
Cordilleras hacla el oeste. En las m&rgenes del rio Azul y en la vega del rio 
de Huista que corre m^s al sur y casl paralelamente a ^1. vive otra raza 
indigena, diferente de la anterior, la raza jacalteca, en varios pueblos y aldeas 
Importantes, como Jacaltenango, Concepci6u, San Marcos, San Andr^, Petatdn, 
San Antonio Huista y Santa Ana Huista. El territorio de M(§xico se encuentra 
cerca de estos lugares y la influencia de las lenguas de Chiapas es tambi^n nioy 
visible en el idioma jacalteco. El antlguo e hist6rico camino de Chiapas atra- 
viesa el valle del rio de Huista y facillta la relaci6n entre los pueblos mexicanos 
y guatemaltecos, lo que explica la confusi6n de las lenguas. El territorio 
jacalteco estd limitado por el sur, teniendo la Sierra de por medio, por los 
mames del valle del Selegua, especialmente con San Pedro Necta, Trapichiilo 
y Camojd; al sudeate por los mames de Toilos Santos y San Martin Cuchu- 
mat&n; al norte y noroeste i>or los chujes de Acat&n, Coatdu y Nent6n, y al 
oeste por el Estado de Chiapas en Mexico. 

18. PipU. — ^Las lenguas que hasta ahora hemos estudiado son las lenguas 
antiguas de Guatemala. Un fen6meno posterior a las primeras inmigraciones 
introdujo en el territorio un nuevo elemento ^tnico y un nuevo idioma. Tal 
fu^ la invasion de los nahuatles, o nahoas modernos, en tiempos poco anteriores 
a la conquista espafiola. Le leyenda habla de una emigraci6n de comerciantes 
en apariencia, pero en realidad enviados secretos de un emperador mexicano, 
Autzotl, que proyectaba apoderarse de los territories poseidos por los indlos 
guatemaltecos. Cuando los espafioles, despu^ de dominar a los quiches y 
cachiqueles prosiguieron hacia el sudeste de Guatemala, se encontraron con un 
pueblo que hablaba un idioma muy semejante a la lengua mexicana. El hecho 
es exacto y hoy est& comprobado que en la costa del Pacifico, al sur del terri- 
torio pocoman y en la Reptiblica de El Salvador, la lengua indigena predomi- 
nante es el pipil, que es, con pocas diferencias, la misma lengua nahuatl de 
Mexico. Los plpiles habitan la costa de Esculntla; y adem&s ocupan al norte 
una faja de territorio que comprende el departamento de la Baja Verapaz y 
de Zacapa, en el valle y afluentes del rio Motagua, o sean los pueblos de 
SalamA, MorazAn (antes Tocoy), San Ger6nimo, San Agustin Acasahuastl&n y 
San Crist6bal. Los cachiqueles que llamaron tartamudos a los mames de 
Huehuetenango y a los slncas de ChlquimuUlla, daban a esta tribu el nombre 
de pipileSj o sea nifios, por su pronunciacl6n que les parecia infantil. 

19. Alagiiilac. — ^Al sur del departamento de Chiquimula. en las faldas del 
Cerro Brujo y las mdrgenes del rio Osti&a, hacia el Interior de la Repiiblica 
de El Salvador, se hablaba un dialecto del plpll, product© de la mezcla 
de esta lengua con el cliorti de los pueblos vecinos. A esta mezcla que pro- 


piamente no constituye un idioma separado, se daba el nombre de alagttilac. 
Brinton deinostr6 que este dialecto no es m&s que una variante del pipll. 
BegHn el Padre Juarros, se hablaba alagUillac tambi^n per los Indlos 
de San Crlst6bal Acasahuastl&n que vivfan en contacto con los chortfs de 
Chlqulmula y Zacapa en el &ngulo oriental del territorio pipll de Salamd, es 
declr en las mismas condiciones que los del Cerro Brujo y sur de Elsqulpulas. 
El alagUilac ya no se halla en uso y es proplamente una lengua muerta. 

20. Caribes. — Son una emigracidn moderna, una raza antlUana y originarla- 
mente africana, que los ingleses llevaron a la Isla de Roatdn, al norte de 
Honduras, y que se ha esparddo en la costa del Atl&ntico. En Guatemala no 
tienen mds que un estableclmiento, en el puerto de Livingston. 


En la pdginas anteriores quedan citados los princlpales trabajos escritos 
acerca de la etnograffa de Guatemala. Para mayor clarldad presentamos una 
breve noticia de los autores que se ban ocupado de esta materia. No detallamos 
a los historiadores generales, porque no ban tratado la cuestidn en especial. 

Histori adores generates de Indlas. 

Historiadores de Guatemala : 

Remesal. Historia de la Provlncla de Chiapas y Guatemala. Madrid, 

Fuentes y Guzm&n. Recordacldn Florida, la. Parte. Madrid, 1882. 2a. 

Parte in^ita. Manuscrito de la Municipalidad de Guatemala. 
Juarros. Ck>mpendio de la historia de la ciudad de Guatemala, 1800. 
Milla. Historia de Centro America. 1879. Guatemala. 
Palaclo. Relaci6n de la Provincia de Guatemala. 1.576. 

Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hlstolre des Nation GivUis^es du Mexique et de 
TAm^rique Centrale. Paris, 1857. 

Brasseur de Bourbourg.* Grammaire de la langue Qulch^ Paris, 1862. 

Brasseur de Bourbourg. Popol Vuh. Livre Sacr^ et les livres h^rolques et 
historiques des Quiche. Paris, 1861. 

Scherzer. Sprachen der Indlaner Central Amerikas. Viena, 1855. 

Squier. Notes on Central America. New Tork, 1855. 

Maudslay. Explorations in Guatemala. Londres, 1888. 

Maudslay. A glimpse at Guatemala and some notes on the ancient monu- 
ments of Central America. Londres, 1809. 

Sapper. Das n5rdliche Mittelamerika. Braunschweig, 1897. 

Seler. Die alten Ansiedelungen von ChaculA. Berlin, 1901. 

Seler. Gesammelte Abhandlungen zur amerlkanischen Sprach- and Alter- 
thumskunde. Berlin, 1904. 

Stoll. Zur Ethnograpbie der Republik Guatemala. Zllrich, 1884. 

StoU. Guatemala. Leipzig, 1886. 

Elgueta. Etimologfas Nacionales. Quezaltenango, 1890. 

Barberena. Qulchelsmos. San Salvador, 1894. 

Barberena. Historia antlgua y de la Conquista de El Salvador. San Salva- 
dor, 1914. 

Recinos. Monograf fa del Departamento de Huehuetenango. Guatemala, 1913. 

Se publlcaron en tlempos anteriores varias GramAticas de las lenguas prin- 
clpales de Guatemala, pero es muy dlffcil obtenerlas en la actualidad. La obra 
de Stoll, Ethnograpbie der Republik Guatemala, es, aunque antlgua, el estudio 
mds rompleto que se ha publlcado sobre la materia. Una confrontacl6n detenida 
de Ins lenguas existentes con las de los vecinos Estados mexicanos serfa muy 
interesante y es el tSnico medio de deslindar por completo los idiomas de una 
y otra nacl6n. 



CHiatemala, OuatetnaUi. 

IjQS ruinas indfgenas esparcldas por todo el territorio de Guatemala corres- 
ponden a dos tipos distiDtos y caracterfsticos, dependlentes de la ^poca en 
que fueron construidos los monuraentos a que pertenecen. El primero com- 
prende todas aquellas que, proplamente prehlst6rlcas, corresponden a las 
dudades habltadas por razas que ocuparon el territorio varlos slglos antes de 
la conquiata espaflola y dejaron notables testlmouios del alto grado de civili- 
zaci<3n que habfan alcanzado. Abandonadas por razones hasta la fecha des- 
conocidas, probablemente por agotamiento de los suelos que las rodean y donde 
los pobl adores hacfan sus slembras, o tal vez por conqulsta de razas o trlbus 
m^ fuertes, o por epidemias que diezmaron las poblaciones estas ciudades 
durmieron yarios siglos de profundo olvldo y no eran m&s qme nilnas cublertas 
por frondosos boaques tropicales cuando Pedro de Alvarado y Hernfln Gortte 
atravesaron esta regi<3n tomando posesi6n de ell a en nombre de Crlsto y del 
Rey de Espafia. 

La mayor parte de estas niinns ban sldo cuidadosamente estudiadas por 
sabios de universal reputacl6n, desde el afio de 1837. Comisioncs de diferentes 
pafses de Bnropa y de los Estados Unldos de America las ban visltado y sus 
trabajos, junto con los de varlos investigadores guatemaltecos que ban con- 
tribuido tambl^n al estudio de la arqueologfa en esta regi6n, forman un con- 
tingente interesantfsimo y de gran valor para la antropologfa y la arqueologfa 
amerlcanas. Gracias a estos trabajos, el misterio de los jerogllficos e inscrip- 
clones de los monumentos est& en cam! no de revelarse, siendo en v'sto muy 
estimable la labor realizada por la Escuela de Arqueologfa Americana. 

El segundo tipo de ruinas Indfgenas comprende monumentos que no Interesan 
tanto al arque^logo porque son posterlores; pero son de gran interes para 
el hlstoriador» pues fueron los baluartes en donde los aborfgenes sostuvleron 
la libertad de sus sefiorios contra los invasores castellanos y representan 
la cultura de los indios americanos modernos. Con ideas m6s positivlstas y 
prdcticas, estas modernas razas abandonaron la &rdua tarea de grabar tan 
mlnudosas escnltsras en la piedra y constmyeron sus dndades sendllamente, 
sin adornos exteriores. Esto Justlflca el medlano Inter^i que estas ruinas ins- 
piran a los viajeros y turistas, a qulenes seducen mds los monolltos y templos 
adomados de las dndades mayas. Lo cnal ha hecho que sean pocas las per- 
sonas que ban estudiado estas ruinas. 

Entre las dos clases de construcdones no existe mAs que una semejanza: la 
forma exterior en general. Las Uneas prlncipales son las mismas en las dos 
clases de ediflcios ; la dlstribud<)n de las construcdones en las ciudades forma 
un conjunto similar. Imposlble compnrar Quirigu6, CbaculA y Tlkal con 
Utatldn, Mixco Viejo e Ixlmch^ y sin embargo es Indudable que los restos de 
estas dltlmas ciudades tomadas por asalto cuando se desarroll6 la epopeya de 
la conqulsta, seguramente enclerran parte del problema de tan dlffcil resolu- 
cidn : restablecer la historla precolombina de estos pueblos. De ahf la utilidad 
y hasta la necesidad de estudlar cuanto ha quedado en pl6 de las capitales y 
ciudadelas de los reinos indfgenas contemporftneos a la llegada de los conquls- 
tadores espafloles. 

De las prlncipales poblaciones Indfgenas de Guatemala cuyo reconocimiento 
y descripcl6n se ha llevado a cabo, Qulrigud, Tikal, Iximch^, Nakiin, Yaxch^, 
Nueve Oerros, Tolomax, San Clemente, Dolores, Flores, Campur, ChaculA, 
Ortinamit, Santa Lucfa Cotzumalguapa, Palo Verde, Santa Margarita, Ayutla, 


.pertenecen probablemente a la prlmera 6poca. UtatlAn, IximcM, Patinamit, 
Mixco Viejo, Mitla, Zaculeu, San Mateo Ixtat&n, Cnhaboncito, Samac, Tactic, 
Tuknrtk, San Jer6nlmo, Rablnal, Monjas y las existentes alredo or de la ciudad 
de Guatemala aiin eran pr6speras ciudades, cuyos i&ltimos moradores formaron 
Io6 ej^rcitos que resistieron el empuje irresistible de los espafioles. Puede 
dedrse que en todo el territorio norte de la Repiiblica y que comprende los 
departamentos de Huehuetanango, Quiche, Alta Verapaz, Izabal y Pet^n, 
^xiste todavfa un nilmero de ciudades en ruinas igual o mayor al citado 
anteriormente, las cuales no ban sido reconocidas hasta la fecha. Ale j ados 
estos lugares del camino ordlnario de la colonizaci6n y de los viajes a los 
centros principales de pob1aci6n moderna, es muy natural que nl los conquis- 
tadores nl los investigadores modernos hay an dedicado atencidn especial a 
visitarlos. Probablemente los conqnistadores no tuvleron la menor noticia de 
estas ciudades arruinadas, que de otro modo los habrfan invltado a describirlas 
por su maravillosa construccidn. Y es posible tambi^n que de haberlas conocido, 
su celo religioso los hubiera constrefiido a destruir estos testigos mudos de las 
creencias y la civilizaci6n de las razas a las cuales sucedieron en el dominio de 
America. Habrfan corrido la misma suerte de las ciudades tomndas por asalto 
por los castellanos, cuyos materiales sirvieron para fabricar las iglesias crls- 
tianas. En efecto, todavia pueden verse empotrados en las paredes de los 
edificios modernos destinados al culto, restos de las vecinas ciudades indfgenas 
d^-'^cruidas sin piedad ni misericordia. Solamente dos siglos. despu^s de es- 
tablecida la dominaci6n espafiola en Oentro America fu^ cuando se supo y se di6 
cnenta al Rey de ESspafia de la existencia de ciertas ruinas, que se describieron 
en forma exagerada y ampulosa ; entonces t!inicamente, se mencionaron aqucUas 
fortalezas que se habfan conquistado y se plntaron las dificultades vencidas 
por los soldados y capitanes, a Un de acrecentar sus derechos a las mercedes 
reales. El fnego y la pica destruyeron muchos de los monumentos, y ello hace 
sumamente diflcil darse cabal cuenta de la forma y arquitectura de aquellos; 
slendo particularmente arduo intentar la reconstruccidn de las partes desapare- 

Bn general, el oentro de las pobladones lo constituye el sacriflcatorio erigido 
en la plaza principal, la cual aparece circundada por cuatro series de grade- 
rfos, base de los edificios, palacios y templos, o sea un recinto en forma de an- 
flteatro. Existen adem&s patios secundarios rodeados de construcciones de 
menor importancia. En vista de la fdcil defensa de sus ciudades, slempre 
escogieron los jefes indfgenas para sentar el ndcleo central de la poblaci6n 
colinas aisladas de relativa poca exten8i<^n, las cuales solamente se unen a los 
contrafuertes de montaflas vecinas por un puente natural o cuando <5ste falta, 
por un relleno artificial. Una o varias cinturas de niurallas de defensa con- 
struidas a di versos niveles circundan el con Junto de construcciones. En el 
lugar mds abrupto de sus Estados edificaron tinicamente ciudadelas slrvl^ndoles 
como liltimo refugio a los Jefes, sacerdotes y principales guerreros. Zaculeu 
y Sacapulas son ejemplos muy caracterfsticos de ello. 

El estudio de Ins ruinas de QuiriguA, Ohacul&, OhalchitAn, Utatl&n e Ixim- 
ch^ da una idea exacta de lo que fueron esas grandes aglomeracionos en las dos 
^;K>cas de la dominaci6n India. Sin embargo, nl observar el reducido espacio 
ocupado por los restos que linn quedado, extrafla no encontrar vestiglos de las 
habitaciones propiamente dichns. Este punto se aclara fAcilmente notando 
que los c6dlcea americanos que escaparon a la destruccl^n refleren que i\ni- 
camente los Jefes de las casas reales y los sacerdotes habitaban los palacios 
de piedra mientras el resto de la poblaci6n vivfa, como en los tieropos feudales 
en Buropa, en habitaciones de poca consistencia, en los suburblos, acu* 


(liendo a las plazas y templos solamente para las ceremonlas religiosas, 
para los sacrificios y para poner la ciudad en estado de defensa. En! este 
case las murallas alojaban a la gran mayorfa de los guerreros. Gentinelas 
alertas velabau por la seguridad comiln en las atalayas construldas eu puutoB 
que permit fan ver un radio considerable de los campos. Cuando luchaban con 
los enemigos, si se vefan acosados por un ntimero superior, se retlraban poco a 
poco hacia el punto doude se levantaba el castlllo principal, plr&mlde formada 
por varios 6rdenes de grader los, tiltlma defensa, en cuya ctispide exist fa unu 
peque&a fortaleza, supremo refugio del rey, los sacerdotes y sus famllias. 

Haremos una sucinta descrlpcidn de las ruinas de Qulrigud, de memoria y 
como prototipo de la que hemos Uamado monumentos de la primera ^poca, 
apoyandonos en lu niuy acertada y completa hecha por Mr. Sylvanus Griswold 
Moreley de la Escuela de Arqueologfa Americana. Quirigu& fu4 habitada desde 
mediados del siglo V hasta la mitad del VI y es por conslguiente una de laa 
cludades m&s antiguas. Dos de los edlflcios prlncipales desenterrados por la 
e.vpedici6n de la cual form6 parte el autor ya cltado y denominados por 611a el 
Templo y la Vivienda, se levantan en la plaza principal sobre un terrapl^n de 
6 metres 150 de alto. El primero tiene la forma de un vasto sepulcro rectangu- 
lar de 37 metros de largo por 12 de ancho. Varias partes dan entrada a 
(liversas piezas dispuestas todas sistem&ticamente con relaci6n a la altura del 
rectdngulo. Eu el fondo se alza una grada de 70 centfmetros de alto cuya parte 
superior estil compuesta de una franja de jeroglfflcos. Guatro metros de ancho 
por dos de largo es el promedio de Uxa diversas piezas. Se ha calculado que la 
altura serfa de 3.25 m. Tanto pn redes como pisos muestran sefiales de haber 
sido repelladas con una s51ida argamasa; pero nada denota que hayan sido 
pintados, si bien, como Mr. Moreley apunta, puede ser que las Uuvias torrenclales 
de tantos siglos hayan disuelto hasta las tiltimas partfculas. La cornlsa ex- 
terior que existe a mitad de la altura estaba formada por pequefias piedras 
ciibicas admirablemente talladas y con un Jerogllfico en una de sus caras. Se 
deduce de su lectura que se dese6 conmemorar el fin del KatUn XIX y ademAs 
algo que ocurrio 40 dfas antes. 

El otro ediflcio descubierto, la Vlylenda, se encuentra como a tres metros 
al norte del Templo y se le ha Ilamado as( deduciendo de los utensllios encon- 
trados, vasijas primorosamente pintadas, cuentas de concha n&car y obsldiana, 
el objeto para que fu4 destinado. A los lados de la puerta se encontraron en 
este edificlo varios ganchos, que sin duda Servian para sostener las cortinas o 
colgaduras que Servian de puerta. El terrapl^n sobre el cual est& construido 
el templo rodea tres de sus lados, hasta una altura de 3 a 4 metros como 
resguard&ndolo ; de ahi se ha deducldo que aquel fu6 construido posterlormente. 
Las paredes preseutan la particularidad de ser incllnadas como los techos de 
las ruinns mayas en forma dc b6veda plramidal. Tambi^u se encontraron all! 
hematitas talladas en ex&gono semejantes a las que existen en la famosa 
coleccidn de ChaculA formada por el Sei\or Kanter. Adem&s de las construe- 
clones enumeradas existen en la plaza principal y en la ceremonial los 13 
famosos monolitos universalmente conocldos; entre ellos hay uno inclinado 
varios grados y que se pretende haber quedado asi por no haber logrado los 
artifices hacerlo Uegnr hasta la vertical. T(xla la plaza principal estd rodeada 
de terraplenes, pero los trabajos de descubrimiento no han tocado todavfa a la 
mayor parte. Las plazas secundarias est&n limitadas por terraplenes. Al 
conjunto se le di6 el nombre de "Recinto Sagrado." Admira sobre todo que 
con los m^todos rudimentarios de que los mayas disponlan hayan podido 
acarrear, labrar y erigir semejantes moles de piedra. 

De CopAn sabemos que fu6 descrita por primera vez por el Oidor Diego 
Garcia de Palaclo en carta escrita al m&s po<leroso sober ano de la <^poca, Felipe 


II de EspaHa. Puede asegurarse que 68 te lugur s61o f u6 parcialmente estudiado 
X>or los exploradores que lo visitaron y que ailn queda mucho por desenterrar. 
Lios templos y palaclos son de mayor belleza arquitcctunica, pero en cambio laa 
^esculturas algo menos acabadas, si bien el peinado de los Jefes, finamente calado, 
demuestra un grado de suma habllidad. 

Oitaremos como ejemplo caracterlstico de las rulnas mayas del Departamento 
del Pet^n, Tlkal y Nakiin. Sus editiclos colocados sobre tres monticulos 
piramldales, tienen gruesas paredes, eon la particularidad de que aquf se 
encontraron vlgas de madera labrada de chicozapote. 

Nakt&n se encuentra en las mlsmas condlciones. Aquf tambi^n existen 
niaderas labradas, segiin aseguran algunos exploradores. Sea de 6Bto lo que 
fuere, la gloria serd siempre para aquel que haya trafdo su pie<lra por pequefka 
que fuera, para la const rucci6n de este grand loso edificlo. 

De la obra escrita por el Llcenciado Reclnos sobre el departamento de 
Huehuetenango tomamos los datos relatlvos a Ghaculd y Aguacatan. La vege- 
tacl6n frondosa atin en esta regl6n fria no ha dejado de perjudicar grandemente 
estas rulnas, asf como todos los demfis agentes destructores de la naturaleza. El 
valle de Uaxac Canal '* Las ocho estrellas " se encuentra sltuad6 a 1,100 metros 
de altura, a Inmedlaclones de la hacienda Ghaculd, "Agua Roja." En el valle 
existen varias pir&mides en cuya edsplde se levantaban edlficlos. Desgracia- 
damente poco queda de ellos. Hablando de esta region, dice Seler en su Ini- 
portante obra sobre las rulnas de Ohacul& : " Se ve que son piedras talladas de 
la piedra calcdrea de la regl6n, semejantes a las estelas o columnas de 
QuirlguA y Oopdn, que demuestran que los antiguos habitantes de OhaculA 
particlpaban de la misma civilizaci6n que las trlbus que crearon estos grandes 
monumentos, justamente famosos en el mundo entero. Pero los habitantes de 
Chaculd, m&a pobres y m&s toscos, estaban obligados a trabajar con un material 
que no puede compararse a la bella roca volcdnlca de que los escultores de 
CJopdu y Quirlgud se aprovecharon." Qu6 mejor comentarlo que las frases 
que anteceden. Pueblo Vlejo Quen Santo se encuentra situado on una hondo- 
nada y debe su nombre a los numerosos fdolos encontrados en una cueva cer- 
cana. Ademds existe sobre una plrAmlde de tierra y piedra repellada el Templo 
, del Sol; aquf se encontr6 la piedra redonda con la Iniagen del sol. Las 
hermosas e Inmensas cuevas de los P&jaros, El Cimarron y Piedra Redonda 
completan el conjunto grandioso. 

Ahora daremos una breve idea de lo que son las rulnns de las ciudades con- 
tempordneas de la Conqulsta. Hemos de decir ante todo, que hubo cierta 
decadencia artfstlca y que en ninguna de estan poblaciones se encuentra nada 
semejante a los monolitos y esculturas de los antiguos nioradores. Las rulnas 
son de reductos y ciudades de cardeter milltar, plazas fuertes para resistlr 
a los enemigos en las constantes luchas de los indios hlst6rlcos. Su posici6n 
60 deblda prlncipalmente a las condlciones estrat^glcas de la regl6n; existen 
sobre rocas abruptas y dadas las armas de que entonces se dlsponfa, absoluta- 
mente inexpugnables, y es de creerse que debldo a estas condlciones se cxa- 
cerbaron los enconos de las trlbus y se facilit6 la conqulsta espafiola. En 
aquellas ciudades escaseaba el agua y se nota que no se preocuparon de buscnr 
condlciones para la vida, si no solo para la lucha. 

Poco o nada queda de la famosa Utatlftn, capital del poderoso relno Quiche. 
La destruccl6n de la ciudad por los castellanos y despu^ el transporte de los 
materiales de los edificios para la const rucci on de la cludnU espafiola de Santa 
Cruz, poco a poco fue acabando con las construcclones, de manera que hoy es 
diflcil darse cuenta de lo que fu6 la capital, a menos de haber leldo las re- 
laciones de los virijoros que como Stephens adn pudieron ver algo en pl6. 


Desgraciadamente debemos desoartar las relaciones de los cronistas del siglo 
XVII y del slglo XVIII, pues pecan de exageradas. 

MIxco Vie jo, por su alejamiento de toda ciudad Importante ha logrado 
mantenerse en mejores condlciones; aquf atn quedan en pl^ las murallas, 
parte de los recintos de las plazas y la base de lo que fu6 el sacrlficatorlo. 
Se comprende, al contemplar lo rudo del camino, que en este caso la descrlp- 
cf6ndel asalto por (ronzalo de Alvarado no es exagerada y la victoria una de 
las mAs famosas de los conqu 1st adores espafioles. 

De Zaculeu nos quedan rectos cubiertos de tlerra, pero se nota todavfa 
sobre las paredes de los monumentos y del caballero alto, tlltlmo refuglo de 
los defensores de la plaza, restos del repel lo rojo que con el tlempo ha tornado 
la consistencia de la piedra. La descripcI6n de Fuentes y Guzm&n, si se deja 
de lado lo ampuloso del estilo, es en este caso bastante exacta. Los ediflclos 
y terraplenes en general son toscos, sin nlngtin adorno, las pledras labrndas no 
llevan in&s que en raras excepciones, como en Atitlfin, bajo relieves muy 

En resumen, se puede decir que las primeras razas que poblaron estas tierras 
alcanzaron alto grado de clvilizaci<3n, que despu^s por decadencia o subyugadas 
por razas rads atrasadas nos prlvaron de ver el desarrollo completo de esta 
maravlllosa clvlllzacl6n. 




Artist, Author, Scientist, and ErpUjrer, Boston, Mass. 

It is my purpose to comment ou the origin of the Fuegian tribes, on the region 
they inhabit, and their distribution over It ; to treat briefly of certain phases of 
their life and the effect of their environment upon it; to draw a comparison 
between them and their neighbors ; to venture the origin of their tribal names : 
to briefly consider their protohistory, history, language, method of travel, food, 
clothing and shelter, and some of the effects of their environment on their food, 
physique, language, and social organization; the effect of their contact with 
white men ; the number of present and past Alaculoof and Yahgan populations 
at different periods ; and thus to emphasize the need of immediate preservation 
of whatever may be conserved from the little remaining remnant. 


Passing down that great 6,000-mile range of continent from 12*" north latitude 
to 56° south latitude, one experiences every degree of climate, from the heat- 
soaked Amazonas, through the beautiful temperate climes of Chile and Argen- 
tina, to the subfrlgid regions of Gape Horn. 

In the time of Magellan and for over 200 years after, the entire region south 
of the Strait of Magellan was known as Tlerra del Puego (Land of Fire), being 
considered by many as the northern extremity of another continent still farther 
south. It was also charted as Patagonia. The name Tlerra del Fuego to-day 
applies only to the largest island, triangular in shape, and about as large as 
New Hampshire and Vermont, corresponding In latitude to Central Labrador 
(between 52* 28' and SS"* 4'). 

West and south of Tlerra del Fnego are thousands of Intricate waterways 
and hslands, which, with the western half of Tlerra del Fuego, are within the 


political boundaries of Chile. This regioD, south from 52'' 28' south latitude, I 
shall speak of as Fuegla. 

With the exception of the northern half of Tierra del E\iego and the opposite 
Patagonlan mainland, Fliegla is an inconceivable labyrinth of tortuous, storm- 
swept waterways, which swirl their serpentine paths among its islands. The 
islands are the mountains and plateaus of the half-submerged southern extrem- 
ity of the Andes; the waterways are the swift, icy currents of the southern 
oceans flowing through sunken Andean valleys. Here is a region grand, deso- 
late, elemental, teeming with gales, cold, and disasters, where nature seems not 
only to resent the intrusion of mankind, but at every hand to thwart and harass 
his existence. 



Rocky precipitous shores are covered for the most part with rain-soaked bog 
and almost impenetrable forests, comprising principally a deciduous and non- 
deciduous beech, a large tree known as wintersbark, and a limited variety of 
low shrubs. This vegetation creeps its way up the mountain slopes, a little over 
1,500 feet. Here is a sub-Antarctic climate, where grains do not ripen, and where 
even in its northern part only the hardiest bulbous vegetables can be counted on 
to stand the frosts. This condition is not due so much to extreme cold or 
length of winter as to lack of heat in summer, for even in December — which is 
the Fuegian midsummer — ^gales, sleet, and snow^ are often a dally occurrence. 


The nomenclature of Fuegla may be formed Into two divisions — those names 
given by the intrusive European element and those given by its autochthonous 
inhabitants. Perhaps the place names of no region in the world bespeak the 
history of a region as do those of Fuegla — Port Famine, Thieves Bay, Desolation 
Island, Beagle Channel, Mount Darwin, etc. 

Those of Amerindian origin are mostly limited to the names of their principal 
settlements, of which they are geographically descriptive ; for instance, Ushuwia 
(Mouth of the Bay), formerly one of the most important aboriginal settlements ; 
Yahga-Ashaga (Mountain Valley Channel), etc. 

Great discrimination must oe observed In the use of Fuegian material gath- 
ered from records of various explorers and others, because of these writers' 
limited association with and understanding of the natives, confusion of geo- 
graphical and tribal names frequently occurs. 


The aboriginal inhabitants of Fuegla comprise four different tribes, each 
with a language of its own. The Onas and Huash [Howsh], who are foot 
people, occupy certain sections of Tierra del Fuego; the Alaculoofs [Al'a- 
cooloofs] and Yaghnns [Y&h'gans], canoe people, occupy the waterways and 
<*ertaln coast sections. In the territory of the canoe people there is a dearth of 
food supply. What there is, Is hazardous In the getting. We find its autoch- 
thonous inhabitants have been disassociated from the world and forced into an 
existence of almost unsurpassed nomadism and primltlveness. 


Origin of name. — ^The name Alaculoof was applied to the tribe by the Uev. 
Thomas Bridges, an early missionary, who obtained it from the Yahgans with 
whom he came into contact. Fltzroy .spoke of them as Alikhoollfs. 

The Alaculoofs' territory joined that of tlie Yahgans and slightly overlapped 
but may be said to have practically reached from Brecknock Peninsula west 


and north well up the Patagonion Channels. They were similar to the Yah- 
Kans, but better clothed, better fed, and of a sturdier fiber, but quite intractable 
They had a language which has been likened to a crude form of Welsh, but 
differing decidedly from that of the Yahgan. They also resemble the Yahgans 
in general appearance, customs, and character, and to them the main facts re- 
garding Yahgan culture will apply. 

Pop^ulation. — In 1809 they seemed to be the most numerous of the four 
Fuegian tribes, their nunil)er being estimated between 3,500 and 4,000, while 
a decade later their papulation was estimated as 3,000, and in about 1904 at 
800. To-day they have been decimated, mainly through the evil effect of con- 
tact with ships' crews and adventurers, with whom they barter their skins for 
clothing and tobacco, but principally for liquor. Tliey have practically disap- 
peared from Fuegia, and only an occasional canoe or two is seen in the vicinity 
of the western ends of ^lagellan Strait and the southern' part of the Pata- 
gonian Channels lying north of it, where they occasionally come out to barter 
with vessels' crews. Within the last eight years these people have been located 
definitely at Point Grappler, the region of Last Hope Inlet, Port Tamar, the 
vicinity of Sholl Bay, and Beagle Channel. But less is known of these people 
than of the other Fuegian tribes. 

There is not enough substantial fact upon which to base an accurate esti- 
mate of the Alaculoof population of to-day. Those occasionally reported would 
indicate that between the regions of Last Hope Inlet and Beagle Channel there 
might be a hundred or two, though, should it happen that the bulk of these 
people have gone back into the intricate maze of the Fuegian and Patagonia n 
Archipelagoes, it is possible that several hundred of them may still exist. I in- 
cline to the lower estimate. 

It must not be taken too much for granted that all the canoe peoples of the 
Patagonian Archipelago are of the same linguistic tribe as those to whom an 
early missionary, the late Rev. Thomas Bridges, applied the name "Alacnloof." 
No adequate linguistic comparison has been made.^ No white man understands 
their language, and unless some w^ll-trained ethnologist of an adventurous 
nature is willing, in the very near future, to isolate himself for an extended 
period of time among these people, in the out-of-the-way Patagonian Channels, 
their language and many customs will never be recorded. 

There remains much to be <lone along these lines the entire length of the 
Patagonian Channels between 41^ 30' and 53" 30' south, as well as in the 
little known region south of Magellan Strait back of Clarence, Santa Ines, and 
Desolation Islands. 


Origin of name. — The name Yahgan also originated with Bridges, who was 
the first to properly linguistically classify the Fueglans into four tribes. The 
canoe people inhabiting the Cape Horn and Beagle Channel districts speak a 
common language, but call themselves just Yamana (man). The central and 
main thoroughfare connecting these two districts and occupie<l by those Fue- 
glans is a narrow channel known as Murray Narrows (In their native tongue, 
Yahga-Ashaga, which means Mountain Valley Channel), all the district around 
being known as Yahga. 

^Mr. Bridges and bis son Despard compUed an Anglo- Alaculoof dictionary about 
1884, which seems to have disappeared. Recently I learned, through Rev. John M. 
Cooper, of Wsshington, of an Alaculoof book of prayers by Brother Juan Xlkora. of 
Dawson Island Catholic Mission. Announcement has been made that this book Is to 
be published. 


To distinguish the Fuegians of these two districts from the other tribes to 
the west and north, Bridges called them Yahgan, wisely following literally, in 
the case of a tribe, a custom applied by them to individuals, for they mostly 
take their names from the place where they are born. A Yahgan of my expe- 
dition was from this family group, as his name, " Yahgan-Ashagan," indicated. 

Yahgan language. — Mr. Bridges also wrote an "Anglo- Yahgan Dictionary and 
Grammar," which represented nearly a lifetime's work:. He was a man of 
keen observation, excellent education, and a strong scientific trend. Based, as 
it was, with certain modifications, on the Ellis phonetic system, and comprising 
a vocabulary of the astonishing number of nearly 40,000 words, it is one of 
the most marvelous works of a primitive language in existence. It may be 
said to comprise practically the entire Yahgan language. 

The story of the subsequent per^rlnatlons of this dictionary after its acquisi- 
tion by Dr. Frederick A. Cook, when a member of the Bel gic- Antarctic Exi)edi- 
tlon, is a story in itself. But let it be unqualifiedly understood that no person 
other than the Rev. Thomas Bridges can morally or legally claim one iota of 
credit for any part of this superb work. 

It would be superfluous to more than comment here on the Yahgan language. 
So large a vocabulary for so primitive and isolated a people is due to the fact 
that their terms are specific; that they compound verbs and adverbs almost 
indefinitely, and have innumerable afiBxes which modify their words. 

The language is pleasing and soft, abounding in the vowels and consonants 
of our own language, and is in strong contrast to the guttural tongues of their 
neighbors, the Onas. This will be seen by the expreesion of the phrase " Where 
are the men going? *' which, In the Ona, would be " KMah ch'ain shillkanen." In 
the Yahgan one has the euphoniCr " Hwee yamana?** 

Yahgan writing and counting. — The Yahgans have no written characters, 
their only form of graphic communication A>cing face painting with white, 
black, and a dull red ocher. By certain symbols they thus indicate principally 
war and death and the manner in which the death occurs. 

