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Digitized by the Internet Archive 

in 2011 with funding from 

University of Toronto 


The American 


Review of Reviews. 



Volume XXXII. 

July-December, 1905 


New York: 13 Astor Place. 


Copyright, 1905, by The Review of Reviews Co, 





Africa : Cape to Cairo railway, 622. 

Africa : Zambesi River, New railroad bridge over, 229. 

Agricultural prosperity, 267. 

Alcohol and crime, 740. 

Alfonso XIII. of Spain and his inheritance, 94. 

Alfonso XIII., Visit of, to France and England, 17. 

Allen, William H. The sea-air treatment for New 

York's bedridden children, 327. 
America, Who shall own ? 746. 

America's influence and concern in world politics, 3, 390. 
Apponyi, Albert, Count. Hungary's side in the crisis 

with A^^stria, 203. 
Arab civilization. Renascence of, 157. 
Argentina : The wonderland of South America, 49. 
Art collectors, American, A warning to, 106. 
Art, Metropolitan Museum of, in New York, 435. 
Australia, The tariff in, 280. 
Australian and Indian politics, 533. 
Australian ministry, New, 157. 
Austria-Hungary : see also Hungary. 
Austria-Hungary, Political conditions in, 17. 
Austria-Hungary, Reforms in, 664. 
Austria-Hungary, What is ? 535-536. 

Balfour, Rt. Hon. A. J., as Fabius Maximus, 96. 

Ballot reform in New York, 653. 

Barber shop in society, 501. 

Barrett, John. Argentina : The wonderland of South 

America, 49. 
Belgium, Affairs in, 279. 
Belgium, What the people read in, 185. 
Bonaparte, Charles Jerome, Secretary of the Navy, 35. 
Books, The new, 123, 253, 509, 636, 751. 
Boston and Glasgow : A street-railway comparison, 106. 
Bread, Different kinds of. Food value of, 496. 
British Museum Library, 487. 

Brockway, Z. R., elected mayor of Elmira, N. Y., 649. 
Burbank, Luther, and his work, A Dutch scientist on, 

Business conditions, 141. 

Canada : Alberta and Saskatchewan, New provinces 
of, 397. 

Canada, American relations with, 397. 

Canada's canal system, 177. 

Canada's programme of defense, 276. 

Canfield, James H. America and Germany : An aca- 
demic interchange, 679. 

Canton-Hankow railw^ay dispute, A Chinaman on, 368. 

Carnegie Foundation for pensioning educators, 655. 

Cartoons of the Month, 30, 162, 287, 414, 544, 670. 

Census, Twelfth, Mortality statistics of, 627. 

Chicago and Glasgow compared, 24. 

Chicago and the street railways, 522. 

Chicago election, 651. 

Chicago's labor war, 25. 

China, Affairs in, 665. 

China and the boycott, 280. 

China, Awakening of, 407, 539. 

China, German, Progress of, 243. 

Chinese army, A modern, 539. 

Chinese exclusion, 143. 

Chinese journalism. Peculiarities of, 242. 

Church buildings, — w^hat they express, 689. 

Church federation in England, 592. 

Churches, American, Federation of, 591. 

Colby, Everett R., elected to New Jersev Legislature, 
649. .. t, , 

College athletics and ".summer ball," 108. 

Colombia and the Panama debt, 18. 

Commons, John R. One way to get .sane legislation, 

Commons, John R. The La Follette railroad law in 
Wisconsin, 76. 

Coney Island, the world's greatest playground, 237. 

Congo, France and Belgium in the, 6f54. 

Congressional questions, — railroad rate.s, tariff, state- 
hood, etc., 528-529, 655. 

Conley, Edward M. Americanization of Mexico, 724. 

Corporations and the government, 392. 

Corruption, — Is it increasing ? 139. 

Cotton, Sir Henry. Future of British India, 453. 

Cox, George B., Cincinnati bos.s, overthrow of, 650. 

Cuba, Presidential campaign in, 409. 

Cuban cigar factories. Paid readers in, 226. 

Cuba's political quarrels, 531. -, 

Curzon, Lord, Resignation of, as viceroy of India, 476. 

Czar and Kaiser. Imaginary conversation on board 
Kaiser's yacht, 359. 

Dante, The "black washing" of, 743. 

De Kay, Charles. A new era for the Metropolitan 
Museum of Art, 433. 

De Kay, Charles. What do our church buildings ex- 
press ? 689. 

Denmark, the buffer state of the North, 305. 

Dependencies, tropical. Administration of, 362. 

Descent, theory of. Experimental contributions to, 239. 

DeWeese, Truman A. How Niagara is "harnessed, "58. 

Diaz, President, on transcontinental trade, 451. 

Dillon, E. J. Progress of the Russian revolution, 197. 

Dillon, E. J. Sergius Witte, 292. 

Diplodocus, The, a prehistoric monster, 110. 

Diplomatic service, American, 136. 

Drama, modern. Limitations of, 489. 

Dramatic art. Real secret of, 742. 

Dunn, Arthur W. Free trade with the Philippines, 718. 

Education, American faith in, 268. 

Education : An academic interchange between America 

and Germany, 488, 679. 
Education : Univer.sity of Illinois, 441. 
Education, University of Texas and its new president, 

Edwards, Elisha Jay. The new salaried clas.s, 339. 
Egypt, Has England failed in? 98. 
Equitable Life Assurance Society's affairs, 21, 140. 
European alliances and the Russo-Japanese war, 295. 
European notes, 408. 

France and England drawing together, 279. 
France : Concordat, End of, 151. 
France : Delcass6 and German " weltpolitik," 216. 
France, Evolution of religion in, 378. 
French books that American women ought to read, 89. 
French libraries, Merits and faults of, 741. 
Finland's constitutional rights restored, 658. 
Foster, Paul P. The solar observatory on Mount Wil- 
son, 189. 

Garrison, Prof. George P. The University of Texas 
and its new president, 682. 

Gasoline, The age of, 320. 

General Education Board, Gift to, by John D. Rocke- 
feller, of .«10,000,000, 146. 

German expansion, Significance of, 115. 



German merchant marine, The making of, 610. 
Germans, — How they revised their tariff, 719. 
Germany, Frank English views of, 366. 
Germany, Our tariff differences with, 205. 
Germany : Schleswig, Dane versus German in, 344. 
Germany's aim in Poland, 730. 

Gilman, Lawrence. Foreign conductors of this sea- 
son's music, 699. 
Glasgow and Boston : A street-railway comparision, 106. 
Glasgow and Chicago compared, 24. 
Gold from sea water, 494. * 

Grain, F. K. The age of gasoline, 320. 
Great Britain: 

Affairs in, 532. 

Anglo-German war, — Is one possible ? 611. 

Army scandals and immigration, 148. 

British and French navies, Fraternizing of, 359. 

Constitutional deadlock, 478. 

Egypt, Has England failed in ? 98. 

France and England drawing together, 279. 

German views of England, 245. 

Japan, New treaty with, 388 ; a Japanese view of, 600. 

Jewish immigrants desired in England, 104. 

Ministry, Choosing a, 477. 

Parliamentary affairs, 148, 276, 277. 

Politics, Britain's larger, 407, 532. 

Poor-law system, England's wasteful, 479. 

What the people read in, 328. 
Greeks and their enemies in Macedonia, 365. 
Grieg, Edvard, First success of, 239. 
Grouse drumming. New light on, 744. 

Haggard, H. Rider, explorer, author, and land com- 
missioner, 230. 

Hague Congress, Another, 390. 

Harnack, An interpretation of, 373. 

Harris, G. W. The playground city, 574. 

Harvard's Germanic museum, 248. 

Hay, John : An American gentleman, 166. 

Hay, John, Death of, 132. 

Hay, John : His work in diplomacy, 171. 

Hearst, William R., as candidate for mayor of New 
York, 517, 644, 647. 

Hill, David Jayne, Diplomatic service and literary work 
of, 136. 

Hitchcock, Ethan Allen, and his w6rk in the Depart- 
ment of the Interior, 138-139. 

Holland, Affairs in, 149, 279, 356, 612. 

Holland, Five years of strikes and lockouts in, 481. 

Holland, What the people read in, 185. 

Horder,W. Garrett. George MacDonald : A nineteenth- 
century seer, 686. 

Hungary, Political affairs in, 150 : see also Austria- 

Hungary's side in the crisis with Austria, 203. 

Hygiene, American, 738. 

Illinois, University of, 1 resident James' plans for, 441. 
India, British, Future of, 453. 
India, The recent earthquake in, 372. 
Insurance, Life : 

American, on trial, 458. 

Cost of, 471. 

Discussion of. The, 271, 526. 

Driving power of, 551, 

Economic factor, as an, 625. 

English discussion of, 103. 

Federal regulation of, 343. 

Health and accident insurance in Scandinavia, 785. 

Methods of, 626. 

Probing the business, 392-395. 

State system a : The next step ? 624. 

Supervision of companies, 234. 
Ireland, Economic regeneration of, 231. 
Ireland, Rural, as it is to-day, 561. 
Irish land law. Workings of, 572. 
Irving, Sir Henry, 550 ; As one critic saw him, 741. 
Italian earthquakes. Benefits from, 619. 
Italy, Is emigration ruining ? 361. 

James, Edmund J. The new president's plans for the 
University of Illinois, 441. 

Jamestown Exposition, 399. 

Japan after the war, 405, 474, 538. 

Japan, Dissatisfaction with peace terms in, 538. 

Japan: " Yellow peril," Is Japan preparing the ? 218. 

Japan's financial problems after the war, 733. 

Japan's greatness. Count Okuma on the causes of, 92. 

Japan's navy. Sanitation of, 587. 

Japan's new treaty with England, 388. 

Japan's purpose. The sinister side of, 350. 

Japanese and Chinese affairs, 665. 

Japanese army medical service. Lessons for America in, 

Japanese merchant fleet, 208. 

Japanese naval success. Secret of, 604. 

Jerome, William Travers, the lawyer, 726. 

Jerome, William Travers, Campaign of, for district at- 
torney of New York, 273, 518, 645. 

Jesus, A Jew on the originality of, 374. 

Jew in American history. The, 556. 

Johnson, Tom L., reelected mayor of Cleveland, 651. 

Jones, Harry. What the people read in Great Britain, 

Jones, John Paul, and our first triumphs on the sea. 39. 

Jones, Paul, Transferring remains of, 134. 

Jones, Plummer F. Rural Ireland as it is to-day, 561. 

Jousselin, St^phane. Some French books that Ameri- 
can women ought to read, 89. 

Kentucky election, 652. 

Key, Ellen, the "inspired Swedish enthusiast," 609. 

Kingsley, D. P. The driving power of life insurance, 551. 

Knowlton, Howard S. Street-railway fares in large 
cities, 80. 

Kohler, Max J. The Jew in American history, 556. 

Komura, Jutaro, Baron, 213. 

Korea becomes Japanese, 665. 

Korea : Japan and the Koreans versus the Korean gov- 
ernment, 101. 

Labor : Chicago's labor war, 25. 

Labor : Eight-hour day. Results of, in Europe, 480. 

Labor : Five years of strikes and lockouts in Holland, 

Labor : Unemployed the. How Europe aids, 615. 
Latin America, Commerce of, 111. 

Leading Articles of the Month, 91, 215, 343, 469, 598, 726. 
Legislation, sane, One way to get, 722. 
Lewis and Clark Centennial Exposition, Success of, 398. 
Libraries, French, Merits and faults of, 741. 
Life, origin of, " Radiobes " and, 502. 
Lincoln, Charles Henry. John Paul Jones and our 

first triumphs on the sea, 39. 
Lobingier, Charles Sumner. Blending legal systems in 

the Philippines, 336. 
Loomis-Bowen incident, 18. 

McClellan, George B., and his future, 646. 
MacDonald, George : A nineteenth-century seer, 686. 
McGrath, P. T. For the conquest of the pole, 43. 
McGrath, P. T. The coming eclipse of the sun (August 

30, 1905), 194. 
Manchuria, The situation in, 282. 
Maps and diagrams : 

Antarctic regions, 109. 

Argentine railway systems, 51. 

Black Sea littoral, 153. 

Canadian provinces of Alberta and Saskatchewan, 

Denmark, showing entrance to the Baltic, 305. 

Japan, The newer, 350. 

Japan's new field of influence in the far East, 406. 

Russo-Japanese war : Korea Straits, where naval bat- 
tle of May 27-28 was fought, 10. 

Baltic fleet's course around the world, 10. 

Field of latest military developments (August), 155. 

Sun, Eclipse of (August 30, 1905), map of path, 195. 

Tidal-power scheme in Chichester, England, 491. 

Trent Navigation and Murray Canal, 182. 

Welland Canal, 180. 

Zambesi Railroad bridge, 229. 

Zambesi Railroad region, 229. 
Marriage, Biological sanctions of, 500. 


Martin, Thomas Comnierford. Mexican water-power 
development, 447. 

Marvin, Winthrop L. America in foreijjcn trade, 715. 

Marvin, Wintlirop L. The /Japanese merchant fleet, 208. 

Massachusetts canipaijjcn. Economic (juestions in, 524. 

Massachusetts, Political freedom in, <)5(). 

Matson, Clarence H. Oklahoma, a vigorous new com- 
monwealth, 310. 

Maryland political situation, 526 ; the election, 652. 

Metropolitan Museum of Art, 433. 

Mexico, Americanization of, 724. 

Mexico: Diaz, President, on transcontinental trade, 451. 

Mexico : Necaxa Falls water-power development, 447. 

"Money, Tainted," 147, 471. 

Moore, John Bassett. Mr. Hay's work in diplomacy, 171. 

Moran, John B., elected district attorney of Boston, 649. 

Morgan, G. Campbell. Church federation in England, 

Moroccan question, 16, 151, 217, 277, 533. 

Morris, George Perry. A great federation of American 
churches, 591. 

Mortality statistics of twelfth census, 627. 

Mortgage tax, The, in New York, 85. 

Morton, Paul, — human dynamo, 469. 

Mosquito, Elimination of, 498. 

Mount Wilson (California), Solar observatory on, 189. 

Mountain-climbing, The world's most difficult, 227. 

Municipal : Glasgow and Boston : A street-railway com- 
parison, 106. 

Municipal ownership : Chicago and Glasgow com- 
pared, 24. 

Municipal ownership movement in New York, 399. 

Music : Foreign conductors of this season, 699. 

Navy, American, Italian view of development of, 360. 

Negroes, Southern, How fast are they increasing? 347. 

Nelson and Trafalgar, 611. 

Neurasthenia, the American disease, 497. 

New Jersey and the corporations, 521. 

New Orleans, Yellow fever at, 273. 

New York City, Italian prince's opinion of, 236. 

New York City Politics: 

Campaign discussion, 399, 515. 

Election results, 644. 

Hearst's public ownership party, 517. 

Ivins as a candidate, 516. 

Jerome, the leading personality, 518. 

Jerome's candidacy for reelection, 273. 

Jerome's victory, 645. 

McClellan's candidacy, 517. 

Municipal ownership movement, 399. 

New York State mortgage tax, 85. 

New York State, Referendum in, 647. 

Niagara : How it is "harnessed," 58. 

Nile River, Scheme to regulate, 621. 

North Pole, For the conquest of the, 43. 

Northwest, Ahierican, Development of, 398. 

Norway and the purposes of Russia, Sven Hedin on, 355. 

Norway : Election of a king, 662 ; The new King, 703. 

Norway in revival, 377. 

Norway, Man who might have been president of, 728. 

Norway, Separation from Sweden, 6-7, 65-69, 215, 278, 

409, 534, 608. 
Norw^ay, Sweden, and the Kaiser, 149. 

Obituary, 29, 161, 286, 413, 543, 669. 

Ocean bathing, 371. 

Ogg, Frederick Austin. European alliances and the 
war, 295. 

Ohio campaign, 523 ; the election, 650. 

Oklahoma, The coming State of, 268 ; A vigorous West- 
ern commonw^ealth, 310. 

Panama affairs, 18, 528. 

Panama Canal, — Locks or sea level ? 395, 655. 

Panama Canal : Probable transfer to State Depart- 
ment ; new chief engineer appointed ; present canal 
problems ; the labor question, 143. 

Panama Canal : Report of consulting engineers, 655. 

Panama Canal supplies, 20. 

Panama Railroad, Report of Joseph L. Bristow on, 145. 

Panama, Sanitary work in, 274. 
Parc(;ls-post, An Englislunan's [)h'a for, :H5. 
I^attison, .John M., elected gov(!i-nor of Oiiio, 650. 
Pennsylvania, Reform triumphs in, 648. 
Periodicals, topics in. Briefer notes on, 118, 249, 379, 503, 

631, 748. 
Philadelphia municipal reform revolution, 23-24. 
Philadelphia campaign, 520. 
Philii)pine school system, 270. 
Philippines, Blending legal systems in, .336. 
Philippines, Free trade with, 718. 
Philippines : Secretary Taft to the Filipinos, 268. 
Philippines, The, for the Americans, 99. 
Plants,— Can they feel ? 630. 
Playground City, The, .574. 
Poland, Is there new hope for ? 224. 
Poland, Russian, Boycott of the schools in, .3.52. 
Poland, — Will she get autononiy I' 659. 
Political freedom. Struggle for, in Russia and America, 

Politics, Independence in, 515. 
Politics, Money power in, 515. 
Pope's temporal power. The, 151. 
Population, increasing. Significance of, 620. 
Porto Rico's needs, 472. 
Portraits : 

Adachi, Mineichiro, 401. 

Adler, Felix, 126. 

Ahearn, John F., 666. 

Alfonso XIII. of Spain, 94. 

Anderson, Rasmus B., 8. 

Armstrong, William W., 273. 

Atkinson, Fred. W., 638. 

Bacon, Robert, 392. 

Barnardo, Thomas J., 543. 

Barnet, E. B., 549. 

Bartlett, Charles W., 525. 

Behring, Emil, .542. 

Berg, C, 307. 

Berner, President, 278, 409. 

Berry, William H., 648. 

Betham-Edwards, Miss, 636. 

Birilev, Vice-Admiral, 153. 

Bishop, Joseph B., 396. 

Bjornsen, Bjornstjerne, 8. 

Blanchard, Newton C, Governor, 274. 

Boissevain, Charles, 186. 

Bonaparte, Charles Jerome, 36. 

Brianchaninov, Alexandre, 423. 

Brisbane, Arthur, 648. 

Buckle, George E., 330. 

Bulyea, George H. V., 398. 

Burbank, Luther, 369. 

Burgess, John William, 680. 

Burke, J. Butler, 502. 

Burroughs, John, 753. 

Butler, Nicholas Murray, 679. 

Calhoun, William J., 158. 

Carl, Katharine A., 755. 

Carlos, King of Portugal, 663. 

Carnegie, Andrew, 124. 

Chakovski, Count, 222. 

Chapelle, Placide Louis, Archbishop, 275. 

Charles, Prince, of Denmark, 149, 534, 704. 

Chentung Liang-Cheng, 282. 

Christensen, Jens Christian, 307. 

Christian IX., King of Denmark, 306. 

Clarke, Sir Caspar Purdon, 433. 

Clement, Ernest Wilson, 253. 

Cleveland, Grover, 20. 

Colby, Everett, .522. 

Coler, Bird S., 666. 

Collins, Patrick A., 413. 

Cortesi, Salvatore, 412. 

Cramer, William E., 29. 

Cromer, Earl of, 98. 

Curtin, Jeremiah, and Henrik Sienkiewicz, 267. 

Curzon, Lord, 476. 

Dalrymple, James, 24. 

Deakin, Alfred, 280. 

D'Indy, M. Vincent, 699. 

Delyannis, Theodore P., 27. 



Dempsey, Edward, 651. 

Dennison, Henry W., 284, 421. 

Dewa, Rear-Admiral, 13. 

Dillon, Edward J., 424. 

Dodge, Mrs. Mary Mapes, 413. 

Dolgoroukov, Count, 222. 

Donald, Robert, 330. 

Duff, Mountstuart E. Grant, 124. 

Durham, Israel W., 23. 

Enander, John A., 8. 

Enarge, Francisco, 271. 

Enquist, Rear-Admiral, 15. 

Federov, M. P., 222. 

Fejervary, Geza, Baron, 150. 

Fielder, Max, 700. 

Ford, John, 517. 

Forget, A. E., 398. 

Fox, John, Jr., 125. 

Fox, William C, 549. 

Francis-Joseph, Emperor of Austria, 535. 

Franco, Domingo, 271. 

Fukutomi, Masotomi, 525. 

Garcia, Don Lizardo, 532. 

Garrison, William Lloyd, 756. 

Gaynor, William J., 399. 

George, King of Greece, and family, 663. 

Gladstone, William E. (statue), 669. 

Golovine, F. A., 222. 

Gomez, Jos6 Miguel, 542. 

Gomez, Maximo, 2. 

Grant, Frederick D., 667. 

Green, F. E., 271. 

Grieg, Edvard, 239. 

Guild, Curtis, Jr., 525. 

Guiteras, Juan, 549. 

Haakon VII., King of Norway, 703, 704 ; and wife and 

son, 642. 
Haggard, H. Rider, 230. 
Hammarskjold, N., 409. 
Hanihara, Masanao, 401. 
Hansen, O., 534. 
Harmsworth, Alfred C, 331. 
Harnack, Adolph, 874. 
Hay, John, 167. 
Hayashi, Tadasu, 601. 
Heaton, J. Henniker, 345. 
Hearst, William R., 517,' 647. 
Hedin, Sven, 8. 
Heyden, Count, 222. 
Higginson, Thomas Wentworth, 755. 
Hill, David Jayne, 136. 
Hitchcock, Ethan Allen, 138. 
Houston, David F., 685. 
Howe, Frederick C, 637. 
Hughes, Charles E., 527. 
Hyde, James Hazen, 667. 
Hyslop, James H., 256. 
Irving, Henry, 550, 742. 
Ishikawa, Yasukiro, 425. 
Ito Hirobumi, Marquis, 430, 
Ivins, William M., 516 
James, Edmund J., 442. 
Japanese Peace Envoys at Portsmouth, 419. 
Jerome, William Travers, 400, 514, 727. 
Johnson, H. L. E., 549. 
Johnson, Tom L., 651. 
Johnston, John Taylor, 435. 
Jone.s, John Paul, 39, 41. 
Kamimura, Vice-Admiral, 11. 
Kaneko, Kentaro, Baron, 390, 401. 
Katacka, Vice-Admiral, 13. 
Kawakami, K., 425. 
Kelly, A. B^ 271. 
Kitchener, Lord, 476. 
Kobbe, Gustav, 751. 

Komura, Jutaro, Baron, 213, 258, 401, 404. 
Konishi, Kotaro, 401. 
Korv, P. Z., Baron, 222. 
Kovalevsky, Mr., 222. 
Kraus, Adolph, 265. 
Kunwald, Ernst, 701. 
Kuyper, Abraham, 186. 

Lavoreria, D. E., 549. 

Lewisohn, Adolph, 265. 

Liapinov, General, 285. 

Livermore, Mary A., 34. 

Lobingier, Charles Sumner, 271. 

Lodge, Oliver, 347. 

Loubet, President, 663. 

Louis, Prince of Battenberg, 667. 

Lovland, Mr., 409. 

Lowther, J. W., and family, 159. 

Loyson, Madame Hyacinthe, 636. 

Lundberg, Christian, Premier, 278, 409. 

McCall, John A., 393. 

McClellan, George B., 399, 518, 647. 

McCurdy, Richard A., 394. 

MacDonald, George, 686. 

McGowan, Patrick F., 519. 

Marden, Orison Swett, 639. 

Mares, de, Roland, 187. 

Marquand, Henry G., 436. 

Martens, Theodore, 421. 

Martin, Thomas S., 273. 

Matteucci, Director, 493. 

Maud, Princess, of England, wife of Haakon VII., 

Maximovitch, General, 154. 
Mengelberg, Willem, 700. 
Metz, Herman A., 519. 
Meyer, George von L., 389. 
Meyer, Hugo R., 637. 
Michelsen, Christian, Premier, 7, 409. 
Milyoukov, Paul, 636. 
Minto, Lord, 408. 
Mitre, Bartolom6, 56. 
Monroe, Paul, 640. 
Montague, Andrew Jackson, 273. 
Moore,^Eduardo, 549. 
Moran, John B., 650. 
Morrison, George Ernest, 424. 
Morton, Paul, 21, 395, 469. 
Mott, John R., 617. 
Murphy, Charles F., 646. 
Nansen, Fridjof, 8. 
Nelson, Lord, 612. 
Netscher, Frans, 186. 
Newnes, George, 331. 
Nikotine, A. N., 222. 
Nordenskjold, Otto, 124. 

Norway, King and Queen of, and son, 642, 703, 704. 
Novossiltzev, Mr., 222. 
O'Brien, Morgan J., 20. 
Okuma, Count, 733. 
Olloa, Juan J., 549. 
Olney, Richard, 629. 
Oscar, King of Sweden, 7. 
Partridge, John S., 523. 
Pattison, John M., 650. 
Pearson, C. Arthur, 331. 
Peary, Robert E., 47. 
Peck, George R., 411. 
Peirce, Herbert, H. D., 263. 
Perkins, George W., 393. 
Petrunkevitch, J. J., 222. 
Phillips, David Graham, 757. 
Plumley, Frank, 275. 

Pobyedonostzev, Constantine Petrovitch, 660. 
Portela, Epifanio, 50. 
Pritchett, Henry S., 655. 
Quintana, Manuel, 49. 
Rachmaninov, S. V.,701. 
Radolin, von, Count, 17. 
Reinsch, Paul S., 638. 
Revere, Paul, 756. 
Roberts, Rev, William Henry, 668. 
Rockefeller, John D., 147. 
Rodichev, F. I., 222. 
Romualdez, Noberto, 271. 
Roosevelt, Theodore, 386, 391, 541, 753. 
Roosevelt, President, and the peace envoys of Russia 

and Japan, 258. 
Root, Elihu, 135. 
Rosen, Roman Romanovitch, Baron, 212, 258. 



Russian Peace Commission, 403, 418. 

Russo-Japanese peace conference in session, 260. 

Russo-Japanese peace envoys and their suites, 261. 

Ryan, Thomas F., 21, 303. 

Safonov, Vassily, 701. 

Sakai, Tokutaro, 401. 

Salvini, 743. 

San ford. Rev. E. B., 668. 

Sars, J. E., 728. 

Sato, Aimaru, 263, 401. 

Schaeffer, Nathan C, 159. 

Schiff, Jacob H., 265. 

Schmitz, Eugene E., 652. 

Scott, Charles P., 330. 

Scott, Walter (premier of Saskatchewan), 398. 

Seaman, Louis L., 530. 

Seligman, Isaac N., 265. 

Sheehan, Canon, 759. 

Sherwood, Margaret, 758. 

Shimomura, Rear-Admiral, 13. 

Sienkiewicz, Henrik, and Jeremiah Curtin, 267. 

Silverman, Joseph, 271. 

Sinclair, May, 759. 

Smythe, William E., 638. 

Speyer. James, 681. 

Staaf, k., 409. 

Stead, William T., 329. 

Steinbach, Fritz, 700. 

Stephens, Kate, 126. 

Stevens, John F., 142. 

Stokes, J. G. Phelps, 517. 

Stone, Roy, 473. 

Story, George H., 437. 

Straus, Oscar, 265. 

Sudermann, Hermann, 127. 

Suzuki, Junichiro, 401. 

Suzuki, S., 538. 

Swanson, Claude A., 410, 653. 

Tachibana, Koichiro, 401. 

Taft, Secretary, and party on board Manchuria., 

Takahira, Kogoro, 214, 258, 401. 

Takamine, Jokichi, 401. 

Takeshita, Isamu, 401. 

Tanner, " Corporal " James, 410. 

Taylor, Bayard, 639. 

Taylor, Graham, 472. 

Teale, Charles E., 519. 

Thompson, Vance, 123. 

Togo, Admiral, 90 ; and sons, 9. 

Trepov, General, 657. 

Trier, Herman, 307. 

Troubetskoi, Count, 222. 

Tucker, Henry St. George, 411. 

Uchida, S., 401. 

Uriu, Rear-Admiral, 13. 

Vardaman, James K., 274. 

Vogt, Mr., 409. 

Vries, de, Hugo, 370. 

Wachtmeister, Count, 409. 

Watts, George Frederick, 751. 

Weaver, John, 22. 

Wells, James L., 519. 

Wesendonck, Mathilde, 255. 

Westinghouse, George, 20. 

Wharton, Edith, Mrs., 254. 

White, J. H., 668. 

Whitlock, Brand, 651. 

William II., Emperor of Germany, 681. 

Williams, Sir George, 484, 678. 

Wilson, James H., 137. 

Witte, Serge, 130, 258, 403. 

Wyman, Walter, 274, 549. 

Yela, Joaquin, 549. 

Zavilia, Carlos E., 50. 

Ziegler, William, 29. 

Zvov, Count, 222. 

Zvov, N. N., 222. 
Post-Office Department work, 146. 
Printing Office, Government, 375. 
Progress of the World, 3, 131, 259, 387, 515, 643. 
Psychology, International Congress of, 349. 

Races, Are there superior and inferior I-' .'H8. 
Radium, Effect of, ()n disease, 739. 
Railroad-rates question, 70, 528-529, 028, 655. 
Railroads : The La Follette railroad law in Wi.sconsin, 

Railroads : The freight rates that were made by the 

railroads, 70. 
Rain-formation, Natural and artificial, 745. 
Reciprocity and the "dual tariff"," 272. 
Record of Current Events, 26, 158, 283, 410, 540, 666. 
Religious revivals — ancient and modern, 485. 
River-banks : How they are formed, 490. 
Rhode Island, Political issues in, 525 ; The election, 

Rockefeller, John R., Ten-million-dollar gift of, to Gen- 
eral Education Board, 146. 
Rome, Economic and social conditions in, 734. 
Root, Elihu, appointed Secretary of State, 134. 
Roosevelt as Russia's helper, 475. 
Roosevelt at Wilkesbarre and Chautauqua, 270. 
Roosevelt, our Naturalist-President, 614. 
Roosevelt, President, and his policies, 654. 
Roosevelt, President, at Washington again, 391. 
Roosevelt, President, Efforts of, for peace between Rus- 
sia and Japan, 4, 259, 264, 389, 475. 
Roosevelt, President, Southern trip of, 528. 
Roosevelt, Theodore, A discourse on the state 

phy and ideals of, 707. 
Rosen, Roman Romanovitch, Baron, 212. 
Russell, Thomas W. The workings of the Irish land 

law, 572. 
Russia : 

Autocracy, End of, 656. 

"Black Hundred," What is the? 729. 

Bureaucracy, The, and the labor question, 222. 

Conditions in, at end of war, 403. 

Duma, The, — the first parliament, 265, 404, 581. 

Duma, Some of the leaders of, 113. 

Duma, What the Russians think of the, 606. 

Jews, Massacres of, 661. 

Manifesto of freedom signed, 656. 

New era for, 388. 

Oil fields. Riots in, 605. 

Peasant : Is he really aroused ? 101. 

Pobyedonostzev, The passing of, 660. 

Political freedom. Struggle for, 643. 

Political ideals of the people, 732. 

Reform progress, 154. 

Reforms : Are they real ? 15. 

Reforms demanded, 537. 

Religious toleration and the Jewish question, 223. 

Revolution, Progress of, 154, 197. 

Russia : What ails her ? — a German view, 607. 

Russian situation as it was in November, 675. 

Russians : Do they really expect reforms ? 354. 

Witte, Minister, on Russia and peace, 156. 

Witte's task in forming a cabinet, 661. 

Zemstvo congress, 266. 

Zemstvos, Radical attitude of, 537. 
Russo-Japanese War: 

American idea of neutrality, 5. 

Armies in the field at conclusion of peace, 406. 

Battle of the Sea of Japan, 8-12, 14-15, 221. 

Chronicle of, 8-15, 27, 155-156, 160, 285. 

Japan, Anti-peace demonstrations in, 404. 

Japanese victories, One of the secrets of, 221. 

Military lessons of, 114. 

Moslem world in Asia, Reaction of the Russian de- 
feat upon, 240. 

Peace, and after, 598. 

Peace commissions, 156. 

Peace, effect of, on Japanese politics, 405. 

Peace, How St. Petersburg received the news of, 426. 

Peace, Japan's Elder Statesmen and, 430. 

Peace-making at Portsmouth, 254-264, 387, 401. 

Peace negotiations. Preparing for, 131. 

Peace negotiators, 211. 

Peace treaty ratified, 536. 

Peace treaty, Text of, 596. 

Peace treaty. The making of the, 418. 

Peace treaty unpopular in Russia, 403. 

Prince Potemkin Tavritchesky, mutiny on, 152. 



Roosevelt as Russia's helper, 475. 
Roosevelt, Theodore, peacemaker, 4. 
Roosevelt's services, 389. 
Russia's navy, Collapse of, 153. 
Saghalien, Rival claims to, 603. 
Togo's triumph in the Sea of Japan, 8-12, 14-15, 221. 
Washington chosen for meeting of peace negotia- 
tors, 5. 
"War, the, in retrospect, 407. 
Ryan, Thomas F., a new power in finance, 302. 

Saghalien, Rival claims to, 603. 

Salaried class, The new, 339. 

San Francisco's campaign, 522 ; The election, 652. 

Sanitary Congress, International, at Washington, 530, 

Sars, Professor J. E., 728. 
Schierbrand, von. Wolf. Our tariff differences with 

German3% 205. 
Schmitz, Eugene E., reelected mayor of San Francisco, 

"School city," The, in Philadelphia, 235. 
Scotland decadent? Is, 482. 
Sea-air treatment for New York's bedridden children, 

"Sea-Breeze," (Coney Island) Home for children and 

mothers, 324. 
.Seaman, Louis L. Lessons for America in the Japanese 

army medical service, 584. 
Sea water. Virtues of, 495. 
Seligman, Edwin R. A. The new mortgage tax in New 

York, 85. 
Social reform, An English plea for, 346. 
South Africa, Progress in, 282. 
South America, American relations with, 396. 
South American affairs, 531. 
South Pole, Recent explorations of, 109. 
Spain, Political affairs in, 149. 
Spain's economic advance, 613. 
" Standard Oil," A defense of, 232. 
State politics, Notes on, 400. 
Stead, Henry. President Diaz on transcontinental 

trade, 451. 
Stead, William T. : 
How St. Petersburg received the news of peace, 426. 
Russia's first parliament, the Duma, 581. 
Speaking tour in Russia, 664. 

The Russian situation as it was in November, 675. 
Stone, N. I. How the Germans revised their tariff, 

Street-railway fares in large cities, 80. 
Student Christian movement, 616. 
Sun, Eclipse of (August 30, 1905), 194, 617. 
Suzuki, S. The sanitation of Japan's navy, 587. 
Sweden, Norway, and the Kaiser, 149. 
Sweden, Norway's separation from : see Norway. 
Switzerland, What the people read in, 185. 
Switzerland's fete of the vine, 456. 

"Tainted" money, 147, 471. 

Tariff differences with Germany, Our, 205. 

Taylor, W. D. The freight rates that were made by the 
railroads, 70. 

Texas, University of, and its new president, 682. 

Thompson, Robert J. The leaven and the loaf ; a dis- 
course on the state philosophy and ideals of Theo- 
dore Roosevelt, 707. 

Togo's victory : What it means to the United States, 91. 

Torpedo, The, in war, 12-14. 

Traction, Electric, on German rivers and canals, 183, 

Trade, Foreign, America in, 715. 

Treasury report for year ending June 30, 141. 

Treaty of peace, modern. Making of a, 418. 

Tuberculosis in Europe, Fight against, 736. 

Tunnel sickness, 377. 

Turkey, Affairs in, 280. 

Uintah Reservation opening, 268, 444. 

Van Norman, Louis E. The making of a modern 

peace treaty, 418. 
Venezuela asphalt dispute. History of, 19. 
Venezuela, Claims against, 275 
Venezuela's troubles, 397. 
Vesuvius, Life on, 493. 
Virginia election, 652. 
Virginia Senatorial campaign, 273. 
Voting : see ballot reform. 
Vries, de. The "mutation" theory formulated by, 370. 

Walking as a means of education, 492. 

Water-power development, Mexican, 447. 

Water-power : Harnessing the tides at Chichester, 
England, 491. 

Wellman, Walter. American life insurance on trial, 

Wellman, Walter. John Hay: An American gentle- 
man, 166. 

West Indies, Affairs in, 275. 

Whitlock, Brand, elected mayor of Toledo, Ohio, 651. 

William, Emperor, activities of, 277. 

William, Emperor, as chief of police of Europe, 93. 

Williams, Sir George, 678. 

Wilner, M. M. Canada's canal system, 177, 

Wilson, James H., and his work in the Department of 
Agriculture, 138. 

Wisby Hrolf . The new King of Norway, 703. 

Wisconsin, LaFollette railroad law in, 76. 

Witte, Sergius, Count, 211, 292. 

Woman's movement, English women writers on, 247. 

Yellow fever at New Orleans, 273. 

Young Men's Christian Association, — a survey, 484. 

Zambesi River, New railroad bridge over, 229. 

Zionism and American Judaism, 531. 

Zionists' declination of British Uganda offer, 25. 

The American Monthly Review of Reviews. 



The Late Gen. Maximo Gomez Krontispiecc 

The Progress of the World — 

New Pages of (Jivat ilistory •') 

America's Induence and Concerii :} 

'riieodore Roosevelt, Peacemaker <^ 

Kussia and ,Iai)au Respond 4 

'• Tlie Washiiiiiton Conference " 5 

The American Idea of Neutrality 5 

Norway Separates from Sweden 

International Asi)ects 7 

Togo Master of the Situation 8 

Rozhestvenski Brave but Unfortunate 9 

Battle of the Sea of Japan 9 

Togo's Superb Sea Strategy 10 

The Russian Wreck 11 

Japanese Naval Losses 12 

The Terrible Torpedo 12 

Torpedoes in Our War with Spain 13 

Some Torpedo Statistics 13 

" The Virtue of the Emperor" 14 

Effect of Togo's Victory 14 

Is Linevich Surrounded ? 15 

Are the Russian Reforms Real y 15 

France, Germany, and Morocco 16 

Kii)g Alfonso of Spain Goes Visiting IT 

Increased Tension in Austria-Hungary 17 

Colombia and the Panama Debt 18 

The Vindication of Mr. Loomis 18 

Genesis of the Venezuelan Trouble 19 

History of the Asphalt Dispute 19 

The Venezuelan Case 19 

Panama Canal Supplies 20 

Paul Morton Heads the Equitable 21 

For the Policy-holders 21 

The Revolution in Philadelphia 23 

The Strength of the Local Machine 23 

Corporation Influence 24 

The Gas-Lease Agitation 24 

Effect on State Politics 24 

Chicago and Glasgow 24 

Chicago's Labor War 25 

No Zion in Africa 25 

With portraits, cartoons, and other illustrations. 

Record of Current Events 26 

With cartoon and portraits. 

Some National and International Cartoons of 

the Month 30 

The Late Mrs. Mary A. Livermore : A Por- 
trait 34 

A Bonaparte at the Head of the American 

Navy 35 

With portrait of Charles Jerome Bonaparte. 

John Paul Jones and Our First Triumphs on 

the Sea 39 

By Charles Henry Lincoln. 
With portraits of John Paul Jones. 

For the Conquest of the Pole 43 

By P. T. McGrath. 

With portrait of Robert E. Peary, U.S.N., and other 


Argentina: The Wonderland of South America 41) 

Hy John HHi"r(;tt. 
Witli portraits and other illustrations. 

How Niagara Is "Harnessed" 58 

By Truman A. I)e Woese. 
With illustrations. 

Why Norway Has Separated from Sweden.. 05 
]^y "A Danish Observer." 

The Norwegian Viewpoint 68 

By Rasmus B. Anderson. 

A Swedish View of the •'Revolution".. 09 

By John A. Enander. 

The Freight Rates that Were Made by the 

Railroads 70 

By W. D. Taylor. 
With charts and tal:)les. 

The La Follette Railroad Law in Wisconsin. 76 

By John R. Commons. 

Street-Railway Fares in Large Cities 80 

By Howard S. Knowlton. 
■ With tables. 

The New Mortgage Tax in New York 85 

By Edwin R. A. Seligman. 

Some French Books that American Women 

Ought to Read 89 

By Stephane Jousselin. 

Leading Articles of the Month — 

What Togo's Victory Means to Us 91 

Count Okuma on Japan's Greatness 92 

The Chief of Police of Europe 93 

Alfonso XIII. of Spain and His Inheritance. ... 94 

Mr. Balfour as Fabius Maximus 90 

Has England Failed in Egypt ? 98 

'' The Philippines for the Americans" 99 

Japan and the Koreans versus the Korean Gov- 
ernment 101 

Is the Russian Peasant Really Aroused "f 101 

An English Discussion of Life Insurance 103 

Jewish Immigrants Desired in England 104 

Glasgow and Boston : A Street-Railway Com- 
parison .' 106 

A Warning to American Art Collector 106 

College Athletics and "Summer Ball " 108 

Recent Explorations of the South Pole 109 

A Prehistoric Monster : The Diplodocus 110' 

The Commerce of Latin America Ill 

Some Leaders of Russia's First Parliament .... 113 
Some Military Lessons of the Far-Eastern War. 11-4 

The Significance of German Expansion 115 

With portraits and other illustrations. 