The Yahgan numerical system consists of oocawali (one), cumblbi (two), 
and muttan (three). Beyond this they may use the fingers of the hand, and 
beyond "ten'* the expression wooroo, which means "many," and wooroo- 
wooroo, "very many." 

Here environment has undoubtedly caused the limitation of numbers. The 
main use to which their numerals are put is to express the number of wives 
(for they are polygamous) a man possesses, which rarely reached beyond the 
number of three, or to indicate the number of families generally computed 
by the number of canoes. More than three canoes was expressed by the 
fingers of the hand. 

The fact that it is necessary to scatter in search of food ; that the Yahgan 
has no other possession than those things within his immediate grasp, no 
chiefs or organized government ; and as the seasons are reckoned by the time 
certain berries or fungi are ripe, or fiowers in blossom, numerals or counting 
are of little importance, and these numbers seem to have answereil their needs. 

Effect of environment on language. — The Yahgan language extended west- 
ward clear to Brecknock Pass, at which point Alaculoof began, although the 
Alaculoofs undoubtedly merged and overlapped a bit into the Yahgan terri- 
tory. In Dr. Carl Scottsberg's interesting report on the Swedish Magellan 
Expedition (Geographical Journal for December, 1908, p. 593) he says: 

It is very astonishing that t^'o tribes having the same aspects and customs, 
living In the same region, and not separated by any natural obstarles, should 
have their languages so entirely different as the Yahgans and Alookooloops, 
not one word l>elng the same. 


In view of the fact that Dr. Scottsberg accepts the tribal names originated 
by Bridges, whose work is the most authoritative on these tribes, it would seem 
that Dr. Scottsberg was not justified in revising the spelling of these names. 
I would also take exception to the statement that these " two tribes, not sepa- 
rated by any natural obstacles, should have their languages so entirely differ- 
ent." Brecknock Peninsula was a tremendous barrier to the intercommunica- 
tion of these tw^o tribes. 

There has been an annual record in these regions of 300 days of rain and 
storm, while the other 65 days were not pleasant. To round the weather side 
of the long reach of Brecknock Peninsula, with its frowning cliffs and 
scarcely a landing place, in frail canoes, was something which only the most 
daring occasionally undertook. While to pass over its barren, unexplored 
mountain heights was for these canoemen impossible. Thus we see that en- 
vironment unquestionably fixed the boundary of these two tribes and probably 
in due course of time had much to do with the modification of their languages. 


Of proto-history they have none; the fact that it is their custom not to 
mention the name of the dead precludes this, and even under the most favor- 
able circumstances makes it impossible at the best for one to obtain names or 
facts further back than three generations. 


Ail too little of their history has been recorded. We can glean something of 
their story from the logs and records of early explorers, whalers, sealers, scien- 
tific expeditions, missionaries, and adventurers. Yet, with all, not excepting the 
reports of the Beagle expedition, little enough has been done. Besides this, the 
most notable is the work of the French " Mission Sdentlfique de Cape Horn " 
and that of the late Rev. Thomas Bridges, whose writings will without question 
stamp him for all time as the greatest Tahgan authority.* 

Who were and from whence came the progenitors of these Amerinds? While 
there may be some Intrusive, possibly revamped, Mongol stock infused through 
later migrations into the autochthonous inhabitants of the two Americas, it 
would seem reasonable to assume that the inhabitants of the Western Hemi- 
sphere fi*om Cape Columbia to Cape Horn are of the same race, presumably 
related to and by some classified with the Mongol race. 

Whether their common ethnical stock found its origin in the Western Hemi- 
sphere, in the Eastern, or in a land now below the waters of the oceans still 
remains an interesting problem. 


In South America the north and south trend of the great tributaries of the 
Amazon (with that mighty river itself existing as a connecting thoroughfare), 
the north and south trend of the Rio de La Plata system, also of the vast 
mountain chain of the Andes and of the pampas of Argentina, produce a con- 
tinental physiography which favors migrations of latitude. It would seem that 
these first migrations probably were from north to south, at least as far as the 
regions south of 40' south latitude are concerned, for among primitive and 

^HiB principal writings are found in the varlons issues of the South American 
Missionary Magazine, the Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, and an 
Anglo-Yahgan dictionary and grammar. The manuscript of an *' Anglo- Yahgan Dic- 
tionary and Grammar" I saw in the possession of Rev. John Williams, a missionary 
at Rio Douglas, Navarin Island, probably an early draft of the Bridges Dictionary. 
His other work was the Anglo- Alaculoof dictionary previously referred to and which 
possibly may be incorporated in the Rio Douglas manuscript. 


semlclvilized peoples the weaker tribes or groups are naturally driven to the 
least desirable lands and outermost edges Of the territories where food is scarcer 
or more difficult and hazardous in the getting ; for example, the Eskimo and the 
coast tribes of the western Sahara, the former coast tribes of certain sections 
of our own eastern and western seaboards, and the Alaculoofs and Yahgans of 
the desolate food-dearthed coasts of western Patagonia. It follows, then, that 
most of these people are literally forced to be coast fisher folk. 

Let us see what effect this social phase as well as that of the physical en- 
yironment of southern South America has had on the Alaculoof and Yahgan 
tribes. It is reasonable to assume that the ancestors of the people who occupied 
this less propitious southern extremity of South America did not by choice 
leave the more productive, livable lands to their north in exchange for the severe 
lands they inhabit This would indicate that they were driven south by stronger 

At about 41* 80' south latitude the wide, open, and desirable coastal strip of 
Chile, occupied by the fearless so-called Araucanlans (Mapuches), ends. From 
there, south, to the Strait of Magellan, is the Patagonian Archipelago, stormy, 
f^F^gJf intricate, hemmed in by the tempestuous Southern Pacific on its west, by 
the impassable cordlUeras of the Andes on its east The steep, forested shores, 
under which reeks a mush of decayed vegetation, prohibits land travel. 

It is reasonable to suppose that the fisher folk of the region just north of 41* 
SO' south latitude, were forced south by another tribe, which in turn was forced 
south by a still stronger tribe ; possibly a third or fourth followed, the last being 
pushed south by the Araucanlans, who still occupy the region north of 41*" 30'. 
These weaker tribes followed the paths of least resistance — the Patagonian 
Channel ways. Eventually the weakest (the Yahgans) were pushed by the 
next weakest, the Alaculoofs, beyond the Strait of Magellan into Fuegia, 
clear to Cape Horn ItaelfL 

About latitude 42** 80' back of Puerto Montt, across an Andean pass, the 
Araucanlans easily reached the Pampas of what Is now Argentina, over which 
they hunted pushing down the plains on the east side of the Andes, the weaker 
tribes who previously had forced other tribes down the more arid Pampas, south 
to the very Strait itself, and these again had forced other tribes into northern 
Tierra del Fuego, until the weakest (the Haush) were forced into the utmost 
southeast corner, where they stopped because they could go no farther. The 
second weakest (the Onas) occupied the more desirable, open hunting lands on 
the eastern coast and northern half of Tierra del Fuego, a stronger tribe, the 
Tehuelches (Southern Patagonlans), occupying the southern half of Patagonia; 
the Puhuelches (Northern Patagonians) the northern half contiguous with the 
Araucanian boundary. All Patagonian and Fuegian tribes Just mentioned were 
plains people, and foot people until the introduction of the horse by the Span- 
iards. This fact would strongly indicate that the canoe tribes reached Fuegia 
before the Ona and Haush, for there is no record of these two tribes ever hav- 
ing had canoes. They were undoubtedly conveyed across the Strait of Ma- 
gellan from the mainland of Patagonia, in the vicinity of First or Second Nar- 
rows, by the canoe people. 


South of the pass mentioned, in the vicinity of latitude 41* 30' south, clear 
south to the south coast of Tierra del Fuego at latitude 55" 3' south, the bar- 
rier of the Andes, broken only by the Strait of Magellan, has barred all com- 
munication between the plains people and the canoe people for over a thousand 
miles. How long this separation lasted before intercourse through the gap in the 
strait was opened up in the vicinity of w^here Punta Arenas low lies, is an inter- 

(J8436— 17— VOL I 16 


eetlng question. Hundreds of years may have elapsed, the ultimate communica- 
tion at the best very limited, being principally for trade. 

The Strait of Magellan formed a barrier to conununlcatlon between the 
Tehuelches and Onas. The southern ranges of Tlerra del BHiego to a great ex- 
tent shut off all but infrequent communication between the Yahgans and Onas 
until recent years, while the open and exposed character of the southeastern 
corner, where the Haush dwelt, greatly restricted communication between that 
tribe and the Yahgans. 

Brecknock Peninsula, in turn, on the west, forbiddingly intercepted frequent 
association between the Yahgans and Alaculoofis, while far to the north of the 
Patagonian Archipelago, the Taytao Peninsula undoubtedly formed another 
barrier between the Patagonian Channel tribes and those of the Ohiloe and 
Ghonos Archipelago. 


Consequently these physical barriers, responsible for isolating these tribes for 
long periods, may have had an important effect on producing in e<ach its re- 
spective language, or at least greatly modifying the original tongue. Some- 
thing might possibly be done in relating some of these tribes, such as the 
Yahgan and the Haush, by tracing back through the tribe languages north- 
ward by way of the plains and the channelways respectively to the region of 
the pass in vicinity of latitude 41"* 30' south, in order to work toward a com- 
mon origin. 

To complete this linguistic material, work among the few remaining Ala- 
culoofs and the Patagonian Channel tribes to their north, and any other Pata- 
gonian Channel tribes, is of the utmost immediate importance. 


A little less than half a century ago there were probably about 2,500 
Yahgans. These comprised four family groups — the eastern or Beagle Channel 
group, who are the best formed; the Lennox Islanders, big-headed, ugly, 
powerful men; the dwarfish WoUaston Islands group, and the Southwesterns 
about Hoste Island, who are the most warlike and murderously inclined. The 
last three now mingling more or less with one another, have their principal 
rendezvous, at Lauwi, Tierra del Fuego, Mussels Bay, north shore of Navarin, 
at Rio Douglas, Navarln Island, and on Tekenika Island in the Wollaston 

As I have indicated, the Yahgan*s environment has, first of all, determined 
his food supply, not permitting Importations from other tribes. Aside from a 
mucilaginous fungus (cytarria), which cryptogam forms a staple article of 
food, he secures a few meager berries in season, scurvy grass,, and wild 
celery, but depends principally upon sea food. In obtaining this they have per- 
force become a canoe people, and hence have developed their principal, though 
crude, craftsmanship of canoe building. 

To obtain their food they must venture into the storm-swept channelways, 
broad reaches of the sounds, and the very oceans themselves, in search of 
stranded whales, seals, birds, birds* eggs, and fish, or in search of new spots 
whereupon to erect their beech-bough wigwams, handy to a supply of mussels 
and limpets. Thus the Yahgans' environment forces him to be nomadic, so 
from infancy his is a roving, restless life of change, unused to restraint save 
that of appetite in a foodless country. 

Though the Yahgan is as gregarious as his food supply and wanderlust will 
permit, his communities must necessarily be composed of a fiuctuating popula- 


tion. Not so very many years ago the wigwams of as many as 240 Yahgans 
had been recorded pitched on the settlement site of Wnlya, near Murray 
Narrows. Such gatherings occurred only on occasion, usually on the driving 
ashore of a stranded whale. The greater part of the time they are scattered 
about the Archipelego in single families, or two, perhaps, living isolated from 
their central settlement gathering places. 


In Other words, each canoe may be said to represent an independent au- 
thority — the most complete form of government known among the Yahgans. 
Having to scatter to obtain food, each depends on no hand but his own, and is 
able, with his wives or in family groups, to sur\'ive the conditions of his deso- 
late lands; but, literally as well as figuratively, he must "paddle his own 

When, in answer to the blue smokes which signal for a gathering of the 
families, they assemble at some fixed rendezvous, where, perhaps, they dwell 
as a community for weeks at a time, each having already proved sufllcient unto 
himself, brings with him that infiexible independence which will owe allegiance 
to no one. Thus there is utter absence of gregarious rule and government 
among them. In their community life they are most socialistic, it being quite 
customary for one to divide equally with others the windfall of the chase or 

Occasionally, however, they show deference to a "yuccamoosh" (medicine 
man), or to an older man, and revere experience and physical prowess. Only 
lack of greater communal intercourse is responsible for lack of leaders. In 
few parts of the world perhaps, are the effects of environment on man so 
directly effective as in Fuegia. 


Were I to sdect from the Yahgans two characteristics which preeminently 
distinguish them from the rest of mankind, they would be the absence of those 
elemental attributes which even the most barbaric of races seem to have 
acquired—chieftainship and religion. 

Though, from the point of view of the anthropologist, the Yahgan is both 
an anlmist and a polydsemonlst, believing that spirits enter into and control 
the phenomena of nature, he has no religion and no form of worship in the 
general acceptance of the terms. For, here again, that weird nature, whose 
phenomena he has personified in his imagination, has also, by her exigencies, 
dwarfed his Introspection. No word for " God," " Creator," or *♦ pray " seems 
to have definitely appeared in his language, nor from any action, ceremony, or 
custom can a belief in these things be Inferred. 

Among his superstitions he believes In an evil spirit which takes possession 
of one. When n man dies he "is gone," the Yahgans say, " Is no more," and do 
all that is possible to blot out his memory, do not mention his name, and 
destroy all his belongings. 


It hns been my good fortune the past year to collaborate with that well- 
known psychopathologlst, Issadore H. Coriat, M. D., of Boston, on a paper based 

^ See Furlong collections of 1907-08 and 1010 expeditions now in the American 
Museum of Natural History, Peabody Mosenm, Harvard UnlTersity; Peabody Museum, 
Salem, Mass. ; Museum of the American Indian, Heye Foundation, New Tork. 


on my data relating to tlie mental processes of the Yahgaos and Onas, con- 
cerning certain psychoneurotic disturbances — mental attacks. In Dr. Coriat's 
paper, entitled " Psychoneuroses among primitive tribes,"* referring to my 
data, he states : " It is interesting to note that certain of the facts corroborate 
the well-known ideas of sexual repression as elaborated by Freud. The mental 
organization of these people likewise, seems to establish certain psychoanalytic 
conceptions." From a point of interest of the effect of environment he states : 
" For a clear comprehension of these attacks certain preliminary anthropological 
and geographical data are necessary." 


Their native clothing consists of a sealskin or a sea-otter skin ; sometimes two 
of the latter fastened together and used as a sort of cape over their shoulders ; 
otherwise they were naked, having become most impervious to the bitter cold 
rains, sleet, wind, and snow as they paddle their canoes In which they always 
kept a fire smoldering. Before they secured dogs from wrecked crews, after 
the coming of Magellan, the obtaining of seal and otter with their primitive 
weapons and lack of good weather must have been most difficult. Thus their 
environment forced, to a marked degree, the survival of the fittest, who became 
inured to hardihood in a remarkable degree. 

Their wigwams are conical or semipherical, usually of beech boughs, walled 
with slabs of bark, so primitive that not even a vent for a chimney to let oat 
the insufferable smoke is provided. 

Invention of living commodities comes from reasonable permanency of abode 
and gregariousness which the Yahgans' environment prevented. While one day 
one may find an animated village at a rendezvous, the next may find nothing 
but deserted wigwams left pitched on glistening mussel heaps. 

These mounds, or kitchen middens, mark the old resorts of the tribes, and are 
composed of mussel and limpet shells, bones, and refuse thrown ovt from their 
wigwams. They also serve as graves in which they bury their dead. It must 
have taken many centuries to bring about the vast accumulations of some of 
these Yahgan village sites. Some of the large middens I have measured have 
been 10 feet high and would be circumscribed by a circle 40 feet in diameter. 
Not only at the Yahgan camp at Rio Douglas, but on both sides of the river at 
frequent intervals for perhaps a mile or more were shell heaps, some overgrown 
and almost completely hidden with weeds, bushes, and trees. One of the most 
typical settlement sites is that at Wulyla. 

The study of these kitchen middens should be undertaken systematically and 
might throw considerable light on the early history of these people. In one of 
these Wulya middens I found a "perforated stone" with knobbed projections 
around its rim (a " morning star '* stone), probably the head of a primitive war 
club. This perforated stone, now In the American Museum of Natural History,* 
gives us the southernmost record of "perforated stones" (i.e., 55' 0' 8" south 
latitude), and may serve to help in establishing certain trade relations and 
communication between ancestors of these people and the tribes of the Chilean 
coast from Cape Horn to the country of the Araucanlans, perhaps from Cape 
Horn to northern Peru. 


Environment has affected even their stature and physical appearance. 
The tallest Yahgan (Beagle Channel) I ran across measured 5 feet 9} inches 

^Read at the sixth aonnal meeting of the American Psychopathologlcal Association, 
May, 1015, and published in The Journal of Abnormal Psychology, August- September, 


in height, while the shortest (MusselB Bay) was 4 feet lOi inches ; and of some 
14 measurements of males taken the average height was 5 feet 5} inches, the 
women being shorter. 

That their legs have been stunted through squatting in canoes, particularly 
in the women, who do most of the paddling, producing a waddle In their walk, 
there is no doubt. This seems definitely established by the fact that Yahgan 
children are well formed, and at the Lawrences* ranch,' along Bengle Channel, 
there were over a dozen Yahgan youths who had spent the greater part of their 
Uvea in active work, ashore, herding sheep on the ranch. All these young 
Yahgans were well proportIone<l. 


It hns been said that these people are the most savage and In the lowest 
state of improvement of any In the world ; addicted to treachery, bloodthirsti- 
ness, and even cnnnibalism. The sisht of the long-haired figure crouching 
within his wigwam of beech !)oup:hs, inured to cold, so that a single otter skin 
over his back suffices to clothe him, dwarfed and stunted through centuries 
of squatting In canoes, often large headed, with a countenance rendered 
hideous by cold, want of food, and Isolation from civilization would seem to 
bear out these statements. But, dwelling under these conditions, I doubt if 
his white brother, providing he could survive, would be more attractive In 

Undoubtedly gross exaggerations hav^e arisen concerning the Fueglans, who, 
as far as I could discover, never used poisoned arrows, though so accused, and 
undoubtedly never practiced cannibalism as a rite, although, like his white 
brother, he has lndulge<l his appetite on human flesh when face to face with 
sta^^'ation. While the elemental passions are strongly developed in the 
Yah?ans, still they have their tractable and likable qualities, and, I believe, 
are inherently intelligent. The more I have seen of these and other primitive 
tribes the more I am convinced of the direct potential influences of environment 
and the narrower, too, has grown the gap which some would have us believe 
exists between primitive and civilized — shall we say artifldallzed? — ^man. 


But whatever brutalities may be laid at the door of the Yahgan, child of 
his environment, they can in no wise mitigate the shameful atrocltiea heaped 
upon him by sealers and others, who at times have run to cover in his vldnity 
from the fierce Antarctic storms or put in to steal Fueglan women. From the 
dim past the Yahgan has fought a winning fight against the onslaught of the 
elements, combating them with all the dogged aggressiveness of his powerful 
frame. But civilizitls, i. e., the evil effects of contact with the civilization of 
the white man, though slight, has been to him the touch of a deadly thing. 


Clothes, secured from well-meaning missionaries or ships* crews, have helped 
to break the Yahgans' health and his morals. His powerful frame had become 
Inured to his environment of storm and cold. Clothes not only changed the ac- 
customed temperature next his skin and shut out the air, but induced dirt, be- 
came a catch-all and culture ground for germs, and at the best gave him tlie 

^Fred and Mtfrtin Lawrence, sons of Mr. John Lawrence, a missionary of Tierra del 
Fu^o, through their associationB with the Yahgans, are the foremost living authorities 
on this tribe. 


aspect of a nondescript. Rarely did an individual possess two suits. To be 
drenched to tlie skin was the order of the day. To remove his newly acquired 
clothes now made him feel the cold; consequently the soaked garments stayed 
on him, drying in the cold ^vlnds, or gave him a steam bath by the heat of his 
wigwam fire. But, were he the possessor of an extra suit, he did not know how 
to use clothes or understand the unhygienic effects of wearing wet or damp 

Frequently at mission stations the cooking of indigestible heavy bread, etc., 
was taught them. Often, with a "Christian** name went a hair cut, and so 
the FucSgian was divested of his best natural head protection in that frlgtd 
clime. These curses very soon brought on catarrhal afllictions, pleurisy, pneu- 
monia, and consumption. 

Tlien came the trader and unscrupulous adventurer with their rotten rum 
and more rotten morals, and left in their wake some of the white men*s vices, 
syphilis, and other virulent forms of venereal diseases. Then measles, whoop- 
ing cough, and smallpox, first introduced through cast-off clothing of the whites 
at Ushuwia, swept them off like a plague; so that the white men*s diseases 
proved more fatal than his rum or his bullets. 

In disease the Yahgan met insidious, unseen foes, intangible to his crude 
tnind and poisonous to his healthy body, and from that day his has been a 
dogged retreat During my visit to Fu^gia In 1907-8 I estimated the total 
Yahgan population of those regions at 175. In 1910 it had decreased slightly ; 
to-day possibly not more than 100 remain. Yet this remnant maintains its in- 
dependence In the very face of Its extinction, even continuing its blood feuds, 
increased perhaps by the necessity of a greater community life and the fight 
for wives. 

I doubt if any other people have shrunk to the verge of extinction still main- 
taining their independance as the Fu^gians. I believe that nowhere else can 
people be found, living so primitive an existence, as the Fabians (Yahgans, 
Alaculoofs, and Onas), who In many ways have risen above the crude circum- 
stances of their land. 

There remains still Important work to be done among these people, but what- 
ever is done must be done soon, if we are to further complete the scant record 
of these Fu^glans. the southernmost inhabitants of the world. 



United States National Museum, 
Monday afternoon^ January Sj 1916. 

Chairman, Whuam H. Holmes. 

The following papers by Dr. Carlos Morales Macedo were pre- 
sented at this session: 

La def ormaci6n artificial del cr&neo en el Antiguo Peru. 

La trepanaci6n del cr&neo y su representaci6n en la cer&mica 

Variaciones del lambda en los antiguos cr&neos peruanos. 

La fosita cerebelosa mediana en los antiguos cr&neos peruanoe. 



MMico y Cirufano de la Faoultad de MedMna de Lima, 


En una de las obras clAslcas de la antigaa Uteratura m^dlca, que por la pro- 
fondldad y ezactitnd en las obseryadones es atribufda a Hiptarates (1), el 
c^lebre mddlco grlego nos dice que cerca de Pains Moeotlde habltaba nn pueblo 
que tenfa la original costumbre de comprlmlr a los nifios la cabeza hasta 
darle una forma alargada. Herodoto, Aristdteles y Pllnlo tambl^n descrlben 
la extrafia configuraci6n cef&lica de las gentes que segufan esta pr&ctlca. 

E3strab6n, el ge6grafo de la antlgfiedad, da a conocer unos habitantes de las 
orUlas del Mar Caspio, donde por medios artlfldales se obligaba a la frente a 
dirlglrse bacia atrds, sobrepasando la Ifnea mentonlana. (2.) 

El profundo estudlo que hizo Blumenbach de un cr&neo procedente de los 
tdmulus de Crimea, y la descripcldn que hace MfUler (3) de otro, no menos 
deformado, encontrado cerca de las vlejas ruinas de Kertch, no dejan duda 
respecto a la antlgfiedad de la prdctlca de las deformadones 6tnicas del cr&neo. 

Nadaillac (4) cita una medalla esculpida en honor de Atila, el afio 452 de 
nuestra era, "lleva el busto del azote de Dios con la cabeza vlslblemente de- 
prlmlda." M&s yerosfmil parecerfa interpretar este hecho como im slgno de 
degeneraci6n que nos expllcaria las extrafias cualldades que dlstinguieron al 
rey de los Hunos, si no hubiera que tener en cuenta que las deformadones 
craneanas eran la usanza de los pueblos guerreros de orlgen orientaL 

Investigaciones posteriores induoen a creer que estas deformadones eran de 
uso muy esparlcido entre la raza mong611ca, raz6n que ha servido de funda- 
mento a Retzius (5) para pretender que tan b&rbara costumbre fu^ introdudda 
en America por Inmigrantes asi&ticos. 

Al registrar las modemas publicadones de Antropologfa se encuentra no- 
merosas descrlpclones de crdneos deformados procedentes de las dlversas 
comarcas de Europa. Entre las trlbus de Oceania, constltula una costumbre 
tan arraigada, que adn subsiste. El descubrlmlento de Am&rlca hhso conocer 



a1 viejo mundo, los pueblos que llevaron m&s adelante el arte de modelar )a 
cabeza: las antlguas poblacioues de la Florida, los valles del Mississippi, los 
pueblos de la America Central y sobre todo los babitantes de los Andes 

Estas notas hlstdricas nos autorizan a bacer dos deducciones : la deformacl6ii 
d^l cr&neo era conocida desde muy antigao y su uso era casi universal. 


Para los crane61ogoe modernos, el Peri^ antiguo era el pais de las deforma- 
ciones. Entre las osamentas exhumadas de los yiejos tAmulus del Pert), los 
cr&neos anormales se encuentran en una proporci6n tan grande, que algunos 
antrop<51ogos ban sostenido con empefio que aquella era la forma natural del 
cr&neo en alguna rama de la gran familia peruana. 

Tscbudi, quien babi^ndose dedicado al estudio de antlgiiedades del Peni, tuvo 
ocasi6n de observar centenares de cr&neos, dice a este propdsito : " en nuestro 
concepto erraron los fl8i61ogos- que pretendleron que los diversos aspectos 
frenol6glcos que ofrece la raza peruana eran puramente artificiales." (6) 
Rivero y Tscbudi, seducidos quizd por el crecido mimero de esos cr&neos de 
" configuraci6n rara " los consideraron como naturales y formaron con ellos un 
grupo que en raz6n de su lugar 'de orlgen correspondfa a la raza aymar&. 

Result6 asf muy artificiosa aquella cla8iflcaci<5n craneol6gica de los habitantee 
del Peril antes del Imperio Incaico, en tres razas diferentes: Chinchas, 
Aymaraes y Huancas. Los caracteres que asignan a los cr&neos normales de los 
aymaraes corresponden exactamente a los que los antrop61ogos modemos miran 
como signos inequtvocos de la deformaci6n artificial. 

Los autores de "Antigfiedades Peruanas** apoyan su idea en las slguientes 
observaciones : ". . . ba solo pocos afios que dos momias de nifios fueron 
Uevadas a Inglaterra, las cuales segiin la descripci6n bastante exacta del Dr. 
Bellamy, (7) pertenecen a las tribus aymar&s. Los dos cr&neos (ambos nifios 
apenas de un afio de edad) tienen enteramente la misma forma que los de los 
adultos. Igual circunstancia bemos podido observar en mucbas momias de 
nifios de tierna edad que tienen afin sus mantas, sin baber encontrado nunca 
vestigios aparatos de presi6n.** Nada impide suponer que estos nifios bayan 
sido sometidos desde su nadmiento a la deformaci6n cef&lica y la circunstancia 
de no baber encontrado loe aparatos que se emplearon para producirla, no 
autoriza a negar una costumbre descrita con lujo de detalles por los viejos 
autores y sancionada por los estudios antropol6gicos modernos. 

Rivero y Tscbudi consideran como prueba decisiva contra los partidarios de 
la "acci6n mec&nica," un documento que Juzgo muy interesante: "La misma 
configuraci6n presentan los nifios atHn no nacidos, y de esta verdad bemos 
podido convencemos a la vista del feto encontrado en el vientre de una momia de 
mujer prefiada que sacamos de una cueva de Huicbay, a dos leguas de Tarma. 
y que existe actualmente en nuestra colecci6n. El profesor d'Outrepont, una 
de las primeras celebridades de la clencia obst^trica^ nos ha asegurado que este 
feto tiene siete meses de edad. Pertenece segiln la Gonfiguraci6n muy marcada 
del cr&neo a la tribu de los Huancas.*' Este hallazgo podrfa interpr^^tarse como 
nn caso de herencia de las deformaciones artificiales del cr&neo ; pero teniendo 
en cuenta que es la tLnica observaci6n que se conoce, debemos pensar en que 
puede ser la manifestacl6n de un proceso patol6gico. 

Para explicar la abundancia de cr&neos deformados procedentes del Perd, se 
supuso que la deformaci6n no babia sido practicada en vida, que los cad&veres 
sepnltados sim^tricamente en las tumbas peruanas sufrleron las presiones del 
terreno, que contlnuadaa durante siglos, llegaron a producir alteraciones en la 


oonfiguraci6n de los crAneos. En los terrenos arcillosos y hiiraeOos suele pro- 
ducirse, en efecto, un reblandecimiento de los objetos sepultados que perdiendo 
gran parte de sn conslatencia, ceden al empnje de preslones seculares. Pero las 
alteraciones que por esta causa sufren los cr&neos, bien estudiadas por los 
antrop61ogoe con el nombre de deformaciones p<3stumas, est&n clrcunscritas a 
eecasos ejemplares de determinadas necr6polis y se caracterizan por su notable 
asimetrla y aUn por el aspecto especial del tejido dseo, condiclones que no se 
encuentran en los innumerables cr&neos defonnados sacados de las tumbas 

Los importantes estudios craneol<Sgicos de Broca prueban que el uso de las 
cabezas deformadas estaba muy generalizado entre los peruanos. De los 500 
cr&neos de diversas partes del Pert! que posee el museo de Paris, solo 60 
carecen de defomiacl6n. En el informe que present6 Busch a la Sociedad 
Antropol<3glca de Ijondres sobre buen nAmero de cr&neos extrafdos de la 
iiecr6polis de Anc6n, se consideran artiflcialmente deprimidos a la mayor parte. 
La colecci6n que form<3 entre nosotros el malogrado Dr. Mufliz, ofrecfa un 
valioso contingente de las m&s interesantes deformaciones craneanas. Los 
innumerables ejemplares que se exhiben en los museos de Am^ica dan clara 
Idea de la extension de esta prdctica entre los antlguos peruanos. 


Historiadores y cronlstas nos hablan de esta singular costumbre. En la 
relaci6n ofidal qme bace el corridor Juan de Ulloa (8) se dice: "que los 
coyas o aimaras traian en la cabeza hasta despu^ de la conquista unos que 
llamaban en su lengua chucos . . . apretaban (la cabeza) a los nifios tan 
reciamente que se la ahusaban y adelgazaban alta y prolongada." 

He aquf lo que nos cuenta Santa Cruz Pachacuti, quien por razon de su 
descendencia indlgena se dice bien informado de las cosas de la dpoca : '* Este 
mismo inca (Manco-Capac) babfa mandado que atasen las cabezas de las 
criaturas'* . . . y mfts adelante agrega que Lloque>Lupanqui "tambi6n habfa 
mandado que todas las naciones a ^1 sujetas atasen las cabezas de las criaturas 
para que sean largas y quebrantadas de f rente . . . " (d). 

El licenciado Polo de Ondegardo escribia: "Los GoUas y Puquinas y otras 
naciones usaban forma r las cabezas de los nifios en muchas formas con mucha 
supersticidn " (10). 

La deformaci6n cefftlica se practic6 en el Pert), durante la 6poca del coloniaje 
y los conquistadores tomaron diversas medidas para reprimirla. Entre las 
resolndones adoptadas por el Sfnodo que el 17 de julio de 1585 (11) reuniera en 
Lima su primer arzobispo Fray Ger6nimo de Loayza bay una ley que manda 
" que la superstici6n de amoldar las cabezas de los muchacboe de ciertas formas 
que los indios llaman Zaita-oma y Palta-oma, del todo se quiten." 

Semejante costumbre hubo de estar muy arraigada entre los indios del Pert) 
pues 616 lugar a otras muy severas ordenanzas eclesi&sticas ; en 1753 el Virrey 
se \i6 en la necesidad de " mandar que ningdn indfo o India comprimiera la 
cabeza de sus bijos, conio tienen costumbre para bacerla mas larga, porque los 
nifios sufren y pueden morirse; las cortes de Justicia, los curas, los Jueces de 
paz y los caciques ejercerfin una estricta vigilancia para que esto no suceda.*' 

El sabio Kaimondl contaba que en 1802, durante las mlsiones de Sarayaco 
en el dq[Mirtamento de Loreto, una mujer llevd a bautizar a su bijo reci^ 
nacido que tenia la cabeza aprisionada entre las tablas de un aparato d6 
deformaci6n. (13) 


Se podrfa multiplicar las cltas. Gieza de Ledn, Garcllazo de la Vega, Ck>bo, 
las Casas y otros cronistns nos dan muchas uoticias que utilizaremos al ocu- 
parnos de los procedlmentos que usaban los indios para hacer la deformaci6i], 
de las superstlciones que a ella iban ligadas, etc. 


Entre las fuentes hist6rlcas del Perti prehisp&nico, han llamado slempre la 
atenci<5n de los arqueOlogos las piezas de alfarcrfa extrafdas de las tumbas 
Indfgenas. La Oerdmlca, que nacl6 desde que el hombre pis6 la tierra hAmeda 
y tuvo Inteligencia suflciente para pensar en la liuella que dejaba, fu6 cultlvada 
con esmero por los antlguos peruanos. En los huacos Imitaron con perfecci6n 
a la naturaleza, representaron sus costumbres, slmbollzaron sus creencias y 
tradiclones. Sin embargo, la cer&mica peruana, lo mlsmo que los indesclfrables 
quipus o que el primltivo slstema de escritura de que apenas tenemos notlcla, 
ningdn dato suministra en apoyo de la existencia de la costumbre de deformar 
el cr&neo. He vlsitado con atenci6n las salas del Museo Histdricj del Perti, 
he revisado fotograffas y consultado particulares referenclas de las numerosas 
vasljas de ardlla que forman el "Museo Macedo*' de Berlin, donde se ven 
pr6dlgamente reproducldas las costumbres de los indios peruanos, siv encontrar 

un solo huaco anlmado con la escena de la deformaci6n de la cabeza de un nifio. 


Loa artifices peruanos representaron el rostro humano con tal naturalidad, 
que su contemplaci6n "sugiere la idea de un retrato individual" (14). No 
sucede lo mlsmo con el crdneo ; pues en unos huacos la cara se prolonga hacia 
arrlba para formar la boca circular de la vnsija. en otros la parte superior de 
la cabeza sirve de implantacidn al aza de un c&ntaro, y en los m&s el cr&neo se 
encuentra oculto por un amplio turbante o adornado con profusion. 

Sin embargo, en muchos de estos huacos puede verse la f rente anormalmente 
dirigida hacia atrds. Esta observacidn, por sf sola, no autoriza a declarar la 
existencia de las deformaciones cefdllcas en el Peni antiguo ; pero si la ponemos 
de acuerdo con los convincentes estudios craneol6gicos y con las notlcias de los 
historiadores, puede suponerse con fundamento que se refiere a cabezas de- 


Con respecto al origen de las deformaciones craneanas, el Dr. Rodriguez 
Dulanto (15) indica la posibilidad de su importacion al Pert! por las Nnliuas, 
pueblo que practicaba esta costumbre y cuyo origen se pierde en la antlgUedad 
m&a remota. Brasseur de Brombourg (16) nos da notlcla de los Nahuas, pueblo 
que habitaba las riberas del Mississippi, los valles de Florida, y que arrojado 
por un cataclismo formidable emlgr6 hada el Sur, trayendo a las costas del 
Pacifico los elementos de su civilizaci6n sorprendente. No se puede aceptar 
sin reservas la existencia de esta emigraci6n que no ha tenido comprobaci6n 

Si apenas cabe a venturer una hip6tesis respecto al origen de esta costumbre, 
se puede asegurar en camblo que su existencia en el PertS data de muy antlguos 
tiempos. La construcci6n de la mayor parte de las tumbas de donde se han 
exhumado crdneos deformados, se renionta a ^poca anterior a la fundaci6n 
del Iraperio Incaico. En prueba de ello bastar& citar las viejas ruinas de 
Tiahuanaco y la Necropolis de Ancon en cuyas playas se guardan vestigios muy 
remotos de la civil izaci6n peruana, los reslduos de cocina que sefialan la vida 
del hombre prehlst6rico (17). 


Entre los hallazgos antropol6gicos que prueban la antigiiedad del hombre 
americano, ofrece inters clentifico an cr&neo deformado que se descubri6 en 
las rlberaa del Rio Negro (Patagonia) y que fu^ presentado a la Sociedad 
Antropol6gica de Parfs en 1880. No se encontr6 d su lado nlngtkn elemento 
paleontol6glco que permitiera lljar con exactltud el tierapo que habfa perniaue- 
cido enterrado ; pero la clrcunstancia de haber sldo extrafdo a cuatro metros de 
profundidad, en formaciones geol6gica8 contempor&neas de lim6n pampeano, 
ponen fuera de duda su remota antigiiedad. La notable deformaci6n inten- 
clonal que presenta este crdneo ha sido considerada por Broca como id^ntica 
a la de los aymaraes. Una les]6n patol6gica aumenta su valor cientlflco : en el 
frontal se observa una osteitis antigua que Broca atribuyd a una infeccidn 


Los crdneos deformados ofrecen gran varledad de formas. Se ban hecho 
muchas clasiflcaciones ; puede decirse que cada autor tlene la suya. Morton 
8efial6 en America cuatro clases de deformaciones cefdlicas. Gosse que ba 
estudiado esta costumbre con mucha detenci6n, establece 16 cspecies. de las 
cuales 10 pertenecen a America. Lunier no admite sino siete. Broca (18) las 
reduce a dos tipos prlncipales, uno levantado y otro echado, los que a su vez 
comprenden especles y varledades. 

Para estudlar los caracteres de las deformaciones craceanas en el Perd 
no creo necesario dlscutlr el valor de cada una de estas claslficaciones, pero 
dejar^ apuntado que cuando se pasa en revista un Museo, no todos los crdneos 
deformados ofrecen la caracterfstica de uno de los tipos de las clasificaciones, 
sino que se pueden arreglar estos crdneos para constltuir una gama de grada- 
ciones insensibles que tenga por extremes las formas mds opuestas. 

La gran cantldad de crdneos peruanos que colecciond Broca en el Museo 
de Paris, los documentos suministrados por Morton en su craneologia ameri- 
cana, los innumerables ejemplares que existen en las colecciones ^le Norte 
America, y los que en el Perd forman el Museo Raimondi y la secci6n craneo- 
16gica del Museo Nacional, ban constitufdo material suflciente para el conoci- 
miento de los caracteres f Isicos de los crdneos deformados. 


Un tipo de deformaci6n cefdllca que se encuentra con profusi6n es el sim^trico 
prolongado descrito por Morton, que es unn modalldad de las deformaciones 
ecbadas de Broca. Se presentan estas deformaciones en gran parte de los 
crdneos extraidos de las antiguas ruinas de Tlahuanaco, en los que recogi6 
D'Orbigny de las islas del lago Titicaca, en los que proceden de las alturas 
peru-bolivianas. Los mucbos ejemplares que se conservan en los museos 
atestiguan por su procedencla que esta clase de deformaciones era practicada 
en vasta escala por los antiguoe aymaraes. Es la defonnacl6n que mds abunda 
en las colecciones de crdneos peruanos; la extensi6n de su distribucidn 
geogrdflca hace suponer que fud tambidn la que estuvo mds en boga en el 
antiguo Perd. 

Una vista de perfil de uno de estos crdneos presenta la curva craneana 
notablemente modificada por la presi6n. La frente muy achatada forma un 
piano que se continda casi horizontalmente con los parietales, continuidad 
interrunpida las mds veces por el bregma que forma una eminencia precedida 
y seguida por depreslones que detenninan una especie de cabalgadura del frontal 
sobre los parletales. Esta Ifnea fronto-parietal se flexiona bruscamente en su 


imrte posterior describlendo una curva, de muy corto radio. Tan estrecha 
eurva est& situada a nivel del obell6n en el espacio que lo sepnra del lambda 
y se prolongd con el occipital el cual se presenta muy aplanado y ensanchado. 

Si se recorre el contorno del crdneo desde la glabela hasta el agujero occipital, 
«e encuentra : l^ un aplanamiento del frontal ; 2*, una prominencia bregmfitica ; 
8*, una depre8l6n post-bregraAtica ; 4', una llnea parietal que en ocasiones esi& 
muy reducida ; 5*, una estrecha airva que corresponde al obelion y a veces llega 
hasta el lambda ; y 6^ un aplanamiento occipital. La region frontal y la region 
occipital const! tuyen dos pianos casi para lei os o que forma n entre sf un Angulo 
muy agudo. 

Ck)mparando estos crdneos deformados con los normales, puede observarse 
que la b<)veda craneana se encuentra deprimida de arriba a abajo; el didmetro 
antero-posterlor m&ximo estd aumentado y el didmetro vertical basilo-bregmA- 
tico notablemente disminufdo. 

Si se comparan las proyecciones tomadas sobre los crdneos normales con las 
de los crdneos deformados de la misma procedencia, se puede notar que la com- 
presidn ha modificado la poslcI6n de ciertos puntos de referenda en Antropo- 
metrfa. La situaci6n relativa de estos puntos slngulares varla mucho en los 
diversos crdneos deformados y su estudio no tiene Impdrtancia cuando se trata 
de establecer el cardcter general que distlngufa las deformaciones echadas en 
el Perd. 

Estas deformaciones imprimen su caracterfstica en los diferentes huesos del 
crdneo. La lH5veda del frontal desaparece siendo reemplazada por una super- 
flcie casi plana ; las eminendas frontales ya no exlsten ; en algunos ejemplares 
la cara inferior de este hueso hace marcada prominencia en la pared superior 
de la drbita. 

Rn los parietales, por el contrarlo, la curvatura es muy acentuada y las emi- 
nencias laterales son mds prominentes y mds separadas una de la otra que al 
estado normal. 

La concavldad de la escama occipital disminuye bastante en los crdneos muy 
deformados. La protuberancia occipital externa estd poco marcada y las 
Ifneas curvas superior e inferior son apenas perceptibles. 

lias alteraciones en la forma de los huesos del crdneo repercuten sobre la 
cara que parece ensanchada y como proyectada hacia adelante. Esta variaci6n 
en las relaciones del crdneo y de la cara puede apreciarse estudiando laa medidas 
comparativas de los dngulos antropomdtricos. Puede aflrmarse en tesis general, 
que los dngulos faciales de Ouvier, Jacquart, Clouet, etc., estdn disminufdos en 
estos crdneos deformados. Los dngulos articulares facial y frontal estdn 
aumentados, no asf los parietales y occipitales que se presentan menores que en 
los crdneos normales. 

La deformacidn echada no se ofrece con Igual iutensldad en todos los crdneos 
atribufdos a los antiguos aymaraes, originando por esta raz6n multiples varia- 
clones. Asi se observa que en algunos ejemplares, la b6veda craneana se dlrige 
tanto hacia atrds que parece horizontal ; en otras, la extremidad posterior del 
crdneo es tambldn su punto mds alto y el conjunto hace el efecto de un cono; 
hay por dltimo, una tercera variedad en la que la deformaci6n es menor y 
el crdneo se dilata hacia atrds ofreciendo el asi)ecto de im huevo eu^'o extreuio 
mds grueso es posterior. 

Se ban podldo encontrar en el Perd, raros ejemplares de alguuns deformaciones 
echadas que no he comprendido en teta descrlpciCn ; en prueba de ello dtar^ 
el crdneo No. 2 de la colecd6n Raimondi que presenta la deformaci6n anular 
que Foville describid como caracterlstica de los pueblos de Normandia y 



Los crdneos recogldos de la costa peruana y muy particularmente los nume- 
rosos ejemplares procedentes de las tumbas de Aiic6n, presentan las dlferentes 
variedades de las deformaciones levantadas. 

Estos crdneos pertenecleron, sej^n opiQioDcs autorizadas, a una antlgua 
raza de Pescadores que vivla a oriUas del Paclfico. La semejanza que tiene 
la deformaciOn que ellos usabau cou la de los Xahuas, ha hecho suponer a 
alamos autores que los babitantes de Anc6n eran los representantes de aquel 
pueblo conquistador originarlo de la Florida que ea lejana 6poca emlgr6 hada 
el Sur. 

Kecorriendo estos crdneos en sentido antero-posterior Be observa el frontal 
ensanchado y alto, la curva parietal muy estrecha, el occipital, dirigido casi 
vertlcalmente, se llexlona con brusquedad hacia adelante. EU punto m&s cul- 
minnnte del cr&neo estA situado entre el bregma y el obelion. 

Haclendo la comparaci6n con los crSneos normalcs de la misma procedencia 
se nota a primera vista que los crdneos deformados son m&s altos. El di&metro 
vertical y atin el transversal se encuentran en efocto notableniente aumentados 
a expensas del didmetro antero-posterior que se presenta menor que al estado 
normal, circunstancia que permite, hasta cierto Ifmite, dlstinguir estas defor- 
maciones levantadas procedentes de la costa peruana, de los crdneos echados 
atribufdos a los antiguos aymaraes. 

EI bueso coronal se presenta ensanchado, las eminencias frontales muy poco 
tterceptibles ; en ocasiones son reemplazadas por una saliente longitudinal que 
se extiende desde la glabela hasta el bregma. Los parietales ofrecen una 
curvatura muy maniflesta y las eminencias mds aceutuadas que en los crftneos 
normales. En el occipital llama la atencl6n la protuberancia iniaca que cstA 
muy marcada. 

En esta cinse de deformaci6n, no se presenta la cara tan proyectada hacia 
adelante como en las deformaciones echadas. Sin embargo, los dngulos faciales 
tambi^n estdn disminufdos y los dngulos auriculares desigualmente alterados. 

Entre las deformaciones levantadas que he prociu*ado describlr, tiencn cablda 
las multiples variaciones que se observan entre los crdneos deformados perua- 
nos. Puede decirse que la mayor parte de estos crdneos levantados pre- 
sentan la variedad llamada occipital senclUa, pero Justo es conslgnar que, 
como puede observarse en algunos crdneos del Museo Ralmondi, tambien se 
encuentran otras variedades entre las que merece citarse la deformacl6n cunel- 
forme levantada (Gosse) cara'jterlstica de los Nahuas. 

No todos crdneos deformados extrafdos de la nccr6polis de Anc6n, presentan 
la deformaci6n levantada cldsica con el didmetro vertical notablemente au- 
mentado. He tenldo ocasl6n de estudiar, en algunos ejemplares de esta proce- 
dencia, deformaciones que pueden colocarse en una categorfa Intermediarla 
entre las deformaciones levantadas y echadas. 

asimtetbIa DC LOS crAneos defobmados. 

Muy raros son los crdneos deformados, cualqulera que sea la clase a (pie 
pertenezcan, que ofrecen una simetria perfecta. En la numerosa colecciOn del 
Museo de Paris no hay, en opini6n de Delisle, (19) sino tres crdneos en los 
que la compresi6n se ha hecho de manera tan regular, que sus dos mitados 
estdn igualmente deformadas. Existe en la gran may or la de los casos, una 
doble deformaci6n, pues a la que provoca el aparato compresor se agrega la 
plagiocefalia que encuentra en estos crdneos alterados las mejores condlciones 
para producirse. 


Se presentan con frecnencia a la observacl6ii antropom^trica, cr&neos cuya 
deformaci^n poco perceptible puede ser puesta en duda o cuya slmetrfa se 
hace diffcil comprobar por los procedimientos de medida ordlnarios. Ohervin 
(20) ha obviado esta diflcnltad, estudlando las aslmetrfas y deformaciones de 
los crlineos por el empleo de fotografias mdtrlcas sobre un fondo reticulado. 

Broca y Toplnard creyeron que los cr&neos deformados snfrlan una dis- 
mlnuci6n en su capacidad. Algunos autores de estos dltlmos tiempos no 
opinan de la mlsma manera. La fotografla m^trlca ha permltldo a Chervin 
la superposici6n de las imdgenes de los crdneos, suministrando una prueba 
irrefutable de que las deformaciones artiflciales no modifican la capacidad 
craneana, observaci^n importante que ha de facilitar mucho el estudio de las 
perturbaciones funclonales que la deformacidn puede producir. 


Los diferentes tipos de crAneos deformados que el antropdlogo de nuestros 
dfas puede estudlar en su laboratorio, corresponden a otros tantos procedi- 
mientos en cuya e]aboraci6n se aguz45 el ingenio de una tribu o quiz& de una 

La historia del Perd indfgena nos da pocas noticias al respecto, lo cual se 
debe a que esta bdrbara costumbre tuvo su apogeo en una 6poca que la Arqueo- 
logfa ha abordado en parte, pero que fu^ casi inaccesible para los cronistas 
que nos ban transmitido sus relatos. 

Puede aflrmarse que la deformaci6n era practicada en los nlQos por yoluntad 
de sus padres. Sin embargo, a mediados del siglo pasado se neg6 la inter- 
venci6n voluntarla de los padres en la monstruosidad cefdUca de los hijos y 
la deformaci6n fu^ atribufda a una mala dlsposicidn del lecho de los reci^n 

En los Comentarios Reales, obra que gozaba de mucho favor en aquella 
^poca, se lee este pasaje: "Tenianlos siempre echados en sus cunas, que era 
un banqulllo mal alineado de cuatro pies, y el un pi4 era m&s corto que los 
otros, para que se pudiese mecer. El asiento o lecho donde echaban al nifio 
era de una red gruesa; porque no fuese tan duro si fuese de tabla; y con la 
misma red lo abrazaban de un lado y otro de la cuna y lo liaban porque no 
se cayese della." (21) Esta relacidn de Qarcllazo que, sin inconveniente 
considero verosfmil, slrvi6 de argumento a algunos autores, Gatlin entre otros 
(22), que creyeron en la deformacl6n accidental de la cabeza del niflo. 

En efecto, el ddctil crdneo de los reci^n nacidos puede ser alterado en su 
forma por una viciosa manera de recostar la cabeza en el lecho; pero esta 
cfrcunstancia que da origen a la plagiocefalia, no puede hacerse extensiva a 
toda una raza, ni llegar a tener los caracteres especlales de las deformaciones 
que se observan en los crdneos peruanos. 

Algunos exploradores que visltaron las tierras americanas a ralz de la con- 
quistu, se asombrnrou del nspccto extrafio que presentaban los Indfgenas de 
algunns comarcus muy limitndas, pero se contentaron con desrrlblr la cabeza 
alargada hdcia arriba, la frente aplanada, alta y fugitlva, sin investigar los pro* 
cedimientos que se empleaban para obtener esta deformaci6n. 

De los escasos datos que se recojen en los libros antiguos y de las relaciones 
de los viajeros, se deduce que la presion mecdnica actuaba por medio de tabll- 
lias o anchas fajns aplicadas a la cabeza de los reci^n nacidos ; pero no sabemos 
qud procctlimiento especial se usaba para model ar un determinado tlpo de 
crdneo. Es natural suponer que una misma clase de deformacidn haya sldo 
ohtenida con procedimientos andlogos. 


Diego de Landa (23) dice '*que los indios del Yucntnn tenlan las cabezns 
y frentes lianas, hecho tambi^n por su madre desde nifio^.** Y m&s adelante 
agrega: "nadda la criatura, la ponian en un lecho de variolas y alii boca 
abaxo le ponian entre dos tablillas la cabeza, la una en el cocodrlllo y la otra 
en la frente, entre las cuales se la apretaban reciamente." 

Al contarnos Garcilazo (24) las peripecias de la conqulsta que Huayna- 
Gapac eniprendi6 contra las provincias de Maule y Caranque, describe las 
costumbres depravadas de los indios de esas reglones : " ^ * ^ y llegaron a 
otras proTlnclas de gente m&s bftrbara y bestial que toda la demds que por 
la costa hasta alU habian conqulstado: hombres y mujeres se labraban las 
caras con puntas de pedernal, deformaban las cabezas a los nifios en naciendo, 
ponfanles una tabliUa en la frente y otra en el cocodrlllo y se les apretaban 
cada dfa hasta que eran de cuatro o cinco afios, para que la cabeza quedase 
ancha de un lado al otro y angosta de la frente al cocodrlllo.** 

En la historia de Oviedo (25) se lee este pasaje referente a los indios de 
Nicaragua: "Guando los Indios nacen tlenen las cabezas tiernas y haciendo 
como ves que le tenemos con dos tolondrones a los lados dividiendo y queda 
por medio de la cabeza un gran hoyo dc parte a parte/* 

El explorador Gastelnau encontr6 esta costumbre todavfa en vigor entre los 
habitantes de algunas tribus de las inmediadones de la pampa del Sacra- 
mento: (26) "La naci6n de los conibos tlene la costumbre de comprimlr el 
cr&neo de los nifios tiernos entre dos plancbas, lo que le aplana ezceslvamente 
la frente.*' 

Los autores nos dicen que la deformaci6n era produdda por dos tablillas, 
una anterior y otra posterior. Es Indudable que estas dos tablillas se reunfan 
hacia atr6s por medio de fuertes ligaduras formando asf an &ngulo dledro de 
cnyos pianos, el anterior pasaba tangencialmente al frontal y el posterior 
oprlmla el ocdpital. Las variaciones en la orlentaci6n de este &ngulo diedro 
orlginaban una mayor presidn ya sea en el frontal o en el occipital, dando lugar 
a las diferentes clases de deformaciones. 

El apretado lazo que, pasando por la frente y el occipucio, contorneaba el 
crAneo y servfa para mantener en po6id6n las dos tabillas, hace sentir sus 
efectos bajo la forma de una depresi6n circular muy visible en los crdneos 
aymaraes que lucen una deformaci6n avanzada; semejante depresl6n llega a 
constituir a veces una verdadera cintura que aprisiona el ovoide craneano. 

En otros casos la deformaci6n ha sido produdda solamente por una fuerte 
ligadura circular. EJemplo de ello nos da una momia de nlfio, exhumada de 
un antlguo cementerio en las inmediadones de Moquegua al Sur del PerA, 
que remitf en 1912 al Museo de Washington por conducto del reputado crane6- 
logo Dr. Hrdllcka. 


Los autores que nos han revel ado los procedimientos de modelacl^n craneana 
puestos en uso por los indios, varlan mucho en sus apreciaciones respecto del 
tiempo que duraba la compresito. 

Gleza de I.>e6n y Garcilazo aseguran que el martirio de los recifo naddos 
duraba hasta la edad de cuatro o cinco afios. El primero de estos historladores 
dice a este propdsito: (27) "En naciendo la crlatura le alhajaban la cabeza y 
despiu's la ponfan entre dos tablas, liadas de tal nianera, que cuando eran de 
cuatro 6 cinco afios, quedaba ancha, larga y sin cocodrlllo; y esto muchos lo 
hacen y no contentAndose con las cabezas que Dlos las da, quieren ellos darles 
el talle que nifts les ap^rada." 


Diego de Landa escribe en referenda a los indios de YucatAn (28) : " • • • 
y le ten fan allf padeciendo hasta que acabados algunos dias le quedaba la ca- 
beza enmoldada y liana como la usaban ellos." 

Esta divergencia de apinlones de Iob antores no debe Borprendemofi, paes si 
los procedlmientos puestos en pr&ctica para produclr la deformaciOn no ban 
sldo los mismos en todas las tribus, es natural suponer que el tiempo que 
duraba esta extru&a educaci6n flsiea del nifio haya variado tambi^n. 

Con fundamento cientlfico puede afirmarse que, siendo continua la conoipresidn, 
el tiempo que demore en establecerse la deformaci6n detinitiva debe variar 
segtln estos tres factores: el prooedimlento que se ponga en pr&ctica, el grade 
de la compre8i6n y la edad del reci^n nacldo. 


Los autores modernos que ban tratado este asunto en !o que se reflere fi 
otros pafses, tienen dividldas sus opinlones. Unos toman la defonnaci6n como 
un asunto dc est^tica, otros como un medio de sumlsi6n Impuesto por pueblos 
vencedores; algunos ven en ello la super vivencia de una antlgua creencia 
religlosa y los hay que la conslderan como un signo de distinci6n para ciertas 
clases socfales, o como el medio de desarroUar determinadas cualidades llsicas 
o Intelectuales. 

Venmos ahora lo que nos dicen los cronistas del Penl antiguo : Herrera (29) 
nos habla de los Indios de Cumanfi : '** * * aprietan al nifio la cabeza entre 
dos almohadillas para ensancharle la cara que lo tienen por hermosura." 

Garcilazo (30) nos cuenta en referenda a los indfgenas de la proylnda de 
Manta : " Para que la cabeza quedase ancha de un lado a otro y angosta de la 
frente al cocodrillo: y no contentos con darles la anchura que habfan podldo, 
trasquilaban el cabello que hay en la mollera, corona y cocodrillo y dejaban loB 
de los lados; y aquellos tampoco hablan de andar peinados nl asentados, sine 
crespos y levantados por aumentar la monstruosidad de sus rostros." 

En la Hlstoria de Oviedo (31) el indio de Nicaragua que es interrogado res- 
pecto a la forma de su cabeza, responde de esta manera : *** * * porque 
nuestros dioses di jeron a nuestros pasados que asl quedamos hermosos y gentiles 
hombres y las cabeza s quedan m&s recias para las cargas que se Ueva en ellas.'* 

Herrera describe a los indios de Nicaragua (32) con "las cabezas a tolondro- 
nes, con un hoyo en medio, por hermosura y para aslento y para carga." 

El viajero Castelnau que estudi6 esta costumbre en los Gonlbos escribe: (33) 
" Nos decfan que teniamos In cabeza como monos mientras ellos la tenlan de la 
forma de la luna." 

Las referencias de estos autores no nos autorizan para suponer que la de- 
forms ci6n fu^ exclusivamente estable<:ida para couseguir un ideal de belleza 
cefdllca, pero nos inducen a crcer que los antiguos perunnos tenfan los crdneos 
deformados por muy hermosos y que se preocupaban del arregio de la cabeza. 
En efecto, de las descripciones que hacen Reiss y Stubel (34) de la necropolis 
de Anc6n, lugar de donde se han extrafdo gran nilmero de cr&neos deformados, 
llama la atenci<^n en los caddveres el esuierado adorno de la cabeza. 

La cabeza que los indios consideraban como mds hermosa seria pues la que 
tuviese la nariz, la frente y el vertex en la misma llnea recta, forma completa- 
mente sim^trica y por lo tanto dif fell de obtener. Esta idea tan original no debe 
admirarnos pues nada es m&s relativo que el sentimiento est^tico, ni nada hay 
mds especial que la manera como los pueblos conciben la belleza. Mientras 
que los antiguos peruanos consideraban la cabeza deformada como el tipo 
perfecto de hermosura, entre los griegos sucedfa todo lo contrarlo. Galeno 
consideraba como anormales todas las cabezas que no tenfan forma ovoidea y 


eu 6sto no hacfa sino reflejar la cultura artfstlca de la Grecia nutigua, que 
esculpfa a Apolo, a Venus, a las Qracias y a las Musas con la estrlcta 
forma dolicoc^ala, atrlbnia a H^cules y a Sileno bermosos cr&neos braqulc^ 
falos, y se complacfa en representar a los Scitas, a loe Frlglos y a todos los 
pnebloB que eran extrafkis, con la ezpre8l6n brutal de las cabezas mal tor- 

La idea estMca como orfgen de esta eztrafia costumbre, no se encuentra en 
todoB lOB cronlstas del Pert) Indigena. Bl escritor Pachacuti, al hlstoriar & 
Manco Oapac, trae las sigulentes palabras : " Este mlsmo Inca habfa mandado 
que ataaen la cabeza de las crlaturas." Y mds adelante agr^a que Lloque 
Yupanqui, tercer Inca, "tamblto habla mandado que todas las naciones a €i 
sujetas atasen las cabeisas de las crlaturas para que sean largas y quebrantadas 
de frente." (85) A jusgar por la relacidn de Pachacuti, la costumbre de deformarse 
la cabeza fu4 en su origen un cruel medio de sumisi^n que los soberanos del 
Ouzco impusieron a sus yasalloe. 

D'Orbigny se indina a creer que la deformacidn craneana ba tenido en el 
Perd un fin 8ociol6gico : que era el distintivo de las mAs elevadas clases sodales. 
Ck>nientando el resultado de sus investigadones en el Oallao, dice : ** Las cabezas 
deformandaa que hemes enoontrado, ban sido siempre en tumulus, cuya cons- 
trucci6n de m&s apariencia, hacfa suponer que pertenecfan a jefes." (86) La 
opinion de D*Orbigny es an&loga a la de los autores que han podido observar 
esta constumbre en los pocos pueblos en donde todavla estll en vlgencia. 

I<os estudlos de Delisle prueban, en efecto, que entre las tribus de Columbia 
BritAnica, la deformaci6n era un signo de dignidad reservado a los hijos de 
padres libres y prohibido a los esclavos. Entre los Indies de aquellas comarcas, 
esta curiosa costumbre no s61o es considerada como una seflal del rango que el 
indlvlduo ocupa en la sociedad, sino que la posici6n social del hombre libre, 
depende del grade de deformaci6n de su cabeza. Asf se deduce de las sigulentes 
palabras de Towsend : (37) " He tenido ocasi6n de ver Chinooks y Ghickitaks con 
cabezas redondeadas o de forma ordlnaria, porque la distorddn habitual 
habfa slda mal practicada en la nifiez : tales individuos nunca pueden obtener la 
menor influeucia, nl alcanzar la menor dignidad en su trlbu y no es raro que 
sean vendldos como esclavos.** 

No hay muchos datos que permitan conslderar la deformacidn craneana como 
la superviveucla de una antigua tradici6n. Apenas en una relacidn de la pro- 
vincia de los Ck)llahuas (38) se lee lo siguiente: "Apretaban (la cabeza) a 
los nifios reci^*n nacidos tan reciamente, que se la ahusaban alta y prolongada 
lo mds que podfan. para memoriar que habfan las cabezas de tener la forma 
alta del Yolc^n de donde salieron." En efecto, era creencia muy arraigada entre 
los naturales de nquella comarca, que sus antepasados surgieron de las 
entrafias del Ck)llahuata. 

Es muy diffcll descubrlr la slp:nificaci6n verdadera que las deformaclones del 
crAneo tuvieron en la mente de los antijoios peruanos. En el sumarlo de 
noticias y documentos hist6ricos que he anotado, los autores emiten las opi- 
nlones m&B dlversas. Yo creo probable que estas opiniones no sean contra- 
dietorias; que los cronlstas se equlvocaron tan sdlo en el tiemiH) a que se 
refleren sus noticias; que esta costumbre se practice en un principle como 
supersticidn ; que bubo una ^poca en que fu4 imposici6n de los gobernantes; 
que fu^ tambi^n cultivada como un ideal de belleza. 

El concepto que los peruanos tenfan de las deformaclones craneanas debe 
haber varlado en las diferentes fases de la evolucl6n social del Perd pre- 
hispAnico. Hay cr&neos cuya reconoclda antigUedad, autoriza a suponer que 
los chucus se usaron desde la 6pooa en ^ue los pobladores del Perd todavfa 

68436— 17— VOL i 17 


estaban divldldos en tribus. Puede afirmarse qae en ese momoito de la 
evoluddn polftica de las socledades, toda costumbre que no obedeoe a ana 
necesidad imperiosa es dlctada por algona supersticidn. 

Ha exlstido siempre entre los indivldnoe de las tribus, la tendenda aniversal 
a Uevar una sefial indeleble que les permita reconocerse entre sf y dlstlnguirse 
de BUS enemigos; es presumible que la deformaddn cefAlica, generada por 
una idea superstidosa, fuera el slmbolo al rededor del cual ae reunid un grupo 
de primitivos pobladores peruanos. La pr&ctica de se&alar a todos los miembros 
de una comunidad indfgena estaba muy generalixada en el PortL Bn prueba 
de ello dtar^ a los Huancavllcas que se distingufan por la falta de los dlentes 
indsivos medios; los Iscaisingas que deblan su nombre (Iscal, Sincca, narlz 
doble) a la mutiladdn nasal que los caraderlzaba. Las deformadones 
cef&licas ban debido servir en el antiguo Perd de car&cter distintivo entre 
dertos grupos ind(genas. 

Ouando por la sumisidn o la conquista, las primeras tribus se fedoraron en 
nadones, los soberanos que las mandaban, reglamentaron bus costumbres. Fu^ 
en este perfodo de la evoluddn de la sodedad peruana que las deformadones 
craneanas fueron practlcadas por dlsposiddn de los gobemantes, que el uso de 
los ohuotu era considerado como un testlmonio de fldelidad y vasallaje a la 
autoridad teocrdtica del soberano. No obstante que las crdnicas nos niegan 
notidas respecto a esta 4xx*a, pues tan sdlo el escritor Padiacutiy de veraddad 
muy dlscutlda, refiere que el uso de los oHmcum tn6 ley en tiempo de Manco 
Capac, la organizaddn polltica del Tahuantisuyo es sufidente apoyo para esta 
tesis. No de otra manera podemos, en efedo, dar la razdn de los grandes con- 
tingentes de cr&neos deformados que ban sido eztrafdos de las tumbas de esa 

En el goblerno del Perd Indfgena se sucedieron dinastlas que llevaron 
diversos elementos de dvillzaddn. Fu^ probablemente al derrocarse una 
dinast(a que el uso de los ohucut deJ6 de ser imposiddn del Bstado. Pasd el 
tiempo, la prftctica de deformarse el cr&neo se restringld a algunas comarcas y 
los espafioles la encontraron ya en decadenda. La deformaddn craneana que 
en un prindplo fu6 venerada oomo un culto, tuvo entonces una signiflcaddn 
puramente est^tica. Una costumbre que se babfa seguido a trav^ de tantas 
generadones, formd el sentimiento est^tico de los habitantes del Perd en los 
tiempos vednos de la Conquista en el sentido de considerar como muy hermosas 
las cabezas deformadas y los que practicaban la deformaddn en esa dltima 
^poca persegufan tan s61o una idea de lujo, un ideal de bellesa cefftlica que 
Iiabfa tenido su genesis en el m&s dllatado abolengo. 


La consistenda casi cartilaginosa de los buesos de la bdveda en el red^n 
naddo y sobre todo la circunstancln especial de estar separados por espados 
membranosos que dejan ancho campo para su desplazamlento, permiten la 
f&cil deformacidn dd cr&neo fontanelar. 

La compresidn no origina detencidn en el desarroUo del cerebro; hay una 
espede de equilibrio en la masa encef Alica que obliga a movilizarse para darle 
cabida. Es por esto que la presidn sobre una de las paredes produce un levanta- 
miento del lado opuesto y que se ha observado que la deformacidn no modifica 
sensiblemente la capaddad craneana. 

La Embriologfa nos ensefia que es el cerebro el que da la forma al crftneo y 
la ezperiencia ha puesto muchas voces de maniflesto la facilidad con que el 
cr&neo fontanelar obedece a las m&s d^biles presiones, ya procedan del exterior 
o del interior. 


Nystrom (99) ha comparado las medidas del cr&neo de un nillo cuando eBt& 
en reposo y cuando Uora, es decir, cuando la presito Interna aumenta y ha 
observado que en el segundo caso el di&metro transversal se hace mayor y el 
antero-posterlor disminuye o queda estaclonarlo. Este fen6meno es d^ido al 
principio de Pascal pues demuestra que cuando la presidn intracraneana au- 
menta, tiende a repartlrse en todos sentldo& 

El cr&neo Infantil es maleable hasta el punto de que la poslci6n habitual del 
redfyOL naddo Influye en la forma de su cabesa, produdendo deformaclones In- 
voluntarias que generalmente se reallzan de manera aslm^trica constltuyendo 
la plagiocefalla. 

Bajo la Influenda de las contracclones uterlnas, el maleable cr&neo del feto 
puede sufrir notables alteraclones en su forma y frecuentemente la presldn 
ejerdda por las ramas del forceps, es en el momento del parto la^sausa de 
Indelebles deformaclones craneanas. 

Elstos ejemplos de obseryacl6n frecuente bastan para probar que el cr&neo 
infantU es f&dlmente deformable y que los resultados sorprendentes que alcan- 
saron los antiguos peruanos al practlcar con esmero esta costumbre, eran facUi- 
tados por las condldones anat6mlcas del cr&neo fontanelar. 

pBOCEso kecAnico db LA defobmaci6n. 

En las deformadones echadas se ha producldo una fuerte presl6n en la 
bdveda craneana y una d^bll contrapresl6n en el occipital por debajo de la 
emlnencla Inlaca. I^as deformadones levantadas no pueden ser producldas slno 
por una presldn y una contrapresidn fuertemente ejerddas en las dos eztreml- 
dades del ovoide craneano, una en la frente y otra en el occlpuclo. 

En general, la presl6n ha hecho sentlr sus efectos en primer lugar en las 
fontanelas, que son los espaclos de menor resistencla en el cr&neo Infantil. 
Las dlferentes clases de deformadones han ensanchado unas fontanelas en 
detrlmento de otras, acelerando en un sltlo la formaddn de las suturas y su 
slnostosls prematura. Esta obllterad6n precoz de unas suturas ha Impedldo 
el credmlento de la porcldn del cr&neo que les corresponde, en provecho de las 
otras pordones de la bdveda que obedeclendo a las preslones del cerebro, se 
desarroUan con exceso. 

El credmlento anormal de los hordes de los huesos que origlna las slnostosls 
precoces o tardias no es el tinlco que Intervlene en la forma deflnltlva del 
cr&neo. Las experlencias de Gudden prueban que los huesos de la b^veda 
pueden tambl^n extenderse en superfide por un credmlento Interstlclal. 

El cr&neo fontanelar sometldo a la compresl6n adqulere en el cr&neo de- 
formado del adulto, la solidez normal Se constltuye como en los cr&neos 
normales un edlfldo formado por una pleza Inferior, la base, que soporta la 
b^veda por Intermedlo de esas pordones 6seas m&s reslstentes que Fellcet 
llama pllares. 


La deformacldn voluntarla no alteraba senslblemente la capaddad craneana, 
pero es Indudable que solfa acontecer que una compresl6n mal ejecutada no 
dejaba suflclente espado para el desplazamlento del enc^falo, o que siendo 
la presl6n demaslado brusca, el cerd)ro no podfa adaptarse r&pldamente a 
tan silblto camblo de forma. En ambos casos se orlglnaba una dlsmlnucldn 
de la capaddad craneana. 