Briefer Notes on Topics in the Periodicals. . . 118 

The New Books 133 

With portraits of authors. 

TERMS: §3.50 a y^ear in a.lvance; 35 cents a number. Foreign postai^e SI. UO a year additional. Subscribers nniy remit to us 
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for the yearly subscription, including postage, or a5 cents for single copies.) THE REVIEW OF REVIEWS C0.» 
13 Astor Place, New York City. 



Maximo Gomez, commander-in-chief of the Cuban revolutionary army during the last war for independence against 
Spain, was born in Santo Domingo in 1823 and died at Havana on June 17, 1905. As a young man he was a lieutenant 
in the Spanish army, but left the service of Spain after his family emigrated to Cuba. In 1868 he joined the Cuban 
patriot army, and continued to serve against Spain throughout the ten years' war, reaching high commands and 
achieving several noteworthy victories over the Spaniards. After the signing of the treaty of Zanjon, in 1878, Gomez 
was proscribed, and retired to the island of Jamaica, where he continued to live as a farmer until the outbreak of the 
Cuban revolution in 1895 under Jose Marti. When Gomez landed in Cuba in the spring of 1895, he was at once made 
commander-in-chief of the insurgent troops, and from that time until the declaration of war between the United 
States and Spain, in 1898, Gomez was the chief personality in the unequal contest witli Spain. His Fabian tactics 
were repeatedly successful in outflanking the Spanish forces, and, although vastly outnumbered, he succeeded in 
delivering telling blows against the Spanish army in the field. At the close of the Spanish-American War, Gomez 
did much to secure friendly relations with the United States, and used his influence to secure the election of Presi- 
dent Palma. On the day before his death, the Cuban Senate passed a bill to present S1(H),(K)0 to the general. 


Review of Reviews. 

Vol. xxxIL 

NEW YORK, JULY, 1905. 

No. 1 


There was a time when the four 

NciV P(XQ6S 

of Great countries of the world most sufficient 
History. mito theuisolves, and seemingly far- 
thest removed from the interaction of world- 
movements, were the United States, China, 
Jai)an. and Korea. Our own country in due 
time has grown to maturity and taken its great 
place in the recognition and regard of Europe 
and the world. China has come to be a country 
of intense concern to all the leading nations. 
Korea has ceased to be a " Hermit Kingdom " 
throusrh conditions which have made it an inter- 
national bone of contention ; and Japan has 
stepped forth from a place of exclusiveness and 
timidity into the rank of great powers, — a 
mighty conqueror, henceforth the dominant and 
guiding influence in the destinies of Asia, and 
most potent of factors in the blending of old- 
world and new-world civilizations that must 
surely modify American and European life as well 
as the life of the ancient peoples of the Orient. 
It was a matter for great rejoicing as this num- 
ber of the Review passed from the editorial 
rooms to the printing-presses to feel some assur- 
ance that the end of the colossal war between 
Russia and Japan was near at hand. To be sure, 
a truce had not been declared, and a great land 
engagement between the forces of General Oyama 
and General Linevich, already begun, seemed 
destined to be carried to a finish with frightful 
loss of life. Yet the end of the war seemed 
clearly in sight. At the beginning of the war, 
our own government at "Washington, with the 
moral influence and good-will of Germany and 
other European powers, had taken steps to secure 
a limiting of the theater of hostilities. Other- 
wise, the territory of China (apart from Man- 
churia) would surely have been invaded by both 
belligerents, with the danger of protracting hos- 
tilities, bringing other nations into the conflict, 
and most surely dismembering China amid the 
clashing of a number of anxious and grasping 
powers. A fearful danger was averted. 

. , This was a great service for our fjov- 

America s - i i , 

Influence and ernmeut to havc rendered at the 
Concern, opening of the war, and it is not less 
gratifying to Americans that the initial steps 
toward a basis for bringing the war to an end 
were taken by the Chief Magistrate of this re- 
public. The past month has been one of far- 
reaching events upon the plane of great history, 
and we may well turn these editorial pages away 
from home topics and give them more fully than 
usual to the things of the world beyond our 
gates. After all, it has come to pass for us 
Americans that we no longer count as alien to 
our interest those things that deeply affect other 
nations or that change the relationships of one 
people toward another. When this magazine, 
some fifteen years ago, began its monthly issues, 
it gave what in the United States was an un- 
wonted and novel attention to foreign questions. 
In those days, only a limited public was on the 
one hand familiar with such matters, or was on 
the other hand eager to know about them. A 
marvelous change has come about in the range 
of American information and opinion. We 
have now a great American public caring about 
the concerns of mankind from Norway and 
Sweden to Morocco, and from Tibet to Vene- 
zuela. It has been the endeavor of the Review 
to march steadily with this widening of Amer- 
ican horizons. Not only have our people become 
better informed and more deeply interested, but 
our government and our diplomacy have changed 
in such regards until at length Washington has 
become a center of activity and influence in the 
affairs of the nations. 




Emperors and kings make war : it is 
reserved for presidents to make peace. 
The great historic event of the month 
of June, of which Americans can be justly proud, 
was the peace suggestion of President Roose- 
velt to Russia and Japan, which has been ac- 
cepted by both the warring nations. The com- 


AT.L, EYES ON AMERICA.— From the Plain Dealer (Cleveland). 

bination of decision and tact which is char- 
acteristic of the highest diplomacy was perhaps 
never so finely shown as in the President's re- 
markable note to both Russia and Japan, which 
was read to the Czar by Ambassador Meyer in 
person, on June 7, and presented to the Mikado, 
in Tokio, at the same time. Calling attention to 
the clause of the Hague convention which pro- 
vides that a suggestion of intermediation shall 
never be considered an unfriendly act by disput-- 
ing powers, our ambassadors at the Russian and 
Japanese capitals presented the follow^ing note : 

The President feels that the time has come when in 
the interest of all mankind he must endeavor to see if 
it is not possible to bring to an end the terrible and lam- 
entable conflict now being waged. With both Russia 
and Japan the United States has inherited ties of 
friendship and good-will. It hopes for the prosperity- 
and welfare of each, audit feels that the progress of the 
world is set back by the war between these two great 
nations. The President accordingly urges the Russian 
and Japanese governments, not only for their own 
sakes, but in the interest of the whole civilized world, 
to open direct negotiations for peace with each other. 
The President suggests that these peace negotiations 
be conducted directly and exclusively between the bel- 
ligerents ; in other words, that there be a meeting of 
Russian and Japanese plenipotentiaries or delegates 
without any intermediary, in order to see if it is not 
possible for these representatives of the two powers to 

agree to terms of peace. The President earnestly asks 
that the (Japanese) (Russian) Government do now agree 
to such meeting, and is now asking the (Russian) (Jap- 
anese) Government likewise to agree. While the Presi- 
dent does not feel that any intermediary should be 
called in in respect to peace negotiations themselves, he 
is entirely willing to do what he properly can if the two 
powers concerned feel that his services will be of aid in 
arranging the preliminaries as to the time and place of 
meeting. But even if these preliminaries can be ar- 
ranged directly between the two powers, or in any 
other waj', the President will be glad, as his sole pur- 
pose is to bring about a meeting which the whole civil- 
ized world will pray may result in peace. 


President Roosevelt's idea was that 
and Japan both Countries could, without sacri- 
Respond. flying their justifiable national pride, 
appoint representatives to consider whether peace 
might not be arranged without either nation first 
proposing terms of peace ; that these represent- 
atives might meet at some neutral point, with- 
out the intervention or cooperation of any third 
power. In brief, he said to Russia and Japan, 
••Intervention is not necessary, but if I can do- 
any thing to make it possible that you meet and 
decide these matters yourselves, I will bo more 
tlian glad to do so," and the civilized woi-ld, 
including the press of both belligerent powers, 
applauded. After considerable interchange of 


opinions and views, and niucli diplomatic, i'ou- 
cing, Kussia's assent to the peacu; su<i"g'(;stic)n 
was delivered orally to the President l)y Count 
Cassini. 'I'lie text of Russia's reply was re- 
ceived later l)y the President and communicated 
to Minister Takahira dii-ect. The paragra[)li 
which caused some discussion, and suspicion on 
th(> pai't oL' .hipan, read as follows : 

As for an eventual meeting of Russian and Japa- 
nese plenipotentiaries charged witli ascertaining how 
far it would be possible for the two powers to elaborate 
conditions of peace, the Imperial Government would 
have no objection in principle to such an attempt if 
the Japanese Government expressed a desire therefor. 

The govei'ument at Tokio has been ready for 
peace for months, but some doubt has been felt 
in Japan as to the sincerity of Russia's desire, 
and Japan, which realizes that the diplomatic 
battle she is now entering upon is of greater 
importance to her future than the actual fight- 
ing in the far East, hesitated to commit herself 
to a position which might afford Russia an ex- 
cuse for backing down. On June lo, the text of 
the Japanese reply was made public. It follows : 

The Imperial Government have given to the sugges- 
tions of the President of the United States, embodied 
in the note handed to the minister for foreign affairs 
by the United States minister on the 9th inst., very 
serious consideration, to which, because of its source 
and its import, it is justly entitled. Desiring, in the 
interest of the world as well as in the interest of Japan, 
the reestablishment of peace with Russia, on terms and 
conditions that will fully guarantee its stability, the 
Imperial Government will, in response to the sugges- 
tions of the President, appoint plenipotentiaries of 
Japan to meet the plenipotentiaries of Russia at such 
time and place as may be found to be mutually agree- 
able and convenient for the purpose of negotiating and 
concluding terms of peace directly and exclusively be- 
tween the two belligerent powers. 

En the peace negotiations much credit must be 
given, of course, to Count Cassini and Minister 
Takahira, and to the ambassadors of France, 
Germany, and England, who were in constant 
touch with the President, assuring him of the 
hearty support of their governments. The Kai- 
ser is known to have lent his most cordial sup- 
port to President Roosevelt's project. It was 
recognized that the question of indemnity would 
be the point of issue. Russia, however, having 
virtually admitted the principle of indemnity, it 
was generally believed that diplomatic pressure 
by neutral nations would be brought to bear upon 
Japan to make her demands moderate. 

, The next stage of the proceedings 

Washington was the Settlement uppn place of 

onfetence. jjjecting. Russia desired Paris, but 

Japan objected, since it is the capital of Russia's 

ally. Japan wished to settle upon Chefu, but 

Uussia objected, since the latter is supposed to 
hav(i a pro - Ja[)an<!S(^ atmosf)h(!r('. President 
Koosev(dt is ]'(}ported to have Cavorcfd some 
point in Manchuria, but, lat(;r, is known to have 
i'egai-d(Ml 'I'lie llagu(; or Ceneva as desirable 
phic(;s. Japan, however, positively refused to 
consider any point in Europe, and Russia would 
not consent to any place in the far East. Wash- 
ington was th(!i-e('ore finally chosen, and tin; de- 
(nsion has alr(;ady gone into history in the news- 
papei' dispatches all over the world referring to 
the coming •■ Washington conference." Russia's 
intention to limit the powers of her representa- 
tiv(3 to those of receiving Japan's terms had 
been objected to by the Tokio government, 
which insisted that the Russian envoy should 
be plenipotentiary, clothed with full powers to 
negotiate, subject, of course, in the most vital 
matters, to the general government at home. 
And Japan's wislies prevailed. The choice of 
representatives then became the subject of dis- 
cussion, the indications being that there would 
be three commissioners on each side ; and it 
was definitely announced on June 17 that M. 
Nelidov, at present Russian ambassador at Paris, 
and a statesman of long experience, had been 
chosen by the Czar, and that Marquis Ito, one 
of her leading statesmen and a man of well-tried 
ability, would probably represent Japan. Both 
governments settled upon August as the date 
of meeting. In case the weather conditions 
in Washington (which is a very hot city in 
summer) are such at that time to make it oppres- 
sive for the distinguished foreigners, President 
Roosevelt had suggested that the sessions be 
adjourned- to some cooler northern point. 

^, , . The conviction which has taken pos- 

Tne Amefican • o i • a ^ 

Idea of session 01 SO large a portion or the 
Neutrality, civilized worid that in matters of in- 
ternational politics the United States of Amer- 
ica is absolutely and consistently virtuous was 
further strengthened immediately after the 
sweeping Japanese naval victory by the action 
of our government in compelling the internment 
at Manila of the three vessels of Admiral En- 
quist's squadron. On June 3, the Oleg^ Aurora, 
and Jemchufj, in a terribly battered condition, 
entered the harbor of Manila, having escaped 
from Togo's pursuit. The Russian commander 
at once requested from Governor-General W^right 
and Rear-Admiral Train, in command of the 
American squadron at Manila, permission to re- 
main and repair. After consultation with the 
President, Secretary Taft telegraphed to Gov- 
ernor-General Wright that '-time cannot be 
given for the repair of the injuries received in 
battle. Therefore, the vessels cannot be re- 



paired unless interned until the end of hostil- 
ities." It is the firm conviction of the President 
and his advisers that, wJiile repair of damages 
to warships by accident or stress of the elements 
can be permitted according to the laws of strict 
neutrality as well as the dictates of humanity, 
the practical refitting of ships of war which 
have received their injuries in battle is not in 
accordance with the duties of a neutral. This 
introduces a new principle into considerations 
of neutrality, but, with the exception of a few 
mild, perfunctory protests from Russian jour- 
nals, its justness and correctness have been ad- 
mitted by the world at large. In accordance 
with the President's instructions and the decis- 
ion of the Russian admiral, who gave his parole, 
the three Russian vessels have been completely 
disarmed, and will remain interned at Manila 
until the close of the war. The strictly just 
and impartial attitude of the United States in 
this matter has retained for us the good-will of 
both contesting nations. 

By the most methodical and busi- 

nlorway ti p i • 

Separates uess-like 01 rcvoiutions, a new nation 
from Sweden, ^^tered the international family last 
month. After nearly a century of union with 

FREE AGAIN !— From the World (New York). 

Sweden, Norway has become a separate as well 
as an independent state. The immediate cause 
of disruption was the refusal of Sweden to 
grant a separate consular service to Norway. 
The real reason is found in the facts of radically 
opposite national temperaments and different 
economic and commercial interests. On May 28, 
King Oscar vetoed the Norwegian Storthing's 
bill providing for separate Norwegian consu- 
lates. The entire Norwegian cabinet thereupon 
resigned in a body, but the King refused to 
receive their resignations. Regarding this as 
an unconstitutional act, the Norwegian ministry 
declared that the King had forfeited his posi- 
tion, and, on June 7, the Storthing declared 
the union dissolved and King Oscar dethroned 
as king of Norway by passing this resolution : 

Whereas, All the members of the council of state 
have laid down their offices ; Whereas, His Majesty the 
King has declared himself unable to establish a new 
government for the country ; and Wliereas, The con- 
stitutional regal power thus becomes inoperative, the 
Storthing authorizes the members of the council of 
state who retired to-day to exercise until further notice 
as the Norwegian government the power appertaining 
to the King in accordance with Norway's constitution 
and existing laws, with those changes which are neces- 
sitated by the fact that the union with Sweden under 
one king is dissolved in conse- 
quence of the King having ceased 
to act as Norwegian king. 

An address from the Stor- 
thing, under the guidance of 
Christian Michelsen, premier 
of the cabinet and de facto 
head of the Norwegian gov- 
ernment, in which the dis- 
ruption of the union is re- 
ferred to as "the course of 
developments which have 
proved more powerful than 
the desire and will of indi- 
viduals," was sent to King 
Oscar. It was a temperate, 
respectful, and dignified ad- 
dress, calling attention to the 
irritation caused by the mis- 
understanding between the 
two nations, and declaring 
tliat the union had become a 
danger to the feeling of soli- 
darity between tlie Norwe- 
gian and Swedish peoples. 
The address emphasized the 
good feeling toward the 
Swedish people and King 
Oscar's family by request- 
ing his majesty to select a 
prince of his own house as 


From a stereograph, copyright, 1905, by Underwood & Underwood, N. Y. 

(Until June 7, ruler of Sweden and Norway. He resumed 
his duties as monarch late in May, after several months' 
regency by the Crown Prince Gustav.) 

king of Norway, of course relinquisliing his 
right of succession to the throne of Sweden. 
In reply, King Oscar declared that his veto of the 
consular bill was within his constitutional rights, 
and declined to abdicate the Norwegian throne, 
because, as he asserted, Sweden's consent is ne- 
cessary to a dissolution of the union. The official 
action of Sweden will be taken by the Riksdag, 
which begins its regular session July 1. 

While the govei'nment and the 
^"^rjael'ts""' people of Sweden are standing loy- 
ally by King Oscar, it is not con- 
ceivable that any forcible means will be used to 
keep Norway in the union against her will. 
Indeed, many of Sweden's leaders have publicly 
announced that Sweden's stake in the matter is 

not ()[' sufficient, iiiiportanc(5 to justify this. ev(m 
wen; conihiri(!(l Kurf)[)(; to p(;rmit it. Moreover, 
tlie very pow(!rful Swedisii Socialist party, 
which is very strong in the army, as well as 
almost all the labor unions of Sweden, have? 
announ(;(Ml, in letters addi-essed to Norwegian 
socialistic; Ixxlies, that Swedish Socialists will 
refuse to marcli against their brethren in Nor- 
way. 'rh(3 actual scjparation was consummatc.'d 
by the lowering of tlu; union flag from the 
tower oT the govei-nment fort in Christiania, 
where it had floatcul since 1M14. ''J'he Nor- 
wegian tricolor was then hoist(Kl in its place. 
The opinion of the rest of the world is not 
unanimous as to the wisdom of Norway's move, 
the chief objection alleged being fear of Tiussian 
aggression. St. i'etersburg, it is known, has 
long desired an ice-free port on the Atlantic, 
and Norway alone would, of course, be unaV)le 
to resist Muscovite aggression. As yet, no 
foreign power has recognized Norway as an 
independent nation, and it is confidently pre- 
dicted in Stockholm that, with Sweden object- 
ing, no foreign power is likely to extend such 
I'ecognition, This, it is l)elieved, will eventually 
force Norway into negotiations which will prob- 


(Head of the de facto Norwegian government.) 


Dr. Sven Hedin. Dr. Fridjof Nansen. Dr. Bjornstjerne Bjornsen. 


ably result in separate indepemJence, coiisiiin 
mated, however, after a manner more agreeable 
to Sweden's pride. In the event of it being- 
found difficult to find a Scandinavian prince 
willing and able to accept the throne of the new 
nation, the chances for a Norwegian republic 
are exceedingly bright ; in fact, many of the 
leaders of this intensely democratic people are 
now looking forward to the early establishment 
of such a form of government. Discussion of 
the possibility and desirability of a Scandinavian 
union of Norway, Denmark, and Sweden is 
again being revived in the press of Europe and 
the United States. The entire subject of dis- 
cussion, with coiriments from both Norwegian 
and Swedish standpoints, is presented in a 
special article on another page of this issue 
(65). The controversy had already been thor- 
oughly covered in a series of articles in the 
London Time.s^ by the famous Norwegians, 
Bjornstjerne Bjornsen and Fridjof Nansen, and 
the eminent Swedish explorer. Dr. Sven Hedin. 

., , In the liffht of the events of May 

Togo Master ^ ^ . •' 

of the 2 I to June 3 m lar-lLiastern waters. 
Situation, ^j^g world Can see how vain was all 
its prophecy and speculation with regard to the 
intentions o"f the Russian and Japanese admirals. 
These events have proven that the only man — 
not excepting Admiral Rozhestvenski himself — 
who really knew the place and power of every 
Japanese and Russian ship, and where Admiral 
Rozhestvenski was going, was the man who 
most needed to know these thinu,'s — Admiral 

Togo. It is the common knowledge of the 
world now how the Russian commander deter- 
mined upon his bold stroke. It is impossible to 
believe that Admiral Rozhestvenski had any ad- 
equate knowledge of the exact strength of his 
opponent's fleet, its readiness for action, and its 
commander's knowledge of his own whereabouts. 
Otherwise, he most certainly would have at- 
tempted to get to Vladivostok by an indirect 
route, instead of dashing through the Korean 
Straits. Of course, he knew that the supreme 
effort of the Japanese navy would be to guard 
the channel across which communication was 
being held with her armies on the mainland. 
He must have known. Probably his dash by 

Prof. Rasmiis Anderson. Dr. John A. Enander. 




the Tsn Islands was mado 
witli a full kn()\vl(Mlg(^ of 
thoso facts, with the iiitoii- 
tion of taking Admiral 'i'o^'o 
by sui'prise, on tlie assump- 
tion tliat, just because it was 
likely to be Japan's best- 
guarded point, therefore he 
wouhl not be expected to 
pass that way. 

, . Tt is impossible 

Rozhestuenski • i i i i 

Brave but tO W 1 t ll ll O 1 Q a 
Unfortunate. ^^.^^^ ^^^^^ ^f g^^^. 

pathy and not a little admi- 
ration from this man who, 
though in the poorest of 
health and under the most 
trying physical conditions, 
carried the fortunes of Rus- 
sia in his own hands for half 
a year, and finally staked 
those fortunes on a gallant, 
if almost hopeless, dash for 
victory. The butt and gibe 
of the world's ridicule and 
contempt, this sailor, heroic 
in his devotion to his coun- 
try, even if he was an inter- 
national peril, with a large 

proportion of his crews mere landsmen who 
had never seen service on the water before, 
with mutiny rampant, his ships foul with weeds 
and short of coal and provisions, — this man 
steamed bravely into the Japanese trap, made 
a gallant fight, and suffered almost mortal 
wounds in the service of his country. Admiral 
Rozhestvenski did all that it was possible for 
man to do with the means at his command. 
Grievously wounded, in a Japanese naval hos- 
pital, frankly admitting the superiority and gen- 
erosity of his captors, he is one more victim of 
the utterly incompetent and corrupt Russian au- 
tocracy, which is again branded with failure by 
the only test it has boasted it could stand in its 
claim to be a civilized power, — military prow- 
ess. The autocracy has despised and oppressed 
Russia's artists, her writers, her painters, and 
her musicians, even when the rest of the world 
honored them. Tt has claimed preeminence by 
its warlike might alone, and now, when brought 
to the supreme test by a nation which the world 
has known only as artistic, and not for its sol- 
diers, the Russian autocracy has made a miser- 
able, contemptible failure. Russia's soldiers and 
sailors have not belied their historic reputation 
for bravery. It is the system that has failed, 
not the men. 

From stereograph, copyright, 1905, by H. C. White & Co., N. Y. 


„ , , In the Korean Straits, lying about 

Battle of . ^ - 1 • T 

the Sea of midway between the mam Japanese 
Japan. island and the end of the Korean pen- 
insula, is the heavily fortified, rocky island of 
Tsu. This is really two islands, divided by a 
very narrow passage. When the fog lifted be- 
tween 5 and G on the morning of May 27, the 
Russian fleet, in two columns, was discovered 
near Quelpart Island by Togo's scouts, steaming 
northeast into the Korean Strait, headed, appar- 
ently, for Tsushima (Tsu Island). The news 
was sent to the Japanese admiral's flagship by 
wireless telegraphy. Togo's plans, it is now 
evident, had been, from the fii"st, clear and sim- 
ple. His hitherto mysterious base was Masampo, 
Korea, and there, with his fleet close in hand, 
he watched the Korean Straits, while his fine 
scouting and information service kept him in- 
formed of every move of the Russians. As soon 
as the news reached the Mikasa that the Rus- 
sians were really coming on, the Japanese fleet 
prepared for action and took position in the 
center of the Korean Strait, probably just north 
of Tsu Island, waiting to see which channel the 
Russians would take. About noontime, the 
Japanese scouts telegraphed that the Russians 
were coming up the eastern channel (some thirty 
miles wide), between Japan proper and Tsu- 



Capet out rf 

Superb Sea 


The details of 
the opening 
maneuvers have 
not yet been made clear. 
Most credible accounts 
state that the Japanese ad- 
miral, Kataoka, with a light 
cruiser squadron, first at- 
tacked Admiral Rozhest- 
venski, and that then Ad- 
miral Kamimura, with the 
rest of the cruisers, having 
let the Russians pass, swung 
upon them from the south. 
At the same time. Admirals 
Dewa and Uriu broke in 
upon them from Iki Islands, 
on the north, and the bat- 
tleship squadron, under the 
command of Admiral Togo 
himself, pressed the dis- 
comfited Russians from the 
west. The broad lines of 
the battle, however. 


a heavy division across 

Uia.ncoixT't I^- 

RiUdiam ships McyS.6) , ' 

shima. Admiral Togo at once deployed his Togo's strategy in 
fleet across the northern mouth of this channel, sisted of throwing: 

from Tsushima to Ikishima (see map), and waited. the Russian's line of advance as they came on. 
The Russians advanced into 
action in three columns, 
their eight battleships, un- 
der the immediate com- 
mand of Admiral Rozhest- 
venski himself, on the side 
toward Japan, and their six 
cruisers on the left. Be- 
hind them came the coast- 
defense ship and destroy- 
ers, with the transports and 
colliers in the center, — 
thirty - two vessels in all. 
From Admiral Togo's flag- 
ship, the Mikasa, could be 
seen the signal, in almost 
the same words as Nelson's 
famous signal flown just 
one hundred years before : 
'' The destiny of our Em- 
pire depends upon this ac- 
tion. You are expected to 
do your utmost." It was a 
few minutes past 2 in the 
afternoon when Rozhest- 
venski's flagship, the Kniaz 
Suvarov, at the head of tin; 
Russian line, fired the first 
shot. The Mikasa replied, 
and soon the fighting be- 
came general along a line 
of fifty miles. 

lot 6<xm. May 2 J 




while with his destroyer division und supi)()rt 
ing vessels, on the W(»st, lie gradually crowded the 
Kiissians toward the coast of Japan. The battle 
was I'eally won in an hour, Ik^ reports. As the 
fighting continued, t\\o, ,Ja[)anese slowly enveloped 
the Russians on the north, west, and south. 
These maneuvers increased the disadvantages of 
the ilussian position, already badly handicapped 
by Admiral Uozhestvenski's poor battle forma- 
tion. The Japanese ships were painted a light 
green and gray, and were scarcely visible, while 
most of the Russian vessels, with their yellow 
and black coating, were excellent marks for To- 
go's men, long and carefully trained at shooting 
in a rough sea. Wind, sun, and weather were 
against the Russians. In rough watei*, the badly 
trained gunners had to fire against the wind, 
with the sun in their eyes, while the Japanese 
had the sun at their backs, and fired "down 
wind." One after another, each Russian vessel 
was singled out in turn and on it was concen- 
trated the terrific fire of almost the entire Jap- 
anese fleet. In two hours the Russians had be- 
come completely disorganized. During Saturday 
(May 27), the splendid battleships Sissoi Veliki 
and Borodino were sunk, the latter receiving her 
death-wound in the evening from the torpedo-boat 
flotilla. During the night that followed, the 
Japanese continued their torpedo attacks, finish- 
ing up the work of the battleship gunnery dur- 
ing the day, and sinking the Kniaz Sauarov, the 
Alexander 111., and the Oslyahya, On Sunday, 
the 28th, the battleships Nicholas I. and Orel 
were captured, as were also the Admiral Seniavin 
and the Admiral Apraxine, coast-defense vessels. 
The armored cruisers Admiral Nakhimov and 
Yladiriiir Monomakli were badly crippled by gun- 
fire on Saturday and sunk (near Tsushima) by 
torpedoes on Sunday. The battleship Navarin, 
the coast-defense ship Admiral Oasliakov, the 
armored cruiser Dmitri Donskoi, and the pro- 
tected cruiser Svietlana were sunk by torpedoes 
on the night of the 27tli or the morning of the 
28th. The Japanese pursuit never rested. 


One by one, the Russian vessels were 
Russian sunk or captured. The Baltic fleet 
Wreck. xiever really recovered from the first 
crushing blow to its admiral's flagship. All 
the rest was headlong flight, relentless pursuit. 
and, finally, utter rout and destruction. Admiral 
Rozhestvenski transferred his command from 
the Suvarov to the Borodino, where he was 
wounded. Then he was taken aboard the 
Biedovy, a destroyer, which was captured by 
the Japanese near the Korean coast, the Russian 
admiral being found wounded and bleedmg in 
her hold. Admiral Yoelkersahm, in command 

From a stereograph, copyright, 1905, by H. C. White & Co., N. Y. 

(Second in command at the battle of the Sea of Japan.) 

of the Russian battleship squadron, was killed 
at the beginning of the fight in the conning 
tower of his flagship, the Oslyahya. Admiral 
Nebogatov, with five ships, made a dash to the 
north, but was overtaken by the Japanese on 
Sunday morning off the Liancourt Islands, 
nearly two hundred miles north of Tsushima. 
(Jne of his vessels, the Iziunrnd, escaped, but ran 
on a reef on Monday night, and her commander, 
Ferzen, landed his crew and blew up the cruiser. 
The other four ships under Nebogatov (the bat- 
tleships Xidiolas 1. and Orel and the coast- 
defense vessels Admiral Aj^raxine aijd Admiral 
Seniavin) surrendered to the Japanese under 
Uriu and the younger Togo. Admiral Enquist, 
in charge of the heavy cruiser division, sue-, 
ceeded in escaping to Manila, where he arrived 
on June 3 with his three cruisers, the Oley, the 
Aurora, and the Jemchiuj. The cruiser Alraaz 



and tlii-ee destroyers readied Vladivostok in 
safety. Another Russian destroyer drifted into 
v^banghai harbor on Juno 4. For three days 
the wreck of Russian vessels and the dead 
bodies of Russian sailors were washed up on 
the shores of Japan. The aggregate number of 
the officers and men of Rozhestvenski's fleet was 
18.000. Of these, but 1,000 escaped. Fourteen 
thousand went down with their ships, and 3.000, 
including two admirals (Rozhestvenski and Ne- 
bogatov). were taken prisoners. 





'' They sailed for the land of pyg- 
mies and they found a race of men." 
This is the only explanation. AVith 
weak, badly equipped ships, inferior explosives, 
cavalry lieutenants on the decks in place of 
naval officers, no system of comfnunication and 
no information service worthy of the name, the 
Russian armada went into battle with the Czar's 
commission signaled from Rozhestvenski's flag- 
ship : '• AYe must have, not only a triumphant 
entry into \"ladivostok, but must sink part of 
the Japanese fleet on the way." They believed 
they could destroy Admiral Togo. The Rus- 
sian gunners maintained a much higher rate 
of fire than the Japanese, but tlie projectiles 
nearly always flew high or buried themselves in 
the sea. showing lack of experience in rough- 
water firing. The Japanese fleet suffered* very 
slightly. Three of Togo's torpedo boats were 
sunk and about eight hundred lives lost, accord- 
ing to Admiral Togo's report. The battleship 
Asalii w^as the most frequently hit, but the 
Mikasa, Togo's flagship, lost the most, — 63 in 
killed and wounded. Additional losses to the 
Japanese navy, now made known for the first 
time, since there is no further reason for secrecy, 
are : the battleship YasJu'ma, sunk by a mine 
before Port Arthur, May 15, 1904 ; the pro- 
tected cruiser Tahisago., sunk December, 1904 ; 
the torpedo-boat destroyers Akatsuki and Haya- 
tori, sunk in May and Septeml)er. 1904, respec- 
tively ; and the gunboats Oslrlma and Atago^ 
sunk in May and November, 1904, — all before 
Port Arthur. By this battle, the Island Empire 
attains the rank of sixth naval power, and Russia 
becomes seventh. Despite her losses in battle, 
Japan, by capture from Russia, has inci'eased 
her war tonnages from 220,000 to 2.'30,000. It is 
reported that several of the Russian Port Arthur 
fleet have Ijeen raised by the Japanese and re- 
fitted for service. Besides, there are the Russian 
ships interned in Chinese ports and at Manila. 
These Japan will no doubt claim at the end of 
the war. Tlie following table shows the vessels, 
both Russian and Japanese, participating in the 
battle of the Sea of Japan : 

Battleships : 

Alexander III 


Kniaz Suvarov 




Nicholas I 

Sissoi Veliki 

Coast-defense battleships 

Admiral Oushakov 

Admiral Seniavin 

Admiral Apraxine 

Armored cruisers : 

Admiral Nakhimov 

Vladimir Monomakh 

Dmitri Donskoi 

Protected cruisers : 


















Battleships : 





Chin Yen 


Armored cruisers : 









Protected cruisers : 





















































































It is evident that the Russians w^ere 
completely outclassed, outweighed, 
outgeneraled, and outfought. Wliile 
the consummate strategy of Admiral Togo is 
admitted, and the superiority of the Japanese 
gunnery proven beyond a doubt, the features of 
the battle which are causing most speculation in 
naval and military circles are the relative parts 
played by battleship and torpedo boat as bearing 
on the old disputed question of the relative 
merits of these craft. When the Russians were 
wearied and worn by the terrific gunnery of the 
Japanese battleships on Saturday, at night a 



Rear-Admiral Dewa. 

Vice-Admiral Kataoka. Rear-Admiral Shimomura. 


Rear-Admiral Uriu. 

swarm of torpedo craft, held in reserve in the 
rocky coves of Tsushima, came out, in tlie moon- 
light, into smooth water and attacked the crip- 
pled Russians like a swarm of hornets. AVith 
their fresh crews, they were able to put the 
finishing touches to the work of the heavier 
warships. It is also admitted by the Japanese 
navy department that submarines were actually 
used during the battle. The question of the 
value of these small war vessels has divided 
naval experts for years. Certainly, the advance- 
ment into general favor of the torpedo and the 
submarine has been remarkable. The Russo- 
Japanese war has demonstrated that the con- 
tempt felt for these little craft after our war with 
Spain is utterly unwarranted. At the outbreak 
of the Spanish-American "War the torpedo was 
regarded with awe by laymen and greatly feared 
by naval men the world over. In relation to 
war craft of other types, and in the public mind, 
it held a position similar to that now occupied 
by the submarine. Its potentialities were be- 
lieved to be tremendous. 

_ . While the Oregon was making; her fa- 
in Our War mous trip around the Horn, the nation 
with Spain, j^^i^ -^g breath for fear of her destruc- 
tion or capture by two Spanish torpedo boats of 
the destroyer type known to be somewhere upon 
the Atlantic. Such a catastrophe might have 
come to pass had the destroyers been in the 
hands of enterprising, fearless, and expert men. 
But in the light of the fate of the Pluton and the 
Terror, the Spanish destroyers, the fear that they 
inspired was ludicrous. They were disposed of 
in less than half an hour, in the battle of Santi- 
ago, by the little Gloucester^ inferior in guns, but 
manned as a war vessel should be manned and 
superbly handled. The battles of Manila and 
Santiago demonstrated nothing save that marks- 
manship and the maneuvering: of vessels are es- 

sentials in naval warfare. Torpedo boats were 
hardly a factor in the fighting ; and in I'cgard 
to them nothing was demcmstrated save that 
they are useless in incompetent hands. But 
from the day of Santiago, public opinion, in this 
country, at least, belittled tor];)edo boats and dis- 
regarded them as a factor of danger. The 
younger officers of the navy, almost to a man, 
are firm believers in torpedo boats as a compo- 
nent part of our sea power, and but few of the 
older officers are opposed to them. But naval 
officers, young and old alike, fear public opinion 
in the matter. They know that public opinion 
is likely to run to extremes, and that if the pub- 
lic again gets an exaggerated idea of the im- 
portance and capabilities of the torpedo boat it 
will again bring pressure to bear in the Senate 
when the Navy Department asks for additional 
battleships, saying : "What is the use of spend- 
ing 15,000,000 on a battleship when a fleet of 
torpedo boats — any one of them a match for any 
battleship afloat — can be built for the same 
amount ? " As a matter of fact, we need more 
battleships, and more, many more, torpedo 
boats. Both are essential, and neither can take 
the place of the other. We never think of put- 
ting only heavy artillery in the field because it 
is possible for one shell to put an entire company 
of infantry out of action, nor do we dream of 
confining our army to regiments of infantry 
because one man may, on occasions, possibly 
be able to shoot down all the men at an en- 
emy's field gun. 




When present building programmes 
are completed, we shall be the second 
power in battleships, — England. 50 ; 
United States, 25; Germany, 22; France, 17. 
Second, also, in coast-defense ships, — Germany. 
1 3 ; United States. 1 1 : France, 9. In first- 
class cruisers, we will rank third, — England, 45 ; 



France, 16; United States, 15. The accom- 
panying tal)le shows our ])osition in relation to 
the otlier great powers as i-egards torpedo boats, 
destroyers, and submarines. What craft we 
have in these classes, however, compare very 
favorably with the best of any other nation. 
Our slowest can do 28 knots, as against Eng- 
land's 25, Germany's 19, and Russia's 16, while 
our speediest can do 30 knots, as against Eng- 
land's, Germany's, and Japan's 31, and France's 
and Russia's 35. In gun power, our boats are 
superior, having two r2-pounders and two 6- 
pounders, as against England's and France's 
one 12 -pounder and two G - pounders. Ours 
have but two torpedo tubes to England's, Rus- 
sia's, and Italy's two and three. Our comple- 
ment is 64 for all boats, compared with Russia's 
lowest, 13, and England's greatest, 72. Our 
destroyer with the smallest coal capacity carries 
115 tons, while France's lowest is 33 tons, and 
Russia's, 15 tons. Our boat with largest coal 
capacity carries 232 tons, against England's 130 
and Germany's 100. So that our destroyers are 
equal, on paper, to the best of other nations in 
almost every respect save speed, and surpass 
them in gun power, coal capacity, and steaming 
radius. France was the first to add submarine 
torpedo boats to her navy, having launched her 
first craft of this type in 1885. Our first was 
launched in 1896. England did not adopt the 
submarine until 1902, but she now counts 39 of 
these craft, against our 8 and France's 48. 
Japan is supposed to have 13 submarines of 
American build, and it is believed that they are 
to be credited with the destruction of several of 
the Russian ships reported sunk by mines. In 
the total count for torpedo boats of all classes 
we are at the foot of the list of the seven leading 
naval powers. This table (compiled chiefly from 
the Naval Annual for 1905, modified in certain 
instances by later statistical data) shows the 
relative position of the principal maritime 
nations with regard to torpedo boats (first. 
second, third, and fourth classes), torpedo-boat 
destrovers, and submarines. 







United States. 



boats : 


1st, 2d, 



























the war) 


the war) 


w-r, „■ . The Japanese admiral's report of 

" The Virtue , . . ^ , . . • t i 

of the his Victory, beginning with tiiese 
Emperor." ^yQj.(js^ " That we gained a success 
beyond our expectations is due to the brilliant 
virtue of your Majesty and to the protection of 
the spirits of your imperial ancestors, and not 
to the action of any human being," has been the 
subject of much comment in the press of the 
Western world. The attitude of the mind which 
could write that sentence is inscrutable to us 
of the Occident. But, after all, may it not be 
literally true and justified ? The present ruler 
of Japan is certainly a man of most remarkable 
mental and moral qualities, and, beyond a doubt, 
one of the greatest rulers of history. His entire 
reign is a reflection of his great virtues. Any 
autocrat who in the short reign of thirty-eight 
years could have the moral and mental fiber to 
completely transform his people, yield up his 
special prerogatives in favor of the general good, 
and lift the nation over which he rules into the 
full light and benefits of modern progress, as 
the Mikado has done so modestly, so wisely, and 
so thoroughly, has certainly virtues which make, 
not only for victories in war, but for more far- 
reaching victories in peace. After all. Admiral 
Togo is correct. If it had not been for the 
wisdom and gracious patriotism of his Majesty 
the Emperor Mutsuhito in surrounding himself 
with such progressive spirits, and in advancing 
his country as he has done, not only would 
military victories have been impossible, but such 
remarkable progress in the arts of peace could 
not have been recorded. 

Effect f -^cli^ii"^^ Togo's victory, which he 
Togo's has formally designated as the battle 
Victory. ^£ ^-^^ g^^ ^£ Japan, was so complete 

as to stun not only Russia but the rest of 
Europe. A Russian defeat had been looked for, 
but practical annihilation came as a surprise. 
Naval and military experts are calling the bat- 
tle of the Sea of Japan one of the greatest — if 
not the greatest — of naval battles in history. 
Even Russia's French allies are comparing it 
with Howard and Drake's victory over the 
Spanish Armada in 1588. This comparison is 
really justified, since just as England's fate hung 
in the balance more than three centuries ago, so 
the destiny of Japan hung on the issue of this 
contest in the Korean Straits. The immediate 
effect on the great powers of the world had 
been to make them all increasingly bold in their 
eiforts looking toward peace. The destruction 
of Admiral Rozhestvenski's ships renders secure, 
not only Marshal Oyama's communications, but 
has left Russia practically without a navy of 
any kind and has advanced Japan to a position 




(The Russian commander whose ships are interned at 
Manila until the close of the war.) 

wliere she becomes a world-power of the first 
rank. Such, in the words of the Listok^ of St. 
Petersburg, is the "inevitable result, because 
education, good government, and freedom are 
always victorious over ignorance, misrule, and 
despotism." Comment on the significance of 
Admiral Togo's victory and the general trium- 
phant advance of Japan's armies will be found 
in several " Leading Articles " in this number. 
AVhat effect will Russia's temporary but real 
effacement as a great power have upon the deli- 
cate and complicated balance of international 
politics ? Certain highly significant and even 
epoch-making results are already visible in some 
widely separated quarters of the globe. 