La dlsmlnuddn de la capaddad craneana, cualqulera que sea su causa, provoca 
un conjunto de perturbaclones funclonales que los pat61ogos han deslgnado con 
el nombre de compresl6n cerebral. Observada en cUnlca en los casos de derra- 


mes sangufneos o serosos intracraneanos, la coinpresl6n cerebral ha sido experl- 
mentalmeDte estudiada recurrlendo a la introducci6n de dlversas sustancias en el 
cr&neo de los animales. La dlsininiici6n de la capacidad craneana produce la de- 
formacl6n del cerebro, la compre8i6n de los elementos nerviOBOs, el aplana- 
miento del bulbo contra el canal basilar, la reduccl6n de las cavidadefi ven- 
trlcnlares y el recbazo del Ifquldo c^falo-raqufdeo. A estas leslones anat6mlcas 
corresponden Importantes perturbaciones funclonales blen conocldas en clfnica. 

Las deformaciones que se practicaban en el PerA no ban disminufdo notable- 
mente la capacidad del crdneo, pero es posible qne el aparato compresor baya 
sido machas veces mal aplicado dando origen a nn aumento de la presldn 
intracraneana, que unido al desplazamiento del cerebro producfa el trfiglco 
cuadro sintomdtico propio de la compre8i6n cerebral. 

Ko er9 ^ta la causa tinlca de mortalldad Infantil deblda a la deformacidn 
craneana. Si la pre8i6n se ejerce bruscamente, el stibito aumento de la tensi6n 
cerebral puede dar origen a la ruptura de alguno de los puntos dalles de la 
b6Yeda y tal vez a fracturas de la base del cr&neo. He encontrado en efecto, 
el slguiente pasaje : " Era tanta la molestia y peligro de los nifios pobres, que 
peligraban algunos, y el autor deste vi<3 agujere&rsele a uno la cabeza por 
detr6s de las orejas y asf debfan hacer muchos.** (40) Es muy probable que 
este caso se refiera a una perforaci6n en algiin sitio de menor resistencia de 
la regi6n mastoidea o a una fractura del pefiasco. 

Los accidentes, quizd muy poco frecuentes, que se producfan en la pr&ctica 
de la deformaci6n la sefialan como un agente de mortalldad a que estnvo some- 
tida la infancia en el Pertk. Esta afirmaci6n va de acuerdo con las relaclones de 
algunos viajeros que al excavar las tumbas de Anc6n, sacaron junto a los 
ixmumerables cr&neos deformados una crecida proporci<)n de cad&veres de 
Difios de Gorta edad. 

Eraeros fibiol^oioos db la dxfobhaci6n. 

Se nota en los historladores que nos ban dado noticia de esta curiosa 
costumbre, una tendencia a considerarla como directamente modlficadora de 
determlnadas cualidades fisicas o intelectuales. Asf el aplanamlento desme- 
surado de la frente era practicado por ciertos pueblos como la deformaci6n del 
valor ; en camblo Pacbacuti nos dice que el Inca Manco impuso la deformaci6n 
de sus vasalloB " para que sean simples y sin &nimo ; porque los indios de gran 
cabeza y redonda suelen ser atrevidos para cualquier cosa y mayormente son 
inobedientes '* (41). 

Sin pruebas suflcientes, algunos antrop61ogos ban pretendido que las de- 
formaciones echadas, que aplanan la frente, desarrollan las aficiones belicosas 
y las deformaciones levantadas, que dan a la frente mayor amplitud, hacen al 
hombre m&s prudente y sablo. 

La influencia que las deformaciones pueden ejercer sobre la salud o sobre el 
desarrollo de las facultades intelectuales y morales, solo puede ser estudiada 
comparando la sensibllldad, la motilidad y la inteligencia de los individuos 
deformados con la de los individuos normales en una misma poblacl6n donde 
todavfa se siga esta pr&ctica. En nuestroa dfas es muy diflcil hacer esta 
€bservacl5n porque los pueblos que a principios del siglo pasado practicaban la 
deformaci6n ya renuncian poco a poco a 43ta b&rbara costumbre y el nthnero 
de individuos deformados disminuye en cada generaci<Ja. 

Las dlflcultades de un estudio concienzudo no Impiden que, de acuerdo con los 
conocimientos actuates, se ezpongan algunas ideas respecto a los efectos flsio- 
16gicoe de la deformaci6n cef&lica. Una compresldn lenta y moderada del 
crftneo infantil, puede producir el simple desplazamiento del cerebro sin desa- 


parlci6n de lesi6n de Qinguna de bus partes. El cerebro encuentra por un lado 
el sltlo que se le niega por otro y las facultades intelectuales se desarroUar&n 
de acuerdo con las relaclones entre las neuronas que no ban sldo alteradas por 
la moyillzacl6n paulatlna de toda la masa encef&Uca. No obstante, creo que no 
slempre se ha obtenldo este buen resultado y que en ocaslones una deformad^n 
mal ejecutada ha producldo compreslones locales drcunscrltas o bruscos deapla* 
samlentos parclales, que alterando el substractum som&tico han tenldo una 
influenda noclva sobre la salud o sobre el desarroUo de las facultades psfqulcas. 

La Influenda funesta de las deformaclones mal ejecutadas se ha hecho sentlr 
sobre todo como una predispo8id6n a dertas enfermedades nervloeas. Los 
Indiylduos mal deformados han debldo estar m6s expuestoe que los demAs a la 
epilepsia, al idiotlsmo, a la imbecilidad y a la locora. 

A prindpios del siglo pasado, la costumbre de oomprlmlr el crAneo de los 
nifios era todayfa popular en algunas localidades de FrancUy lo cual dl6 lugar 
a muy Interesantes obeervadones. Tales son, la gran mortalidad de los indl- 
Tiduos sometidos en su Infanda a tan cruel suplido (42) y el sorprendente 
ntUnero de seres deformados, locos o degenerados que poblaron los manlco- 
mlos (48) ; Broca nos habla de una andana idiota a qulen su madre mutU6 de 
tal manera que su atroflado c^ebro solo pesaba 1,029 gramos y el allenlsta 
Baqulrol nos da a conooer su pesar a la vista de los neur6tico6 y desequilibrados 
que la deformadto cefAlica producfa en Francia. 

Haciendo experimentalmente deformadones craneanas se ha obserrado, en 
las autopslas, que el enc^falo presenta indlscutibles traaas de inflamaddn, mAs 
manifiestas en las partes del cr&neo que han sido comprimidas y que conslsten 
en adherencias entre el cerebro y las menfngeas, entre la duramadre y la pared 


DiffcUmente se encuentra en Antropologfa una cuesti6n m&s discutida que 
la herencla de las deformaclones voluntarias del cr&neo. Hipocrates aseguraba 
que las deformaciones artiflclales se trasmitfan por via de herencla ; los hechos 
probaron a los antrop61ogos del siglo pasado, que si no se emplean los pro- 
cedimientos mec&nicos, la naturaleza al recobrar sus derechos hace aparecer 
al tipo ^tnlco, con todos sus caracteres desde la primera generad6n. 

El debate se agit6 cuando Rlvero y Tschudi (44) afirmaron que aunque la 
deformaci6n .craneana habfa sido abandonada en el Perd desde hacfa mAs de 
tresdentoB afioe, todavia se observaban representantes de esas raras formas de 
cabeza que modelaron sus antepasados. Algunos exploradores creyeron tambi^n 
observar deformaclones m&s o menos atenuadas en pueblos que i>aredan haber 
renunclado a esta costumbre. Se generalize entonces la opini6n, poco probable, 
de que las deformadones eran hereditarias, que sus efectos no se borraban 
Bino al cabo de varias generadones. 

Los progresos de la Blologfa han colocado al estudio de la Herenda en las 
condlciones de una cienda experimental llev&ndola a esta conclusion; las 
mutilaciones y deformaciones que no se acompafian de alteraciones mdrbidas 
no son hereditarias, aunque se sigan practicando durante una larga serie de 

Anallzando los casos en que las mutilaciones y deformadones se han here- 
dado, ha podido constatarse que han produddo antes perturbadones fun* 
cionales del sistema nervioeo. He aquf una de las muchas experiencias del 
flslOlogo Brown-Sequard (45) ; a consecuencia de la secddn del cuerpo res- 
tiforme, la c6rnea se vuelve opaca, el ojo se retrae y concluye por atroflarse, 
los descendientes nacen con una alteradOn idOntica, trasmisidn hereditaria 
que no se observa en los casos de simple abladdn del globo ocular. 


Ix)s estudios de los experlmentadores contempor&neos sobre la trasmisibilidad 
de los caracteres adquiridos permiten aflrmar que la herencia de las defor- 
maciones artlficlales del crAneo estd Intlmamente subordinada a los efectos 
flslol6gicos que pueile producir la compresl6D. 

De acuerdo con estas ideas, se puede concluir que la gran mayor fa de las 
deformaciones, Men ejeoutadns e inofensivas, no son hereditarias ; en cambio, 
las deformaciones que originaron alteraclones m<5rbidas del sistema norvloso 
central son trasmislbles por via de herencia. 


1. De aerls, aquis et lods. 

2. Bstrabon. Oeografia. Lib. I, Cap. XIX. 

3. Mflller. Archly ffir Anatomle. 

4. Marquis de Nadaillac. " L*Am6rique pr^hlstorlqne." 

5. Retzins. Archives des Sciences Naturelles. QeaevBt 1800. 

6. Rivero y Tschudi. "Antigfledades peruanas.*' Viena, 1857. 

7. Annals and Magazine of Natural History. October, 1842. 

8. Juan de Ulloa. *' Relaci6n de la provincla de los €k>llahua8." 1586. 

9. Santa Cruz Pachacuti. ** Relaci6n de AntigOedades." 1613. 

10. Polo de Ondegardo. '* Instruccl6n contra las ceremonlas y ritos, que 
usaban los Indies, etc." Revlsta hist6rica del Perd, 1906, pAg. 204. 

11. Ck)ncilio de Lima. Parte 2*. Resoluci6n 101. 1614. 

12. D. Forbes. " On the Aymara Indians of Boltvla and Peru." Journal of 
the Ethnological Society of London, 1870. 

18. H. Schaaffhausen. *' Sltzungsbericht der Niederrheinischen (Jesellschaft 
vom 4 Junl, 1877. 

14. Jo84 Mariano Macedo. Report of the proceedings of the Numismatic and 
Antiquarlam Society of Philadelphia, 1881, p. 17. 

15. A. M. Rodriguez Dulanto. "Reflexiones antropol6gicas relativas al 
hombre universal, al americano y al peruano." Tesis de Lima. 

16. Brasseur de Bromburg. "Quatre lettres sur le M^xique." "Le llvre 
$acr6 et les mytes de TAntiquit^ Am^ricaine." 

17. Max Uhle. "Los KJokkenmoddlngs del Peril." Revista Hlst6rica del 
Pert. Tomo I, p&g. 3. Lima, 1906. 

18. M. P. Broca. " Instructions g^n^rales pour les recherches anthropolo- 
giques," 1879, pdg. 256. 

10. Fernand Dellsle, "La deformaci6n artificial del cr&neo, etc." Actas del 
Ck>ngreso Internacional de America nlstas. Paris, 1890. 

20. Arthur Chervin. "Anthropologie bolivienne." Paris, 1898. 

21. Garcilazo. Obra citada. Lib. IV, Cap. XII. 

22. Catlin. " Smithsonian Institute Reports." 1885. Part II. 

23. Diego de Landa. ** Relaci6n de las cosas de Yucatdn." P&g. 180. 

24. Garcilazo. Obra citada. Parte I. Lib. IX, Cap. VIII. 

25. Oviedo. " Historia general y natural de Ins Indias." Madrid, 1855. VoL 
IV, p&g. 54. 

26. Gosse. " Rapport sur des questions etbnologlques et mMicales relatives 
au P^rou." PAg. 15. 

27. Cieza de Le6n. " El sefiorio de los Incas." 

28. Diego de Landa. Obra citada. P&g. 180. 

29. Herrera. "Historia general de los hechos de los castellanos." Dteada 
III, Lib. IV. 

30. Garcilzao. Obra citada. Parte I. Lib. IX, Cap. VIII. 

31. Oviedo. Obra citada. Volumen IV, Cap. III. 


82. Herrera. Obra dtada. Dtaida III. Lib. IV, i»Ag. 120. 
88. V. Gosse. Obra dtada. P&g. 15. 

84. W. Relas and S. Stubel. " The Necropolis of Ancon." 1802. 

85. Santa Gmz Pachacatl. En " Tres relaclonea de antlgfledades peruanas.** 
Por Jlmenes de la Bspada, 1618. 

88. D'Orbigny. Obra dtada. PAg. 820. 

87. Townaend. Carta eacrlta a Morton. 1886. Morton " Oranla Americana.** 
PAg. 207. 

88. Jaan de Ulloa. " Relad6n de la proylnda de loa Gollahnaa hecha por an 
corregidor/' 1586. 

30. Nystrom. Arcblv fllr Anthropologle. 19QL 

40. Diego de Landa. Obra cltada. P&g. 180. 

41. Santa Cmz PachacutL " Relacldn de Antlglledadea," 1618. 

42. L. Lnnler. ^'Recherches anr qnelquea dtformatlons da erftne, oba o r vfa i 
dans le D^wrtement des Denx-S^vres." Paris, 1882, pAg. 11. 

48. A. Fovllle. ** DAfonnatlon dn crftne, etc*' Paris, 1884, p&g. 16. 

44. Rivero y TMhndi. "Andgliedades Penianas.'* 1857. 

46. Brown-Seqoard. ** Qoelqnes fiiits noaveanz relatUb k r4;>ilepBie . . .** 
Arciiiyes de Pbysiologie, 18T2. "H§rMit6 d'une affection due & one cause 
acddratttle." Arch, de Pbysiologie, 1802. 



MMioo y Cirujano de la Factatad de Medicina de Lima, 


En el alio 1868, Andrea Verga describid, a tftolo de corlosldad anat6mica» 
ana d^residn situada en la soperflde endocraneana del baeso ocdpital y 
generada por la cresta occipital interna, que al descender desde la protu- 
berancla basta el agujero ocdpital* suele divldirse en dos crestas laterales, 
limitando as! una fosita medlana mAs o menos profunda. 

Algunos afios despu^, Cesare Lombroeo presents al Institute Real de Giendas 
y Letras de Lombardia (1), el cr&neo de un criminal que ostentaba por encima 
del /oramei» magn/vm^ la fosita cerebelosa medlana. El ilustre autor de 
*'L*nomo Delinquente," fundAndoee en posteriores observaciones, sostuvo que 
semejante varladdn del ocdpital bumano era una de las caracterfsticas del tipo 
craneano crlminaL 

Para defendar su opini6n, Lombroeo estudld esta anomalia en todos los grupos 
en que claslflcaba a los crimlnales y buftc6 la frecuencia con que se presentaba 
en las dlferentes rasas humanas. Esta dltima investigad^n le condujo a una 
conclusi6n que noe interesa muy de cerca: la fosita cer^)elosa medlana se en- 
cuentra en notables propordones entre los crAneos de los antlguos peruanos. 
Para perpetuar esta aflrmaddn, Lombroso cre6 el nombre de fo9iia aimardt 
sefialando asi en nuestra rasa lo que en opinidn suya era un estigma de los de- 

Los estudiOB de Lombroso Uamaron la atenddn de los antrop61ogos y criml- 
nalistas de la ^poca, y slgul^ronse numerosos trabajos. Al rededor de la inter* 
pretaddn que babrfa de darse a esta yariad6n anat6mica, giraban numerosas 


hip6tesl8 y se suscltabau acaloradas discusiones, circunstancia muy explicable 
si se tiene en cuenta fa preferente atencl6n, el favor desmedldo, que se brlndaba 
en ei tiltimo terclo del siglo XIX a todos los trabajos de crlminalogfa. 

Entre los autores que se ban ocupado de la foslta cerebelosa medlana, merece 
cltarse a Albrecht (2), qulen blzo un Importante estudio de anatomia compa- 
rada y cre6 el uombre de fosita vermiana, para designar que estA destinada a 
servlr de alojainiento al 16bulo medio del cerebelo o vermis. 

Se debe a Frank Russel (3) una mlnuciosa observacl6n en los numerosos 
cT&ueos de los museos de Norte-Am^rlca. Manouvrler y sobre todo Le Double en 
Francla; Romltl, Marlmo, Ottolengbl y otros mAs en Italia, ban contribufdo 
al conoclmiento de esta varlacl6n morfol5gica. 

En los modernos tratados de Anatomia se la encuentra descrlta con los 
uombres de foslta occipital medlana, fosita aimar&, foaita vermiana. Bs im- 
propio denominarla fosita vermiana, porque aunqne ello baga svponer que 
corresponde al vermis, la formad^n dsea a que se refiere careoe del pareddo 
que Justiflcaria tal nombre. Tampoco debe Uamarae fosita aimar&, denoml- 
nacl6n que sin Indlcar nada reapecto a an anatomia, ttende a extraviar el 
crlterlo prejuzgando su grade de frecuencia en una raza. Preferible es usar el 
t^mino fosita oerebelOBa mediate, que indica bien a las daras el sitio que 
ocupa en la superfide endocraneana y su relad6n oon el 16bulo medio del 


Los If mites de las cuatro fosas (dos superiores o cerebrales y dos Infer lores 
o cerebelosas) que presenta la cara Interna de la eecama ocdpltal, est&n clara- 
mente marcados en un cr&neo normal por crestas o emlnencias que se reunen en 
la linea media para formar la protuberancla occipital interna. Las dos fosas 
cerebelosas est^n separadas por una cresta saliente, que arranca de la pro- 
tuberancla occipital interna y avanza hacia el agujero ocdpltal, para perderse 
Insensiblemente en el contorno posterior de este agujero. Esta cresta, por lo 
general muy acentuada, sirve para dar insercl6n a la boz del cerebelo. 

Se ha observado que, en algunas ocaslones, la cresta ocdpltal interna se di- 
vide poco despu^ de su orlgen en dos ramos divergentes que van a terminar a 
los lados del agujero ocdpltal. Semejantes emlnendas drcunscrlben una de- 
pre8l6n m&s o menos acentuada : es la fosita cerebelosa mediana, fosita vermia- 
na, foslta almard. 

Tiene generalmente la forma de un trlAngulo is6sceles orientado, como lo 
estA toda la primera pord6n de la escama, en un piano sensiblemente hori- 
zontal. La base de este trlAngulo es anterior, corresponde a una porcldn 
mayor o menor del contorno posterior del agujero ocdpltal, y por conslguiente 
es curva, de concavldad dirlgida hada adelante. El v^rtice est& formado por 
un Angulo muy agudo y corresponde al orlgen de la cresta ocdpltal interna. 
Los dos bordes laterales, formados por el desdoblamiento de esta cresta, son 
llgeramente curves con la concavldad orientada hada adentro. 

La dlsposlcl6n que acabo de describir, la de una fosita mediana y sim^trlca, 
un fanto profunda, bien limltada, que constltuye una formacl6n 6sea per- 
fectamente dcflnlda, es la que corresponde, por ejemplo, al cr&neo No. 52 de 
la colecddn Raimondi, la que puede tocarse en el No. 122 del Museo Nadonal, 
en los Noe. 83 y 102 de mi colecddn; tal es la fosita cerebelosa mediana 
ddsica, (V^ase Fig. 1.) 

Pero semejante disposicl6n no corresponde a todos los crAneos donde se 
presenta la anomalfa, pues veriflc&ndose siempre la separaddn en dos ramas 
de la cresta ocdpltal interna, se observan numerosas varladones. Hay casos, 


y BOQ relatlvamente frecuentea, (10 a 12% en cualquiera claae de crAneos), 
en que la fosita est& reemplazada por una auperflcie trlan^lar a cuyo nlvel 
la eecama es gtueea, superQcie que ha sldo llamada por Regnault tri^ngulo 
vermiano (4), denominaclAa que U8ar£ en este eatndio. El trl&ngulo verujauo, 
que se cncnentra profuaamente reprearatado en loa crlLDeoe peruaDOs. signlflca 
ana tandeuda liada la foaita cerebelosa medlaaa, ea la prlmera etapa en la 
evoluGidn osteoIAglca de eata varlacldn anatdmica. 

Entre el trldngulo vermiano f la Toslta cerebelosa mediana clAsica existe 
tina dlwoalcUn Intermediarla ; tal ea una llgera excavaciAn que el dedo tntro- 
ducido pot el agujero occipital puedc tocar, pen cuyos contornos no est&n 
suacleutemente llmltados. Ocusivnea bay en que udo de los bordes cs saliente y 
blen perceptible y el otro difuso y mal formado (modalldad muy frecuente en 
loB crdneos plagloc^Ealos que ofrecen la anonutlia). He creldo coavenlente 
estudlar por aeparado loa ctAoeoa que poseeu esta dlaposlcl6n iDtermediarla, 
ftefialando en elloa una foelta cwebeloaa otediaoa 0» booeto. 

En otros crAoeoe se obaerra, al contrarlo, una foeita profunda de parades 
csal traqtarentes, debldo a que las doa tablas que cnnstltoyeD el bneso piano 
ban perdldo bd tejido e^>on]o«o y ae 
aueldan entre sL Goando hay un des- 
doblamlento da la cresta ocoipUal in- 
terna, ya sea que de orl£en a on trl- 
ingnlo piano o a una foaita profonda, 
la hoz del. cerebelo es doble, InsertAn- 
dose por separado en cada una de Ins 
dos anOmalas crestas ocdpltalea In- 
temas, derecba e Izqulerda. Bstaa dos 
bojas de ta hoz cerebelosa se aaeldan 
blen pronto para fonnarun solo tablque, 
que se-nne hada arrlba con la tienda 
del cerebelo. 

Hay crftneos que ofrecen una foslta 
cerebelosa medlaua de forma etpeciat, 
que no tiene cablda eu las desert pclonex 
precedentes. Bl cr&neo No. 68 del 
Mnseo Ralmondl y el No, 80 de ml colec- 
cMn, ofrecen curloso ejemplo de foslta 
trausformada en una acanaladurn que 

partlendo del endtnl6n aborda el agujero occipital, const itU)fiiiU> i<.-<i iiu 
canal Umltado lateralmeiite por <loa crestas piii'iilelas. 

Los cr&neoa 308 y 394 del Museo Naclonal, el No. 164 de Pachacamac, iiostM.'U 
una foslta cerebelosa desvladn de la Knen media, un tanto Inleralisada. VA 
No. 20 del Museo Ralmondl pre>«^nta un trltlnt'ulo vermiano y nl lado <1c i>l 
una foslta bastante profuDda. 

Se ban encontrado cr&neos que presentan una dl^toslclAn todavia niAs rarn. 
La foaita fnrmada por la blfurcaeldn de la creata occLpltnl interna »> iia 
obenrado dlyldlda a au ves por otra cresta naeiente en dos canales longltn- 
dlnales ; la presencia de esta foslta vermlnna doble o foslta en doble caAAii de 
escopeta romo la ilamd Lucy, (.-uinoldfa cmi rres boces del cerebelo: unn 
mediana que correeponderia a la hoz normal y doa laterales que se fljaltiin ii 
cada lado de la hoz mediana. 

Hay que bacer referenda a un crAneo de hombre adulto, descrito por Albretcli, 
que presentaba una foslta divldlda por una cresta transversal en otras dos 
foaitaa aecundariaa, superior e Inferior. Le Double (5) ctta con el nombre de 


foBita en bissac, una anomalfa Bemejante a la anterior y encontrada tambl^n 
en nn crAneo adnlto. 

Lucy hlzo el hallazgo de un cr&neo de Kanak que presentaba una disposiddn 
interesante; existfa en cast toda la parte central de la escama occipital una 
excayacito de direcci6n longitudinal dlYidida a nivel del endinl6n en dos 
fositas: una superior, que correspondfa a la parte membranoea de la escama 
y que bien podrfa llamarse foHta cerebral mediana, y otra inferior, verdadera 
fosita cerebelosa mediana, que avanzaba haata el agujero occipital sin Uegar 
a confundirse con 61. Aumenta el inters de este ejemplar, la circunstanda 
especial de que en la superficie exocraneana no se observase la m&s ligera 
prominencia que pudiera hacer sospechar la existenda de semejantes depre- 
siones en la cara interna. 

Las descripciones que anteceden ponen de maniflesto la gran variedad de 
foroias que ba podido observarse en la fosita cerebelosa mediana. Bn conse- 
cuenda; es imposible sefialar un ndmero que indique las dimensiones habituales 
de la fosita vermiana ; pero si tenemos en cuenta que la distanda normal entre 
el endinidn y el agujero occipital es de 85 mm., se debe sefialar esta dfra 
como la mayor dimen8i6n longitudinal que puede alcanzar la fosita cerebdosa 
mediana. Lombroso describid un cr&neo donde esta depresidn Uegaba a 84 
mm. de alto y 13 mm. de ancbo. Zoja la enoontr6 enorme en el crAneo de 
un presidiario calabr6i: 84 mm. de largo, 88 mm. de ancbo y 11 de pro- 


Desde el 12 de enero de 1871, fecba en que Lombroso presentd a la Sode- 
dad Real de Oiendas y Letras de Lombardla un cr&neo que ostentaba la fosita 
cerebelosa mediana, el llustre criminalista inyestig6, durante largo tiempo, la 
frecuencia de esta singular anomalfa en las dlferentes razas humanas y en los 
alienados y delincuentes. 

En el afio 1888, Lombroso presents a la Sociedad de Antropologfa de Parts 

la siguiente estadfstica (6) : 

Por ciento. 

En 7 cr&neos prebist6rlcos hay 1 fosita cerebelosa mediana 14 

En 84 cr&neos egipcios bay 6 fositas cerebdosas medianas ] 

En 84 cr&neos etruscos hay 5 fositas cerebelosas medianas [ 10 

En 8 cr&neos chlprianos hay 2 fositas cerebelosas medianas J 

En 16 cr&neos negros hay 1 fosita cerebelosa mediana 6. 2 

En 252 cr&neos papues, etc., hay 8 fositas cerebelosas medianas 1 

En 10 cr&neos mongoles hay fosita cerebelosa mediana 

En 2,000 cr&neos europeos hay 100 fositas cerebelosas medianas 5 

En 46 cr&neos americanos hay 12 fositas cerebelosas medianas 26 

En 10 cr&neos aimaraes hay 4 fositas cerebelosas medianas 40 

Apoy&ndose en estas proporciones num^ricas, Lombroso reclama para la 
fosita cerebelosa mediana el nombre de foHta aimard y concluye aflrmando 
que ** la colnddenda en Am&rica de esta anomalfa con la dd hueso de lo9 Incas, 
que se presents en las mismas proporciones, demostrarfa: 1*. Que si la rasa 
americana no es aut6ctona, su derivacidn de las razas amarillas (menos su- 
Jetas que aquella a la anomalfa) data de una ^poca Incalculable; 2*. Que las 
nnomalfas no parecen ser slempre paralelas con el salvajismo de la raza." 

Inveatigaciones posteriores ban venido a probar que las condusiones de 
Ijombroso son del todo aventuradas en la parte que se reflere a la extensidn 
de esta anomalfa en los cr&neos i)eruanoB; que la circunstanda especial de 


haberla encontrado cuatro veces al estudiar dlez cr&neos aUnaraes, no permitfa 
iljar su frecnencia en las razas del Perti; y que esta a8everaci6n tenia por 
base un dato nomdrico demasiado d^bil para servir de apoyo a la tests del 
origen autdctono de los prlmltlvos pobladores de la Am^lca. 

Frank Russel, qulen nos brlnda con una rica documentacidn tomada de los 
museos de EE. UU., (1,240 cr&neos entre los cuales se cuentan 437 peruanos) 
no ha observado la fosita cerebelosa medlana en la alarmante proporci6n que 
sefiala Lombroso. Y por lo que al Perd se reflere, semejante anomalla ha sido 
observada entre los cr&neos de Ancon, Casma, etc., en la proporci6n del 5.9%, 
apenas superior a la que el mismo Lombroso sefLala para los cr&neos europeos. 

He aquf la estadlsUca de Russel (7) : Por ciento. 

En 48crftneo8deeBquiniale8 10.2 

50 cr&neos de New England . 6 

47 cr&neos de Florida 8. 5 

425 Gr&neos de Ohio y Tennessee ^- 3w 7 

21 cr&neos de New Mexico 

158 cr&neos de California 3. 8 

55 cr&neos de diversos 1. 8 

47 cr&neos de Mexico 6.4 

808 cr&neos de America del Norte 4. 1 

437 cr&neos de Pert antiguo 5. 

1, 240 cr&neos. 4. 8 

He investlgado esta anomalia en 912 cr&neos peruanos, pues de los 924 
cr&neos examinados he eliminado 12 ejemplares en los cuales la porcl6n cere- 
belosa de la escama occipital estaba destruida, haci&ndose imposible el estudio 
de su fosita mediana. 

Con el objeto de no reunir cr&neos que presentaban la anomalia en muy dife- 
rentes grados de evoluci6n anat6mica, he procurado clasificarlos en estas cuatro 
categorlas : 

(A) El tri&ngulo vermiano, que representa una tendencia a la fosita cere- 
belosa mediana. 

(B) La fosita cerebelosa mediana en boceto, fosita aun mal oonstituida e 
Imperfectamente limitada. 

(C) La fosita cerebelosa mediana bien deflnida, tal como corresponde a la 
descripcion cl&sica. 

(D) La fosita cerebelosa mediana de forma especial (fosita lateralizada, 
fosita en canal, fosita doble, etc.). 

El resultado num^rlco de mis estudios va consignado en el siguiente cuadro : 

(A) Tri&ngulo vermlano: 

Por ciento. 

En 100 cr&neos del Museo Raimondi : 24 veces 24 

En 542 cr&neos del Museo Nacional 112 veces 20. 6 

En 270 cr&neos (colecci6n del autor) 68 veces 25.2 

En 912 cr&neos peruanos 204 veces 22.3 

(B) Fosita cerebelosa mediana en boceto: 

En 100 cr&neos del Museo Raimondi 6 veces 

En 542 cr&neos del Museo Nacional 18 veces 3. 3 

En 270 cr&neos (colecci6n del autor) 7 veces 2.6 

En 912 cr&neos peruanos. 31 veces 3.4 


(G) Fosita cerebelosa medlana cl&sica: 

Bn 100 cr&neos del Museo RaimoQdl 4 veces 4 

En 542 crAoeos del Museo Nacional 80 veces 5.5 

Bn 270 cr&neos (coleoci6n del autor) 18 veces 6. 6 

En 912 cr&neos peruanos. 52 veces 5.7 

(D) Fosita cerebelosa medlana de forma especial : 

En 100 cr&neos del Museo Raimondi 2 veces 2 

Bn 542 cr&neos del Museo Naclonal 2 veces 0.3 

Bn 270 cr&neos (colecci6n del autor) 4 veces 1. 5 

Bn 912 cr&neos pernanos. 8 veces 0.8 

De las dfras que anteceden se deduce que, al estudlar los cr&neos pernanos, 
he encontrado la fosita cerebelosa medlana en proporciones centesimales algo 
iuperiares a aquellas con que los antores expresan la frecuenda de esta ano- 
malia en los crAneos de procedencia extranjera. 

Bl tri&ngulo vermlano, prlmera etapa en la constltuddn de la fosita, se of rece 
en el 22.3% de los cr&neos del Perd, proporcidn doble de la que se ha seflalado 
como habitual para cualquiera dase de cr&neos (10 a 12%). Preciso es dejar 
anotado que estos numerosos cases de tri&ngulo vermlano, no van a ser tornados 
en cuenta para establecer la frecuencia de la anomalfa en los cr&neos del Perd, 
porque no constituyen la verdadera fosita. No obstante, aquella clfra del 
22.3% tiene singular importancia, porque signlflca que en buena parte de los 
cr&neos pernanos se encuentra la indeleble huella de una tendencia a la fosita 
cerebelosa medlana. 

La fosita bien definida, la que e8t& en boceto, y la que afecta di£SK)sidto 
especial, conslderadas en conjunto, van a dedrnos de la frecuenda de la 
anomalfa en d Perd antiguo, de acuerdo con la slgulente reladdn. 

En 912 cr&neos peruanos, he encontrado : 

Por ciento. 

La fosita cerebelosa medlana en boceto . 31 veces 3. 4 

La fosita cerebelosa medlana cl&sica 52 veces 5. 7 

La fosita cerebelosa mediana especial 8 veces 0.8 

La fosita cerebelosa mediana 91 veces 10 

La fosita cerebelosa mediana es, pues, relativamente frecuente entre las anti- 
guas razas del Perd, en la proporcl6n aproximada del 10% que alcanza al doble 
de la que se acepta como t^rmino medio para las dem&s razas del mundo. Al 
estudlar la embriologfa y la anatomfa comparada de esta variaddn morfol6gica, 
procurar^ interpretar su signiflcaci6n anat6mica y los alcances que su frecuen- 
da en el Perd tiene como car&cter antropol6gico de las razas antlguas. 

Todos los autores que ban investlgado esta anomalfa en cr&neos de muchas 
procedencias, han aslgnado al Perd la mayor proporci6n centesimal. Pero sua 
resultados difleren de los que he obtenido y tambi&n difieren entre sf, pues 
mientras Lombroso encuentra la fosita vermiana en el 40% de los aimaraes, 
lYank Russel solo ha podido hallarla en el 5.9% de los cr&neos de Ancon, 
Oasma, etc. 

Es muy probable que en semejantes diferencias tenga mucha parte la dlversa 
procedencia de los cr&neos peruanos examinados. En consecuencia, creo in- 
teresante indicar la frecuencia de la fosita en algunas de las comarcas del 
territorio peruano, en aqudlas que han contribuido a mi estadfstica con 
mayor ndmero de cr&neos. El escaso ndmero de ejemplares de algunas pro- 
cedendas muy importantes y la proporcidn desigual con que concurren al 
resultado final, me impiden hacer comentarios. 


He encontrado el tfidng*f^ venntano: 

For ciento. 

50 veces en 204 cr&neos de Lima (templo del Rlxnac) Perlodo dltimo 24. 6 

5 Teces en 36 cr&neos de Lima (Magdalena del Mar) Perlodo lUtlmo 13. 8 

5 veces en 84 cr^neoa de Ancon (huacas Inmedlatas) ( ?) 14. 7 

09 veces en 271 cr&neos de Pachacamac (ruinas) 25.2 

42 veces en 201 cr&neoe de Nieverfa (cementerio) Perfodo primer o 20.9 

3 veces en 18 cr&neos de Acari (Hacienda Chavifia) Periodo epigonal 16.6 

He encontrado la foHta cerebelosa tnediana: 

21 veces en 204 cr&neos de Lima (templo del Rimac) Perfodo tlltimo 10. 3 

4 veces en 86 crdneos de Lima (Magdalena del Mar) Perfodo iiltlmo 11. 1 

8 veces en 34 cr&neos de Ancon (huacas Inmedlatas) ( ?) 8. 8 

28 veces en 271 cr&neos de Pachacamac (en las nilnas) 10. 4 

18 veces en 201 cr&neos de Nieverfa (cementerio) «Perfodo primero 6. 5 

8 veces en 18 cr&neos de Acarf (Hacienda Chavifia) Perfodo epigonal 16. 6 

antropologIa cbiminal. 