It had been generally believed that 
Lineuich Field Marshal Oyama was holding 

Surrounded ? |^-g ^^^^^ ^j^^-| ^^^^ ^^^^^ ^^^^|^ j^^j 

been fought in the Sea of Japan. At any rate, 
as soon as the echoes of Togo's guns had died 
away reports of renewed action on a vast scale 
in Manchuria became insistent. It had been 
generally believed, also, in the United States 
and Europe that an armistice would be con- 
cluded as soon as the preliminaries of peace 
had been passed between the two belligerents, 
but, although the Japanese note in reply to Rus- 
sia's expressed willingness to consider peace 
was received in Washington on June 15, only 
reports of increased activity came from the bel- 

ligerents in tli(! (i<'l(l \\\) to the iiiiddlj* of last 
montlh For a f<!W days before this wi'itinu;, 
(June 20), the veil of s(icrecy liad bt^fji dropped 
ovei- Manchurian battlefields, soiiKjthing winch 
has irivariaT)ly hapj)ened b(;foi-(; tin; disclosure 
of far I'eachiiig events. The Japanese had inade 
a large (;nveloping circle, and, it was reported, 
had ]:)i'actically surrounded (General Innevicli. 
'W^hih; r(q)()i-ts of the complete isolation of \'Ia- 
divostok wer(; premature, the accomi)lishment 
of this fact was regarded as a inatter of daily 
probability. ^I'Ik; condition of (j(;n(!ral Tjine- 
vich's troo[)S was reported as very bad. Tlie 
aged commander had had serious differences 
with (General Kui'opatkin, and had demanded 
his recall. It was also reported that upon the 
reception of the news of a probable peace the 
Russian command(>r and all his generals liad 
signed a protest to the Czar, declaring for war, 
and announcing that they were strong enough 
to advance against the enemy. 

, „ It is coming to be recoi^-nized by the 

A yQ thcnus— 

sian Reforms Western world that a sta'te of prac- 
^^"' ^ tical anarchy exists in Russia. Im- 
mediately before the victory of Admiral Togo in 
the vSea of Japan, it seemed certain that the reac- 
tionaries had once more gained the ascendency, 
and even after the news of the terrible naval 
defeat the Czar's ukase conferring almost dic- 
tatorial powers upon General Trepov, who has 
been in command of St. Petersburg since the 
massacre of last January, indicated that the 
tyrannical tendencies of the bureaucracy had 
again triumphed. This glorified policeman has 
been made assistant minister of the interior, chief 
of police, and commander of the gendarmerie, 
with almost unlimited power. In shoj't. General 
Trepov, who represents all the abuses of power 
that are crushing the Russian people, has been 
intrusted with inipeiial authority to continue 
these abuses. On the other hand, reports are 
constant and insistent that the Czar really in- 
tends summoning a national assembly of some 
kind, to be composed of two houses, one of them 
elective. Early in June, it was even asserted 
that the programme of reforms proposed by 
Minister of the Interior Bulygin and Minister 
of Agriculture Yermolov (adopted in principle 
last March) included the institution of a repre- 
sentative assembly with legislative powers but 
no right to discuss the budget. Important re- 
forms are instituted in Poland, Finland, the 
Baltic provinces, and the Caucasus, and the 
press censorship is completely abolished. Such 
is the report. The Czar is of one mind one day, 
and the opposite the next, and it is impossible 
for the outside world to be sure of the actual 



state of affairs with regard to these much-dis- 
cussed reforms. Meanwhile, the agrarian dis- 
orders were gradually extending throughout the 
country. The peasants everywhere feel that the 
day of ''black judgment," of '' division of land," 
for which they have longed for generations, is at 
hand. They starve and suffer, while the govern- 
ment carries on its work of pacification in the 
old ways, — hy the wholesale arrest of leaders, 
by the indiscriminate flogging of men and 
women, and by the indescribable outrages of 
Cossacks. Several zemstvo congresses had been 
held, one of them, at Moscow, bold enough 
to address the Czar with a warning. The riot- 
ing and assassination also continued, — :the gov- 
ernor of Baku and the governor of Ufa were 
assassinated late in May. There is uncertainty 
among tlie Czar's own advisers, and late re- 
ports announced the resignation of Grand Duke 
Alexis, high admiral and uncle of the Czar, and 
Admiral Avellan, minister-of marine. The Rus- 
sian revolution proper has not yet begun. The 
discussive period has ended ; the period of ac- 
tion is about to be entered upon. 

"What looked like an extremely dan- 

France, . . • -n i • • 

Germany, and gcrous Situation m Jiiuropean politics 
Morocco. arose last month over the demand 
made by Germany that, in accordance with the 
request of the Sultan of Morocco, tlie question 
of the future of that country be submitted to 
an international conference. It will be remem- 
bered that by an agreement made some time 
ago between France and England the latter, in 
return for the relinquishment of France's claims 
against England in various quarters of the 
globe, recognized the overlordship of the repub- 
lic in Morocco. Since Algeria, France's prov- 
ince, adjoins Morocco, French interests were 
recognized as being paramount in the latter 
country, and it was agreed that France should 
undertake the somewhat difficult task of intro- 
ducing cei'tain much-needed reforms into the 
Moorish Sultan's dominions. It was also agreed 
that France should maintain the "open door" 
in Morocco. Italy and Spain subsequently recog- 
nized this arrangement between France and 
England, but Germany, since she is not a Medi- 
terranean power, was not consulted. German 
commercial interests ai'e not great in Morocco, 
but Kaiser AVilhelm, during his recent rathe i- 
dramatic visit to Tangier, declared that li(i in- 
tended to treat the Sultan as an absolutely in- 
dependent sovereign, and to preserve the free- 
dom of German trade in the countiy. This, of 
course, was taken as a formal notice that Ger- 
many would not recognize the special position 
of Fra,nce in Morocco. The Sultan's rejection 


( A Dutch View of the French minister Delcasse's diplomacy 
in the Morocco problem.) 

From the HoUandsche Revue (Haarem.) 

of the proposed French reforms and his ap- 
proval of the Kaiser's proposal for an inter- 
national conference, together with the failure of 
the French mission to Fez, left but two courses 
open to the republic. She must either yield or 
formally oppose Germany and refuse the inter- 
national conference. Of course, France desii'ed 
neither of these alternatives. Her ally, Russia, 
is temporarily out of the reckoning, and vv'ere it 
not for the cordial understanding with England 
(amounting, it is now claimed in France, to a 
secret alliance) the republic would probably have 
been forced to completely back down or resort to 
war. As it was, M. Delcasse, minister of foreign 
affairs, was forced to resign, his portfolio being 
assumed by M. Rouvier, the prime minister. 
England's firm attitude in supporting Franco in 
this matter has, in effect, checkmated the Kaiser's 
diplomacy. For a few days diplomatic relations 
between the repul)lic and her eastern neighbor 
wei-e strained to the utmost, and the press of 
lioth countries was hinting at actual hostilities. 
With all the Mediterranean powers, including 



Great Britain and tlie United States, approving 
of lier position, however, France lias little to 
fear from an international conference in tln^ 
matter of Moi'occo. Late i'ey)orts indicatii that 
sh(i will consent to such a conlerence. 

Of more than ordinary interest in 

King Alfonso . „ ^ • ^ l- \ 

of Spain Goes the way ot royal junketings has 
Visiting. ■|3gen the recent toui- through France 
and England ol' the youngest king of Europe, 
his Majesty King Alfonso XI 11. of Spain. The 
young monarch, although only nineteen years 
of age, has for the past three years been actual 
ruler of his country. He is a manly, progressive 
monarch, of more than usual intelligence, and 
the taste of his quality wliicli the world has so far 
received justifies the belief that he combines 
some of the greatest qualities of the Spanish 
race, and that perhaps fate will enable him to 
initiate the economic and political regeneration 
of his people. The civilized world rejoices 
in his escape from a horrible death by the 
bomb of an anarchist, in the attempt to 
assassinate him in Paris, on June 1. It was 
generally believed that the Spanish King's visit 
to London had for its principal object a meeting 
between him and the Princess Victoria Patricia 
of Connaught. The engagement of the young 


(German ambassador at Paris, who is conducting with 
France the delicate negotiations over Morocco.) 

p(!()ph', us we noted hist montli, is still clainu;d 
i)y certain Spanish and English nciwspapers. 
At any rate, the young king was received with 
great ovations in botli Paris aurl London. 
Amei-ican and English friends of the Spanish 
[)eople will regret to learn that the council of 
state in Madrid, aft(;r long consideration of the 
edict against bull-fighting on Sunday, issued 
some months ago, has authorized the resump- 
tion of this sport on Sunday on the ground that 
it is an art. 'J^liey will also regret the alarming 
condition of the Spanish labor situation, owing 
principally to the increasing emigi-ation, which 
seriously affects the future of the country, in 
view of the vast extent of cultivable land in tlie 
kingdom which now lacks tillers. This is })i-in- 
cipally due to the weight of taxation, which 
makes it difficult for an ordinary laborer to 
subsist. Spanish labor conditions in one way 
have been bettered during the past few years, 
the number of labor unions having increased 
from 69 to 3 73, with a present membership of 
57,000. There are many hopeful signs, how- 
ever, not the least among these being the 
frugality of the people, resulting in a surplus in 
the treasury. There are many indications that 
after a century of revolutions, civil wars, and 
general commercial prostration the Spanish 
people are awakening to possibilities of national 
greatness. It should be said in passing that 
the government of Madrid will act in strict 
accord with France in the Morocco affair. 

Increased Following upon a long period of bit- 

Tension in ^ . ^ ^ ^ 

Austria- ter discussion, the Austro-Hungarian 
Hungary, ^risis appears to be entering upon 
the stage of action. The appointment, on June 
18, by Francis Joseph, in his capacity of King 
of Hungary, of General Baron Geza Fejervary 
as premier of Hungary indicates that the policy 
of compromise and conciliation represented by 
Premier Tisza has come to an end. The ap- 
pointment of this military strong-man, who does 
not belong to the majority party, while, as yet, 
strictly constitutional, has aroused great bitter- 
ness among the Hungarians, who have no con- 
fidence in his personality, and who regard his 
appointment as the first act of the Emperor- 
King toward an open absolutism and a military 
dictatorship. Some weeks ago, the Hungarian 
Diet presented an address to the King urging 
parliamentary reform, the extension of the fran- 
chise, reform in taxation, economic independ- 
ence, and the authorization of the use of the 
Hungarian language in the army. The appoint- 
ment of Baron Fejervary is the answer from 
Vienna. The programme of the new leader, as 
known at present, indicates that he regards his 



leadership as only administrative and transitory. 
He promises in no way to provoke the nation, he 
asks no budget, and he will not attempt to re- 
cruit or collect taxes. All he will undertake to do, 
he declares, is by proclamation to ask the people 
to pay- their taxes, and appeal to the young men 
to render voluntary military service. So far, 
his leadership will be constitutional. If, how- 
ever, he should attempt to enforce compliance 
with this programme, the cabinet would at once 
become unconstitutional. It is the intention of 
the Hungarian people to oppose passive resist- 
ance to this programme, and thus bring about 
its failure. If the Fejervary cabinet keeps its 
promises, there will be no change in the present 
Hungarian political situation. But Hungary ex- 
pects the cabinet to violate its promises. And 
then? — perhaps a repetition of the stirring 
events of 1848. 

^ , , . , In the shifting of diplomatic repre- 

Colombia and . -pi t i 

the Panama sentativcs in two 01 the most trouble- 
^^^^' some countries of South America 
there may be more than ordinary significance. 
Mr. Russell returns from Bogota to Caracas, 
where he is understood formerly to have been 
persona grata ; and it is not improbable that our 
government may cherish the hope that he may 
do something toward readjusting our relations 
with Venezuela. He is succeeded at Bogota by 
Mr. Barrett, lately our minister to Panama. 
With the establishment of more cordial rela- 
tions with Colombia there is opened an oppor- 
tunity for the exercise of diplomatic activity 
and skill. It will be remembered that General 
Reyes, as the special representative of Colombia, 
presented to Mr. Hay, toward the end of 1903, 
a statement of his country's grievances on ac- 
count of the recognition by the United States 
of the republic of Panama. Mr. Hay, in his 
reply of January 5, 1904, while denying that 
the complaints against the United States were 
well founded, tendered the good offices of this 
government for the purpose of bringing about a 
fair and equitable arrangement between Colom- 
bia and the republic of Panama. Among the 
objects to be attained he particularly mentioned 
tlie delimitation of boundaries and the appor- 
tionment of pecuniary liabilities. Both these 
questions yet remain open, and it is desirable 
that they should be finally adjusted. The United 
States has in them an important interest, both 
as the guarantor of the independence of the 
republic of Panama and as the representative of 
American creditors whose claims against Co- 
lombia, antedating the independence of Panama, 
remain undetermined and unsatisfied. Mr. John 
Barrett, when minister to Siam, became famous 

as an adjuster of difficult claims, and he now 
enters upon his fourth important diplomatic 
position among the Latin-Americans. In this 
number our readers will find a highly instructive 
article from his pen on the Argentine Republic. 
Mr. Barrett will doubtless find at Bogota an 
opportunity to be of great practical service in 
adjusting relations between the republics of 
Colombia and Panama, as well as in improving 
those between his own country and Colombia. 
It cannot be many years before the Colombians 
will see clearly that the nominal loss of Panama 
is as nothing to them compared with the sub- 
stantial advantage of having their two coast 
lines connected by a ship canal which will be as 
fully theirs as ours for all practical purposes. 


Last month witnessed the end of a 
Vindication of paiuful incident in the diplomatic 
i^r. Loomis. history of the United States, to which 
reference was made on page 653 in the June 
number of this Review. This incident involved 
the honor of the country in the person of one 
who had represented it in Venezuela, — a region 
where it is peculiarly important that there should 
be confidence in the good faith and upright pur- 
poses of the United States. The country had 
been impressed with the efficiency of Mr. Francis 
B. Loomis as First Assistant Secretary of State, 
and was shocked to have it charged that he, 
while minister to Venezuela, had been engaged 
in transactions in connection with asphalt and 
other American interests that were not only un- 
becoming in an official representative, but other- 
wise culpable. The charges were conveyed to 
the State Department by Mr. Herbert W. Bowen, 
who had succeeded Mr. Loomis as our minister 
at Caracas ; and this gentleman had come to 
AVashington and used every endeavor to make 
good the accusations. The President asked Sec- 
retary Taft to make a thorough inquiry. The 
result has been a complete vindication of Mr. 
Loomis, Secretary Taft's report having been 
made public by the President on June 20. Mr. 
Bowen's dismissal from the government service 
accompanied the full establishment of Mr. 
Loomis' innocence of wrongdoing. If it had 
been merely an issue between two m.en, it would 
not have been so important ; but there was in- 
volved the honor and good faith of American 
diplomacy in a part of the world where it is in- 
creasingly necessary that we should maintain 
our high reputation. Every leading newspaper 
in South America gave full space to all the gos- 
sip and rumor that could be telegraphed from 
Washington regarding this Bowen-Loomis affair, 
and it will not be easy to remove the wrong im 
pressions that have been given. 



. „ T he reference madc^ l)y SocreUlrv 

Genesis o/ ,„ „ . , . , -^ 

the Venezue- 1 ait, 111 liis spcccli as t(Mn{)()rary 
Ian Trouble, ^h.^ii-uj^u „f tlu; Oliio KL'l)ubllcan 

State convention, to the international contro- 
versy growing out of the alleged confiscation of 
the property of an American as[)lialt company 
in Venezuela has again drawn public attention 
to the relations between tlu^ United ^^tates and 
that country. The subject is one concc^rning 
which there liave been many vague and con- 
tradictory reports afloat. In August last, the; 
president of the General 7\sphalt Company, of 
which the New York & Berinudez Company, 
whose property has been taken, is a subsidiary 
concern, made a report to the stockholders, in 
which the case of the company, as it stood at 
that time, was set forth. Not long afterward, 
statements of a different purport, not traceable 
to any definite source, began to appear in the 
public prints, while during the past few months 
there has been a constant supply, proceeding, it 
is understood, from a Venezuelan press bureau 
which has been in active operation in Washing- 
ton. These statements were obviously designed 
to produce the impression that the case had 
been dealt with by the authorities at Washing- 
ton in a hasty and impatient spirit, and with a 
strong desire to use the "big stick." To those 
who have followed the developments of the con- 
troversy step by step, however, it is evident 
that nothing could be further from the truth. 
After the case was fully considered by the De- 
partment of State, the course, — unusual in diplo- 
matic affairs, — was taken of referring it to the 
Department of Justice ; and still later, after the 
Attorney-General had made his report, the 
matter came into the hands of Secretary Taft 
as temporary supervisor of the State Depart- 
ment. The case has therefore been the subject 
of the utmost deliberation on the part of the 
Washington government ; and if, as we may 
infer from Judge Taft's speech, the position 
of this government with regard to the merits of 
the controversy has undergone no change, it 
must be because the essential facts on which it 
has acted have not been shaken. 

History of 

It appears that the titles of the New 

the Asphalt York & Bemiudez Company run 
Dispute. ^^^^ ^^ ^1^^ ygg^^. jgg3^ ^j^gj^ ^Yie 

Venezuelan Government, with the approval of 
the Congress, granted to Horatio R. Hamilton, 
a citizen of the United States, the exclusive right 
for twenty-five years to exploit the asphalt and 
other natural products of the State of Bermudez. 
This concession Hamilton, in 1885, with the ap- 
proval of the Venezuelan Government, assigned 
to the New York & Bermudez Company, a cor- 

poration uiKhir tlie laws (>[ the State of New 
York. Subs(!(|ueiitly, in 188S, the company se- 
cured, under tin; laws of Venezuela, a definitive 
mining title for ninetyniiK^ years to liermudez 
Lake, a deposit of asphalt in the State of Dcr- 
mudez, and a fee-simple title to over tw('lv(? 
scpiare miles of land suri'ounding tlie lake. TIk? 
first appr(H;iable shipment of asphalt l)y the com- 
pany was made in 1891. For sev(;ral years the 
shipments w(!re small ; but in 1897 the output, 
as the result of expenditures whicli the company 
had made, was greatly increased. Prior to tlie 
time when asphalt began to be mined in paying 
quantities, the company appears to have had no 
trouble with the Venezuelan Government, i^ut 
since that point was reached, and especially since 
the advent of President ('astro, it has been con- 
stantly involved in litigation, l)ack of which the 
Venezuelan Government has in one form o' 
another always stood, for the purpose of depriv 
ing the company of the lake, either in whole oi 
in part. Upon the merits of all the phases o^ 
this litigation we do not assume to express an 
opinion ; we merely state the undisputed facts 
on unimpeachable authority. On several occa- 
sions, moreover, the company's attorneys have 
been imprisoned and otherwise molested ; the 
courts concerned with the litigation have been 
set up and torn down ; and executive decrees, 
as well as "judicial" processes, have been em- 
ployed to deprive the company of the property 
it held. The company has from time to time 
received diplomatic support from the govern- 
ment of the United States ; and it succeeded in 
retaining possession of Bermudez Lake till near 
the end of July last, when, by an ex parte pro- 
ceeding, taken by the Venezuelan Government 
in its own name and behalf, a "depositary," or 
receiver, was appointed for the property by the 
newly constituted Federal and Cassation Court. 
The depositary is a person who was once the 
company's managing director at Caracas, but 
who afterward disagreed with the company and 
became associated with its competitors. 

The only ground assigned for the 
Venezuelan appointment of a depositary was the 
^^^^' alleged failure of the company to 
canalize or dredge a certain stream, in the non- 
canalization of which the Venezuelan Govern- 
ment, after due notice of the impracticability of 
the work, had lor upward of twenty years ac ' 
quiesced without complaint. Meanwhile, the 
asphalt mined by the depositary with the use oi 
the company's capital and plant is delivered to 
the company's rivals in business, so that the 
company is obliged to compete in the market 
with the product of what is in law still its own 



Photograph by Gessford, N. Y. 

Mr. George Westinghouse. Hon. Grover Cleveland. Justice Morgan J. O'Brien. 


property. The price at which, according to the 
depositary's reports to the court, the crude as- 
phalt is sold represents practically the actual 
cost of mining and insurance. This would ap- 
pear to leave a fine margin of profit for those, 
whoever they may be, in Venezuela and the 
United States, who divide the proceeds of the 
sale of the refined product. If it be true that 
the government of the United States has had 
some difficulty in regarding this receivership as 
a strictly "judicial" proceeding, the fact can 
scarcely be considered as remarkable. The peo- 
ple of the United States are not accustomed to 
receiverships which, instead of managing the 
property in tlie interest of the legal owner and 
his creditors, seek to destroy their business 
and security, while promoting interests which 
are disguised or concealed. The statement has 
often been made that the property was seized 
because of the company's complicity in the 
Matos revolution in 1902. This statement is 
destitute of foundation. A suit for damages 
appears to have been brought against the com- 
pany on the ground of alleged complicity in the 
revolution ; but this was some time after the 
seizure of the company's property, and had with 
it no connection whatever. It was no doubt 
upon the strength of the undisputed facts in the 
case that Secretar}?- Taft declared that this gov- 
ernment was endeavoring ''to rescue the prop- 
erty of American citizens from what is said to 
be an unjust confiscation by the sovereign under 
color of judicial sanction ; "' that, arbitration 

having been refused by Venezuela, the matter 
would be submitted to the Congress of the 
United States ; and that the President was 
meanwhile exercising ''all the forbearance that 
is due to a weaker nation." 




Because the Isthmian Canal Com- 
missioners, in buying certain sup- 

plies necessary in construction work, 
have availed themselves of the cheapest markets, 
some of the ultra-protectionists have construed 
the commission's action as a " blow at American 
industries." The fact is that the commission, 
in the absence of any restriction by Congress, 
has taken the wise and provident course of 
seeking and obtaining, for this great govern- 
ment work, the most advantageous prices and 
terms. If steel rails can be made in this coun- 
try and sold at a profit to foreigners for |20 
a ton, the commission has seen no reason for 
paying home manufacturers $28 a ton. If Con- 
gress wished to have the Government pay 
American steel manufacturers the additional 
$8 on every ton of steel rails that it has to buy, 
it was entirely within its power to enact the 
necessary laws. Congress, indeed, was asked 
to declare a policy in this very matter of the 
purchase of canal supplies, but it declined to do 
so. It appears that comparatively small pur- 
chases will be required between now and the 
next session of Congress, and the commission 
will doubtless be guided by the conditions in. 
each individual case as it arises. 



The difficulties in tlie affairs of tlio 

Paul Morton , 

Heads the gveiit iiisuraiico company known as 
Equitable, ^j^^^ E(|uital)lc Life Assurance Society 
have now passed to tlie stage wliere they need 
not, in a practical sense, worry the policy-hold- 
ers. There will come a time in the near future 
when we shall find it possible to obtain a })(!r- 
spective view of the Ecpiitablc^'s troubles as a 
completed episode ; and we shall then hope to 
secure for our readers a reliable statement and 
review of the matter at some length. It is enough 
now to say that the company entered upon a new 
era in its history when, on June 10, the reins of 
authority were assumed by the Hon. Paul Mor- 
ton, who has retired from the post of Secretary 
of the Navy in President Roosevelt's cabinet. 
Mr. Morton was appointed to the office of chair- 
man of the board of trustees, with a vast range 
of power to improve in every way the carrying 


on of the company's affairs. The resignations 
of the president and all the leading officers were 
placed in his hands upon his assumption of his 
new duties. It is not necessary at this time 
to take up the drastic criticisms of the manage- 
ment of the society contained in the report of a 
committee of the board of trustees headed by 
Mr, Henry C. Frick, of Pittsburg ; nor can we 
now discuss the report of Mr. Hendricks, the 
New York State Commissioner of Insurance, 
for the reason that the results of his investiga- 

tion had not Ixcome fully known as thes(; papres 
were closed ior tlie press. Mr. Morton, as the 
new president of the board, has infanwliile en- 
tered upon a sw(!eping examination, with the 
aid of able pu})lic accountants, into (jvci-y pliase 
of the company's business metliods as of the 
date of June 1 0. 

Photograph by Davis & Sanford, N. Y, 


For the 


It had been a crucial question what 
should become of the proprietary 
company, with a capital stock of 
The existence of this controlling com- 
pany had always made the Equitable different in 
form from the large insurance conipanies which 
are carried on upon the full mutual plan. The 
Equitable had been established by the late 
Henry Hyde, who kept till his death a control- 
ling number of shares of stock in the company, 
and whose control had passed to his son, Mr. 
James Hazen Hyde, who became actively asso- 
ciated with the business as vice-president. The 
most bitter phases of the controversy had arisen 
over the demand of ]\Ir. Alexander, the presi- 
dent, and other officers that the company should 
be dissolved, in order that the policy-holders 
might be put in authority on the mutual plan. 


the Review OF Reviews, last month, by F Gutekunst, Philadelpliia, 

A different result, however, lias now been 
reached, which may prove for the time being 
a fairly satisfactory compromise. Mr. Hyde's 
controlling interest in the company, consisting 
of shares of stock having a nominal value of 
somewhat more than |50,000, has been pur- 
chased by Mr. Thomas h\ Ryan, of New York, 
for $2,500,000. Mr. Ryan is prominent as one 
of the so-called '' magnates " of the Metropolitan 
Street Railway system ; and he, with his busi- 
ness associates, is about to undertake the con- 
struction of a new underground railroad sys- 
tem to operate in alliance with the surface lines. 
Mr. Ryan's purchase of the Equitable stock was 
at once followed by his turning it over in trust 
to three distinguished gentlemen, — namely, ex- 

Tresident Cleveland, Judge Morgan J. O'Brien, 
of the New York bench, and Mr. George West- 
inghouse, of Pittsburg, — this committee being 
authorized to vote the shares in the election of 
a majority of the board of trustees of the Equi- 
table Society. It was stipulated that such trus- 
tees should be elected from the policy-holders, 
and wholly in the interest of those hundreds of 
thousands of people whose lives are insured in 
the society and whose interests are the only 
really substantial ones to be considered. It is 
not quite understood what benefit Mr. Ryan 
expects to derive from this purchase, in view of 
the seeming completeness with which he has di- 
vested himself of the advantages of control. 
The whole subject is one to which, as we have 



said, it will be dosirablo to revert in tlui near 
future with a more thoroughgoing discussion. 


Philadelphia lias reformed. It is the 
Revolution in swiftest and most thorough muni- 
Phiiadeiphia. ^^pr^\ i-(^volution known in vXnierican 
civic annals. Without an election and without 
primaries, without warning and without prepara- 
tion, the great deep of small householders, — 
which is Philadelphia, — moved from below. 
When the work was over, Mayor Weaver, who 
led the revolution, had not only changed the 
heads of the two executive departments, with 
ten thousand employees, but he was in full con- 
trol of City Councils ; he was recognized as the 
head of the city Republican party organization ; 
he had forced the city Republican committee to 
withdraw the local ticket already nominated and 
await the choice of another ticket by the reform 
leaders ; he had begun criminal prosecution, 
stopped work on contracts for filtration plants, 
boulevards, and highways amounting to some 
twelve million dollars, l)eginning a searching 
investigation by a board of expert engineers, 
and had defeated two grabs, one a contract for 
seventy-five years in gas and the other a street- 
car grab of one hundred and ten miles of streets, 
sought by the two local public-service corpora- 
tions, the United Gas Improvement Company 
and the Philadelphia Rapid Transit Company. 
Both had been successfully passed before this 
revolution broke, and both were recalled, on the 
demand of the mayor, by the same councils 
that had passed them. 

St n th ^^^ coherent homogeneous vote of 
of the Local the myriads of small homes which 
Machine, j^^^q ^p Philadelphia has made this 
sweeping victory possible against great odds. 
The party majority in Pennsylvania and Phila- 
delphia is the strongest in the country. The 
city machine is as well organized as Tammany 
Hall. It holds city. State, and federal patron- 
age. For ten years it has without challenge 
chosen the executive officers at Harrisburg and 
Philadelphia and held the Legislature and Coun- 
cils. The city ring, in a decade of unchecked 
rule, has issued |40,000,000 of city bonds ; let 
on the filtration plant alone $13,660,000 of 
contracts ; as much more on various public im- 
provements, and had pending work authorized, 
but not let, costing about |30,000,000. The 
criminal investigation already made indicates 
that on the filtration-plant contracts alone the 
margin of loose profit is from 28 to 30 per cent. 
In this period the city gas works have been 
leased for a term ending in 1927, on provisions 
which yield $2,000,000 a year, twice the expected 

)))•() (it, U) I ho less(je, the Unites] (ias Improve- 
ment Company. 'J'he other public-service cor- 
poration, the I'hiladelphia Rapid 'J'nmsit Com- 
pany, has had a fnjo gift of a sulnvay and over 
two hundred miles of street without payment 
and without limitation. 'I'Ik; c(j?nbination, un- 
der an aiitiquat(Hl law wliicli thniw no safe- 
guards about the ballot of a venal vote con- 
trolled by machine office-hohi(!rs, of the gi(!at 

Photograph by V . Gutckunst, Puilatle.phia. 


(The Republican ex-Boss of Philadelphia.) 

corporations, railroad and public-service, and of 
a corrupt combination of contractors and poli- 
ticians, seemed omnipotent. By the adroit use 
of State and city appropriations for private 
charities and educational institutions, the re- 
spectable were placated. The leaders of this 
organization were also wise enough to meet re- 
forms non-political half-way. The last State 
legislature passed excellent sanitary legislation, 
reorganized on sound lines the city schools of 
Philadelphia, passed efficient child-labor laws, 
and at many points improved State legislation. 
Carefully separating political management and 
elected officers, the leaders of the machine chose 
judicial candidates usually unexceptionable, and 
elected as governor of the State and mayor of 
Philadelphia men honest, dull, highly respected, 
without stain, but pliant. 



In i^^pril, so far as Philadelphia was 
^Influ^nce" concemed, self-government seemed 

to have disappeared. Its charter 
was amended, in the teeth of universal protest, 
so as to rob future mayors of all powers. Sena- 
tor Boies Penrose and Insurance Commissioner 
Israel W. Durliam made all nominations, State 
and city. The former awaits investigation. 
Durham has been shown to be a silent and se- 
cret partner in a contracting firm holding $13,- 
660,000 of contracts, under city ordinances he 
passed, * let by ofiQcers he chose, and yielding 
some 30 per cent, profit. In Pennsylvania and 
Philadelphia, the corporation pays the machine 
and the machine aids the corporation. It is 
like this in other States, but preeminently in 
that founded by Penn. After a long series of 
like gifts and franchises, councils voted the 
Rapid Transit Company one hundred and ten 
miles of streets, passed a costly boulevard system, 
and in return for $25,000,000 intended for more 
contracts proposed to lease the city gas works 
for seventy-five years, postponing reduction in 
the price of gas for three-quarters of a century. 

This ran the pliant fingers of the ma- 
Gas-Lease chine into the pockets of every house- 
Agitation. ^^^1^^^. ^^^ j^^d a gas bill to pay, 

some two hundred and eighty thousand in num- 
ber. Suddenly this great mass moved from 
within. The pulpit of small churches knew it 
before the press, the little division leaders before 
the ward managers, and they before the chiefs 
of the organization. In a week, the city seethed. 
Children of councilmen came crying from the 
public schools. No one would play with them. 
Callous, thick-skinned politicians found their 
mail, their telephones, and their daily tours one 
hot rain of protest from their old neighbors. 
Division leaders reported defection by the ava- 
lanche. The small householder, the narrow 
burgher, comfortable, contented, owning his 
house, careless over ideals, education, corrup- 
tion, and venal voter, was aflame over a big- 
ger gas bill. It is the old story of ship money 
and stamp taxes. No vote was necessary. No 
primary was needed. The leaders of a political 
machine are ignorant of much, but they know 
the voice of the voter in the land. John Weaver, 
the mayor, chosen by the machine, and its life- 
long friend and supporter, had been a fair case 
lawyer and district attorney. Honest, narrow, 
clean-lived, of a legal mind, restive at the way 
he was treated as a mere figurehead, he recog- 
nized the civic revolution because he was him- 
self of the class that had risen. He had, more- 
over, in his day won his division and was a ward 

n^ . Backed by the vast mass of voters, 

EflBCt . 

on State he worked the revolution already 
Politics. outlined. There never was a better 
proof that the city citizen can be trusted to act 
when misgovernment is put in terms of his own 
personal experience. When it is in the terms of 
the experience of the expert, the publicist, the 
reformer, or the well-to-do, he is unmoved. When 
he sees, he acts. He loves material content. Plis 
ideals are low. He is ignorant. But once let 
him see, either by wise law or through injudi- 
cious spoliation, that evil is afoot and he smites 
without delay and without remedy. This sud- 
den, swift revolution has awakened the State. 
The machine Quay left has had to put on its 
ticket for justice of the Supreme Court John 
Stewart, reformer and independent. The com- 
ing year will see a struggle for the Republican 
State organization, with the Philadelphia organi- 
zation on the side of reform. Pennsylvania is 
on the brink of a great popular movement whose 
basis is no passing spasm, but the gathered pro- 
test of years. 



Mr. James Dalrymple, manager of 
the municipally owned street-railway 
lines of Glasgow, who visited Chicago 
last month at the invitation of Mayor Dunne, 
pointed out important differences between traffic 

conditions in the two 
cities. In Glasgow, 
the population is 
congested within 
short distances of 
the city's center, 
thus making feasi- 
ble the system of 
graded fares. In 
Chicago, on the oth- 
er hand, long rides, 
with transfer privi- 
leges, for a five-cent 
fare are demanded. 
While it appears 
that Glasgow gives 
short rides for one 
and two cents and 
carries so many pas- 
sengers at these low rates that the business is con- 
ducted at a profit, it is not at all clear that such a 
system could be made to pay in Chicago, where 
there is far less demand for short rides. In 
most American cities, the traffic conditions are 
similar to those in Chicago. Another suggestion 
from Glasgow's experience that had an element 
of novelty even to the advocates of municipal 
operation related to the powers of the manager, 
which are quite as autocratic as is usually the 




case in private ownership. The manager is 
made responsible for the successful running of 
the road, and is givon unlimited authority in 
the selection and dismissal of all classes of em- 

Yt KtN IfuN 



Mr. Dalrymple's advice to Chicago as to how to manage it. 
From'the Post (Washington). 

ployees. Political interference is unknown in 
Glasgow, but, on the other hand, tenure of em- 
ployment is never assured. How can the ordi- 
nary civil-service regulations of a city like Chi- 
cago be adapted to a street-railway service ? is 
one of the questions that is now confronting 
Mayor Dunne and the party in Chicago which 
favors the immediate acquisition of the Adams 
Street system. 


Late in May, the Chicago teamsters' 
strike, the most serious labor disturb- 
ance that has occurred in the first 
half of 1905, seemed on the eve of settlement, 
but the refusal of the express companies to take 
back their drivers who had struck in violation 
of contract prolonged the struggle. The lumber 
companies discharged all drivers who refused to 
make deliveries to boycotted firms and corpora- 
tions, and this action threatened at one time to 
involve the building trades in the contest, but 
happily the unions in those trades voted to 
carry out their contracts and to take no part 
in the strike. Another month passed with little 
change in the general situation. Great incon- 
venience was caused to business houses and in- 

dividuals, and in some cases serious loss. In the 
meantime, the efforts of Mayor Dunne's investi- 
gating committee, headed by Dr. (xraliam Taylor, 
were balked by the n^fusal of the union leaders 
to give testimony unless all sessions of tlie com- 
mittee were open to the public, — a course that 
was deemed impracticable. As it turned out, 
liowever, the purpose of the committee was vir- 
tually accomplished through the inquiry con- 
ducted by the grand jury. This resulted in dis- 
closures of great importance in regard to charges 
of blackmail, bribery, and '< graft " made against 
labor leaders and involving certain employers. 
The thorough investigation made by the grand 
jury is likely to have a wholesome effect on 
Chicago's industrial life. 

No Zion 

Announcementof the intention on the 
part of the Jews in the United States 
Africa. |.Q celebrate with many ceremonies, 
next autumn, the two-hundred-and-fiftieth anni- 
versary of Jewish settlement in this country 
comes at the same time as the report of the Zion- 
ist special committee declining to recommend 
the acceptance of Great Britain's Uganda colony 
offer. The British Government, it will be re- 
membered, about two years ago offered the Zion- 
ist Congress an elevated tract of land two hun- 
dred miles long on the Uganda Railway, in East 
Africa, for Jewish colonization, the Jews to have 
an autonomous government under British suze- 
rainty. This project was supported by many in- 
fluential Hebrews, including the author, Mr. 
Israel Zangwill. The Zionist Congress sent a 
committee to Uganda to investigate the terri- 
tory. This committee returned in March last, 
and it was said that while the members of the 
committee were impressed by the healthiness of 
the country they apparently were not sanguine 
regarding the agricultural prospects. The com- 
mittee, under the leadership of Major Gibbons, 
an eminent explorer, now reports. It has no 
doubt acted wisely in declining with thanks the 
offer of Great Britain. It is not the natural ad- 
vantages of the country to which they object. 
They admit these. But it is perfectly wild, 
without markets or any kind of civilization. It 
is a region for which everything is still to be 
done. It takes much time and men made of 
stern stuff to plant order, system, and civiliza- 
tion in such a tangled wilderness. Unfortunate 
Hebrews deserve a better chance. The United 
States of America is, after all, the real Zion of 
the Hebrew. 


(From May 21 to June 20, 1905.) 


May 23. — The United States Senate Committee on 
Interstate Commerce closes its hearings on the railroad- 
rate question Mayor Weaver, of Philadelphia, dis- 
misses from office the directors of public safety and of 
public works. 

May 24. — Ohio Republicans in State convention are 

addressed by Secretary Taf t, as temporary chairman 

The officials dismissed by Mayor Weaver, of Philadel- 
phia, are restored to oflEice by an injunction. 

May 25. — Ohio Republicans renominate Gov. Myron 

T. Herrick Mayor Weaver, of Philadelphia, secures 

the reinstatement of his ejected appointees Charles 

G. Magoon takes the oath of office as governor of the 
Panama Canal zone. 

May 26. — A mass-meeting of citizens in Philadelphia 
approves the course of Mayor Weaver in his fight 
against the machine. 

May 27. — In the Philadelphia gas-lease fight, the 
United Gas Improvement Company formally with- 
draws its proposition for the seventy-five-year lease 

Governor Higgins, of New York, signs the bill extend- 
ing the mayor's term of office to four years and the bill 
transferring the power to grant franchises from the 
Board of Aldermen to the Board of Estimate and Ap- 

May 29. — The United States Supreme Court affirms 
the validity of the special franchise-tax law of New 

York Mayor Weaver's victory over the Philadelphia 

ring is declared complete. 

May 30. — The executive committee of the Panama 
Canal Commission fixes an eight-hour day for labor in 
the canal zone. 

May 31. — President Roosevelt elects Charles J. Bona- 
parte, of Maryland, to succeed Paul Morton as Secre- 
tary of the Navy on July 1 (see page 35) Injunction 

proceedings against the new officials appointed by Mayor 
Weaver, of Philadelphia, are withdrawn. 

June 1. — The taking of the State census is begun in 
New York The Philadelphia City Councils unani- 
mously recall the gas-lease ordinance from Mayor 
Weaver and ratify his appointment of new directors of 

public safety and of public works The president of 

the last Arkansas Senate is arrested for alleged bribery. 

June 2.— Mayor Weaver, of Philadelphia, asks for 
and obtains the resignations of several city officials and 
fills their places with citizens who are in accord with 
his reform policy. . ..Judge Grosscup, of the United 
States Circuit Court, refuses to continue the temporary 
injunction preventing the municipal authorities of Chi- 
cago from ousting the transit companies from streets 
where their franchises have expired. 

June 3.— Governor Higgins, of New York, signs the 
bills designed to abolish the Raines law hotels. 

June 6. — Mayor Weaver begins an inquiry into the 
handling of Philadelphia city funds on deposit. 

June 7.— The federal grand jury at Chicago is in- 
structed to continue its investigation of the beef trust. 

June 8.— The Attorney-General decides that the eight- 

hour law applies to mechanics and laborers on the Pan- 
ama Canal, but not to the railroad or office force. 

June 10. — Mayor Weaver removes two "organiza- 
tion" magistrates in Philadelphia and appoints a non- 
partisan board to advise him in matters pertaining to 
municipal business affairs. 

June 15. — The connection of "Boss" Durham, of 
Philadelphia, with contracts involving {|521, 000,000 is 
shown in court. * 

June 16.— President Roosevelt issues an order calling 
for sweeping reforms in the methods of conducting 
department business at Washington. 

June 19. — The Philadelphia Republican city com- 
mittee advocates a substitute ticket in the coming elec- 

June 20.— President Roosevelt directs the dismissal 
of Herbert W. Bowen, minister to Venezuela, for cir- 
culating unfounded charges against Francis B. Loomis, 
Assistant Secretary of State. 


May 22. — An attempt by the opposition in the British 
House of Commons to force a reply to a motion of the 
Liberal leader causes great disorder and forces the 
Speaker to suspend the session. 

May 23. — President Castro decrees amnesty to all 
Venezuelan exiles, and to political prisoners not above 

the grade of colonel The assassin of the Grand Duke 

Sergius is executed at Moscow. 