El asunto muy debatido de la presencia de la fosita cerebelosa mediana en 
los cr&neos de los dellncuentes tiene singular Importancla para el estudio de 
la interpretacidn que deba darse a esta anomalfa. 

Las prlmeras Investlgaclonee se deben a Lombroso, qulen ha publicado en 
dlversas ocaslones numerosos estudios sobre los cr&neos de los dellncuentes, 
llamando slempre la atenci<Sn sobre esta anomalfa que, en concepto suyo, se 
observa con Inusitada frecuencia entre los crlmlnales y los locos, conflrmando 
asf la vlnculacl<Sn estrecha entre el crimen y la locura. 

En *'L'Uomo Dellnquente" (8) Lombroso asegura que la fosita almar& se 
encuentra en el 13% de los aseslnos, 23% de los ladrones y 85% de los 
envenenadores. Estudios posterlores le Inducen a aflrmar que la anomalfa se 
presenta en la proporcl6n de 16% en los crlmlnales, 12% en los locos y 5% 
en los Indlvlduos normales. 

Al profesor Lombroso, ya tantas veces cltado, sigul6 una pl^yade de 
crane6logos, en su mayorfa Italianos, cuyas investigaciones tienden a con- 
slderar la fosita cerebelosa mediana como un estigina anat6mico de la crlml- 
nalldad. Yerga aflrma haberla encontrado en el 23% de los bandldos. Tamassia 
en el 24% de los dellncuentes de todas closes. Examlnando Romlti (9) un 
buen n&mero de cr&neos europeos, encontr6 la anomalfa en el 12% de los alie- 
nados, en tanto que los ejemplares procedentes de indlvlduos que no tuvleron 
nlnguna tara mental ofrecfan un porcentaje niucho menor. 

Marlm6 y Gambara observaron la fosita lombroslana en el 26% de los 
crlmlnales y el 6% de los no crlmlnales. Morselli tuvo ocasidn de estudiarla 
en el 14% de los locos. Examlnando 60 cr&neos de allenados, Mingazzini 
(10) lleg6 a la conclusl6n de que la fosita se presentaba con m&s frecuencia 
entre los epil^ticos (38.5%). Gttolenghl y Roncoronl (11) la han encontrado 
11 veces en 1(X) cr&neos de dellncuentes. 

Serf a pesado cltar la larga serie de investigaciones que hubo de llevar a 
cabo la escuela lombroslana para declarar que la fosita cerebelosa mediana es 
m&s frecuente entre los dellncuentes que entre los indlvlduos normales. Esta 
oplnidn ha sido en^rglcamente combatlda por un buen n&mero de crane6logos 
qulenes, tachando de apasionadas las investigaciones de la escuela Italiana, 
Bostlenen que la fosita del vermis no es una tara caracterfstlca de la crimlnali- 

En Austria, el profesor Benedltk; en B&lgica, Heger y Dellemagne (12) que 
la vieron una sola vez a pesar de haber estndlado en los crftneoe de 86 aseslnos 


gulllotinadoB ; Debierre y Le Double en Francia, conslderan la f osita Termiana 
como una variaci6n morfol6gica tan rara en los crlmlnales como en las demas 

El profesor Debierre (18) hace ezcepci<)n en lo que se reflere a los alienadoe. 
De SUB estudios se deduce que la anomalfa es mAs frecuente entre los locos 
que entre los cuerdos, aseveracidn que va en armonfa con las estadfsticas de 
Lombroso. Le Double (14), quien estudld los 10 cr&neos de delincuentes y 85 
de alienados que posee la Facultad de Medlclna de Paris, partlclpa de la 
oplnl6n de Debierre. Hace el recuerdo de famosos crlmlnales cuyos cr&neos 
no presentan la anomalfa, hace notar que si blen es clerto que el audaz ladrdn 
Vlllela fu6 poseedor de la mAs hermosa foslta vermlana, que si el parridda 
Vallet tuvo un hueso epactal, un hueso ast^rico y una fosita cerebelosa mediana^ 
tambi^n lo es que esta anomalfa se ha observado en el crAneo de muchas per- 
sonas honradas. Deflende Le Double la integridad pefquica de Garlota Ck>rday, 
quien pudo ser una aluclnada pero no una criminal innata, por mAs que el 
cr&neo suyo, de escasa capacidad, dolicoc^alo y ortoflato, con huesos vormianos 
pt^ricos y una sutura sagital asim^trica, con un vestigio de ap6flsis yugular y 
una gran fosita vermlana, sea para Lombroso uno de los ejemplares que mejor 
se adaptan al " tipo craneano criminal." 

No me hubiera eztendido en estas consideraciones sobre la frecuenda de la 
fosita cerebelosa mediana en los cr&neos de los delincuentes, si no estuviera 
convencido de la importancia de este estudio para determinar la signiflcaci6n 
anat6mica que tan singular anomalfa tiene en los cr&neos peruanos. Las 
escasas colecciones de nuestros museos no brindan material suficiente para 
hacer un estudio blen documentado de antropologfa criminal, que serfa la tinica 
manera segura de deflnir una opinion en esta contienda que armaron los 
criminalistas itallanos. Pero examinando con independencia de espfritu las 
condusiones de los antrop6Iogos, no puede dejar de reconocerse que la escuela 
lombrosiana se ha preocupado mucho de Investlgar la fosita vermlana en los 
crlmlnales, sin determinar antes, de manera predsa, su frecuenda ^n los in- 
dividuos normales, faltando as( el indispensable t^rmino de comparad6n. 

Tomando el promedio de todas las estadfsticas que he podido reunir, y uniendo 
& ellas el resultado de mis Investigadones entre los cr&neos del PerA antiguo, 
he f ormado el cuadro adjunto : 

Nombre del 

NOmero de cr&neos 
y prooedendas. 







Fuentes de informaddn. 


2,467 diversos 

1, 240 americaDos. . . . 
1,820 europeos 













Comunicadones de cranedlogos Italla- 

Frank RnsBel 


nos 7 observadones propias. 
Museos de Norte Amdrica. 
Museos de Italia. 



Museos de Italia. 




Museo de la Facultad de Medidna de 


Cr4neos de las oatactunbas de Paris. 



Feme de Maoedo — 

141 europeos 


1,000 portugtieses... 
912 peruanos 


Museo de la Facultad de Medidna de 

Museos de Italia. 

Museo Nadonal (PerA). Museo Ral- 

mondi. Colecddn personaL 




liOs 8,062 cr&neos que flguran en el cuadro poseen 425 fositas cerebelosas 
medlanas, lo cual hace presumir que dicha anomalia se encuentra en la pro- 
porcion del 5.27% de los crdneos de todas las prooedendas. 


ReuDieudo ahora los resultados, ya anotados, de las investlgaclones sobre 
los cr&neos de los crlminales, se obtlene una proporci6n centesimal (15% 
aprozimadamente) que es muy superior & la que arrojan los cr&neos de indi- 
viduos nonnales. Yo creo, como Le Double, que algunos autores itallanos 
comprenden en sus estadlsticas ejemplares en los que no eziste una fosita 
vermlana bien definida ; pero hay que convenir en que por mucho que se reba je 
esta notable proporcidn del 15% siempre quedarfa superior a la del 5.27% que 
corresponde a los cr&neos de indivlduos que no dejaron huellas del crimen. 
Bl proplo Debito'e dice que ba observado la fosita en el 3.4% de los delincuentes 
y en el 2.8% de los indivlduos normales. 

Si estas inyestigaciones nos autorizan a escribir, a tftulo de conclu8i6n, que 
la fosita cerebelosa mediana es m&a frecuente entre los criminales que entre 
los no criminales, no es menos cierto que la escuela italiana anduvo errada 
en sostener que semejante anomalfa era uno de los estlgmas del crimen. 

£1 desarroUo que ban alcanzado en los tUtimos tiempos las ciencias antro- 
poldgicaSi es todayfa insuflciente para poder seftalar los vicios de Gonformaci6n 
del crdneo o del aiodfalo, que son indlcios seguros de una tendencia al crimen. 
Ija fosita cerebelosa mediana se encuentra en el caso de estas alteraciones 
morfol6glcas mal conocidas. Se la ha observado en el cr&neo de buen ndmero 
de delincuentes, pero en cambio se la ha encontrado tambi^n en muchas gentes 
que nuncn manlfestaron inclinaciones criminales. Y se cita a muchos delin- 
cuentes que dejaron triste recuerdo de sus bazafias, cnyos cr&neos no presentan 
la anomalia. 

Lo que parece fuera de duda es que la fosita cerebelosa mediana se encuentra 
en grande proporcidn entre los alienados. De los estudios que se han hecho al 
respecto, resultan conclusiones casi uniformes, que tienden a intimar la rela- 
ci6n que eziste entre el crimen y la locura. Sin embargo, tampoco puede 
deducirse de ello que la fosita vermlana sea un signo caracterfstico de la 
locura, ni siquiera podrfa hacer presumir una inferioridad mental. 

En el estudio de esta anomalfa, como en el de muchas otras, la Naturaleza 
parece Jugar con la desmedida curiosidad cientffica, cuando nos presenta el 
cr&neo horriblemente aslm^trlco de Dante, al fil<3sofo Kant con un hueso 
interparietal, al ffslco Volta con una sutura met6pica, a Byron, Humboldt y 
Mecitel con slnostosis craneanas prematuras, a Bichat con un hemisferio 
cerebral mucho m&s grande que el otro, y a Scarpa con una gran fosita cere- 
belosa mediana. 


A pesar de que en la actualidad se conoce un tanto el desarroUo embrioldgico 
del cerebelo y el del hueso occipital que lo recubre, cuando se trata de investi- 
gar el proceso evolutive que genera la fosita cerebelosa mediana, se advierte 
serias diflcultades, que se tornarian casi insalvables si se intentara analizar, 
una a una, las muchas interpretaciones que los crane61ogos han dado a esta 

Una rdpida excursion por el terreno de la embriologfa normal va a servir 
de base para este estudio. Est& generalmente admitido que el occipital se 
desarroUa por dnco o siete puntos de osificaci6n principales, que van los unos 
al encnentro de los otros medlante la absorcidn progresiva del cartflago. En 
la ^poca del nacimiento, las pordones <toeas ya est&n apenas separadas por una 
pequefia l&mina de cartilage, ezceptuando la uni6n de la escama con los c6ndilos 
del occipital que se hace por una amplia banda cartilaginosa, la charnela de 
Budin, destlnada a permltir dertos movimientos de b&scula a la porci6u 


La escama, que es la parte del occipital que mAs nos interesa, se presenta 
dlferenclada en dos partes: una superior, llamada tambl^n pleza Interparietal 
o supra-occipital, que se desarrolla en el cr&neo membranoso desde la octava 
semana de la vida intrauterina ; y una parte inferior, infra-occipital, que 
desde la miszna ^poca se desarrolla en el crftneo cartilaginono. La porci6n 
superior o membranosa corresponde al cerebro y la inferior o cartilaginosa 
recubre el cerebelo; entre ambas diyisiones de la escama va a colocarse m&s 
tarde la protuberancia occipital. 

La parte membranosa o interparietal se genera por dos puntos de oslflcaci6n 
y a veces por cuatro, segtbi Stieda. Los dos puntos mAs elevados son inconstan- 
tea y forman los pre-interparietales que van a soldarse con el occipital o con 
los parietales, clrcunstancia que explica las mtlltiples variaciones en la forma 
del lambda. 

En la parte cartilaginosa de la escama, formada por dos puntos de oslfica- 
ci6n, se presenta un nudeo 69eo al que se atrlbuye un rol de primer orden en 
la formaci6n de la fosita cerebelosa mediana : ee el huecesillo de Kerckring. 

Situado en la parte inferior de la escama, entre ^ta y las formaclones 
condfleaa, el n6dulo de Kerckring se encuentra perfectamente desarrollado 
en el quinto mes de la vida fetal (y^ase la flgura). Oonserva su independencia 
hasta el sexto mes, para despu48 fusionarse con las partes vecinas constituyendo 
asf el lazo de uni6n entre la escama y los c<5ndilos. La porci6n de la escama 
occipital donde se insinda el huecesillo de Kerckring, y que corresponde a 

la fosita vermiana, es en un prlndplo 
cartilaginosa. (V^ase Pig. 2.) 
iirrBu>«n«T*i«tor«-omrfT«i. ^^ estAu de acuefdo los crane61ogo6 

wTM-wmnus rcspecto a la frecuencla con que dlcho 

raNauAMicmcxiuNo huecesillo se presenta en el cr&neo fetal. 

p««rHLAr>ui«dneocmT4L» Kerckrlug, Rambaud y Renault aflrman 

ci»«fe«>A»ooaFiT«L que es disposlcldn anat6mlca normal y 

Nk oeetvtTM* an vn rvro hu*rm m omco mms coustautc J Lucy crcc quc se obscrva en 

Fig. 2. ^^ mayoria de los cases, unas veces 

complete y otras al estado de boceto; 
Deb^rre, Polrler y Bianchi le tratan de Inconstante, opini6n de que partidpa 
Stieda quien no le ha encontrado sine en el 29% de los fetos de cinco meses ; 
para Staurenghi y Delisle, el nddulo de Kerckring es muy raro. 

Los dates embriol<)gicos que he anotado, aun no perfectamente sancionados, 
ban servido a los crane^logos para emitir oplniones respecto de la manera 
c<3mo se produce la fosita cerebelosa mediana. Las numerosas teorfas que se 
ban emitido, pueden agruparse en cuatro categorfas : 

A). La fosita cerebelosa mediana es generada por la presi6n que ejerce 
el vermis hlpertrofiado sobre la cara Interna de la escama occipital ; 

B). A la coinddencla de una hlpertrofla del vermis con el desarroUo rudl- 
mentarlo del hueso de Kerckring; 

O). A la ausencia, segdn unos, o a la presencia, segdn otros, del huecesillo 
de Kerckring; 
D). A un exuberante desarroUo del slstema venoso de la dura madre. 
A). Estudiando la embrlologia del cerebelo, le vemos en un prlndpioi 
formando parte de la cnarta vesfcula cerebral ; despues adqulere Independencia, 
siendo el vermis mucho mAs grande que los hemlsferlos cerebelosos; en una 
4poca mAs avanzada, los Idbulos laterales adquleren un voluraen mayor que 
el vermis. La Anatomfa Comparada comprueba la veracldad de esta afirmaddn, 
pues cuanto mAs se avanza en la escala zooldgica los hemlsferlos cerebelosos 
se encuentran mAs desarrollados y el vermis queda mAs pequefio. A pesar del 
importante rol flsiol6gico del vermis, el hombre se distingue por la relatlva 
pequefiez de este Idbulo y por la preponderancia de los hemlsferlos cerebelosos. 


Lombroso aflrma que la hipertrofia del vermis coincide en la mayoria de 
los casos con la presencia de la fosita cerebelosa mediana, disposlci6n que se 
encuentra en el hombre durante el cuarto mes de la vida fetal y que recuerda 
a la que poseen muchos mamfferos. Uniendo sus observaciones con las de 
otros crane61ogos, Lombroso ha deducido del examen de 107 cad&veres que la 
fosita y el vermis hipertroiiado coinciden en el 60% de los cosos (15). En 
opini6n de Albretch, la fosita cerebelosa mediana tambi^n es producida por 
el empuje de un vermis aumentado de volumen. 

B). La escuela lombrosiana hace intervener adem&s la ausencia o el In- 
suflclente desarrollo del huecesiilo de Kerckring, formaci6n 66ea que estaria 
destinada, a llenar el espacio vacfo que queda hacia atr&s del agujero occipital. 

A Juzgar por los datos anteriores, habrfa de aceptarse la teorfa de Lombroso 
si no existieran serias objeclones emanadas de estudios posteriores. Yerga y 
Giovanardi han podido convencerse de que en el 40% de los casos, la hipertrofia 
del vermis no coincide con la presencia de una fosita. Rossi (16) hizo la 
descripci6n de una curiosa anomalfa que la escuela lombrosiana no podrfa 
explicar : la f alta del vermis y la presencia de una fosita vermiana. 

Serfb iraposible negar al vermis toda participaci6n en la gtoesis de la exca- 
yaci6n que en ocasiones le recubre y en espera de convincentes observaciones 
que nos i)ermitan deflnir una opini6n, hay que reconocer por lo menos que un 
vermis hipertrofiado favorece la formaci6n de la fosita cerebelosa mediana. 
Ya en apoyo de la teorfa de Lombroso, la lAguiente revel acidn que nos hace la 
anatomfa comparada: las grandes fositas vermianas observadas en los ma- 
mfferos coinciden con los vermis m&s desarroUados. El vermis promlnente de 
los hidroc^falos, que se imprime en el endocrftneo dando lugar a una verdadera 
fosita, es una observaci6n que tambi^n contribuye a sostener esta tesis. 

G). On independencia de toda presi6n que el vermis pudiera ejercer sobre 
la escama occipital, algunos crane61ogos culpan al huecesiilo de Kerckring (17) 
de producir la fosita cerebelosa mediana. 

La ausencia del n6dulo de Kerckring originarfa, segdn Marlm6, una defl- 
cieucia 6sea en la porci6n inferior de la escama. Numerosas observaciones se 
escargan de desautorizar esta teorfa, pues aunque no estA blen determinada 
la frecuencia del hueso de Kerckring, todo induce a creer que no existe en la 
mayorfa de los cr&neos fetales; y si su ausencia es tan frecuente, no podrfa 
explicarse la relativa rareza de la fosita cerebelosa mediana. 

Este mismo razonamiento, que est& basado en observaciones comprobadas, 
puede oponerse a los que como Ghiarugi, sostienen por el contrarlo, que la fosita 
vermiana se debe a la presencia del u6dulo de Kerckring. 

No puedo dejar pasar una observaci6n que me han sugerido dos cr&neos de 
nifios de corta edad que posee el Museo Nacional. El crdneo No. 85, con una 
fosita cerebelosa mediana, presenta en la base de la fosita, s611damente im- 
plantado en el opisti6n, un n<Sdulo 6seo promlnente, del tamafio de un grano de 
trigo, que avanza hacia el agujero occipital desvi&ndose un tanto de la Ifnea 
media. El crdneo No. 37, que no posee fosita vermiana, ofrece tambl^n un 
n<3dulo 6seo del todo semejante al anterior. 

La circunstancia especial de tratarse de crdneos infantlles y de no haber 
visto nada semejante en los numerosos cr&neoe adultos que he examinado, la 
poBicl6n anat6mica de este nddulo, su aspecto y dlsposici6n, recuerdan al 
huecesiilo de Kerckring descrito en los crdneos fetales. Greo que tales observa- 
ciones se refleran a dos casos de persistencia de este huecesiilo bajo la forma 
de una exostosis. El hecho de que en uno de estos cr&neos exista la fosita 
vermiana y el otro carezca de ella, tlende a romper la fntima relaci6n que se 

68486— 17— VOL i 18 


pretende eetnblecer eotre el hueceeillo de Kerckrlng y la fostta cerebelosa 

D). Benedlkt (18) cree que la aparidfiu de la foolta vonnlana se dd>e a nn 
flzuberante desarrollo de los senoa venoms de la duramadre, en especial del 
Hntu oructatiu. Clta en an apoyo a la rasa Jndfa, seflalada por Lombroso conm 
poseedora de la foBlta vennlana en notable proporclta, y obso^a que dicba rasa 
es favoreclda cnal nlngnna por el Blatema venoso, predispnesta a laa v&rlces, 
bemorroldes, glaucoma, etc. 

Le Double ba demoBtrado que laa modlflcaclones en la amplttnd y en el 
trayecto de loe seoos veaoeos poeterlores de la duramadre se Imprlmen ea los 
snrcoe endo-craneanoa ; de donde se Inflere que ea poalble que Io8 bombres cayo 
aiatema Tenoso ea muy deaarrollado, estAn predlapaestoa a despertar la In- 
fluencia atAvica que les tralga la foslta cerebelosa medlana. pero no bay 
nlngunn obaervaclitn que tlenda a comprobar eeta manera de ver. 

ahaiomIa ooKFAunA. 
Recorrlendo la anatomla de los vertebradoa, no encontramoe en loa peoe* y 
batraoioi ulngdn Indldo de foslta cerebelosa medlana. El cr&neo de loa reptile* 
con BUS cuatro oedpltalea {uno aupErlor, 
doa lateralea y un occipital basilar), no 
presenta crestaa nl depreslones que bagan 
aoepechar la foslta vermlana. Bn las ave* 
se encuentra una dlsposlclAn anatOmlca 
pareclda a la de ana antecesores, aunqae 
reveladora de un grado mfia avanzedo en 

La foslta cerebelosa medlana aparece en 

loa mamiferos con caracteres bien defl- 

nldos. Su cr&neo, como el de laa avea, ea 

poaeedor de un hueso Interparietal y pre- 

aenta en la superflcle endo-craneana del 

Fio. 8.-Blinlnenda yermlana. En un (^P'tal tre« fosas: doa lateralea desd- 

crtneo de Caaia fUDlilarla. (Vltta nadas a proteger loa lObuloa lateralea del 

poetcriot.) cerebelo <foBa cerebeloaa derecha e izquier- 

da) y una central que recrubre el vermis 

(foslta cerebelosa medlana). Bataa tres depreslones prodncen en la superflcie 

endo-craneana otras tantaa emlnendas: dos laterales y una medlana. que co- 

rresponde a la foslta del vermis. Loa lados de esta formaddn anatdmlca est&n 

perfectamente llmltados por dos crestaa lateralea que se acusan en el exo- 

crftneo por dos excavaclones alargadaa que reclbleroa de Albrecbt el nombre 

de fosltas para- ver mtanas. 

Tal es la disposlddn mfls frecuente de In foslta cerebelosa medlana en el 
crAneo de los mamfferos. En la descrlpcldn qne antecede, tomada de un 
crfineo de perro que he disecado, tlenen cablda laa vnriadones de forma y 
extenalAu que se observan en las dlveraas eepeciea de mamlferoa. Estna varla- 
clones se refleren especlalmente a las reladones entre la foslta vermlana y la 
protuberancla occipital interna, reladones que setiala la porcldn mayor o menor 
de la escama occipital que se encuentra invndldn por la foslta cerebelosa 

El profeaor Albrecht (19) ba seOalado la fosita vermlana en el crUneo de los 
sigutentea maturpUileg: DidclphU guioa, Paramelei nattita, Bideleu* awttrxUi; 
Dorcoptit tuctuota, Halmaturv» derbiaau. Se presenta tambl6u en loe 
oeldceot (delflnea), en loa deidentado* (perezoaoa, tatuados, etc.) 


Lb regldn ocdplt&l preeenta ea loe unffuiadoi una dlsposlciAn digna de inen- 
donerse: al dItcI de la sutura del hueso Interparietal (que iKiseen eetos anl- 
malefl) con el occipital miamo, la boz del cerebro se oslflca dando Itigar a ana 
emlnencia earva, de concavldad iDferlor, que se contlnda en la foslta vermlana 
fonoando dngulo con ella. Resulta asf, que el vermis se encnentra protegldo 
hacia arrlba por un verdadero op^rculo i3eeo y descansa hacla abnjo en la 
foslta cerebelosB mediana. Albrecbt, a qulen la osteologla comparada debe 
Importantes Invest iga clones, dl6 & esta formaciOn el nombre de op^rculo vor- 
mlano y lo descrlbKl eu los ^uldos (que lo tlenen muy manlfleeto), en loa 
delflnea, focaa, arctoc^Taloa y en la mayor parte de loa camlceros. 

Entre los suldos {8ji« tcrofa, etc.) solo pnede observarse la foslta vermlana 
en loB Indivldnoe ]i3venea, porque en el adulto la escama del occipital es ctfncava 
bacia el exterior en lugar de preeentarse coovexa. 

La fosEta cerebelosa mediana se preaenta tambl^u en loa rumlantee. He 
podido comprobarlo estndlando un crAneo de llama (Avchenia glama) que 
escogi entre los muchos que exlsten al pl€ del cerro Manchdn (Casma). 

La fOBlta vermlana se ba encontrado en loa atr^nidoB (ifonatuf avttralia, 
Salicore in4ica). Eiucu^trase adjnlrablemente desarrolloda en los roedores, 
J ba sldo espectalmente descrlta en loa tepdrldos (Leput timidu*), en loa 
subungnlados [Cavia aptrea, Oavia 
oobaya) y en loe mfirldoa <lfii« rattui. 
M«t mutcvtui). 

Lob intectivoro* presentau una toeiiA 
vermlana de caracteres muy deflnldos: 
Le Double (20) pudo comprobarlo en 
lofl erlzos iSrinaceui europceui) y las 
mnearafiaa {Sorex vulfforto). 

Ascendtendo en la escala animal en- 
coutramos la foslta cer0)elo8a mediana 
notablemente desarroltada en los camt- 
VOTOI. Obsfrvase en las dlferentea 
especlea de zorros (ConU vulpea, OaiiU 
alopex, Canit lagoput). He podido 
estudlarla en un crAneo de perro iCanit familiarit), cuya (otografia presento: 
el occipital est& perfectamente divldldo en tres zonas, una central que hace 
marcada premlnenda al exterior y dos laterales separadaa por crestas blen 
acentuadas; en la cars endo-craneana exlste una enorme foslta vermlana que 
tlene su punto cnlmlnante en el endlnlAn, de donde desclende y ae engancha para 
abarear el contomo del agulero occipital. I-oa drsldos, en especial el oso 
bl&ncD (Vrnu mariUmiu), poaeen una creaU longitudinal medians muy resla- 
tente, que corre^nnde al sltto de ImplanUdftn de la onlnenda vermlana de loe 
otros camlvoroB. La fostla cerebelosa mediana del gato (Fetis Oomestioa), 
llama la atencldn por su profondldad y tomaOo. (Vtense Fig. 3 y 4.) 
La foslta del vermis tlene caracteres blen marcados en 1<& quirdpteroi, ofrece 
como partlcularldad dlgna de especial menclOn una gran cantldad de canalltos 
y creBtas transversa les, destlnadas a IntercalnrBe entre los surcos Interlotmlares 
traoBversales que pr»enta el vermis. Le Double observ6 esta dlsposlcldn en 
el Pteropui edulia, en el iflnolopAii* uiMuutatu» y en el Tegpertilio pipMreltut. 
Entre las espedes qne pertenecen al orden llamado de los proslmloa se en- 
cnentra la foslta cerebelosa mediana blen deflntda. Ha sldo partlcularmente 
estudlada en los temdrldoi, qae poseen dos huesoa Interparietal es slnostosados 
en la Unea media y un occlplUl Inferior qne oetenU la foalta vermlana, tan 
desarrollada, que sube hasta los Interparletales. 


El crftneo de los primates ofrece ciertos detalles de Interte en lo que se refiere 
a esta particularidad anatdmlca. En efecto, entre los antecesores del hombre 
se establece, por gradaciones insenslbles, la transfonnacl6n que determlna por 
fin la desaparicidn de la foalta en la especie humana. 

En los arctopiteco8 y platirrinoa se encnentra la foslta eerebelosa mediana ; 
pero ya no asclende hasta el occipital superior, slno que se limita a la parte 
inferior de este hueso. Ha sido descrita en el tamarino {MidoM rotaUa), 
en el sagfi {Cebus apella), etc. 

La primera familia de los catarrinoM, los dnoc^falos, ofrecen la foslta vermia- 
na, sin que hasta ahora se haya descrito algdn ejemplar que no la posea. 
Igual cosa se puede dedr de los cercopiteeos, pnes dicha foslta ha sido descrita 
en el mono-cochlno (RheauM nemesirinuM) ^ en el macaco (Ooroopitheous m- 
haeus) donde presenta, al estado normal, la disposiddn que mAs semejansa 
tiene con la que, a titulo de anomalfa, suele poseer el hombre. 

Entre los semnopitecoM^ ya se eneuentra una eeqpede, el colobo {Colohus 
guereza), que hace ezcepcl6n; todas las investlgaciones de las foslta eerebelosa 
mediana que se ban hecho en este simio, ban dado resultado negatlTO. 

Acercdndonos a la especie humana, tdcanos estudlar la foslta de los antropo- 
tnorfos. Las especies del g^nero Hylobates, los glbones, la poseen ; Albrecht (21) 
la describi6 en el Hylobatea leuciscua bajo la forma de una escavacidn dlyl- 
dida en dos fosas, por una cresta transversal : una f osa superior o epiestafilina, 
que es la m&s grande, y otra inferior, o estafillna, mAa pequefia. Lucy hiso 
una observacidn an&loga en un Hylobaiet conooior. Pero, si estk bien probado 
que la foslta vermiana es disposici6n anatdmica normal entre los antropoides 
del g§nero Hytobfltes, no es menos cierto que su ausenda es anomalfa que se 
observa con frecuencia en estos anlmales. En 6 cr&neoe de Hylobates, Morselli 
(22) constats, en efecto, que cuatro de ellos posefan la foslta y que en los otros 
dos estaba redudda a una superfide trUmgolar. 

En el orangut&n (Satyrus orang), rara ves se ^Mioeptra la foslta del vermis; 
una vez en 80 investlgaciones de Morselli. En el gorila (Oorttia ^ifio), su 
ezlstencia debe considerarse tambi^n como una disposlddn andmala. £11 
chimpanc^ {Troglodites Niger) tampooo posee foslta eerebelosa mediana: su 
presencla es casl tan rara como en el hombre (28). 

En reeumen, la Anatomfa Gomparada nos muestra a la foslta eerebelosa 
mediana, formacldn normal en los mamlferos, que llega a su mayor desarroUo 
en los monos Inferiores y comlenza a desaparecer en los antropomorfos. La 
E2mbrlologfa humana, reprodudendo y condensando* de manera admirable, lo 
que pasa en la escala zool6gica, nos ha ense&ado que la foslta vermiana es 
normal durante la vlda intrauterina. Betas dos clencias, que corren parejas, 
consideran esta anomalfa del hombre como la reapariddn de una disposicldn 
anatdmica que los progresos de la organlzacldn hablan hecho desaparecer del 
crflneo humano. 



Llegado al t^rmino de este estudio, deduzco de 61, en lo que se refiere al Perd» 
las slguientes conclusiones : 

la. La foslta eerebelosa mediana se eneuentra en el 10% de los cr&neos 
peruanos que he examinado, frecuencia muy superior a la que se ha seQalado 
para las dem&s razas. 

2a. El trl&ngulo vermiano se ofrece en el 22.3% de los crAneos del Perd, ele* 
vado porcentaje que indlca una aoentuada tendencia a la anormal posesidn de la 

1. 0. Lombroso. Eslstenza di una fossa occipitale mediana nel cranio di un 
delinquente. Notta letta adunanza del Real Istituto Lombardo di Scienza e 
Lettere, del 12 gennaio 1871. 


2. P. Albrecht Sur la la foesette vermienne du crftne des mamiferea. Bul- 
letins de la Soci^t^ d*Anthropologie de Bmxelles, 1888. 

8. Frank Euasel. Studies In cranial variatlDD. The American naturaliat 
Boston, 1000. 

4. F. Begnault Ck>mptes rendues de I'Assoc. dee anatomistes. Nancy, 1001. 

6b A. F. Le Double. Variations des os du crftne. Paris, 1903. 

& LombroBo. BulL de la Society d'Anthropologie de Paris, 1888. 

7. F. Buaael. Loc cit supra. 

8. Lombroso. L'honune criminel, pag. 170i 

0. Bomiti. Gervelll di delinquentL Siena, 1880. 

10. MingazzinL Atti della B. Accad. di Boma, 1888. Bivlsta Qporimentale di 
f renatrla, 1888. 

11. Ottolenghi y Boncoroni. Anomalies rencontr^ It I'autopeie de 100 criml- 
nels. Turin, 1891. 

12. Heger et Dellemagne. Annales de rUniversit^ de Bruzelles, 188L 
IB. Debitere. Le cr&ne des criminels. Lyon, 1896. 

14. Le Double. Loc. clt pag. 88. 

15. Lombroso. Bivlsta sperimentale di frenatria e di medidna l^^ale, 1870. 

16. Boss!. Bivlsta sperimentale di frenatria, 1891. 

17. Th. Kerckring. Spicigelium anat Osteogenia foetum, pag. 212. Amstalo- 
dami, 1670. 

18. Carta dirigida a Le Double en 29 de agosto de 1899. Le Double loa cit. 
peg. 44. 

19. Albrecht Sur la fossette vermienne du crftne des mamiferes. Bulletins 
de la Soc d'Anthropologie de Bruxelles, 1888. 

20. Le Double. Loc. cit pag. 47. 

21. Albrecht Loc. cit 

22. MorselU. Atti deUa Soc. Liguistica di Scienza Naturala Qenova, 1890. 
28. En 18 cr&neos de chimpanc^ 9 de gorila, 8 de orangut&n« y 1 de giboi^ 

Debi^rre no ha logrado ver la fosita cerebeloea mediana. Debi^rre. Mem. de 
la Soc. de Biologie de Paris, 1892. 



M4dioo y Cirujano de la FaouUad de Mediokia de Lkna. 

El estudio de los cr&neos trepanados, cuya antigfiedad es manifiesta. Induce 
a creer que la trepanacidn del cr&neo fu6 la primera operaddn de drugla 
mayor practicada por el hombre antiguo. 

Nuestros conodmientos sobre esta materia pueden condensarse en los siguien- 
tes pArrafos: 

(a) Los antiguos practicaron la trepanaddn en el hombre vivo, con fines 

(&) Fu4 ejecutada adn en tiempos neoUticos; los restos paleontoldglcos mAn 
antiguos preceden de la Europa Central. 

(e) La primera referenda a esta prftctica se encuentra en la Mitologfa Ortega 
y el primer dato histdrico nos viene de Hipdcrates, qulen aconsejaba la trepana- 
cidn en el tratamiento de las firacturas del crAneo. 

(d) Fu6 conocida y practicada en la antigUedad por muy diyersos pueblos: 
griegos, egipdos, Arabes, polinesios, melaneslos, ete^* amoricanos, e^peolalment* 
los pobladores de las altiplanldes centrales de Sud AmMca. 


(e) El Pert! Antigno fa4 el lugar en donde el arte de trq;Minar se cultiy6 en 
m^ vasta escala. 

(/) Investigaclones modernas, baaadas en el eatudio de numeroaoe restos 
antropol6gicos, han aumentado nuestros conoclmlentoa sobre loa m^todos uaadoa 
al trepanar (trepanaciones rectiUneas, irregulares, etc), aobre la eztai8i6D y 
lugares de la abertura operatoria, sobre el proceao de reparacl6n <)eea, sobre 
los Instrumentos que se emplearon (pledra tallada, obsldlana, etc.), sobre loa 
▼endajes y materlales de curaddo, sobre loe ^xltos y fracasos de las Interven- 
clones, y aun sobre los motlvos que insplraron al hombre antigoo a practicar la 

De los cementerios del antiguo Perd procede la mayor parte de loa dr&neos 
trepanados que se conserran en los museos de Am^lca y de Europa. Bn elloa 
se reyela la frecnenda con que los prlmltlv "^uanos hnbleron de practicar 
la trepanacldn y la notable perlda de sua e: .uteres. 