May 24.— The treasurer of New Zealand announces 

a surplus of $3,805,000 for the past financial year 

Russian Liberals establish national headquarters at 

May 25. — A manifesto of the people of Wales is is- 
sued by the Welsh national committee on education. 

May 27. — King Oscar resumes the government of 
Sweden and Norway, vetoes the Norwegian bill for a 
separate consular service, and refuses to accept the 
resignation of the Norwegian minister. 

June 3. — Gen. Cipriano Castro is reelected president 
of Venezuela for a term of six years. 

June 4. — The Czar of Russia appoints General Trepov 
assistant minister of the interior, with almost unlimited 
power to suppress popular demonstrations. ' 

June 5. — The Zemstvo Congress at Moscow is for- 

June 6. — Despite police orders, the Russian Zemstvo 

Congress is held in Moscow M. Delcass6, the French 

minister of foreign affairs, resigns office ; Premier Rou- 
vier assumes the foreign secretaryship in addition to 
his own Emperor William of Germany raises Chan- 
cellor von Billow to the rank of prince. 

June 13. — Premier Delyannis, of Greece, is assassi- 
nated by a gambler at the entrance to the Chamber of 

June 15. — The Czar accepts the resignation of Grand 
Duke Alexis of Russia. 

June 20. — The Spanish cabinet resigns. 




May 22. — The Hague tribunal, in the dispute be- 
tween Japan and Great Britain, France, and Germany 
with regard to the house tax levied in Japan on the 
foreign concessions, decides in favor of the European 

May 24. — Japan accepts the decision of the Hague 
court with reference to the liouse tax. 

May27. — The Russian Council of the Empire approves 
the recommendations of the passport commission, in- 
cluding recognition of foreign passports, thus meeting 
the contention on discrimination against American 


(Premier of Greece.) 

Jews The Cretan Chamber passes a resolution again 

appealing to the powers to assent to Crete's union with 

May 28. — King Victor Emmanuel of Italy inaugu- 
rates the International Conference of Agriculture at 

June 1. — It is reported from Tangier that the Sultan 
of Morocco has rejected the scheme of reforms j^roposed 
by France. 

June 2. — Servia demands of Turkey reparation for 
the seizure of papers at the Monastir consulate. 

June 4. — The Moroccan foreign minister asks the 
powers for an international conference on suggested 

June 5, — President Roosevelt decides that the three 
Russian cruisers at Manila cannot remain to repair 
injuries received in battle, but must depart or be in- 
terned until the end of the war Venezuela and 

Colombia resume diplomatic relations. 

June 6. — The Canadian members of the International 
Waterways Commission accept the American view, 

excluding the St. John River from investigation Tlie 

King of Spain is the guest of tlie King of P^ngland. 

June 7.— Norway, thnnigh tlie Stortliing, declares 
itself separated from Sweden ; King Oscar protests 
against the action ; there is no disturbance in either 

June 8.— -Germany proi)oses an international cf)iifer- 
ence on the Moroccan question. 

June 9. — King Oscar declines to nominate a king for 

June 10.— President Roosevelt's note urging Russia 
and Japan individually to take measures for peace is 

accepted by both nations The union flag is lowered 

throughout Norway and the Norse tricolor substituted 

The Russian rear-admiral,, notifies the 

American authorities at Manila that his damaged cruis- 
ers will be interned until the end of the war and the 

officers and men give parole Great Britain recalls her 

battleships from the far East, owing to the change in 
the naval situation. 

June 11. — Sweden declines to recognize the secession 
of Norway from the union. 

June 13. — Russia's formal reply to President Roose- 
velt's note urging peace negotiations is received at 

June 15. — President Roosevelt officially informs 
Japan and Russia that Washington has been selected 
as the seat of the peace conference, at the request of 
their respective representatives. 

June 16. — The Japanese minister at Washington 
makes public the text of Japan's reply to President 
Roosevelt's note in regard to peace negotiations. 

June 17. — The French premier and the German am- 
bassador at Paris confer on the Moroccan situation. 

June 19. — It is announced that France and Germany 
have reached an understanding on the subject of Mo- 
rocco The Norwegian Storthing adopts a reply to 

King Oscar's letter upholding the act of secession .... 
The Postmaster-General of the United States signs 
postal treaties with Panama and Australia. 


May 27-28. — Admiral Togo completely defeats the 
Russian fleet under Rozhestzenski in the Korean Straits, 
destroying or capturing all the Russian battleships ; 
four of the Russian cruisers escape, three to the Philip- 
pines and one to Vladivostok ; Admirals Rozhestvenski 
and Nebogatov are taken prisoners. Admiral Voelker- 
sam is killed, and Admiral Enquist escapes ; 14,000 
Russians go down with their ships, 3,000 are taken pris- 
oners, and 1,000 escape ; the Japanese loss is three tor- 
pedo boats and about 800 men. 

June 3. — The Russian protected cruisers Oleg, Au- 
rora, and J^cmc/iug arrive at Manila, Philippine Islands, 
in a damaged condition. 

June 16. — Field Marshal Oj^ama reports the occupa- 
tion of several villages in Manchuria, the most severe 
engagement being at Liao-Yang Wo-Peng, west of the 
Liao River, where 5,000 Russians under General Mist- 
chenko, with 20 guns, are driven north in confusion, 
suffering heavy losses. 

June 20. — The Japanese under Oyama begin an en- 
veloping movement in Manchuria ; a movement upon 
Vladivostok is under way ; Linevich reports his ability 
to advance. 




May 23. — The Southern Industrial Parliament opens 

its sessions in Washington, D. C Miss Georgiana 

Bishop, the American woman golf champion, beats all 
records at Cromer, England, finishing the first nine 
holes in 36. 

May 24. — The Carnegie Hero Fund Commission 
makes its first award The Chicago lumber compa- 
nies become involved in the teamsters' strike The 

Presbyterian General Assembly appoints a committee 
to consider the proposed cathedral in Washington. 

May 26.— The Pennsylvania Railroad's new draw- 
bridge over the Hackensack River, near New York 
City, is blown up with dynamite. 

May 29. — The American schooner yacht Atlantic, 
owned by Wilson Marshall and sailed by Capt. Charles 
Barr, wins the international yacht race from Sandy 
Hook to the Lizard Light for the Kaiser's Cup in 12 
days and 4 hours, breaking the Atlantic record. 

May 31. — The International Arbitration Conference 
opens its sessions at Lake Mohonk, N. Y The Al- 
bright Art Gallery, at Buffalo, N. Y., is dedicated An 

anarchist throws a bomb at the carriage in which King 
Alfonso and President Loubet are returning from the 
opera, in Paris. The occupants escape injury. 

June 1. — The Lewis and Clark Exposition, at Port- 
land, Ore., is opened. 

June 2. — The report of the Frick investigating com- 
mittee on the affairs of the Equitable Life Assurance 
Society is presented and voted down by the directors ; 
Mr. Frick and several other directors resign after this 
action A bomb is exploded in the palace of the gov- 
ernor-general at Barcelona, Spain, causing serious 

June 8. — The Pennsylvania Railroad runs a train 
from Pittsburg to Chicago, 468 miles, in 440 minutes 

A British submarine torpedo boat is lost while being 

tested off Plymouth ; 14 officers and men are drowned. 

June 9. — Paul Morton, Secretary of the Navy, is 
elected chairman of the Equitable Life Assurance So- 
ciety under a reorganization, and Vice-President James 
H. Hyde sells a majority of his stock to a syndicate of 

June 10. — Ex-President Cleveland, Judge Morgan J. 
O'Brien, and George Westingliouse accept appointment 
as trustees of the majority of the capital stock of the 
Equitable Society and the principal executive officers 
resign ; absolute power is conferred on Chairman Mor- 
ton The corporation of the Massachusetts Institute 

of Technology votes to accept the terms of alliance with 
Harvard University. 

I'rom llie yl>n:,ti:rda>n>nc>' (Aiuslcrdaiii). 


Russian Sailor: "Your majesty, I come to inform you that your fleet has been sunk." 
The Angel of Peace : " Please listen to me, now, and do not heed those other counselors." 




(Generous patron of arctic ex- 
ploration.— See page 43.) 

June 11. — The Pennsylviinia Kailroud begins a regu- 
lar eighteen- Iiour schedule between New York and 

June 12. — A Lake Sliore Kailroad insi)ect4on train 
runs from BuffaU) to Cliicago, 520 miles, in 470 minutes 
Mont Pelc'H', Martini(iue, is again in eruption. 

June 14. — The annual reunion of Confederate vet- 
erans is held at Tiouisville, Ky. 

June 17. — T w e n t y - 
three men are killed by 
a collision on the West- 
ern Maryland Railroad 
at Ransen, 28 miles from 

Baltimore Rioting 

again becomes serious in 
connection with the Chi- 
cago teamsters' strike. 

June 18. — Five hun- 
dred lives are lost in an 
explosion at the Ivan 
Colliery, at Khartsisk 
The New York Cen- 
tral and Lake Shore & 
Michigan Southern rail- 
roads begin the running 
of eigh teen-hour trains 
between New York and 

June 19. — Chairman 
Paul Morton, of the 

Equitable Life Assurance Society, orders expert ac- 
countants to make an investigation of the affairs of the 


May 21. — Judge Albion W. Tourgee, American consul 
at Bordeaux, 67. .. .Ex- Justice Daniel Buck, of the 
Minnesota Supreme Court, 76 William E. Cra- 
mer, editor-in-chief of the Milwaukee Evening Wis- 
consin, 88. 

May 23. — Mrs. Mary A. Livermore, a well-known au- 
thor, lecturer, and woman suffragist, 83 (see page 34) 

Richard P. White, one of Philadelphia's foremost law- 
yers, 78 Brig.-Gen. Alfred P. Smith, retired Paul 

Dubois, director of the School of Fine Arts at Paris, 76. 

May 24. — William Ziegler, capitalist and promoter of 
arctic explorations, 62. . . .Charles Henry Webb (" John 
Paul"), the author, 71. 

May 26. — Justice Charles H. Van Brunt, of the New 

York Supreme Court, Appellate Division, 69 Baron 

Alphonse de Rothschild, head of the French branch of 
the Rothschild banking house, 78. 

May 28. — Capt. F. Norton Goddard, founder of the 
New York Anti-Policy Society, 44. 

May 29. — Rt. Rev. Alexander MacDonnell, Bishop of 
Alexandria, 72.... Don Francisco Silvela, former pre- 
mier of Spain. 

May 30. — Senor Garcia Merou, the Argentine min- 

ister to (ierniany A. Okolicsanyi, the Austrian min- 
ister to Tlie Nethei-lands. 

May 31. — Ex-Congressman John Murray Mitchell, of 
New York, 47 P^x-Mayor Michael I). Nolan, of Al- 
bany, N. Y., 72. 

June l.-^llcnry Charles Richards, M.P., a well- 
known p]nglish advocate of old-age pensions, .">4. 

June 2,— J. Montgomery Sears, the taxpayer 
of Boston, 50. 

June 3. — Gen. Henry Van Ness Boynton, a well- 
known Washington correspondent, 70 The Rev, Dr. 

Thomas Richey, dean of the General Theological Semi- 
nary, New York C'ity, 74. 

June 4. — Dr. John William Streeter, author of "The 
Fat of the Land," 64. 

■ June 7. — George W. Elkins, a Pennsylvania street- 
car magnate and oil operator, 77 Beriah Wilkins, 

owner and editor of the Washington Post and former- 
ly a Representative in Congress from Ohio, 59. 

June 8. — Ex- 
Henry F. Naphen, 
of Massachusetts, 

June 11. — Ex- 
George E. Seney, 
of Ohio Presi- 
dent Ralph H . 
Plumb, of the 
Buffalo Fine Arts 
Academy, 57. 

June 12.— Col. 
William Colville, 
who led the fam- 
ous charge of the 
First Minnesota 
Regiment at the 
battle of Gettys- 
burg, 75. 

Junel3.— Theo- 
dore P. Delyannis, 
premier of Greece, 

79 Archduke 

Joseph of Aus- 
tria, 72 Baron 

Nathanie 1 d e 
Rothschild, of the 
Austrian branch 
of the firm. 

June 14.— Brevet Maj.-Gen. Absalom Baird, U. S. A. 
(retired), 81. 

June 16. — Sir John Archibald Willox, principal pro- 
prietor of the Liverpool Courier, 63. 

June 17. — Gen. Maximo Gomez, of Cuba, 82 Brig.- 
Gen. Arthur L. Wagner, General Staff, U.S.A., 52. 

June 18. — William Charles Harris, an authority on 
fish and fishing, 75. 


(The veteran editor of the Evening 
Wisconsin, active in his profession 
at the age of eighty-eight.) 

:^>- >- ' i^-^' <i<i'^ 




From the Pioneer Press (St. Paul). 

Little Norway : " They don't seem to recognize me." 
From the Tribune (Chicago). 

From the Chronide (Chicago). 

Sweden (to the powers) : " Don't recognize the horrid 

From the Leader (Cleveland). 



Is Uncle Sam to he the future arhitrator of the quarrels of 
the world ? —From the Times (Minneapolis) . 

it's the lady's turn. 
"^rom the Herald (Boston) . 

ON TfiCE anniversary OF WATERLOO, JUNE 18, 1905. 

(Will the ancient traditional enmity of Frenchman and 
German be renewed over Morocco ?) 

From the Tribune (Chicago) . 


(Apropos of the German Emperor's recent speech, in which 
he said : "We are the salt of the earth ; it is all ours to in- 

From the Inquirer (Philadelphia) . 




From i'hQ North American (Philadelpliia), 


Penn (to Mayor Weaver) : " By the time you get the gar- 
den well weeded I think we'll have something to show for 
the summer's work." 

From the Press (Philadelphia). 



" These scales don't seem to be just so. I know very little Unci-e Joe Cannon : "Here, you'd better take the home- 

about such things, but it seems to me a little regulation made article ; he never did like the other mixture."— From 
might do them good."— From the Herald (Boston). the Inttr-Ocean (Chicago). 


The ^®l^mmlmm^ 







IN ' 


" Well, go ahead ; it's your move next." 
From the Tribune (Chicago). 


From the Constitution (Atlanta). 



From the Constitution (Atlanta). 

(Messrs. Morton and Cleveland as fishermen.) 
From the Tribune (Minneapolis). 


Mrs. Mary A. Livermore, the distinguished lecturer and woman suffragist, who died at Melrose, Mass., on May 23, 
at the age of eighty-three, first came into public notice during the Civil War, when her services on the Sani- 
tary Commission and her appearance as a public speaker in aid of the cause represented by that organization 
attained national prominence. Mrs. Livermore had already been active for some years in the temperance 
movement and in religious journalism. After the close of the war she devoted herself to the cause of 
woman suffrage, and her marked ability as a public speaker gained her notable success on the lecture plat- 
form. Mrs. Livermore was known throughout the United States, and her death has been universally 
mourned as the loss of a most attractive personality. 



IT is a common error of the newspapers, in 
mentioning the new Secretary of the Navy, 
— commenting on his famous name and the 
Gallic quality of his wit, the shrug of his shoul- 
ders, and the abundance of his gestures, — to 
speak of his French ancestry. Of course, as a 
matter of fact, there is not a drop of French 
blood in Charles J. Bonaparte's veins. His 
grandfather, Jerome Bonaparte, who married 
and deserted Elizabeth Patterson before he be- 
came King of Westphalia, was a Corsican of Ital- 
ian descent, while the Pattersons were Scotch- 
Irish. The new Secretary's mother was a Down 
East Yankee, a woman of great force of charac- 
ter. During the Civil War she was aggressively 
for the Union, in the midst of Southern sympa- 
thizers, and her influence was doubtless more 
effective in molding this rigid moralist's char- 
acter and guiding his political preferences than 
the quarter-strain of foreign kings in his blood. 

Bonaparte first met Roosevelt in 1889, when 
the latter went to Baltimore to investigate some 
violations of the civil-service law. Not unnat- 
urally, a friendship sprang up, for there is much 
that is alike in the two men. Bonaparte is a 
graduate of Harvard, as is Roosevelt. Each is 
the scion of a distinguished lamily who began 
life with a sufficient supply of worldly goods to 
enable him to choose his career with no thought 
save for the fun of it and the good that he might 
do. Both are reformers born, both took up en- 
thusiastically the business of guarding the civil 
service, and Bonaparte has been connected with 
that cause hardly less prominently than Roose- 
velt himself. The grandnepliew of Napoleon is 
a firm believer in a strong central government, 
federal supremacy being as dear to him as to 
the President of the United States. Neither is 
a specialist ; each is noted for the variety of his 
interests, and the men are alike in the keen joy 
that each finds in political strife. There are 
points of difference, of course, but, speaking 
generally, the entrance of Bonaparte into the 
cabinet means an increase of Rooseveltism in 
the administration. 

Since that first meeting, Bonaparte has been 
a great admirer of the President, and his ad- 
miration has not lessened in recent years. Here 
is his comment on the charge that Roosevelt is 
unsafe : • 

It i§ a doubtful compliment to call a watchdog 

"safe;" for some people it were well to have him 
" unsafe," and the more unsafe the better. If thieves 
and tramps feel secure with hitn unchained, his owner 
may do wisely to obtain in his place an animal less 
discreet and less amiable. 

There is something chivalric in his whole- 
souled support, for the new Secretary is much 
more of a Mugwump than his chief. He left his 
party to support Cleveland in 1884, and he has 
left it several times in municipal elections. He 
opposed the acquisition of the Philippines, de- 
claring that the United States was not divinely 
appointed to colonize or Christianize heathen 
nations. His opposition, however, was upon 
grounds of expediency alone, and if the anti- 
imperialists scented an ally in him they were 
undeceived by his vigorous defense of the 
President's Panama policy. 


But it is in his own city and State that Bona- 
parte has won his reputation as a political fac- 
tor. First of all, and by nature, he is a re- 
former. He does not look at life through the 
fabled spectacles that disclose only evil, but his 
gaze naturally falls on the abuse yet to be cor- 
rected rather than on the good already achieved. 
" It must not be supposed," he said once, speak- 
ing of the public schools, "that because I speak 
only of their defects I am blind to their merits. 
I say nothing of these because, for my present 
purpose, they need no mention." Usually, for 
his present purpose, the merits of things need 
no mention. 

Within a year after leaving Harvard Law 
School, Bonaparte was attracting attention as 
counsel for certain defeated candidates in a con- 
tested-election case. That was in 1875, and he 
was then twenty-four years of age. It was his 
first test of strength with Senator Gorman's po- 
litical machine. 

" I want to get, in every precinct," said a Bal- 
timore supervisor of elections under this regime^ 
" the weakest and stupidest Republican it con- 
tains and put him at the window with the two 
brightest and sharpest Democrats I can pick 
out, — that's the sort of a supervisor I am." 

Naturally, Mr. Bonaparte's clients had been 
counted out, and, quite as naturally, the judges 
to whom he made his appeal, being the very 
legislators who had profited by the frauds, gave 




him no relief. But lie proved the perpetration 
of the frauds, and twenty years later they re- 
turned to plague their inventors. 

That became Bonaparte's method, lle^ with 

the other reformers, went down to 
defeat in election after election, 
but with every election the facts 
were proved, and before a grow- 
ing public, if not before the courts, 
the criminals were convicted. One 
year the Republicans gained con- 
trol of a branch of the City Coun- 
cil. Bonaparte, as counsel for an 
investigating committee of that 
branch, spread out to the gaze of 
all men a picture of the graft in- 
festing the municipal government. 
He helped organize the Maryland 
Civil Service Reform Association, 
and interested it in a branch of 
the work. He was prominent as 
an organizer of the Baltimore Re- 
form League, and that body be- 
came a prime factor in the cleans- 
ing movement. Severn Teackle 
Wallis, John K. Cowen, and Bona- 
parte became an oratorical trio 
that stumped the city and State 
for reform year after year, always 
with brilliancy, always with enthu- 
siasm, always with failure. 


Tn 1895, however, the times were 
ripe for a revolution in Maryland. 
An independent press had devel- 
oped. The people were ready to 
respond to the goading of twenty 
years. An impassioned campaign 
was waged by the reformers, and 
in the course of it Bonaparte was 
unexpectedly made a supervisor of 
elections in Baltimore City. The 
board of supervisors consisted of 
two Democrats and one Republi- 
can. Gross abuse of power on the 
part of the majority had aroused a 
tremendous popular outcry, and 
the people instinctively turned to 
Bonaparte as the one man able to 
cope with the situation. The Dem- 
ocratic governor was reluctant to 
name him, but at a great pub- 
lic meeting thousands of citizens 
jumped to their feet and demanded 
the appointment. Then the gov- 
ernor complied. He probably 
thought, as a less exalted official remarked, that 
two could outvote one and it would make little 
difference anyhow. 