Las colecclones pemanas m^ numerosas e interesantes, creo que sean la 
que extrajo el Dr. Julio Telle durante sua Investlgadones antropoldgicaa en 
la quebrada de Huarochlrl y la que reunld el. Prof. Ales Hrdllcka, exiblda 
ultlmamente en la Ezposiclon de San Diego. 

Llama la atencldn la desproporcldn que exlste entre la abundancla de material 
craneoldgico, que nos trae la evidenda de que la trepanacl^n estuvo muy en 
boga en el Perd, y la falta casl absoluta de otras referenclas al regpecto. 

Nl en sus representadones artfstlcaa, la cerdmlca y las figuras que adornan 
loa Ylejos monumentos, nl menos adn en el Imperfecto slstema de escrltura, loa 
antlguos peruanos nos han legado muchos dates sobre su prActlca de trepanar 
el cr&neo. 

D^bese esta drcunstancla a que la trepanacldn tuvo su apogee un una 6poca 
en que la cer&mlca todavla estaba muy poco avanzada. Ademibs, las Inter- 
yendones qulrdrglcas en el crftneo fueron ejecutadas prlndpalmente por loa 
antlguos habltantes de las altlplanldes peruanas, pertenedentes a la dvlU- 
zad6n almar& o Influenciados poderosamente por ^Ila, quienes no cultlvaron 
las artes pldstlcas en tan vasta escala como lo hlcieron los pobladorea de la 
costa entre los cuales la trepanacidn no estuvo muy generallzada. 

Por estas razones, Juzgo Interesante la presentaci6n de un huaco que forma 
parte de ml colecclon de antlgttedades. No tengo notlcia de que sea conodda 
en la Clenda otra pleza de cerftmlca que represente la escena de una trepanacldn 
del cr&neo.' 

Fu6 extrafda de un cementerlo sltuado en la costa norte del Perd, hada el 
Interior del pueblo de Oasma, en la zona en que los dos ramales de la cordlUera 
andlna que forman el " Gallejon de Huallas " se ensanchan antes de termlnar 
en laa prozimldades del mar. 

La sltuaci6n geogrdfica y laa prlvllegladas condlcloues naturalea del calleJ6n 
de Huallas, hacen suponer que ha sldo una de las vfas de m&a fadl comunl- 
cacldu entre las clvlUzadones que se desarrollaron en las planldes de loa 
Andes y las de la Ck>sta. 

A Juzgar por la rudeza del modelado y por la calldad de la arcllla de este 
huaco — ^y de otros que fueron eztraldos de la misma tumba— debe claslficdrsele 
entre los restos m&s antlguos y todavfa Imperfectos de la magnlflca cerdmica 
chlmd. Garece de la flnura y avanzado ante de los selectos huacoa procedentea 
de TrujUlo y de Ghlmbote, pero pertenece a ellos en estllo. 

Ea de color negro y tlene la forma de un cdntaro, de los llamados "sllva- 
dores,*' de medlanas dlraenslones. En uno de sus lados se alza la pequefia 

^Bn 1918, cedl i mi amigo el Prof. Martin Battels el prlyileglo de publicar la 
prtflMra fotofraffa de este boaeo. "DcQtsche medliliiiBche Wochenschrlft'* IQIS, 

No. 47. 

la osrlmlra peniani. 


estatua de nn hombre; lleva la cabeza adornada con ancha faja en la caal 
hay grabadas numerosas Ifnens oblfcuas; ostenta grandes orejeras circulares 
y doble collar de graesas cuentas. La expresl6n vera de su flsonomla y los 
adomos de que est& revestlda, hacen pensar en que el artlsta ha querido 
rodear a la figara principal del huaco de dertos atrlbutos de dignldad per- 
8onaL EBt& sentado y soetlene entre sus piernaa una cabeza descnblerta, de 
larga cabellera y de facciones femenlnas. Con la mano izquierda el hombre 
contribuye a mantener en posicl6n esta cabeza, mlentras que con la mano 
derecha apoya en ella un instrumento grueso como si fuera de piedra. Bate 
instrumento tiene una longltud algo mayor que la del pufio cerrado que lo 
soBtiene y termina en un horde delgado y curvo en forma de media luna. 

La dispo8lci6n del grupo y espedalmente la posiddn respectiva de ambaa 
flguraa, que no expreaa violencia alguna, alejan del &nlmo la idea de que 
este huaco pudiera aigniflcar un caatigo. De todaa las interpretadones que 
podemoa darle, la mas veroaimil ea la aiguiente: el artifice ha querido repre- 
sentar — con la mayor exactitud poaible en au 6poca — ^la escena de una intar- 
▼enci6n quirtirgica en la cabeza. 



Medico V Oirufano de la F€u>ulUid de Medioina de Lima. 

En la zona limitada por las dos suturas occipito-parietales y en el lambda 
mismo, se obaervan algunas variaclones morfoldgicas, que en los cr&neos de las 
antlguas razas peruanas, han adquirido una frecuenda no superada en cr&neos 
de otras procedenclas. Bien puede decirse que en la regi6n lambdoidea los 
cr&neos peruanos ofrecen su particularidad anat6mica m6s ostensible. 

Nos ocuparemos por separado del hueso interparietal, el epactal y los wormia- 
nos lambdoideos. Este estudio tiene por base la obseryaci6n de 924 cr&neos de 
procedencia peruana bien legitimada; de los cuales, 551 pertenecen al Museo 
Nacional del Perti, 102 forman la colecd6n craneol6gica del Museo Baimondi 
propiedad de la Escuela de Medidna de Lima y los 271 restantes fueron recogi- 
dos por nosotros de las ruinas de Pachacamac y de las huacaa vecinas al pueblo 
de Anc6n. 


Bpactai e ifUerpaHetai. — ^Bl hueso interparietal es una anomalfa produdda 
por la falta de uni6n entre las dos partes, cartilaginosa y membranosa, en que 
esta dividida la escama ocdpital del feto. Se atribuye a Bustaquio (1) el 
descubrimiento de esta formaci6n 6sea, aunque no podrfa aaegurarse si la des- 
cripddn que hace el ilustre anatomista, del o« magnum trianffuiare oocipitU, 
corresponde al interparietal o al hueso epactal con el que hasta ahora se le 
confunde. No hay raz6n alguna que justifique esta manera de yer, pues ambas 
variaclones anat6micas difieren por caracteres esendales. 

El epactal es una pieza dsea triangular, encajada entre las doe ramas de la 
sutura lambdoidea y que no desdende hasta la Ifnea biast&rica; los huesos 
ocdpital y parietales se articulan, por consiguiente, en la parte inferior de la 
sutura lambdoidea. El interparietia ocupa Igual situaddn topogrAfica al nivei 
del lambda, pero se extiende hasta cerca de la protuberanda ocdpital externa 
y sus ftngulos inferiores corresponden a los asterions; la presenda dd inter- 


parietal establece una separacidn completa entre el occipital y los dos parie- 

A Juzgar por la descrlpcidn que precede, no habrfa una razdn poderosa para 
estudlar por separado estas dos formaciones 6seas que s61o se dlstinguen por 
sus dimenslones ; pero aplicando el crlterlo embriol6giGo que en Anatomla debe 
primar sobre el crlterlo slmplemente morfol6glco, encontramos mny razonable 
aquella diferencla establedda por algnnos autores. 

Bl epactal procede de uno o m6s ntldeos de osiflcaci6n supemumerarios y en 
tal yirtud representa el esfuerzo que hace la naturaleza por llenar a debido 
tiempo el espacio descubierto que al nlvel del lambda hubiera dejado un de- 
fidente desarrollo de la parte superior de la escama occipital. 

Guando los centros de osificaci<)n que normalmente deben soldarse a nirel del 
iul6n para formar la escama, dejan de hacerlo, se genera el hueso interparietal, 
que constituye una anomalfa de orlgen atAvico nacida de una paraliauicidn en el 
desarrollo del hueso. 

Bsta diferencla establecida por la Bmbriologfa, se aoenttla'^ mils cuando 
estudlamos la Anatomfa Oomparada y constituye un argumento lo suficiente- 
mente i)oderoso para sostener la opinion de los cranedlogos que conslderan a 
los huesos interparietal y epactal como dos varlaciones morfoldgicasenteramente 

Sin embargo, Justo es oonslgnar que esta oplnktai no es la m&s geoeraUxada, 
lo cual se det>e a la propaganda que haoen en contrario algunos tratadistas 
modernos. Bntre otros, el profesor Testut (2) llama epactal a una formacidn 
6sea independiente que separa el occipital de los parletales, deflniddn que en- 
cuadra perfectamente con la que se da para el hueso Interparietal: la produc- 
ci6n 6sea que accidentalmente ocupa la region del lambda sin Uegar a s^arar 
los parletales del occipital, el verdadero epactal es para Testut el "hueso 
wormiano fontanelar lambdoideo." 

Descripcidn, — ^Bl interparietal tiene la forma de un trlAngulo. Su v^rtice 
'itrigido hacia arriba, corresponde a la termlnacidn de la sutura sagital, al 
lambda misnio; sus lados, derecho e izquierdo, son las ramas de la sutura 
lambdoidea; su base estA representada por una Unea transversal, que inlclada 
en un asteri6n, pasa un poco por encima del ini6n y va a termlnar en el otro 
a8teri6n, reflejando de esta manera la separacl6n que exlstfa en el cr&neo fetal 
entre las dos partes de la escama. 

La superficie exocraneana del interparietal es ligeramente convexa, de as- 
pecto pulido, y atravesada por agujerltos que slrvieron de pasaje a los vasos del 
dlploe. Su cara endocraneana es cdncava, estA atravezada en la llnea media 
por un canal 6seo, lecho que se ha cavado el seno longitudinal superior; 
queda aaf dividida en dos oompartimentos, las fosas oerek^rales, qu^ ofrecen 
las depresionea sinuosas correspondlentes a las drcunvoluciones ocdpltales del 

La descripcl6n que antecede corre^iionde al hueso interparietal cIAslco, tal 
como le he estudiado en el crAneo Num. 3 del Museo Ralmondi, en el Num. 257 
de ml cDleccidn y en otros mAs que pueden escogierse como modelo. AnAloga 
dispoeicl6n, con pequefias yariantes, se obaerva en la mayor parte de los crAneos 
que poseen esta anomaUa, <en el 80% segiin mis Investigaclones), pero hay 
algunos ejemplares que se desvlan del tipo cUbslco hasta el extremo de necesitar 
una descripddn eflpedal. 

Desde luego^ es reUtlvameate frecuente encontrar interparietales cuyos 
hordes careoen del fino engraoaje de lag demAs sutjiuraa y se presentan deslguales, 
inegulases, como en el crAneo Num. 3^ de Museo RaimondL Huesos wormlanos 
pequeftitos se aicuentran incnistados a veces, en los hordes suturales y modifi- 
can sensiblemente la forma triangular del interparietal; ejemplo de ello nos 


ofrece el Num. 290 del Museo NadonsI, coyo laterparietal Ueva un cortejo d« 37 

£1 crflneo Num. 814 del Unseo Nadonal 7 «1 Norn. 98 de ml colecclfin prosen- 
tan uD Interparietal doble, formado por dos triOoKulos eeparadoa eatre bI poi- 
una sntiira, qae tomando m orfgen cerca del lambda, cae perpendlculurmente 
sobre la anormal blsst^rica, dividlendo el Interparietal en doa partes dealgualea 
La preexlatenda de doa pantos de oalflcaddn para la parte membranosa 
da la eacama, como admtte Stlcda, ooa expllca tete tnCerpazletBl doble. 

He trfjaerrado tamblfin la presenda de una mitad alalada del Interparietal, 
dlsposIcWn qoe se debe a que la satura blaat£rlca no ba permauecldo ablerta 
fdno en el espado que oorreqwnde a una de laa doa mltadea de la eacama 
(crineo Nam. 214 del Hoseo Nacional). 

Lob cranedlogoa ban deecrtto curloeaB anomalfaa proTocadaa por uno o mAs 
baesoe que se intercalan entre laa doa andmalas mltadea del bneeo Interparietal. 
Elntre las dlapoelctones especlales de eata anomalla, el critieo Num. S24 d^ Uoaeo 
Nadonal <v6aae la fotografia) es uno de los mfls iDtereaantes que puede en- 
contrarw. Tree aataras vertlcalea, Int- 
dAndoee en la atitnra lambdoidea, dea- 
denden perpendldilarmente sobre la 
aatara biaetftrlca, dlvidiendo aal el In- 
terparietal en otroa cuatro bneaos: dos 
Intemos de forma coadrangolar j dos 
extemos triangnlares ; pcro la mtora 
blast4rica no esta completa, bace lalta el 
■egmento qae corre^Ktnde al lado In- 
ferior del bneeo Intemo de la liqnienla. 
Hxlsten, ademAs, dos peqaelloe haesoe 
astArlcoe slm£trlcoa. No podrlamos ex- 
pllcarnos eata corloea anomalla, si no 
admlUSnuDoa qae ban ezlatldo coatro 
puntos de oelflcadfln para la parte ro- 
perlor de esta eacama ocdpltal. 

En alguanoa crtlneoa peroanos be no- 
tado la permanenda, baata la edad »'"'■ »— C'»°~ ". 88* del Mii«o N.- 
adulta, de las doe extremldades de In ^(g VsUe de Uma. 
sutura biaaterlca del feto, en \ob ez- 

tremoa veclnoe de amboe asterlona; lo cual Indica una tendenda a la formadAn 
del huesa Interparietal. Semejante dlsposlclAn estA profusamente repreaentada 
en el Peril (crAneos Num. 101 ; Num. 202 de ml coleccl6a, Num. 2S1, 404 y otroa 
mfts del Muaeo Nadonal). 

Btnologia. — No puede dedrse nada de la frecuenda del Interparietal en las 
dlferentes razaa bumanas. La raz6n estA en que la mayor parte de las 
eatadlstlcas que ban bedio loa craoe61ogos presentan aquella lamentable con- 
fosldn entre el ^lactal y el Interparietal verdadero. De todos modos, tenlendo 
en cnenta que ea mAs frecuente obserrar lactates que loterparletoles y tomando 
por gnfa alconos trabajos moderooa, se pnede sefialar la pn/por<MD de 1.5% 
como nproximada para loa crAneoa earopeos : 

He aqnl el resoltodo de mis Inveatlgadones en loa cr&neoa del Perd : 


En lOS crAneoa del Uujmo Ralmondl bay 4 Interparletales 8. 9 

En SSI crAneos del Mtiseo Nadonal bay 10 Interparlstalefl L 8 

En 2T1 crAneoa (cotocddD del aator) 11 IntwiwrtetaleB 4. 1 

En 924 crAneoa peraanos hay 2S Interparletales 2. 7 


Las dlferentes formas del hueso interparietal se han ofrecido en los 924 
cr&neos que he examinado, en las signlentes proporciones : 

Por ciento. 

El hueso Interparietal sencillo (cl&slco) 20 veces 2.2 

Bl hueso interparietal doble 2 veces 0. 2 

El hueso interparietal forma particular 3 veces 0. 3 

El interparietal se presenta, pues, en el 2.7% de los cr&neos que he estadiado, 
lo cual indica que esta anomalfa es algo m^s frecuente en el Per4 que en Iob 
demds pafses. Los datos que se poseen respecto a la frecuencia del Inter- 
parietal en los crftneos de todas las procedencias, no est&n suficientemente 
documentados para determinar, de manera preclsa, el valor de este aumento 
que mi estadfstica seflala para los cr&neos pemanos. 

Llama la atencidn la clrcunstancia especial de que los crAneoe de mi co- 
lecci6n posean 4.1% de interparietales, mientras los ejemplares del Museo 
Nacional los ofrecen en la proporci^n muy inferior de 1.8%, contribuyendo ambas 
colecciones, en desigual medida al resultado final. La razdn estA en que la 
frecuencia de dicha anomalfa es variable segdn las regiones del Peni de donde 
proceden estos cr&neos. 

En efecto, investigando la procedencia de cada ono de los interparietales 
encontrados, he obtenido este resultado: todos los cr&neos que poseen inter- 
parietal proceden de la costs peruana (huacaa de las inmediaciones de Lima, 
Nieveria, Pachacamac, Anc6n, etc.), no habiendo enoontrado esta anomaUa nl 
en los cr&neos extrafdos de nuestra sierra (Arequipa, Gusco, etc.), ni en los 
que dlrectamente corresponden a la antigua civilizacidn de Nazca. 

Asf puede apreclarse en la slguiente relaci6n, donde se expresa la procedencia 
de los 25 interparietales que he encontrado: 


En 207 cr&neos de Lima, Templo del Rimas, etc 

En 36 crAneos de Lima, Magdalena del Mar 

En 17 cr&neos de Lima, Rinconada de Ate 

E2n 4 cr&neos de Lima, La Legua 

En 1 crftneo de Lima, Huacas de San Isidro 

En 205 cr&neos de Lima, Nieverfa (cementerlo) 3 

En 34 cr&neos de Anc6n (huacas inmediatas) 2 

En 1 crdneo de Huaura (cerca del pueblo) 1 

En 272 crdneos de Pachacamac (en las ruinas) 10 

En 1 cr&neo de MoUendo (Ghuli) 1 

Por uniforme que sea este resultado, habiendo observado mayor ndmero 
de cr&neoB de la costs que de las otras regiones del Pert), no estoy autorizado 
para deducir que el hueso interparietal fu4 anomalfa excluslva de la civiliza- 
ci6n costefia; pero es evidente que fu4 menos rara entre los pobladores 
de la costa que entre los de la sierra. Hay un date que abona esta conclusion : 
en los cr&neos de Tlahuanaco (y adn en los de Nazca), ni siqulera he observado 
aquella persistencia de los extremes de la sutura biast^rica que indica una 
tendencia a la posesl6n del interparietal; en cambio semejante huella o quizft 
boceto de la anomalfa existe en crAneos de Pachacamac, Lima y Anc6n. 

Embriologta, — ^La escama occipital del adulto est& dlvidlda transversalmente 
en dos partes que se conocen con los nombres de porci6n cerebelosa y porcidn 
cerebral. Semejante divisi6n se acentda m&s en Bmbriologfa, porque la parte 
cerebelosa nace en el primitive crftneo cartilaginoso y el segmento cerebral se 
desarroUa en el cr&neo membranoso. 

La parte carHlaffino$a del occipital prlmltlvo se transforma en hueso dr- 
cunscribiendo un aniUo que limlta el future agujero occipital, por el credmiento 


de clnco puntos de 08ificaci6n : uno para el cuerpo (basl-occipital), d06 para las 
masas laterales (ocdpitales, laterales o ezoccipltaleB) y dos para la porci6n 
cerebelosa de la escama (infraoccipitales). La parte memhranoMa constituye 
tknicamente el segmento superior o cerebral de la escama; se desarrolla por 
dos puntos de osiflcaci6n (cuatro segAn Stieda). El solo hecho de que las dos 
partes de la escama* primitivamente aisladas tengan dlstlnto orlgen, nos expllca 
su posible separacl6n en el cr&neo adulto, produciendo asf el hueso interparietal. 

Apareddos durante la octa^ra semana de la vida intrauterina, todos estos 
ndcleos de 06ificaci6n abaorvlendo el cartflago y la membrana, concluyen por 
soldarse unos con otros. La parte superior de la escama se suelda con la 
parte inferior en el curso del tercer mes, esta unl6n es lenta, comienza por la 
porci^n central (inl6n) y termina por las partes laterales (asterions), sitio 
donde persiste hasta despute del nadmiento, una flsura que atestigua la penuria 
con que se ha Uevado a cabo la sinostosis. 

Cuando por una causa que es diflcil predsar, las dos partes de la escama no 
se Juntan y persiste la sutura biastdrica que las separa, queda aislada toda 
la porci6n superior de dicha escama, constitnyendo un hueso grande, de forma 
triangular, regularmente articulado con el occipital y los parietales : tal es el 
hueso interparietal. 

Anatamia comparada. — ^Bl cr&neo de los peoes ofrece disposiciones progresi- 
vas, desde la cdpsula m^nbrano-cartilaginosa de los Cyclo8tomo9 hasta la 
compleja bdveda de los Teleo9tiano9. Bl cr&neo osificado de los Qanoideot^ 
por ejemplo, estA formado en su parte posterior por cuatro placas osteod^ml- 
cas, que aegdn Maggi (3) representan los cuatro segmentos de la primitiva 
escama ocdpital del hombre, opinion que ha sido muy dlscutida. An&loga 
dl8po8ici6n ha obserrado Maggi en algunos reptiles fdsiles. 

Puede decirse que la mayor parte de las aves carece de interparietal, pues las 
iavestigacloneB que se han hecho demuestran que la manera como se desa- 
rrolla el occipital en las aves, no es siempre igual al del hombre. La paloma 
comdn (Columba livia) y algunas especies vecinas de ella, son las tinicas aves 
donde ha podldo comprobarse un boceto de interparietal. 

Bntre los maimiferoSf los masurpiaies poseen un interparietal que conservan 
toda su vida. Los ^quidos lo tienen solamente durante la dpoca fetaL Guvier 
(4) ha mencionado el interparietal en los rinocerontes {Rhynoceros indious, 
Rhynocenis javanus). Negativas han resultado las investigaciones en el cerdo 
{8us sorofa), adulto o reci^n naddo, pues tan solo durante la vida intrauterina 
ha podldo verse el interparietal representado por un nddeo 6seo. 

Entre los rumiantes, el interparietal fu6 sefialado por Cuvier en el venado 
(Oenms tfoma), donde Le Double (6) lo encontrd ocnpando tan s61o la mitad 
derecha de la escama membranosa. El camero (Ovies aries) y el buey 
(Bos taurus) poseen un interparietal con caracteres bien deflnidos ; sin embargo, 
Staurenghi (6) no lo ha encontrado en un feto de carnero, y Bianchi (7) tam- 
poco tuvo exito en sus investigadones sobre cr&neos fetales de bdfalo {Bubalus 
Imtfelus), B!l interparietal de la cabra (Oapra Mrcus) se suelda a los parie- 
tales; igual partlcularidad poseen otros rumiantes, lo cual demuestra que la 
permanenciat hasta la edad adulta del interparietal como hueso aislado no es la 
disposici^n m&a frecuente en estos vertebrados. En un cr&neo de llama adulta 
(Auchenia glama), que poseo, persiste una de las extremldades que slrvi6 de 
Ifinlte al primitivo InterparietaL 

Muchos roedores llevan, durante toda su vida, un interparietal aut6nomo; 
asl ha podldo comprobarse en el lir6n {Mioxus glis)^ en el rat6n (Mus musculus) 
y en otros mAs. Sin embargo, el Interparietal del cuyo (Cavia cobaya), el del 
conejo (Lepus cunuculus) y el de la liebre (Lepus tinMus) se sueldan al resto 
del occipital. 


Las Investigaciones que se han hecho en Iob cartUvoros han probado la 
ausencia del Interparietal en los anlmales adultos y sa constancia durante la 
vlda fetal. Un crAneo de perro {Cani» /cm4H«r<«) me ha permltido eatudiar 
esta diaposicidn. 

En los fetos de algunos quirdpteros (Ve^pertUio DaubentomU, Ve»pertUio 
tnurinus) se ha observado un interparietal dividido en doe partes 8l«i6trica8 por 
una sutura que baja del lambda. 

Sch waive (8) ha visto un interparietal independlente en algnnae espedes, 
Chirogaleu9 y Chiromya^ del orden de los proHmiOM. Ha sido buscado en vano 
en los tnonos platirrinoM adultos. Feliz fu^ la investigacidn de Otto en un 
macaco (Cercopitecua cinicus). Segtfn Qrliber, ^ interparietal es frecuente en 
los chlmpanc^s Jdvenes {Troglodites lUger) y no se encoentra en los Geroopi- 
tecos. Le Double (9) dice que este hueso ezlate en los tres crAneos de 
chlmpanc^ y dos de orangut&n que se conserran en el Instltuto Anat^mico de 
Estrasburgo. Ha sido obsenrado por Denlker en un cr&neo fetal de gib6n 
(Hylobates ooneolor) donde ofrecla una dl8posici6n eiQiecial. Las investiga- 
ciones que se han hecho en el gorila (GforfUa ^ina) prudtNin que el interpa- 
rietal se une al occipital durante la vida intrauterina, tal eomo sucede en el 

La Anatomfa comparada nos enseflia, en resumen, que el interparietal se 
encuentra siempre en la serie zooldgica vertebrada, que es constants en la 
^poca fetal e inconstante en la edad adulta. Beta conclusion, que va de acuerdo 
con los datos de la Bmbriologia, da a la anomalfa humana el carAct»r de una 
reliquia at^vica, y en tal virtud, la presencia del interparietal en el hombre 
signiflca un atraso en su organizaci6n. 

Conclusioneg. — ^En conformidad con el estudio precedente se pueden formular 
las siguientes conclusiones : 

la. El interparietal se encuenta en el 2.7% de los crineos peruanos, proper- 
cidn un tanto superior a la que ha sido sefialada para los crAneos de otras 

2a. Los cr&neos procedentes de Padiacamac, Ancdn^ Lima (Nieverfa, etc), 
y los que se han reoogido en el litoral, ofreoen esta anomalfa cob mayor fre- 
cuencia que los cr&neos de otras regiones del Perd (Cusco, Arequipa, Nasca, 

1. Eustachi. " Opusc Anat" Veneti 1584. 

2. Testut. 'Traits d'Anatomie humaine " 1809. 
8. Maggi. "Arch. ital. de Biologic" Turin 1897. 

4. Cuvier. "Ossem. foss." t II, t III. Git p. Le Double. 

5. Le Double. " Variations des os du crane.'* Paris 1908. pag: 66. 

6. StaurenghL *' Variety anatomica.*' Milano 1891. 

7. Bianchi. ** Sopra alcuna varietii del cranio." Firenae 1896. 

8. Schwalve. " Comptes rendus du Goni^ds des Sciences MMicales de Strass- 
bourg." 1899. 

9. Le Double. Loc. clt. pag. 56. 


DcMcripcidn, — ^La sutura lambdoidea es el lugar en donde se observa con mAs 
frecuencia formaciones Oseas supernumerarias, independientes de las partes 
^ecinas. No deben Uevar el nombre de hue$09 vx}rmiano», con que se les conoce, 
porque hoy estft averiguado que fu4 el sabio Hipocrates quien los mencion6 por 
primers vez y que adn antes de OlaQs Wormius, (1) correspondi6 a Gonthler 
d*Andemach, mMico de Francisco I y maestro de Vesalio, el honor de haberloe 
descrito con detalle en el afio 1574. 


Los wormlanoa eon bueceellloe que accldentelmente se en<-iientFan ea el 
crftneo y qne se ban desarrollado por puntos de oslflcacldn anonuales. Predsa 
fljar blen los alcances de esta deflnlddn, poiqae gran parte de los anatomlstas 
(2) coDslderan dos clasee de bnesos wormtaDos : los veidaiterot qne son ele- 
mentoe tiseos sobre-agr<>gndo3 e Indepmidlentes y loa faltot wormlaaos qae ee 
baa desarrollado e expensns de un ccntro de (wlficacltin Dormal y representan 
la parte de un bueso que ba qiie<lado alslada sin BOldarse al todo a que per- 
tenece. Un estudio profundo, basndo en la Anatomla Oompatada y en la 
Embrlologia de arabas categorlas de wormlanos, establece entre ellas dlfer«D- 
clas tao notables que obllgan a rechnzar aquella clasiflcacl6n en verdaderos y 
fnlsos wormlanos, Impldlendo que se d^ el mismo nombre de wormlanos a doH 
varlaclonea anatAmlcas que tlenen una InterpretacliSn clenttfica casl opuesta. 

Bd coQsecuenda, sdlo llamareuios wormlanos a los verdaderos buesos Inter- 
calndos y tuplementarioi, como eon los lambdoldeos y coronales, el bregmfltleo, 
el pt^lco, eta Aquelloa falsoa wormianos, huesos complemeniaiioa como el 
interparietal, formados por la falta de unldn en las partes de un hiifiso normal, 
conatttuyen varlaclones morfoltfgicas de 
Indole mny dlversa. 

Generadoa por nilcleos de oalficaciOn 
erentuales, los wormlanos varfan mncho 
en nOmero y dlBpoa[cl6n. 81n embargo, 
ea de nso descrlbir wormlanos auturales. 
fontanelares e InenladDS, segdn qne ae 
presenten a lo largo de las snturas, a 
Bivel de las fontanelaa o en el medio 
del bueso alejados de los bordes. 

Aunqne sn espesor es generalmente 
tjEual al de loe baesos Tecinos, no es raro 
obeerrar que corresponden Onlcamente 
s la cara externa de la bAveda o qne 
tan s61o conservan sn Independenda y 

pneden apredarse ezamlnando ei crftneo i 

por su parte Interna. 

Su tamaHo es corrientementa d^ ^^^^ ^_ ^^ (coiecciOn de! >ot«). 

a 10 mm., pero no es raro en- Procedencia: PachacaniBC. 

contra rloa de notables dlmensiones. 

Por lo general el tamaOo va en ratOn Inversa del nOniero, que es factor 
muy rarlable. EJempIo de abondanda es el criinen No. 301 del Museo 
Nadonal, donde poeden contarse 49 wormlanos en la sutura Inmtxlolden. Bn 
camblo. el No. 16 de la coleedOn Ralmondt posce uno aolo, mny grnndp, que 
ocnpB la parte media de la antura del parietal derecbo con el ocdpltal. A 
Teees es Impoalble contarloa, porque son numeroaoa y peqneDos y estfin perdldos 
en el eagranaje de una compUcada antnra lambdoldea. 

Los wormlanoa tlenen las formas mia dlversas y se les encuentra en puntos 
muy variables de nna mlsma sntura. Ba rare eacoatrar derta slmetxia en la 
aparlddn de loa wormianos; ejemplo de ello tenemos en el crAneo No. 70 de 
la colecddo Ralmondl, que ofrece dos grondea bueaos slmMrlcamttite colocado* 
ea el medio de ambos satoras parleto-ocdpttalea. 

Btnotogia. — Para Inforaaamofl de la trecnenda de los wormlanoa ea las 
diferentes ratas humanaa, tenemoa que reterlmoa a U tMla qne Obambelltn 
(8) preaenb} a la Facultad de Parfa. Los matwlales del Huseo de Broca 
Mryleron a este autor para llegor a la conclnslAn de que los 
m&s numerosoB en las razas clTlllEadaa que en las aalvajea, que en loa 


se preseutaii mds a menudo que en los parlsienses, quieDes a su vez los poseen 
en mayor niimero que los pemanos, los neocaledonios y los negros. Debemos 
anotar que las estadisticas de Ghambellan sefialan mayor proporcldnde wormia- 
nos en los hombres que en las mujeres y prueban que el ntimero de estos 
huesecillos en el lado derecho del crdneo es superior al que ofrece el lado 

£n los cuadros que van a contlnuacl6n se expresa el nt&mero de cr&neos 
peruanos que poseen wormianos suturales y el ntlmero de wormianos lambdoi- 
deos que he podldo contar en todos los cr&neos peruanos que he examlnado. 

Wormianos en la sutura lamhdoidea: Porciento. 

En 551 crdneos del Museo Nacional hay 345 que poseen wormianos 62.6 

En 102 crdneos del Museo Ralmondl hay 35 que poseen wormianos 34. 2 

En 271 crdneos (colecci6n del autor) hay 139 que poseen wormianos 51.3 

Kn 924 crdneos peruanos hay 519 que poseen wormianos 56.2 


En 551 crdneos del Museo Nacional hay 2, 193 

En 102 crdneos del Museo Ralmondl hay 178 

En 271 crdneos (colecci6n del autor) hay 679 

En 924 crdneos peruanos hay un total de 3, 060 

lo cual corresponde a mds de tres wormianos lamboideos (3.3 por cada crdneo 
En los 924 crdneos peruanos, el ndmero total de wormianos lambdoideos 

se encuentra dlstribufdo de la slguiente manera : 

En 405 crdneos peruanos no hay wormianos lambdoideos. Uunbdoideoa. 

En 59 crdneos peruanos hay 1 

En 60 crdneos peruanos hay 1 2 

En 49 crdneos peruanos hay 3 

En 46 crdneos peruanos hay 4 

En 35 crdneos peruanos hay 5 

En 36 crdneos peruanos hay 6 

En 30 crdneos peruanos hay 7 

En 23 crdneos peruanos hay 8 

En 13 crdneos peruanos hay 9 

En 18 crdneos peruanos hay 10 

En 56 crdneos peruanos hay de 11 a 15 

En 18 crdneos peruanos hay de 16 a 20 

En 11 crdneos peruanos hay de 21 a 25 

En 8 crdneos peruanos hay de 26 a 30 

En 1 crdneo peruano hay de 30 a 40 

£in 1 crdneo peruano hay de 40 a 60 

Los tres cuadros que anteceden prueban que los wormianos lambdoideos se 
presentan en el Perd con una frecuencia que en nada cede a la que corresponde 
a los crdneos enropeos. Lob 46 huesecillos con que estd atavlada la sutura 
lambdofdea del crdneo No. 301 del Museo Nacional hacen una cantidad notable, 
ya que Le Double (4) sefiala los 50 wormianos de nn crdneo extranjero, como 
la cantidad mayor que ha podldo oontarse. 

Daremos a conocer nuestras observaciones de wormianos en otras suturas 
de los mismos crdneos, con el objeto de que sirvan de tdrmino de comparacldn. 


En lo que se refiere a la presencia de wormianos en la sutiira sagital, he 
obtenldo los resultados que se expresan a continuacidn, inclujendo en ellos 
al hueso ob^Iico, que es el wormlano que con m&s frecuencia he observado en 
la sutura sagital: 

Wormianos en la sutura sagital: Por ciento. 
En 551 cr&neos del Museo Naclonal hay 13 que poseen estos wormianos— 2. 3 
En 012 cr&neos del Museo Raimondl hay que poseen estos wormianos.. 0. 
En 271 cr&neos (colecci6n del autor) hay 1 que posee estos wormianos 0.4 

En 924 cr&neos peruanos hay 14 que poseen estos wormianos — 1. 5 

El total de wormianos sagi tales encontrados est& dlstribuido, en los 14 
cr&neos que los poseen, de la siguiente manera : 

En 9 cr&neos peruanos eziste 1 wormlano sagital. 

En 3 cr&neos peruanos existe 2 wormianos sagltales. 

En 2 cr&neos peruanos existe m&s de 2 wormianos sagitales. 

La existencia de wormianos sagitales en el 1.5% de los cr&neos peruanos, 
es una proporci6n sensiblemente igual a la que corresponde a cualquiera clase 
de cr&neos. Reuniendo observadones sobre 498 cr&neos europeos, Le Double ha 
deducido la proporci6n de 0.8%, que se retlere tknicamente al hueso ob^llco, 
wormlano sagital que ocupa el sitio de la inconstante fontanela de Gerdi, 
Buscando Stolyhwo (5) la presencia de huesos separados en la sutura sagital 
de 82 cr&neos peruanos, los ha encontrado en el 8.54% de los individuos adultos, 
elevada proporci6n que diflere notablemente de la que resulta de mis investi- 

Wormianos en la sutura coronal: 

En 551 cr&neos del Museo Nacional hay 14 con wormianos coronales. 

En 102 cr&neos del Museo Raimondl hay con wormianos coronales. 

En 271 cr&neos (colecci6n del autor) hay 3 con wormianos coronales. 

En 924 cr&neos peruanos se encuentran 17 con wormianos coronales 1.8%. 

El total de wormianos que he encontrado en la sutura coronal, se distribuye en 
los 17 cr&neos que los poseen, de la manera siguiente : 

13 de estos cr&neos poseen 1 wormlano coronal. 

2 de estos cr&neos poseen 2 wormianos coronales. 

2 de estos cr&neos poseen m&s de 2 wormianos coronales. 

La escasa properdin de 1.8%, con que mi estadfstica expresa la frecuencia 
de cr&neos peruanos con wormianos coronales, est& en contradicciOn con el 
resultado que Stolyhwo obtuvo de examen de 92 cr&neos adultos (4.88%), en 
lo cual debe tener mucha parte la distinta procedencia de los cr&neos peruanos 
que han sido sometidos a ambos estudios. 

Wormianos en la sutura occipito-mastoidea: 

En 551 cr&neos del Museo Nacional hay 68 con estos wormianos. 

En 102 cr&neos del Museo Raimondl hay 11 con estos wormianos 

En 271 cr&neos (coleccldn del autor) hay 28 con estos wormianos. 

En 924 cr&neos peruanos se encuentra 107 con estos wormianos, 11.6%. 

Los 107 cr&neos poseen 135 wormianos occlpito-mastoideos, distribufdos en la 
siguiente forma : 

Por dento. 

En la sutura occipito-mastoidea derecha 74 54. 8 

En la sutura occipito-mastoidea Izquiorda 61 45.2 

Wormianos en la sutura escamosa: 

En 551 cr&neos del Museo Nacional hay 4 con estos wormianos. 
En 102 cr&neos del Museo Raimondl hay con estos wormianos. 
En 271 cr&neos (colecci6n del autor) hay con estos wormianoa 
En 924 cr&neos peruanos existen 4 con estos wormianos, 0.4%. 


Los 4 cr&neos poseen 5 wormianofi que est&n repartidos a raz6n de 8 wormia- 
no6 en laa suturaa temporo-parietales derechas y dos en las del lado izquierdo. 

Los nUmeros que anteceden ponen de manlflesto la gran f recuencla con que 
los tDormianos lambdaideos se presentan en los cr&neos del antiguo Perti. 

Emhriologia, — ^Antlguamente se crefa que los wormianos aperecfan slempre 
despu^g del nacimlento, a los clnco o seis meses, segdn lo ensefiado por Beclard. 
Repetldos ezHmenes de cr&neos fetales han permltldo comprobar la exlstencia 
de estos huesos supernumeraiios durante la vlda intrauterlna. Pero, si blen 
es clerto que pueden existlr en el feto, tambito lo es que se encuentran con 
mayor abundancia en el cr&neo infantil, a la edad de dos o tres afios, tomando 
ya una dlsposlcidn que generalmente persiste en el adulto. 

Algunos wormianos se inician por un punto de osificaci6n que aparece entre 
dos bordes suturales todavfa separados y que despu^ se extiende Uegando a 
seryir de materia dsea unitlva cuando adquiere Intimo contacto con los huesos 
veclnos. Formado por un ndcleo de osiflcacidn especial, el wormlano asf cons- 
tltufdo es una pieza 6sea independlente, sujeta a crecer como los denifts 
huesos; 6sta es la raz6n de que los wormianos grandes y adn medianos sean 
raros en los nlfios. 

Sin embargo, en la mayor parte de los cases los wormianos hacen aparicidn 
tardfa. Una perturbaddn tr6fica, un inesperado desarroUo del cerebro o cual- 
quiera otra causa, pueden hacer que los huesos normales de la bdveda, los 
parietales y el occipital, por ejemplo, se encuentren anormalmente distandados. 
Bin esperansa de unirse a debido tiempo y en inminente pellgro de dejar un 
espacio vacfo en el sitio que, en mejores condiciones, hubiera ocupado la sntura 
lambdoidea. Entonces surge la necesldad, natural e imperiosa, de que aparezcan 
en la membrana primitiva varies centres de osificaci6n sobreagregados, que 
ser&n futures wormianos. Tal es el origen de aquellos wormianos forma- 
dos despu6i del nacimlento, en una 4poca que coincide con la normal desa- 
parlddn de las fontanelas o con el afrontamlento de los bordes dseos que perma- 
necen separados en el red^n naddo. 

Al sefialar estas dos modalidades en la embriologia de los wormianos, se da 
por entendido que entre aquellos dos t^rminos extremos, precoz y tardfo, exlsten 
todos los intermediarios ; los wormianos pueden aparecer en cualquiera de las 
muy diversas etapas evolutiyas de la bdveda dsea. 

La presenda de los wormianos atestigua la Insufldencia de los huesos nor- 
males para suministrar la protecddn que el cerebro reclama en tiempo oportuno. 
Hay dos causas que pueden invocarse para explicar esta falta de armonfa 
cefAlica: el cerebro se desarrolla mucho y con rapldez o el cr&neo crece muy 

Si el desarroUo del enc^falo se hace muy rApldamente con relacidn al del 
crAneo, las zonas de oslflcaddn no llegar&n a Juntarse; pero la membrana que 
las separa sigue sn evolud6n hasta convertirse en hueso, lo cual se hace 
medlante un ndcleo Independlente que es un future wormlano. Pero no debemos 
olvidar que aunque el enc^falo tenga un crecimiento normal, si el desarroUo 
de los huesos es lento y tardfo, se presentar&n las mismas condidones y en la 
membrana unitlva aparecer&n wormianos. 

Esta teorla del desequiUbrio ontog^nico entre el enc^falo y la b6veda 
68ea que lo recubre, nos da la razdn de que los wormianos se observen de pre- 
ferencla en los crdneos de mayor capacidad, de que su ndmero sea considerable 
en los hidroc^falos, de que sean raros en los microc^falos cuyo pequefio cerebro 
no eorre el rlesgo de que el tejido 5seo lo deje a descubierto. 

Anatomia cotnparada. — Las investigadones que se han hecho demuestran que 
estos huesos supernumerarios no exlsten o son muy raros en los mamfferos, 
pues tan solo de manors accidental ha podido observ&rseles en algunos de los 


prfmates m&& vecinos al hombre. Fer^ encontrd un hueso ob^llco y varios 
lambdoideos en un gorila y Maggi tuvo a singular hallazgo la presenda de 
wormlanos en el crdneo de un Joven orangut&n. 

Aparte de otras muchas razones, el heclio de que loa wormlanos sean tan 
numerosos y que su nparici6n se haga en 4pocaa tan diversas y poco precisas, 
induce a darles el car&cter de accidentales^ neg&ndoles asl una gran slgnifl- 
caei6n morfol6gica. 

La Etnologfa demuestra que los wormlanos se en<'iientran de preferencia 
en las razas sui>eriores, segdn la Embriologfa deben su principal orlgen a un 
desarroUo del cerebro que el cr&neo no puede segulr, la Anatomla Comparada 
niega la presenda de ellos en la escala zool5glca y las tres clencias se unen 
para dejar establecldo que, en la mayor parte de los casos, los wormlanos son 
el indlcio de una organizaci6n avanzada, de una superioridad anat6mica. 

Tan flutorizadas conclusiones, no son, a mi Julcio, extensivas a todos los 
casos, porque es muy poslble que los wormlanos tengan por causa una per- 
turbaci6n en el desarroUo del hueso mismo, con independencia del cerebro. 
Y creo que esta razdn merece tomarse en cuenta en la craneologfa del Pertf 
antlguo; aquellas frecuentes irregularidades en la sutura lambdoidea y la 
presenda de numerosos wormlanos a ese nivel en los crdneos que he estudiado, 
pueden tener origen en una deficiencia nutritlvn del hueso, provocada por la 
deformaci6n craneana que estaba en boga entre los antiguos peruanos. 

Conclusionea^ — Los wormlanos lambdoideos se presentan en el 56.29^ de los 
crfineos del Perd. El 43.8% de crdneos que no poseen estos wormlanos ofreoe» 
a menudo, una sutura lambdoidea muy compHcada. 

2a. Es poslble que la aparicidn de wormlanos lambdoideos en los crftneos 
peruanos haya sido estimulada por la deformacidn craneana. 

8a. Los wormlanos de las suturas sagital, coronal, escamosa y occipito- 
mastoidea, existen en los crdneos peruanos con una frecuenda aproximada- 
mente Igual a la que se ha observado en cr&neos extranjeros. 

1. Olaus Wormius. " Epistolse.*' Gopenhague 1671. Gltado por Le Double. 

2. Testut *'Anatomie Humaine.** Paris, 1890. 
8. Chambellan. " Tesis de Paris," 1883. 

4. Le Double. " Variations des os du cr&ne." p. 52. 

5. Stolyhwo. **Czaszki peruwianski.** Bulletin de TAcad^mie des Sdences 
de OracoTie, 190& 


Hi8toria y Sinonimia. — Suele encontrarse en el lambda una formadon dsea 
que ha despertado siempre la atend6n de los crane61ogos; es el hueso epactal 
de Fisher, el gran wormiano occipital como lo llamd Galorl. 

De gran tamafio para semejar un hueso wormiano y con una disposicidii 
anat6mlca relativamente constante el hueso epactal ha servido de tema a 
numerosos estudios. Se le encuentra descrito por Wormius (1) con el nombre 
de 0« triquetra, Rlvero y Tschudl (2) le llamaron hueso de los Incas, que 
es el mismo hueso lamhdoideo de Debierre o hueso de la fonianela postericr, 

Calori (8) cree que fu4 sefialado en 1598 por Ruini al estudiar la anatomla 
del caballo, y no faltan autores que afirman que el epactal e» el Ossiculum 
antiepUepticum de Paracelso, venerado en la antigfiedad porque se crefa que 
el polvo de este hueso encerraba un divlno remedio que estuvo muy en boga 
entre los mMicos de la Grecia antlgua. 

Hacer la hlstoria del hueso epactal y lo que es m&s importante, compulsar 
las estadfstlcas que nos sefialan su frecuenda en las dlferentes razas humanas, 
es asunto diffcil, porque se le ha confundido y muchos autores lo confundea 
todavia con el hueso interparietal. Ta hemos sefialado los caractereR que la 
dlstlnguen consagr&ndolo como una variad6n anatdmlca especial. 

68436— 17— VOL i 19 


Deicripoiiin. — No es poslble dar una descrlpcldn exacts j cumpllda del epactol, 
porqae a semejanxa tie loa denUiii haeeoe que no son constantea en el hombre^ 
ofTece gran vurledad de formss. Tomando como modelo In dlsposiddn mfis fre- 
cnente, et epactal ae ofrece a la Asatomla Descrlptlva como nn haeso Impar j 
medlano ; ea casi trlangnlsr y presento, por conalgulente, dos caras, trea bordea j 
tres dnKoloe. 8u superflcte esocraneana es convexa y llaa ; la cam endocraneans 
ofrece en an Ifnea media una acannladura qne no es tan marcnde como la que se 
olwerva en la escama ocdpltnl normal. Los bordes snperiorea eatAn erlzados de 
dlKitBclonea que Be entrecrnznn con las del borde posterior de los parletales pars 
formar la parte culmlnaate de la sntors lambdoldea (es dlgno de anotarae Is 
fre<nencls con que ests nrticulacMn epacto-parletal se preaenta Intermmplda 
por huecealUoa normtanoa) ; et borde Inferior n occipital es llgeramente cnrro. 
de concavldad superior, su ensranaje es mucho menoa ampUo que el de loa 
hordes auperlores. Loe AnKulof laterales son romoa e Irregulares; el flngulo 
Buperlor es agudo j ae encaja en el ingnlo entrante que loa dos parletsleo 
fomian bacla atrfla. 

La deacrlpcldn que precede correHponde al hueso epactol clAslco, tal como lo 
poeeen los crflQeoa No. 100 7 No. 255 del Museo Nadonal, el No. 88 y el No. 91 
del MuBco Ralmondl, el No. 15 y el No. 
186 de noeetra colecclftn y mucboa m&a. 
ei cpactal presenta a veces varla- 
I'iones de forma y de extension tan con- 
siderables que lo alejan macbo de la des- 
crlpcIAn prccedente. Contrlboye a ello 
la presencla de huesoa wormtanos qne 
Hiteran la forma de bus bordea y de sua 
fingulos. El epactal del cr&neo No. 231 
del Museo Nadonal, por ejemplo, lleva 
uii cortejo de 13 wonnlanos lambdoldeoaL 
El No. 96 del Museo Balmondl posce 
un epactal con 5 wormlsnos aat^lltea. 
No es raro encontrar epactalea peqoe- 
> fios, Oe forma Irregular, del todo seme- 

Jantea a los wormlanos lambdoldeos qne 
le acompadan. BJemplo de ello dob 
ofrece el crAneo No. 888 del Muaeo 
Nacloual que pusee 22 wormtanos, uuo de los cualea, altuado en el lambda, que 
DO dIBere eti ntida de los demAs, es un epactal ; en el crAneo No. 442 de la mlsma 
colecclAn existe un epactal pequeDo y deslgtul qne se confnnde con los 23 
wormlanos que ocupao la antnra lambdoldea ; el No. 175 de nnestra colecdta 
preaenta ests sutnra ntavlada con 14 wormlanos, nno de los cnelea ocnpa ti 
lambda. En ocaBloaes, loa wormlanos que ae nlojan en las ramas de la sutura 
lambdoldea sod mAs grandes qne el epactal mismo; el crAneo No. 860 del Uuaeo 
NadODRl ofrece teta partlcularldaa Batos y mnchos otros ejemplos obllgan a 
conslderar el qwctal como vn simple womitano lambdoldeo. 

El epactal anele presentaree con forma mny Irregular. El crAneo No. 76 <M 
Huaeo Ralmondl, el No. 275 del Huseo Nadonal, el No. 175 de ml colecdth) j 
Atroa mAa, ofrecen nutrfdo ejempio de esta modalld&d. 

Be obserrado tamblte un epactal qne ae desvfa hada an lado, sin abandonar 
por ^Bto Bu Bltuacldn en el lambda tolamo. Presentan eata dl^Mslddn los crAneos 
No. 7 y No. 181 de ml colecddn y alKtinoa del Mnaeo Nadonal. 

Se observa a mecudo que la atttora Inferior del epactal cs la qne tiene mAs 
tendencla a slnostosarfle (a^neo No, 122 del Hoseo Nadonal, etc). El epactal 
del crtneo No. 40 del Hdhpo TUlinoiidt ofrece una dIspoelctAn partlcnlar: so 


borde izqaterdo estft liaoBtoa&do 7 m exlate, por coniilgnlente, la parte que t» 
corrccpoDde en la sntnra lambdoldea. 

8e ha podldo observar epactalea formadoa por dos o tres plezas dlstlntas, gue^ 
atesttgnan sn procedenda de dos o trca centroe de oelficacldn (O* Incae didi- 
miutn, 0» Incae tripartttum de Itanbe). En loa csbob de epactal d<rf)Ie, 1ft 
dlTlaidD se hace por nna Bntnra qae, loldada en el lambda, cae perpendicular- 
mente sobre el borde lnf«1or del epoctal ; asf poede verse cd el crflneo 'So. IW 
de ml colecddn ; el No. 77 del Mmeo Rainiondl posee un epactal doble cuyoa 
bordes eatdn Intemunpldos por peqnefioa wwmlanos. 

Ea epactal triple est& formado por no hneao saperlor, triangular, que ocupa 
el lambda 7 doa bnesos, mAs grandes, de forma trapezoidal, altuados Imnedtata- 
mente debajo. Bsta dlsposidfia ofrece el cr&neo Infantll No. 121 del Museo 
Nadonnl. Kn el Na S06 del mismo Unseo, tambl^n crdoeo de nlOo, el epactal 
triple eetA formado por uo bueao superior qne ea romboldat y doa bnenos. 
Inferlores de forma triangular. 

Etnolooia, — I'ora conocer la frecuencta del bneso que hemos descrlto, en. 
las dlrersaa rexaa hnmonos, tomnronos «i caenta Oolcamente Iob e«tudlos de 
bo autorea que conslderan al epoctal como nn bneso wormlnno 7 no cono un 
deHdoblomlento de la escama occipital, « 

establecleodo aal an dlferencla can el 
bueso tnterporletaL 

Tschudi y Rivero, (4) que estudlaron 
la craneologla de laa trea raxaa de 
que conslderaban poblado el antlguo 
Peril (chtncbas, oymares y hnancas), 
aflrmaron que la exlatenda del bueso 
epactal era constante, por lo menos en 
los nlfios, y qne loe crAneoa qne no pre- 
•entaban este "bueso de loa Incaa" 
hadan excQici6n en la ontropologfa 
pemana. I«a condnslones de Rlvero y 
Tscbndl revUteo gronde Inportonda 
porque consogran al epactal con el 
carActer de constante y especial para 
laa rasas del PerlL 

Ed 1S7B, Anoutchtne, (S) en una 
gtnt que blio por los mnseoa de Bnropa, turn ocasUtn de observar en mlllnreK 
de crtlneos la frecnenda oon que M preaenUba A epactal. Su estadlstlca noa 
ofrece las slgnlentes pnqmrdODM oeoterimalea: ti 30% para los crflneo* 
pemanos, el Q% para loa crftneoa omerlcaDos, el 6% i>ar8 los oegros y el 
2% para los eon^eos. 

Preaento tambl6n la eatadlatlca de Frank Rnssel. <6) qne se reflere a l,4ee- 

Par dm to. 

En 49 crAneos de esqulmales 2 

Bin 66 crftoeoa de Nnera BretaOa 

Kn 62 crdneos de Florida 11. T 

En 581 crAneos de Ohio y Teneaee — 3. 1 

En 21 crAneos de Nuevo Mteico 

En 168 crftneoa de California 4.T 

En 69 crAneos de dlversoo 18 

En 57 crdneoa de Mexico 123: 

En 1,005 crAneoa de America del Norte 13 

Bn 461 crAneoa de Peri (Anc^ Osama, etc.) 21.5- 


Los interesantes datos nam^lcos que anteceden sefialan para el Pert! la 

elevada proporcl6n de 21.5% de crftneos con epactal. 

He aquf el resultado de mis investlgaciones en los crflneos peruanos : 

Por denhv 
En 551 cr&neos del Museo Nadonal hay 129 con epactal 23. 4 

En 102 crdneos del Museo Ralmondl hay 17 con epactal 16. 7 

En 271 cr&neos (colecci6n del autor) 64 con epactal 20 

En 024 cr&neos peruanos hay 200 con epactal 21. 6 

El crecido i)orcentaJe que he obtenido est& de acuerdo con el que rcsulta de 
las investigaclones de todee los autores que se han ocupado de craneologfa 
peruana. Gomparando aquella frecuencla de epactales en el Parti con la que 
se ha sefialado para los demfis pafses, se advierte que dicha anomalfa existid 
entre las razas peruanas en proporcl6n doble de la que corresponde a las otras 
razas de America y en proporci6n diez veces mayor de la que poseen los 
crftneos europeos. 

Los 200 epactales que he encontrado ofrecen las siguientes varlaclones de 

Por clento. 

78 epactales de regular tamafio y forma triangular 39 

07 epactales pequeftos y de forma Irregular 48. 6 

19 epactales dobles 9. 5 

4 epactales triples 2 

2 crilneos con 4 wormianos que se dlsputan el lambda 1 

En la relaci6n que va en seguida se express, por separado, la frecuencia de 
esta anomalfa en las reglones del terrltorio peruano que han contribufdo a ml 
estadlstica con mayor ndmero de crftneos: 
He encontrado el epactal : Por clento. 

39 veces en 207 crftneos de Lima (Templo del Rfmac) 18.8 

9 veces en 36 crAneos de Lima, Magdalena del Mar 25 

6 veces en 17 cr&neos de Lima, Rinconada de Ate 35.4 

9 veces en 34 crAneos de Ancdn (huacas inmediatas al pueblo) 26.4 

54 veces en 272' crdneos de Pachacamac (en las rulnas) 19.8 

58 veces en 205 crdneos de Lima, Nieverfa (cementerlo) 28.8 

3 veces en 14 crdneos de Huacho (Huaura y huacas vecinas) 21.4 

2 veces en 19 crdneos de Acari (hacienda Ghavifia) 10.5 

(}omo se ve, el epactal es muy frecuente en los crdneos peruanos cualquiera 
que sea su procedencia, pero llama la atencidn la clfra 10.5% que arrojan los 
19 crdneos de Acari (provincia de Camand, Arequipa), porcentaje que a estar 
apoyado por mayor ndmero de observaclones, demostrarfa que el epactal se 
presenta con menor frecuencia en los crdneos procedentes de la sierra peruana 
que en los de la costa. 

Emhriologia,—<inanAo el desarroUo embriol6gico de la parte superior de la 
escaroa occipital se hace de manera Insuflciente, surge a nivel del lambda un 
punto de oslflcaddn supernumerarlo que, creclendo mds tarde, llega a formar 
la pieza 6sea independiente que conocemos con el nombre de hueso epactal. 

Stieda (7) admite que la porddn membranosa o cerebral de la escama pueda, 
en ocasiones, desarrollarse simultdneamente por cuatro puntos de osiflcaci6n: 
dos inferlores que son constantes y dos superlores que son nccldentalea. Estos 
dos ndcleos superlores son los que darfan lugar al hueso epactal. Stieda cita 
en su apoyo los casos de epactal doble, epactal dividldo en dos partes por una 
mitura longitudinal. 


TBchudl y Rivero (8) creen que la gran freaiencia del epactal en el Perd 
tiene por causa determlnante la deformacl6n artificial del cr&neo Infantll. Le 
Double (9) objeta esta lnterpretacl6n aduciendo que en el momento del nad- 
mlento la escama del occipital estd ya completamente desarroUada y que las 
maniobras de la deformacl«3n no pueden alterarla. 

S61o podrfu atrlbulrse el epactal a la deformaci6n voluntaria del cr&neo, 
haciendo intenrenir en esta relacidn al poderoso factor de la herencla y acep- 
tando que la compresldn craneana produce una debllldad del hueso que se 
trasmlte de padres a hljos bajo la forma de una perturbacldn en la osteogenesis 
de la escama occipital. Analicemos esta hip^tesis. 

De Acuerdo con las modernas conquistas de la Biologfa en lo que ae 
refiere a la herencla de los caracteres adqulrldos, se puede Insinuar: que por 
regla general, las deformaciones artiflcales no se trasmlten por herencla, pero 
que las deformaciones mal ejecutadas, las que traen conslgo alteraclones 
mdrbldas del sistema nervioso, se heredan. La exlstencia de una pertur- 
bnci6n funcional cs, pues, lo que nos sirve de gula para Juzgar de la herencla 
de un car&cter anat6mico adqulrido. 

La presencla del epactal, que nace en la fontanela lambdoldea por un ndcleo 
de oslflcacidn aislado, represents un dep6sito patol6gico de sales de cal. Ck>mo 
result&do tambi^n de una calcificaci6n prematura debe estimarse el hecho de 
que la escama occipital en lugar de avanzar hasta el lambda, se haya detenldo 
mAs abajo de lo normal, dejando as! una gran fontanela que hublera perslstldo 
si no se desarrolla un epactal. 

Pues bien, hoy estA averiguado que la calciflcacl6n prematura se obserra cuando 
la nutricl6n de los tejidos y su fundonamlento estdn profundamente debllltados. 
To creo posible que la compresldn del crdneo infantll haya modlficado la 
nutrlcidn de los huesos, en especial de la escama occipital ; semejante trastomo 
trdfico ha trafdo como consecuencia un depteito patoldglco de sales calc&reas. 

SI la costumbre de deformar el cr&neo ha alterado la 08ificaci6n, es muy 
posible que haya habido una trasmisldn hereditaria representada por la 
tondenda a una precox oslflcacidn de la escama occipital. El epactal surge 
entonces, creado por las necesidades del organismo, para allviar a los huesos 
de la bdveda que no pueden cumplir la tarea que les corresponde, que no se 
dan abasto para f ormar la corasa protectora del cerebro. 

Anatamia Comparada. — ^Maggi y RuggBrl (10) creen que el epactal y los 
demAs huesos wormlanos son los represeutantes en el hombre de una disposicidn 
anatdmlca normal en los vertebrados inferiores, cuyo crdneo estd formado por 
Qumerosas piezas dseas que proceden de otros tantos ndcleos primltlvos de 

En algunos vertebrados se ha logrado comprobar la presencla de huesos en 
el lambda,* pero estd averiguado que son tan excepdonales como los que se 
encuentran en el hombre. Puede afirmarse que el epactal no es formacidn 
habitual en el crdneo de los mamfferos. Apenas si se le ha podido sefialar en 
dos leopardos {Felis concolar) de seis meses de edad, en un ledn {FelU leo) 
de cuatro meses y en un ledn reci^n nacido. Ha sido tambi^n descrito en un 
puerco-espfn {HytrUe crUtain). 

Bn el orden de los primate* ha sido dbservado, de manera casual, en un 
eercopiteco por Otto, en un gibdn {Hilobate» concolor) por Ranke; en un 
HUobatet leuciscut y en tres chimpanc^ {Troglodite* niger) por Trail y Owen, 
en un gorila hembra adulto {Oorilla giti/i) por Le Double. 

Estos dates, recogidos por Le Double (11), prueban que el epactal, que 
a tftulo de anomaUa se observa en el hombre, no constituye uu hueso nor> 
mal en los anlmales, pues sdlo se le ha observado accidcntalmente en nnos 


pocos vertebrados superiores. Lob g^menes ^seos mtiltiples del cr&neo de 
Io0 vertebrados iDferiores Invocados por Ruggeri para sostener que todos 
los huesos wormianos son stgnos de degeneracidn, nunca ban side observadoi 
«n el hombre normal y no ha podido comprobarse ni su transmisl^n filog^nlca nl 
su correspondiente reproducci6n ontog^nica. En consecuencia, tenemos que 
negar al epactal toda significaci6n morfol6gica cuyas proyeccionea en la escala 
animal tiendan a considerarlo como un signo de inferioridad anat6mica. 

El epactal estd destlnado & suplir la deficiencia en el desarrollo de los hnesos 
•eonstantes del cr&neo. Esta insuflclencia suele tener por causa una perturba- 
ci5n osteogen^tica de la escama occipital, pero es frecuentemente motlvada por 
•el aumento de la capacidad cranenna que es la consecuencia inmediata del creel- 
mlento del cerebro. Mirado desde este punto de vista, el epactal signlfica 
una evoluci6n avanzada, una. superioridad orgAnica. Algunas observaciones 
van en apoyo de esta interpretaci6n : al estudiar una colecci6n de crdneos ae 
nota que el epactal y demds wormianos se presentan de preferencla en IO0 
'ejeroplnres de mayor capacidad, en todos aquellos cr&neos que atestiguan una 
penuria dsea durante el desarrollo de la Ix^veda, debido al excesivo voldmen de 
los 6rganos nobles que contiene. 

Conclu9ion€8, — De acuerdo con lo anteriormente expuesto y reflri^ndome a 
la craneologfa peruana, puedo formular las slguientes condusiones : 

la. El epactal se presenta en el 21.6% de los crdneos peruanos, proporcito 
muy superior a la que ofrecen los crdneos de o6ras procedenclas. 

2a. En los crdneos de genuina procedencia aymard, el epactal se ofrece con 
menor f recuenda que en los crdneos de otra procedencia peruana. 

8a. Es posible que la elevada frecuencla del epactal en los crdneos peruanos 
liaya tenldo por causa la deformaci6n del crdneo Infantll. La deformaddn 
actuarfa perturbando la nutrici6n del hueso, deblUtando el tejido de la escama 
occipital; semejante alteraci6n trdflca se trasmitirfa por vfa de herenda, 
4>n la forma de una predisposicl6n a las anomalfas de la regidn lambdoldea. 

Las observadones que anteceden Inducen a creer que en el lambda y sua 
ulrededores ban tenldo lugar Importantes modiflcaciones osteogen^tlcas que 
-constituyen un cardcter de primer orden en la craneologfa peruana. 

En los crdneos que ban sido estudiados llama la atenci6n lo irregular y mal 
•constitufda que estd aquella regldn. La sutura lambdoldea que las mds veces se 
presenta desigual de engranaje amplio y dlffcll, como si su construccldn 
bublera costado grandes esfuerssos, la Inusltada frecuencla del epactal, los 
numerosos wormianos, son incentivos para el preferente estudlo del lambda 
y de mm Inmedlaclonea. 


1. Olaus Wormius. — ^Epistolie. Ck>penhagae, 1871. Gltado por Le Double 
12. Rivero y Tschudl. — ^Antigdedades peruanas. Pdg. 25. Vlena, 1853. 

3. GalorL — ^Mem. de TAccad. delle Scienza dell ristituto di Bologna, t VII, 

pag. 23. 

4. Rivero y Tschudl.— Loc. dt. supra. 

5. Anoutchlne. — ^Boletin de la Socledad de Antropologfa de Moscow, 1880. 
-e. Frank Russel. — Studies in cranial variation. The American naturalist 

Boston, 1900. 

7. H. Stieda.— Anatomlscfae Hef te. Wiesbaden, 1882. 

8. Rivero y TschudL — ^Loc. dt supra. 

9. Le Double.— Variations des os du crAne. Pag. 61. Paris, 1908. 

10. O. RuggerL — ^Atti della Soc. romana dl Antropologfa, 1901. 

11. Le Double. — ^Loc dt supra, pog. 64. 


Mr. Hbdli£ka. Mr. President, I desire to compliment Dr. Macedo 
on his contribution to our science. He has at his command in Lima 
valuable collections both of physical anthropology and archaeology 
and is making good use of them. 

The Chaibman. I want to say a word regarding the artistic 
achievements of the ancient Peruvians, of which we have here an 
iUustration. Their modeling of life forms is quite without a parallel 
in the world. Nothing escaped them. Here on this small jar, as 
an embellishment merely, is the faithful representation of a surgeon 
engaged in trephining a human skull — ^an operation of most excep- 
tional kind even among civilized nations of the present day. 

The next paper is by Dr. Julio C. Tello, on ^^ Early graves of the 
Nasca Valley, Peru.** 



Durante los meses de JuUo y Agosto del presente afio, el autor, despate de 
▼isitar las mtui Importantes rufoas del sur del PeiH y parte de Bolivia, explor6 
y practlcd algunas excavaclones en el valle de Nasca, desde Tlerra Blanca hasta 
Honte Grande, con el fin de estudlar las diversas clases de cementerlos que 
eslsten en su mayoria completamente esplotados y muchos hoy mlsmo en actlva 
destruccldn. Los objetos recogldos, en su mayor parte de los desmontes, que 
alcanzan a casl un miliar de espedes, so hallan attai en Nasca y serAn 
trasladados a Lima para su estudlo tan pronto como el Ooblemo del PerA 
conceda el permlso respective. 

Lo que aquf se ofrece contlene en slntesls algunos de los resultadoe obtenldos 
en la cltada esploraddn. 

Guatro clases de cementerlos se reoonocen en el valle de Nasca : 


En las tumbas' de esta clase, no se descubre construcddn especlaL Los cadA- 

veres prevlamente confecdonados en paquetes o fardos en actltud contrafda, 

se hallen a poca profundldad, uno o dos pl4s a lo mfts, sentadoe y aplfiados sin 

orden u orlentacl6n deflnida. En dertos lugares como en la Huayrona, deba jo de 

estas tumbas se ha descubierto otras mAs antlguas de otro tlpo. El cuerpo se 

halla por lo general en buen estado de conservad6n, rara ves momlflcado, 

euando el terrene no ee arena ; lleva slempre fijada a la datura una espede de 

pafiete o taparrabo de algod6n; clrcunda la cabesa, de la frente al ocdpucdo, 

una, dos y hasta tres largas hondas de color rojo predomlnante, y prlmorosa- 

mente trenzadas. El cabello arreglado ya en una trenza gruesa laborlosamente 

confeccionada y dlspuesto como una corona, ya en varlas trendllas que cuelgan 

sobre la espalda. Junto a la momla se hallan casl slempre sandallas de cuero; 

una o mfts bolsltas ordlnarlas de lana, algunas todavla contenlendo hojas de 

coca, de aquellas dlmlnutas como la de Vlscas (Yauyos) ; maxorcas de mafs, 

semlUas de algarrobo, husos y ruecas, hondas pequefias de cuero y ovlUos de 

lano ttlgodto; calabadtos con cal simples labrados con ommentos geom6* 
cricuii, quiyuM, Mptmoa^Mut ^H>wruM Uiu&cujs, latirauos o eu cutsutttii ue ouiiauws 


y otros nieuudos objetos confecciODados 6 embolados con hojas de pacay, 6 
blen embutidos con algod6n en un paquete formado con una frazada, cocida 
como un fardo con hilos de fibras vegetales, y asegurado los muy bultuosos con 
una Boga de lana. Junto al fardo se encuentran varlos ejemplares de cei^mica 
ordlnaria de forma y ornamentos variados; algunas veces vasos negros como 
los de TrujiUo, algunas figuras zoomorfas groseras; pero entre todos ellos 
slempre hay aribalos, platos de asa ornitoforma, llamitas de barro con la 
espalda ahuecada y otras especies tfpicas del estilo Guzco. 

Estos cementerlos se hallan por lo general hacia la falda de las colinas o 
montfculos en Nasca, Tunga, Jumana y Coyungo; en algunos casos ocupan 
extenslones considerables. EJemplo tfpico de esta clase de cementerlos es uno 
de Tuuga a poca distancla de la casa de este fundo, donde un buen ntlmero 
de cabezas exhumadas en otroi^ tlempos y que yaclan en la superficie eran todas 
del tipo mesocef&lico andlno y no ban sido pocos los fragmentos colecclonados 
de cerdmica de estilo Cuzco. Otro cementerio semejante se halla en Poroma 
de donde ban salido los mds elegantes aribalos. El aspecto de todas estas 
tumbas es de data muy reciente; algunas son seguramente post-colombinas 
aunque no se encuentra en ellas objeto alguno de origen espafiol. 

No todos los objetos son de estilo Cuzco ; se podrfa afirmar que estos son los 
menos; la mayorla de los tejidos y huacos son tan variados en calidad y deco- 
rado que no es posible agruparlos todavfa. Las variaclones son a veces 
manlllestas no s61o de quebrada a quebrada, sino de cementerio a cementerio ; 
pero la presenda constantc de objetos de cepa genuina del Cuzco, aboga a 
favor de una influencia incdsica intensa en esta clase de tumbas. 


Mfts que tumbas parecen habitaciones subterr&neas de forma cilfndrica ^ 
rectangular. Las hay de dl versos tamafios, y contienen una o varias momias. 
En Coyungo se ve uno de los m&s grandes sarc6fagos cuyo contenldo ha sido 
dltimamente vaciado y arrojado a todos los vientos por los huaqueros. En 
Tunga se halla tambito todavfa Intacta la fosa que guardaba una de las mfts 
notables momias encontradas en el valle de Nasca, hoy en la colecci(^n Prado 
de Lima. El primer sarc^fago tiene la forma de una caja rectangular orientada 
de E a O ; mide de largo 4,G0 mts. ; de ancho 2,20 y de alto 1,90. Una hilera 
de adobes rectangulares sirve de soporte al techo ; ^te estA formado con palos 
de algarrobo dispuestos en barbacoa y trabajados en forma tnl como si se hu- 
blere empleado instrumentos de corte modemo ; no se ve amarr^ ni calla brava 
u hoJas de pacay (Inga reticulata) entre palo y palo como es de uso en otras 
tumbas de esta region. Sobre este techo eziste una capa de barro o torta de 
alKunos centfmetros de espesor. La pared occidental estd protegida por una 
hilera de estacas blen apifiadas que dejan a un lado una abertura destinada 
probablemente a servir de entrada a la cdmara. fista se abria quizAs peri6dica- 
mente sea para incrementar el contenldo o para sacar a las momias y hacerUa 
partfcipes de las festividades u otras ceremonlas del ayllu o tribu, si es que aquf 
ezistid tambi^n esta curiosa costumbre consignada como es sabido por alguno 
de los cronlstas espafioles. El pequefio 8arc6fago de Tunga tiene forma casl 
cnadrada de 1,5 m. de dimensidn ; el fondo o base de la tumba se halla a 2,60 
mts. de profundidad. El techo, formado por gruesos umbrales labrados como 
en los de la tumba de Coyungo con hacha o algtin otro instrumento cortante; 
los paloe descansan tambi^n sobre una hilera de adobes rectangulares; se ve 
encimn una gruesa torta de cerca de un metro, y arena y cascajo hasta la 
superficie. Las cajas grandes contienen por lo general varies paquetes 6 fardoa 
eon cabezas artiflciales, rouchos de ellos artfsticamente oonfeccionados. Bl 


rostro arreglado con lamlnitas de qfo o plata representando la boca, los ojos, 
y algo asl como unas Ifigrimas que cuelgan de cada uno de ^tos, lo ciial se 
observa tambi^n pintado en la mayorfa de los huacos antropomorfos ; I leva 
Gonsigo ademAs, los nids vistosos plumajes en la cabeza y otros ornamentos o 
f&bricas de conchas y plumas ; el unku o comls6n de tapestrfa, y armas, uten- 
sUios diversoB y ofrendas votivas como las de las momias encontradas eu 
Anc6n y otros lugares de la Costa. 

La momia de la coleccii^n Prado fu6 encontrada en 1911 ; es el mejor ejemplar 
que «e conoce por sn excelente estado de conservacldn ; por el manto finfsinio 
de estilo francamente Tlahuanaco, y por toda la vistosa paraphernalia que 
ostenta, principalmente en el decorado de la cabeza. Las placas de oro del 
manto y el collar no pertenecen a esta momia ; el grabado de las piezas de oro 
es tXpico de otra cultura distanciada cronol6gieamente ; estas tlltimas especles 
fueron extrafdas de un cementerio de Gahuachl de estilo y 6poca diferente. 

£1 examen de los cr&neos procedentes de estas tumbas recogldos en diferentes 
cementerios no revela variaci6n sensible del tipo corrlentemente mesocef&lico 
de la sierra. Pero es de notar que ni aqui, ni en las tumbas del tipo anterior 
Be ha encontrado la deformaci6n tfpica aymard que no es rara en la regi6n 
andina central del Peni, ni aun en la Costa entre Pativilca y Mala. 

Algunos de los objetos extraidos del sarc6fago de Coyungo se hallan hoy en 
la coleccidn Fracchia de Lomas, y por una feliz circunstancia, debido sobre todo 
a lo reciente de la excavacidn, se ha logrado examinar y recoger algunos otros 
en los desmontes del mismo cemeterio. He aquf algunos ejemplos. Sobre 
una de las caras de un instrumento de hueso bien puUdo (fig. 1) usado probable- 
men te en la fabricaci6n de los tejidos, se ha grabado cuatro cabezas zoomorfas. 
a, b, c, d. Cada una tiene el rostro encajado en una banda que cubre por 
arriba y atrAs la cabeza, quebrdndose en dngulo recto en dos muescas, una en 
la nuca, y otra a nivel del occipuccio. Esta banda es el cabello y se la repre- 
senta realfsticamente en algunas cabezas empleadas como motivos ornamentales 
en cerdmlca de Tiahuanaco.^ £1 ornamento de la cabeza o gorro formado por 
una banda horizontal en cuyos extremes reposan vertlcalmente dos cabezas 
una de candor y la otra de puma con el caracterlstico nostrils circular y la S o 
gancho del cuello, es propio del estilo cl&sico de Tiahuanaco.' Igualmente son 
de aqui, los ojos alados, los canines de las flguras principales y aun los dos 
vdstagos centrales del gorro de las dos primeras flguras.* Como se v6, excep- 
tuando dos figuritas en los nostrils de las flguras extremas y el plco o espoldn de 
la flgura b, y talvez la flechita central del gorro de la flgura a, todas las 
cabezas en conjunto y en la mayorfa de sus detalles se identiflcan con el estilo 
de Tiahuanaco. 

Por tUtimo, no se requiere esfuerzo alguno para califlcar de estilo Tiahuanaco 
las cabezas que omamentan un vaso de doble pico (flg. 2) y el dibujo que aparece 
en una hacha de piedra (flg. 3) proveniente tambi^n de este mismo cementerio. 

Otros ejemplares podrfan atin consignarse pues en algunas de sus ornamen- 
taciones se aproximan o relacionan estrechamente a las consideradas por Uhle 
como derivadas del estilo de Tiahuanaco o epigonales. Huacos antropomorfos 
como el de la flgura 4 son f recuentes en estas tumbas ; no son dstos de los muy 
apeteddos por los huaqueros por ser algo porosos y por tanto muy frdgiles 
para el trasporte. Esta es la clase de huacos cuyos fragmentos aperecen con 
m&s constancia en los desmontes de esta clase de tumbas. Slempre Uevan los 

^Posnansky, "El Bigno etcalonado/' 1018, Berlin, flg. 20. 

' Bl mismo gorro con doe c6ndores a los extremos en flg. 186, Uhle, '* Pachacsnae ** ; 
€km dot pnmas en la conodda flgura antropomorfa de la tela de AncAn 
•Fig. 186, lim. 4, flg. 1 y flg. 10, pig. 24. en Uble. " Pachacamac.'* 


ojos adornadoB con nnas Ifneas pequ^as paralelas que caen sobre loe carrllloa. 
Este carActer, unido a una banda o fiija que da vuelta al rededor de la frente* 
y la poslci6n horizontal de los antebrazos, parecen aer sua mda aalientea carac- 

Una botella (fig. 5) palida y pintada con todo primor ha sido obtenlda tam- 
bi^n entre los objetos que se asegura provlenen del 8arc6fago de Goyungo. Bn 
ambas caras se ve la flgura de un animal en actitud de correr que reenerda 
algunas de las representaclones mfticas o zoomorfas epigonales. 

Pero la existencla en estas tumbas de objetos epigonales se halla debldamenta 
confirmada. C&ntaros completos redondos, de doble pico y de uno solo con asa 
lateral y considerable cantldad de fragmentos recogidos en los propios des- 
montes ostentan dibujos casi id6nticos a los encontradoe por Uhle en Pacha- 
camac y Cajamarquilla y los que se ye con harta frecuencia en Huacho y otros 
lugares de la Costa. 

Las telas procedentes de estos cementerios son en su mayoria trabajos de 
tapestrfa. En algunas de ellas aparecen tambito motivos ornamentales no 
muy alejados de los tfplcos de Tiahuanaco. Tampooo son infrecuentes los 
objetos de estilo indisico y no pocas momias Uevan cublerta la cabeza con 
largas hondas de color rojo predominante las que se hallan tambito en las 
momias provenlentes de las tumbas de esta clase. 


Las tumbas de esta clase son fosas o construcclones pequefias cuadradas u 
ovales situadas a 3 6 4 mts. de profundidad. Guando el terrene es dure, las 
paredes de la tumba no ofrecen construccl6n especial de refuerzo; cuando es 
muy deleznable, entonces unas veces se aprovechan piedras, terrenes u otras 
sustandas mAs a la mano, y otras veces se construye las paredes de la tumba 
con adobes odontiformes (fig. 6) ; no se disponen estos en hlleras regularea, 
sine se apilonan desordenadamente, cubrlendo con barro los vacfos como en 
las v^rca^ o construcdones Indfgenas de piedra de la Sierra. Se obserra muy 
bien esta ttoiica en las construcdones de las colinas artifldales o motiiHto de 
Cahuachi. En muchos adobes se nota adn, las Impresiones digitales dejadas en 
su manipulaci6n. La fosa estfl cublerta primero por una capa de cafias 
iOuadwh a«gu9tifolia) hojas de pacay, y grandes palos de algarrobo cortados 
a fuego ; endma de este techado, se halla una capa o torta y sobre ella simple- 
mente tlerra o cascajo hasta la superficie. En ciertos cases casi a nWel del ^ 
suelo, hay una nueva hilera de adobes odontiformes. En todas las tumbas 
que he abierto asf en Majoro como en Ocongallo, la Estaquerfa y Las Salinas, 
el cadAver se hallaba siempre hada el occidente con la cara vuelta al oriente ; 
el crftneo, del tipo deformado caracterlstlco de Nasca. Y se encuentra por 
to general varias piezas de cerdmica, estdlicas, fragmentos de tejidos trenza- 
doB flnfslmos y telas bordadas con flguras ornitomdrflcas y mfticas ; spondylua 
y otros ornamentos de hueso y piedras raras. 

Gorrientemente aparecen en estos cementerios una o varias cabezas trofeos 
momiflcadas ; algunas de estas se han conseguldo en espl^ndido estado de con- 
senracidn. El foramen magnum agrandado artificialmente desaparedendo a 
▼eces toda la porcldn retro-opistiaca hasta casi el nivel de la protuberanda 
oodpital ; a travte de este agujero se extrajo seguramente la masa encef Alica 
y todos los teJldos blandos; hay otra abertura pequefia a nivel del ofri6n que 
da paso a un eord6n trenzado de lana o algoddn que Ueva en el extremo que 
penetra al crftneo un seguro o taj^ de hueso o de madera para llevar colgante 
la cabeza. Algunoe mechones del cabello llevan sefiales de haber sido oma* 
mentados con plumas de diversos colores; los labios ligeramente proyectados 

Adobe odoDllIornu. 

Corle de UD cenuatirla el 



hada adelante llevan al centro y en las comisuras de la boca aguljones que 
loB atravlesan perpendlculormente. Por tlltimo los ojos, en algunos ejemplares 
atanplemente desecadoe y hundidos por la mom!flcaci6n y en otroa rellenos con 
aIgod6n o con una sustancia negra de aspecto resinoso. Todas las cabezas tro- 
feos encontradas pertenecen al mismo tipo deformado de Nasca. El nso de ellas 
en las ceremonlas religiosas o taumatUrgicas del antiguo Nosca debi6 ser muy 
general. Su empleo por sf solo ha impreso una fisonomfa especial al desenvolvl- 
miento del arte decoratlvo. Las cabezas se encuentran modeladas reallstica- 
mente en los m&s finos y elegantes ejemplares del valle, y como elemento decora* 
tivo acredlta la historla de un proceso que ha evolucionado desde lo reaUstico 
hasta las formas convencionales o geom^tricas extremas, casl imposlble de iden- 
tificarlas aisladamente o relacionarlas a su forma prototlplca, debldo a la 
repetici6n, desmesnrada y al convencionalismo obligado por el incesante empleo 
del mismo motivo en la mayorfa de las ornamentadones pict6ricas de la cerA- 
mica y de los tejidos. 

Enterradas casl en la superficie se encuentran tambi^n en estos cementerios 
Unas ollas grandes conteniendo caddveres de criaturas, algunas tan bleu con- 
servadas que hace dudar sobre si dichas ollas funerarlas son realmente de la 
mlsma 6poca o si son de origen mfis modemo. 

Un examen cuidadoso de los dibujos tomados de los huacos, tolas y otros 
objetos procedentes de esta clase de cementerios nos permite formar con ellos 
dos grupos : 

A. Representaciones mfticas. 

B. Representaciones ornamentales. 

Estas tlltimas comprenden, representaciones realfsticas de seres humanos y 
objetos naturales, motivos ornamentales derivados de las representaciones 
mfticas, y representaciones geom^tricas. 

En las representaciones pict6ricas de Nasca no se descubre ningtin tipo antro- 
pomorfo que aparezca revestido de cierto simbollsmo que nos lleve a pensar en 
una divinidad. Gorrientemente se encuentran tipos humanos en sus ocupaciones 
ordinarias de caza o pesca; algunos tan reallsticamente representados que es 
posible estudlarlos no s61o en lo que respecta a los vestidos y ornamentos que 
nsaban sino hasta poder reconstruir ciertas caracterfsticas antropol6gicas pero 
nada que de algdn modo nos lleve a identificar en ^llas un dios antropomorfa 

La religion en Nasca, como en otros pueblos de America, debl6 ser de carActer 
totAmico porque sdlo personajes soomorfos se hallan revestidos con atributoa 
aimrentemente religiosos. 

Galificamos la representaci6n de un animal como una divinidad si al mismo 
tlempo reune los tres requisites siguientes : 

1*. Cuando adornan al animal ciertos atrlbutos simbolizados en los objetos 
de carActer mistico o taumatdrgico que lleva consigo. 

2*. Cuando conserva siempre ciertas caracterfsticas indivlduales de modo que 
se le puede identificar a trav^ de sus variedades y transformaciones. 

3*. Cuando la representaci^n de la misma imagen se repite como emblemAtica 
en las mAs notables especies artfsticas o culturales. 

Uno de los personajes que reune estos tres requisites es un dios felino, tal ves 
un Jaguar ; este sujeto campea en la mayorfa de las representaciones pict6ricas 
de Nasca y da cierto carActer de unidad y originalidad al desenvolvimiento 
del arte aborigen en esta region. 

Reallsticamente se halla representado no s61o en pintura, sino en figurines 
semejantes a los tipoe soomorfos de la oerAmica del valle de Chicama. Con 


frecuencla se representa al animal de perfll con la cara slempre de frente. 
S6I0 en determinados easos como en la figura 10 aparece dibujado como si se le 
vlera ]K)r la espalda o v^-ticalmente de arrlba a abajo. La figura 8 ha sida 
tomada de un huaco esf^rlco de doble plco de la coIecci6n Fracchia; el rostro 
parece hnmano, por los ojos, cejas, y boca; pero las Uneas paralelas de los 
earrillos simulan mostachos y la forma de las orejas, y frente erguida, las 
manchas de la piel, la cola, y las garras, que parecen coger un objetoextra&cson 
semejantes a las de un felino. La figura 9 muestra al mismo animal ; ha sido 
tomada de un huaco del Museo HistCrico de Lima ; dlfiere de la anterior por on 
mayor desarrollo del mofio o copete, por las manclias casl cuadradas, los mosta- 
chos mejor diferenciados y una especie de lengua que se desprende del borde 
del labio inferior; esta lengua que aparece con frecuencla en este personaje 
debe tener algdn significado 8imb61ico, tal vez la emisidn de la palabra como 
entre Mayas y Nahuas. La figura 10 proviene de la colecci6n Belly de lea, 
dlfiere algo de la anterior, las extremidades anteriores est&n meJor repre- 
sentadas; los mostachos muy desviados hacia afuera, las orejas casl triangu- 
lares y al centro del mofio una figurita lenticular ; las extremidades posteriores 
mejor dibujadas y se ha hecho resaltar la separaci<Sn entre el dorso y la parte 
ventral, ^ta slempre de color bianco. La figura 11 est& un poco m&s modificada ; 
los mostachos tienen forma sim^trica y elegante, la cual perslste con muy 
ligeras variantes en casl todas las representaciones de este personaje; la 
cabeza como en la figura anterior; y en la frente, dos dntas o bandas; las 
manchas en media luna como en la figura 8 aunque con la convexidad Yuelta 
hacia la cabeza; tambi^n parece que se tuvo la Intenci6n de marcar la parte 
blanca del vientre; por filtimo el animal coge con la extremidad delantera 
derecha dos frutos por sus pedilnculos. La figura 12 reproduclda de un firag- 
mento de tapestrfa procedente de Nasca muestra tambl^n al personaje en 
cuestidn. La figura 13 tambito conserva dertos caracteres que permlten rela- 
cionarla a las figuras anteriores; la cabeza y los miembros anteriores siguen 
la misma direcci6n del cuerpo; el gorro o mofio ausente. Toda la figura estA 
bien ndornada con fiores u otros objetos decorativos que se fijan a la piel por 
un pedfinculo ; las manchas semilunares aquf un poco m&s modificadas ; la cola 
termina en una figura acorozonada. 

Es muy Interesante observar como varfan o se modifican las diferentes partes 
de este personaje cuando se tlene a la vista una extensa coleccI6n de especles 
pertenecientes a esta cultura. Con frecuencla se simplifica o mutila la figura 
toda ; Unas veces no se conserva slno el rostro, otras desaparecen las extreml- 
dades ; y la cabeza, cuerpo y cola forman una fignra monstruosa, serpentiforme, 
pero de todos modos subslsten ciertas caracterteticas en el rostro que permlten 
relacionarlo con los tlpos m&s realfsticos. En otros casos como en la figura 14 
tomada de una taza, aparecen dos cnbezas unidas por una banda la que a su vez 
cstudiada en serle en encuentra que no es sino simple modlficacldn del cuerpo 
mismo del animal. 

Desde los comienzos de la ornamentaci6n o ldealizacl6n de este personaje el 
artista introduce como elemento decorativo de mayor importancla el empleo 
de cabezas ya humanas o zoomorfas. En algunos casos remata la cola ya en 
una ave, en un pequefio mamffero o en otra cabeza del mismo animal ; es por 
esto que corrientemente se encuentran figuras blc^falas que en realldad no 
son sino diferenciaciones ornamentales del prototlpo zoomorfo. Frente a un 
vaso, taza o plato, el artista se propone cubrir muchas veces toda su superflcie 
externa o interna con la figura mftica que tiene en mente ; dibuja para ello la 
cabeza, con sus caracterfsticas distintlvas; esto es lo fundamental, lo que mfis 
le Interesa. en todo lo demAs procede conforme a su propla inventlva; Uena 


despu^ el espaclo que a veces es estrecho y largo con el cuerpo del animal 
prolongado exageradamente y remata con los miembros inferiores atroffados 
por falta de espaclo donde colocarlos. Esto sucede en las flguras 15, 16 y 17 
que lian sido dibujadas al rededor de una taza y que desenvueltas sobre el 
papel tienen este aspecto yermiforme. Como se ve, las tres flguras son similarea 
y todas relacionables a la vez a la forma prototfplca. Se descubre en todas 
tres el mismo rostro con los ojos, mostachos, boca y aun el gorro caracterfstlco. 
Las flguras 15 y 16 tienen los costados adornados de flores, la faja central de 
la figura 15 ostenta tres frutos; la de la figura 16 un motlvo derivado de las 
mfiscaras o representaciones de cabezas trofeos, la lengua con un fruto o 
cualquier otro ornamento de forma c6nica en la punta. El cuerpo parece asf 
ornamentado como si el animal estuvlera cubierto con un man to o camis6n y 
esto es mfts sugestivo con la apariencia de unas mangas en las extremidades 
anteriores de la figura 16. En la figura 17 el animal se halla afin m&s trans- 
formado ; las extremidades anteriores cogen una porra o alg^n otro instrumento 
simbdlico. El cuerpo cubierto de un manto o camis6n decorado con dos Ciibezas 
mutiladas; en el centro y en ambos costados una especie de greca en los dos 
tercios anteriores y plumas en el tercio posterior. El manto lleva ademfts un 
ribete terminal que alcanza a la cintura del sujeto y dste provisto de taparrabo 
o pafiete. 

La figura mftica 18 se halla atin m&s dlferenclada ; la parte ventral del 
animal tiende a aislarse de la dorsal y esta Altlma principalmente llega a 
aislarse o a indivldualizarse yendo a ser s61o un agregado de la cabeza o 
mejor un omamento que lleva la figura mftica prendida a la porcldn posterior 
de la eabeza. La porci6n ventral aparece entonces como cubierta por un manto 
de rayas o fajas paralelas longltudinales con una especie de ojo al centro que 
tambi^ su repeticidn constante nos Indica que algo debe slmbolizar. La por- 
cidn dorsal, remata aun en la cola y lleva algunas fiores ornamentales ; el 
rostro de la figura mftica se halla niAs slmetrlcamente modelada y se le ha 
puesto orejeras circulares con puntos c^ntricos que parecen pupilas. Lleva 
en el cuello ademfts una especie de collar de laminitas de diversos colores y 
a trav&s de una ancha manga que se ve hacia el lado derecho del rostro aparece 
una de sus manos que coge una vara o porra y una especie de raclmo de leguml- 
nosa, o quiz&s de alagarrobo. 

En la figura 19 el personaje mftlco estA en posici^n vertical y el oma- 
mento colgante de la cabeza se halla mucho meJor dlferenciado del cuerpo 
francomente antropomorfo. Lleva en la cintura una banda con clertos mo- 
tivos probablemente vegetales y en diferentes otras partes, asf en la cabeza 
como en algunos otros sitios, se ven frutos de legrumlnosa. 

La figura 20 se halla en la po8ici6Q ventral de la figura 10. El personaje se 
halla muy bien dibujado ; ha sido tomado de la superficie externa de una taza, 
lleva como en la figura 14 orejeras formadas por una hilera de lentejuelas pen- 
dientes y que terminan cada una de ellas en una cabeza mutilada. El anima llleva 
una m&scara en el dorso y de los costados cuelgan dos cabezas trofeos : la cola 
estA reemplazada por una mascara de donde se desprende un penacho de plumas 
ornamentales; aquf como en otros muchos easos cada pluma no es a su vez 
sino un derivado de las caras. I^leva por tlltlnio el animal cogiendo con ambas 
manoe de los cabellos otra cabeza trofeo. 

La figura 21 es otra de las m&s elegantes que se presentan en los huacos 
finos de Nasca; en ^lla se ve el manto que cubre al personaje mucho meJor 
representado ; lleva a los costados dos cintas sujetas por doce botones, las que 
terminan en cabezas de vfbora; el manto lleva ademds el horde ornamentado 
con cabezas trofeos ; el gorro est6 provisto de seis cintas que tambi^n terminan 


en cabezoB de vflMra; ooge oon una mano una est^llca y con la otra on par 
de flechos. 

En la figora 22 el mlsmo personaje se halla en actitud vertical de frente^ 
muy semejante a la de la flgnra principal de la pnerta monoUtica de Tiahnanaoa 
Ck>n la mano izqnierda coge una porra y con la derecha on objeto desoonodda 
Adem&s del collar lleva transversalmente en el pecho una banda tamblto de 
discofl rectangulares de diyersoa colores. 

En rigor las dnicos caracterlsticaa constantes que personallzan la flgura 
mitica en cuestidn son las que presenta la cabesa; sin embargo, en cosos ex- 
cepcionales la cabeza misma experimenta modificaciones radicales, aunque sdlo 
en algunas de sus partes esforzdndose entonces el artista en asegurar la pre- 
sencia de algunos otros elementos mds realisticos que permitan la Identificaddn 
del sujeto. Asf, los mostachos se lateralLzan demasiado, abandonando casi la 
poeiddn Infranasal primitiva y ya sin conexi6n trasversal cada mostacho va 
a sltuarse casi a nivel de las sienes paredendo entonces como las orejas dd 
animal; pero en un conjunto de figuras de esta close se sigue poso a paso las 
distintas modificaciones de las diversas partes logrdndose dilucidar el primitivo 
origen de la mayorfa de ellas. 

Adn hay otro grupo de figuras en las cuales el cuerpo del personaje mitlco 
ha sido reemplozado totalmente por el de otro animal distinto; asi aparece la 
cabeza tfplca de este dios con todos sus omamentoe ya famillares como encar- 
nado en el cuerpo de un pez, una ave o cualquier otro mamffero. Pero adn 
en este caso no hay una combinacidn de umbos personajes o el producto mono- 
truoso originado por esta extrafia unidn. El cuerpo del animal agregado 
aparece mds como un vestido o disfraz, como un simple accesorio dd personaje 

Secundariamente, aparecen tambi^n en la cerdmica de Nasca otros doa 
personajes probablemente tambf^n mfticos y sobre los cuales no existe adn 
sufidente material. Uno es un o6ndor que Ueva en el pico unas veces una 
cabeza trofeo y otras un objeto que tiene cierta semejanza con la porra o 
vara que se ha encontrado en la figura mftica anterior y otro es un gran pea 
que sostiene con una de sus aletas una flecha. Ambos personajes estdn adoma* 
dos con ciertos atributos simbdlicos'e inducen a pensar que son represents- 
clones de dos nuevas divinidades. 


Una dltima clase de tumbas se ha encontrado en algunos lugares del valle 
de Nasca prindpalmente en Las Cafias, la Estaquerla y Tunga. La arquitectura 
de tetas es la misma que la de la clase anterior; como en 411a son pozoa 
drculares o cuadrangulares con paredes de adobes odontlformes, y aunque con 
ftecuencia no aparecen los maderos, hojas de pacay, y cafias, que formaban ^ 
techo, se puede afirmar que existieron, por que han dejado sus Impresiones 
inequlTocas sobre el barro o sobre los adobes mismos que le Servian de 
soporte. Rara vez se encuentra el esquelto en buen estado de conservaddn; 
y en dos tumbas abiertas por nosotros, no se halld la menor hudla de tejidoo. 
Lo que caracteriza prindpalmente esta dase de tumbas es la presenda de ob- 
Jetos de oerdmlca con ornamentaciones que difieren aparentemente de los 
tumbas de la dase anterior ; esta misma dase de omamentaddn aporeoe en los 
objetos de concha y de oro que flrecuentemente se halla en estos cementerioo. 
Doda la abundanda de material que se ha recogido sobre esta clase de tumboa 
y su contenido que se halla todavfa en estudio, vamos a limitomos por ohora 
simplemente a sefialar como hiclmos para los cementerios anterleres algunos de 
sus representadones caracteristicas. 


Asf como DO encontramo6 diferenda entre la estmctura de estas tambfui j 
las de la clase anterior, asf tampoco no se encoentra diferenciaa radicales en 
las ornamentaciones de sn cerfimlca. El mismo fellno aparece aqul aunque en 
forma m&a convencionallzada ; sin embargo, no al extreme de Impedimos iden- 
tiflear las diversas partes del mismo personaje. Pnede asegurarse que bay un 
pasaje insensible entre una y otra forma. Dos nnevos motives son los miis sa- 
Uentes en las ornamentaciones del personaje ; gancbos y nudos que omamentan 
los mostacbos y el gorro o diadema, y cabezas trofeos o m^bscaras que se insertan 
a ellos. 

La figura 23 es una de las mfts simples de esta clase; ^lla no difiere casl 
del felino que noe es familiar; se nota aquf todas las partes que permiten 
identificarlo y los mostacbos y diadema o gorro omamentados con gancbos. 
La figura 24 es esta misma figura ; aquf como se ve las mAscaras se ensartan a 
los mostacbos del personaje. La figura 25 es simple modificacidn de la figura 23^ 
aquf se presenta con la boca abierta y con un rudimento de patas posteriores y 
cola bacia la parte central del gorro o diadema. La figura 26 es derivada de 
la anterior ; la boca abierta muestra los grandes canines ; la figura 27 es tam- 
bi^n derivada de la precedente ; esta filtima es uno de los motives omamentales. 
m&s comunes asf en la cer&mica como en loe tejidos. 

Mr. Hrdlicka. I wish to call attention to the meritorious work 
which Dr. Tello is doing in anthropology in Peru and against 
obstacles which would discourage many men. I am also glad to be 
able to attest to the correctness of Dr. Tello's observations. 

Discussion of this paper was participated in by several members 
in the Spanish language, but unfortunately no one competent to re- 
port in Spanish was available. 

The Chairman. His excellency the envoy extraordinary and min- 
ister plenipotentiary from Peru, Senor Federico A. Pezet, has just 
entered the auditorium. I understand that he has only a few minutes 
to spare, but possibly he may consent to present his paper on " The 
folklore of the Peruvian Indians.'' 

Mr. Pezet. Mr. Chairman and gentlemen, at the request of Dr. 
HrdliSka, secretary of the Americanist Congress and also of Section I 
of the Pan-American Scientific Congress, I attempted to prepare a 
brief note on the folklore of the Peruvian Indians. I must beg your 
indulgence. The presentation will not be a scientific study by any 
means, but will be merely a sketch of one or two of the traditions 
that have been handed down to the present day from early Indian 
times. I have hastily put these things down, and I will now, with 
your kind permission, read them. 



Minister of Peru to t?ie United 8tate$. 

By reason of the limcces.sibility of the various centers of population In the 
ancient Inca Empire, the communities lived in a great measure isolated, and 
consequently each nucleus of settlement had its own traditions and its own 
special beliefs. 

The Incas as rulers were most wise, and as conquerors could teach lessons to 
the conquerors of modern times. While the sun was the deity and his worship 
became obligatory on all the subjugated peoples, the Incas never Interfered 
drastically with the religious practices of these peoples. So it happens that the 
legends, the traditions, and the more or less true yet fantastic stories that make 
up the folklore of a people are very numerous. Each village has its own special 
legends, besides those that are common to all, which have been handed down by 
the itinerant story-tellers, whose duty it was, in accordance with the Inca 
system, to instruct the people in such matters. 

The absence of a written language among the Incas was another reason for 
the prevalence of legends. It is stated that at one time in pre-Inca days, and 
even in the early days of the Inca dynasty, a language employing graphic 
symbols existed and was used extensively. At the time of the advent of the 
Spanish conquistadores, however, there was no sign whatever of a written 

Unfortunate circumstances attended the coming of the SpanLsh conquerors 
into Peru. The Empire of the Sun, as it was proudly called, the great Tlhuan- 
tansuyo, was In the throes of civil war. The monarchy had been divided between 
Huascar and his half brother Atahualpa, and in consequence a war was raging 
for the mastery of the Empire. This state of affairs helped the conquistadores. 
who took advantage of the situation and by quick action impressed the natives 
with the belief that they were supernatural beings who had come to assist them 
in the extermination of their enemies. 

The Spaniards first gained the confidence of Atahualpa and then used him, 
and when they had no more use for him they put him out of the way; and 
practically did the same with Manco, who had succeeded Huascar. Once they 
started on the path of plunder and extermination there was no way of stopping 
them. Cruelty became a necessity as a means of preventing uprisings of the 
Indians, who naturally wished to avenge the death of their monarchs. To 
stamp out desire on the part of the people to return to their former state, it 
was imperative that every vestige of the Inca power should be destroyed, and 
thus it was that the palaces and temples, fortresses, roads, aqueducts, and 
other works were destroyeil, and in their place other structures were erected, 
and it became a crime to do anything which would recall the past regime. 
Every possible effort was made to dispose of persons who might be able to in- 
fluence the people and the poets and story-tellers especially were treated with 
the utmost harshness. 

There remained alone the quipus which had served in the place of a written 
language. But in time the key to those many-colored knotted cords was 
irretrievably lost, when the Quipuscamayoc, the men who were intrusted with 
their care and custody, were suppressed, and the Inca seat of learning, Pacaric- 
tampu, was practically wiped out of existence. The conquistadores, in their 
ignorance, feared the quipus and believed them to be more than they really 
were, and consequently did everything in their power to atop their use. 

So that toKiay we have only the writings of the early Spaniards and the 
ruins which they left standing from which to reconstruct the history of a 
people who flourished for at least three centuries. The traditions of the empire 


have been handed down to us through the poets, the story-tellers, and in like 
manner the folklore bos been In a measure handed down* 

The Indians of Peru and of the other South American countries are, like 
all primitive races, essentially conservative and hold on to their l>eliefii and 
practices with a tenacity that is most aggravating to whosoever wishes to 
turn them away from these superstitions and direct them on the road to civiliza- 
tion* Their religion to-day, while nominally Christian, is filled wth the tradl- 
tions of their own people, and has in practice much that is absolutely barbaric. 
After 300 years the death of the last monarch is still remembered and he lis 
mourned on special dates. It is not a matter of wonder that these people 
should retain the greater part of their superstitions, and that they should be- 
lieve implicitly in omens and dreams, since throughout all of these years the 
legends and stories have been handed down by no other methods than those that 
prevailed before the conquest. 

The Indians of Peru are great herbologlsts and quacks, and they have a 
remedy for every possible ailment that afflicts humanity. But they do not pre> 
tend only to cure physical ills; they are credited by their people with being 
able to cure all moral afflictions. They have remedies for everything; In- 
fidelity, neglect. Indifference, and bad temper are treated by them. And the 
fiilth which these wise men inspire is most trying to the physician who has to 
attend to them in times of epidemics, when the authorities have to Interfere 
and oblige the Indians ui submit to civilized treatment 

Luis E. Valcarcel, of Cuzco, has made a study of the folklore of the Indians 
of that section of Peru, and has sent me two legends that typify the super* 
stitions prevalent among the primitive Incas, Kechuas, Aymaras, and other 
tribes, and which have been handed down to the people Inhabiting the mountain 
regions of southern Peru. 

The Nakacc legend Is one of those that still has a strong hold on the Indians 
and Is the cause of great trepidation amongst them : 

To the native mind the Nakacc is a man, a sordid old man, of coarse features, 
somewhat diabolical; he wears red clothes, or at least has some red coloring 
In his clothing, which attracts immediate attention. He usually Is a marked 
man, having some physical defect or some scar or deformity by which he la 
readily recognizable. He Is never to be seen In the daytime; he Is a night 
owl, timid as an evil spirit He is to be met on the high roads, on the mountain 
passes, in the gorges, in the bend of a road, at the entrance to a wood. He 
remains always In hiding, waylaying the trader. He fiits about like a ghost 
He only works at night, after dusk. He Is supposed to possess a tube through 
which he blows out a powder onto his victims, the ashes of a foetus, which 
have the power of an anesthetic. This powder has a wonderful effect on the 
person it touches, making him Insensible to everytlilng; It Is then that the 
Nakacc exercises his mysterious power by extracting the "human ointment;** 
that is, the greases from the stomach and especially from the liver. 

The victim awakens as from a horrible nightmare, and from that moment 
he suffers pains that gradually reduce his vitality until he succumbs. At 
other times he does not awaken, passing off during the night Amongst the 
Indians all cases of sudden death are attributed to the malefic action of the 

The power of the Nakacc can not be overcome. He neither barkens to sup- 
plications nor does he accept of any intercession. Tlie Indians, when they 
believe themselves to have fallen under his spell. Invoke the Apu Inca ; that Is^ 
the spirit of their beloved Inca, but rarely can even he save them from the 
terrible Nakacc. 

68436— 17— VOL i 20 


The Nakacc is often a laborer, a working man, Indian or wliite, whom no 
one suspects until in the night he reveals himself. Any person who acta 
qneerly, a foreigner arriving in