Bonaparte showed them the difference. The 



election officials had all been appointed, and 
there was little routine work to do, but he 
'< made tilings hum " for tlie three weeks he was 
in office, llis first action was to move that the 
meetings of the board be opened to newspaper 
men. Two promptly outvoted one, but Bona- 
parte mentioned the fact and a howl went up 
from the press. He recommended the dismissal 
of certain crooked election officials. Two out- 
voted oiue, but Bonaparte showed, through tlu; 
papers, how sadly immoral were the appoint- 
ments. He startled his colleagues by proposing 
the dismissal of the board's own counsel, a tool 
of the ring. Two voted to retain the counsel, 
but Bonaparte's resolution laid bare the corrupt 
partisanship of the majority members. Then, 
on the day preceding the election, after the 
Democratic members had issued their perfunc- 
tory ^' instructions " to the election officials, Bona- 
parte issued some instructions of his own. He 
explained the law, he promised to watch for vio- 
lations of it, and he supplied a vision of prison 
gates to intending offenders. 

Exactly how much of a restraining influence 
Bonaparte's presence on the board exerted will 
never be known, but it cannot be doubted that 
the fact that he was there, and the implications 
of his instructions, held back many a weaker 
brother who fain would have suited the law to 
his own desires, but didn't dare. At any rate, 
the election was held, and the reform ticket was 
elected triumphantly in both city and State. 

baltimoke's fokemost republican. 

In that twenty years' fight for the overthrow 
of the ring, Bonaparte was one of the three men 
most influential for good — and among Repub- 
licans the most influential of all. Yet his in- 
fluence, for the most part, was an indirect one. 
There are Republicans of the Roosevelt type in 
Maryland who have done much good missionary 
work with party managers, to the end that cred- 
itable nominees were secured on the party tick- 
ets. Bonaparte has no genius for practical politics, 
and he hates a spoilsman, in his own party as in 
the other. He has flayed erring Democrats in 
many a campaign, but the most contemptuous 
words he ever uttered publicly were reserved 
for certain members of his own party who, after 
their advent to power in 1 896, attempted to thwart 
some reform legislation. This has not endeared 
him to the organization leaders or conserved his 
influence with them. But in another and peculiar 
way he has done more than any other man to 
guide votes to the Republican column. Maryland, 
under normal conditions, is Democratic. It is 
the boast of that party that it contains 75 per 
cent, of the wealth and intelligence of the State. 

Tlie Republican party lias always had to bear 
the rei)roach of being tluj "nigger" party. It 
has suffered under th(i ac(^usation of having no 
capable loaders. Democrats have hesitated to 
vote for it on this account, even to escape the 
clutches of a vicious political gang. ]>ut Demo- 
cratic votes are necessary, and herein is where 
Bonaparte has been a tower of strength. In him 
the liepublicans have a man as well known out- 
side the State as in it, a man of stat(!sman-lik(; 
caliber, a man whose Republicanism is a matter 
of ideas and not of offices. In culture, in family 
position, in everything, he stands fully in the 
class with the best the Democratic party can 
show. In giving the party status with thinking 
men, and in recommending it to voters of tlie 
opposite party, Mr. Bonaparte has been more 
valuable than any other one Republican. 


He has also been of great use to his party as 
a campaign orator. He is an effective public 
speaker, and it is possible that Roosevelt had 
this in mind in inviting him into his official 
family circle. Those " French " mannerisms of 
Bonaparte's lend a peculiar piquancy to his 
speech, which is enhanced by the individual- 
ity of his personal appearance. Why his body 
sways from the hips up like rocking gear, or 
why his big round head wobbles from side to 
side like that of a child whose neck is yet too 
weak to bear its burden, does not appear, but 
they do, and his almond-shaped eyes are ever 
conspiring with his rosy cheeks to produce that 
facial contortion which is known in Baltimore 
as the "Bonaparte smile." He coins many epi- 
grams, knows the worth of an illustration, and 
has a positive genius for unearthing happy quo- 
tations, as witness his speech of a few days ago, 
when, arguing against the proposed disfranchis- 
ing act for Maryland, which contains a "grand- 
father's clause," he resurrected from Voltaire 
the appropriate phrase that "' a good citizen 
needs no grandfather." And, above all, he has 
an unusual power of acute, direct, forceful 
speech. " Honest men may honestly differ," he 
said once, "as to protection and free trade, as 
to federal supremacy and State rights, as to 
gold currency and silver currency and paper 
currency, but honest men all think alike as to a 
free ballot and a fair count. If any man helps 
in, or winks at, or covers over any kind of cheat- 
ing at the polls, that man is not a misinformed 
or misguided fellow-citizen, to be argued with 
and shown his error. He is a scoundrel, and 
should be called a scoundrel and dealt with as 
a scoundrel by every honest man." There can 
be no doubt as to the meaning of this, and it 



was pertinent doctrine in Maryland at the time 
it was spoken. Bonaparte's power of speech 
has won him many triumphs, not the least of 
which is the tremendous, if temporary, enthusi- 
asm of the small politicians of his own party, 
who love him not at other times. When this 
aristocrat, this grandson of a king and pattern 
of exclusiveness, mounts the stage and pours 
" hot shot " into their common enemy, the rag- 
and-tag element among the Republicans does not 
attempt to contain itself. 

"Wasn't Bonaparte great?" said one heeler 
to another one night when that gentleman had 
taken occasion to say a few words for himself 
before introducing Mr, Roosevelt. 

" Yes," answered the other, out of a full heart. 
"If he wasn't for civil service, I'd vote for that 
man for anything." 


Mr. Bonaparte is one of the largest property- 
owners in Maryland, and has probably got the 
business of landlordism systematized to a greater 
degree than any other. He is a large taxpayer, 
and the fact that he lias usually been opposed to 
the party in power has not tended to diminish 
the size of his assessments. A firm of political 
real estate men once offered to secure marked 
reductions in his tax bills for 33 per cent, of the 
first year's savings. The interview was short, 
and they never approached him a second time. 

As a lawyer, Mr. Bonaparte is envied for the 
extent of his legal knowledge by many a man 
with a better practice than himself. He has had 
many good cases in his regular practice, the lat- 
est being that of the Catholic University in con- 
nection with the Waggaman failure, but it is an 
undoubted fact, and one which it has often both- 
ered his friends to explain, that he has not a 
practice commensurate with his learning and 
talents. One reason for this, doubtless, is the 
variety of his interests. Not only is he no spe- 
cialist in any branch of the law, but the law itself 
can hardly be called his chief occupation, so great 
are the demands made upon his time by his pub- 
lic and charitable connections and his private 
estate. Doubtless, also, because of the nature 
of his investments, he has escaped much legal 
practice which otherwise might have come his 
way. Mr. Bonaparte is a wealthy man, but all 
of his money is invested in real estate or in mort- 
gages. He has not a cent, practically, in stocks 
or bonds. He has no interest in any corpora- 
tion or trust. A man of his ability, with money 
in such concerns, would naturally be called upon 
to represent them as their legal adviser. But 
Mr. Bonaparte is free from such alliances. 

Mr. Bonaparte is a Catholic in religion, — the 
kind of Catholic who has habitually voted with 
the party to which the great majority of the 
members of his faith in his community were op- 
posed. Personally, he is somewhat of a mys- 
tery. He has no intimates. He does not take 
his pleasures in the ways of ordinary men. He 
is a most charming host in his beautiful house 
in Baltimore County, but even those who know 
him best confess that they do not know him. 
There is a reserve about him which, after all, 
it is not unnatural to find in the grandchild of 
such a union as that of Betsy Patterson and 
Jerome Bonaparte, in the son of parents whose 
political views made them suspected of their 
neighbors during the Civil War, whose early 
political affiliations were with a political party 
composed largely of members openly hostile to 
his religious faith, in a man who might have in- 
herited a throne. 


No mere catalogue of his achievements can 
indicate the place Mr. Bonaparte holds in Mary- 
land politics or the influence he exerts. Thirty 
years' straight thinking and right living in po- 
litical affairs have bred an unfailing confidence 
in him so far as the primary political virtues 
are concerned. He has become an inspiration 
to young men with inclinations toward decent 
civic conduct. They never have any doubt as 
to where he will stand on any question of public 
morality. They know he cannot be misled by 
sophistries or seduced by the most subtle of 
bribes. In Bonaparte's long fight for reform in 
Maryland he has marched side by side with 
many volunteers. Some have had their ardor 
cooled by the warnings and appeals of friends, 
some by pressure brought to bear upon their 
pocketbooks. Others have capitulated to the 
enemy upon the gift of an office. One of the 
most brilliant reached a point where he had to 
choose between the cause of reform and the cor- 
poration which he served, and he cast his fate 
with the corporation. But no one has ever 
doubted Bonaparte. No one has ever looked to 
find him in the future different from what he 
has been in the past. Whether as a reformer 
ferreting out graft, as a lawyer maintaining 
high ethical standards among the members of 
his profession, as a philanthropist lending his 
aid to charitable endeavor, or as a publicist 
sounding the alarm in some question of grave 
concern, he has always maintained high ideals, 
without cant and without despair. Such a 
spirit will he carry with him into the Navy 


ON thp: sp:a. 

(Editor of the "Calendar of John Paul Jones Manuscripts in the Library of Congress.") 

OF all tlie men who have served the United 
States in her time of need, possibly none 
is more prominent at tliis time than John Paul 
Jones. Born in Scotland, on July G, 174 7, he 
began his life upon the 
water at the age of 
twelve. This seaman's 
life he continued with 
slight interruptions un- 
til his death, in 1792. 
The first twenty years 
were devoted to service 
in commercial vessels, 
an excellent training for 
later work, and from 
1775 to the close of the 
Revolution he was in 
the United States navy, 
although the engage- 
ment of the Bonliomme 
Richard and the Serapis 
terminated his active 
service. The next few 
years were devoted to 
supervising the con- 
struction of the America 
and the prosecution of 
his claims in Europe 
for prize money won 
during the Revolution. 
In 1788, he entered the 
Russian service, from 
which he retired, bro- 
ken in health, after a 
brilliant campaign 
against the Turks. He 
died in Paris, on July 

18, 1792. This is a rough outline of the life 
of the man whose relations to the United States 
we are about to consider. 

The charge is made that republics are un- 
grateful. In the case of the United States, ex- 
amples such as those of Robert Morris, the finan- 
cier of the Revolution, Greene and Schuyler, 
eminent among America's early generals, and 
many less prominent soldiers are mentioned. 
Justice, it is said, is rarely measured to the de- 
serving. Preble's success against the Barbary 

(Copied from the celebrated Guttenburg engraving.) 

powers in 1803-1804 was followed by his super- 
sedure in command of the American navy in the 
the Mediterranean. After more than one hun- 
dred years, the body of John Paul Jones, Amer- 
ica's gr(iat(!st naval hero 
of the Revolution, is be- 
ing brought to "the 
country of his fond elec- 
tion." Does this recog- 
nition of his service 
typify, or is it, rather, 
in opposition to, the 
earlier attitudes taken 
by the United States ? 
Jones was not the 
founder of the Ameri- 
can navy. This claim, 
to be sure, has been 
made for him by cer- 
tain of his biographers, 
but let us be just rather 
than generous. Omit- 
ting consideration of 
Colonial vessels. Con- 
gress, on October 5, 
1775, appointed a com- 
mittee to prepare a plan 
for intercepting British 
ships. On the 13th, a 
committee was appoint- 
ed to fit out armed ves- 
sels, and on the 30th of 
the same month this na- 
val committee reported. 
Two additional vessels 
were then ordered, and 
before Jones received 
his commission as first lieutenant a committee 
had been appointed to oversee the building of 
thirteen frigates. It is said that a marine com- 
mittee was appointed by Congress on June 14, 
1775, and that on the 24tli this committee di- 
rected its chairman to summon Jones for ad- 
vice on naval matters, but no mention of this 
appointment or action is given in the manuscript 
or printed journals of Congress. Robert Mor- 
ris, the so-called chairman of this committee, 
was not in Congress at this time. According to 



John Adams, Congress, four months later, was 
fighting over the appointment of any such com- 
mittee as this. Certainly, in any other sense 
than that of being its first great captain, Jones 
was not the founder of the American navy. 


Let us next consider the services of Jones to 
the navy. Here is a different story. His first 
efforts were made as first lieutenant of the Alfred^ 
Capt. Dudley Saltonstall. In January, 1776, 
this vessel sailed from Philadelphia with no less 
a person than Esek Hopkins, commander-in-chief 
of the Continental navy, on board. The squad- 
ron, of which the Alfred was flagship, and which 
embraced nearly the whole Colonial navy, got to 
sea on February 17. This squadron consisted 
of the Alfred^ the Columhus, the Andrea- Dorta, 
the Cabot, the Providence, the Hornet, the Wasp, 
and the Fly, — the first' named being the recon- 
verted Black Prince, of twenty-four guns. On 
the night of the 18th, the Hornet and the Fly 
separated from the squadron in a gale. A short 
time after, Hopkins captured New Providence, 
and on April 6 occurred the engagement with 
the Glasgow, the first prominent naval battle of 
the Revolution. According to Jones' memoran- 
dum of this battle, the Alfred cleared for action 
at 2 A.M., and shortly afterward the Glasgoio sig- 
naled for assistance. Hopkins was unwilling to 
continue the action and the Glasgoiu escaped. 
Evidently Jones was not satisfied in regard to 
this engagement, for, in a letter of May 19 to 
Joseph Hewes, of the Continental Congress, he 
urged a general inquiry into the ability of the 
officers of the navy, although he had earlier 
stated that Hopkins was generally respected. 


Following this engagement, Jones was ap- 
pointed to command the Providence, a position 
which he accepted to free himself from the 
jurisdiction of his late commander, but soon 
returned to the Alfred as her captain. It was 
when in command of the Providence that Con- 
gress did Jones the first noteworthy injustice, 
and the treatment was particularly disagreeable 
to that officer because of tlie favoritism shown. 
As has been seen, Jones was on the Alfred in 
January, 1776, and did good service on that 
vessel. Appointed to the command of the Prov- 
idence on May 10, he maintained discipline on 
board that ship, made several cruises, and in 
October was able to report to Robert Morris 
a list of sixteen prizes taken, sent into port, or 
destroyed, in addition to doing satisfactory 
work as a convoy. On October 10, Congress 
established the rank of the captains in the navy, 

placing Jones No. 18, a sufficient comment on 
which is the memorandum in the hand of that 
officer on the list sent him. It runs thus : 
"Whereby No. 18 is superseded by 13 men, 
altho' their superior Merits and Abilities are at 
best presumptive, and not one of them was in 
service the 7th day of December, 1775, when 
No. 18 was appointed Senior Lieut, of the 
navy." Is it out of place at this point to ask 
whether this action of Congress was an impetus 
to further service ? 

Jones' next command was the Alfred, as men- 
tioned. In a six weeks' cruise, from early 
November until the middle of December, with 
a short-handed crew and a somewhat refractory 
companion in the Providence, whose commander, 
Jones reported, disobeyed orders and ''overset 
the expedition," the Alfred captured one hun- 
dred and fifty prisoners and seven vessels, one 
of which, the Mellish, was loaded with arms, 
ammunition, and valuable stores very useful to 
the Continental army under Washington during 
the winter of 1776-1777. 

What was the reward for this exertion ? By 
a letter from Commander-in-chief Hopkins, of 
January 14, Jones was informed that he was su- 
perseded in command of the Alfred by Capt. 
Elisha Hinman. Indignant Jones was, and his 
indignation was justifiable, but in his letter to 
the Marine Committee, of January 21, 1777, 
wherein he criticises the appointment of Hin- 
man, he declares he will not make '■'■ difficulties 
about trifles " where the good of the navy is 
concerned. There is little doubt, however, that 
Jones was, as he said at the time, " in the high- 
est degree tenacious of rank and seniority," and 
that he wished to be employed in the "most 
enterprising and active service." This letter 
from Jones was answered very cordially by the 
Marine Committee, which body, under the lead- 
ership of Robert Morris, showed an appreciation 
of the great captain's ability much earlier than 
it could induce Congress to recognize his worth. 
Morris proposed that Jones proceed on a pri- 
vate expedition against Florida or the Canadian 
coasts ; but as Hopkins would not assist him, 
this proposal came to nothing. 

THE "ranger's" successful CRUISE. 

After repeated search for action, Jones ob- 
tained, in June, 177 7, the command of the Rayi- 
ger, and in November sailed on the first of his 
famous European cruises. Meanwhile he had 
been aiding the Marine Committee by sugges- 
tions regarding naval construction, naval strat- 
egy, and regulations to be observed aboard 
ships in service, which would have demonstrated 
his knowledge had nothing else done so, and 



which Morris had no hesitancy in declaring of 
gre^at servi'fco to the committee. 

The success which attended Jones' "cruise on 
the Bonhommc Richard lias served to draw the 
attention of many from the operations of the 
Eiwger. \Ye, indeed, can spend but few words 
upon them. The Ranfjcr reached France on De- 
cember 2, 1777, sailed on her famous cruise on 
April 10, 1778, and in h^ss than a month was 
again in port, having aroused an almost incon- 
ceivable apprehension along the coasts of Great 
Britain and Ireland. It was not so much that 
she had captured a 20-gun ship, — England had 
lost many a larger vessel than tlie Drake before 
this, — it was the effrontery of an American cap- 
tain, in drawing from one of her home ports and 
defeating a British warship, that aroused the 
people. When had a hostile vessel invaded the 
Irish Sea before this ? How long had it been 
since an enemy had set foot on British soil ? 
Lookouts were established, forts were erected, 
troops were demanded, and the populace of Eng- 
land were frightened as they had not been for 
several generations. The' British press shows 
this sentiment, and English vessels were pre- 
vented from landing on the frightened coasts 
until unmistakable proof of their nationality was 
furnished. Six vessels captured and a large 
amount of prize money were the legitimate re- 
sults of this expedition, but, as Jones says in his 
letter of May 27 to the American Commissioners 
at Paris describing the whole sequence of events, 
'' I know not where to find to-morrow's dinner 
for the great number of mouths that depend on 
me for food ... I will ask you, gentlemen, if 
I have deserved all this ? " 

Incidentally, it may be observed that Jones 
paid off the crews of the Alfred and the Ranger, 
and, as far as the writer has been able to dis- 
cover, was never reimbursed for these payments. 
In a letter of June 3, 1778, Jones states that he 
was at that time £1,500 "in advance" in his 
accounts with the United States, had never re- 
ceived wages, and, indeed, considered it eighteen 
months since Congress had thought of him. 




It was over a year before the next opportunity 
came to Jones. The Ranger had returned to 
France in May, 1778. Not until August 14, 
1779, did the Bonhomme Richard leave the Road 
of Groa on the cruise that made her captain the 
unquestioned head of the American naval cap- 
tains of his day.* The story of this cruise has 
been told until every schoolboy is familiar with 

♦ Capt. Nicholas Biddle, the only rival of Jones, had been 
killed in the explosion of the Randolph, at the time of her 
engagement with the Yarmouth, Marcli 7, 1778. 

it. An a(l(;(|uate idea of tlie (lisappointmentfl 
and diihcultics und(M- which Jcmes labored be- 
fore he obtained this old weather-beaten vessel 
and a fair siz(;d crew will never be obtain(id 
until the correspondence of that captain with 
the French Coui-t, the United States Marine 
Committee, and the American Commissioners 
at Paris has IxMm read and digested. At best 
her crew lackcjd harmony, as, inchied, did tlie 
commissioned officers ; the ship lacked proper 


<From the original bust by Houdon, in the possession of the 
Pennsylvania Academy of Fine Arts, Philadelphia.) 

armament, and any spirit of confidence in their 
cruise came to the men from the character of 
their captain more than from any or all other 

Neither is there room at this time to enter 
into an account of the character of Peter 
Landais. It seems undoubted that with Elijah 
Hal], or any of a dozen officers who might be 
named, not only the Serapis could have been 
captured more easily, but well-nigh the whole 
group of merchantmen under her convoy cap- 
tured or destroyed. The opinion of Benjamin 
Franklin is shown in the following extract from 
that statesman's letter to Landais, dated March 
12, 1780 : "I think you, then, so imprudent, so 
litigious and quarrelsome a man, even with your 
best friends, that peace and good order . . . 
are, where you preside, impossible ... If, 
therefore, I had twenty ships of war in my dis* 



position, I should not give one of them to Cap- 
tain Landais." Franklin was a good judge. 
The writer finds no reason to dispute his ruling. 
A testimony to the valor of Jones and his crew 
may. however, be found in the fact that Captain 
Pearson, of the Serapis, — a ship in good condi- 
tion, — was knighted for his gallant defense. 
What, then, shall be said of the victor in this 
battle ? 


The fright produced in England by this ad- 
venture had had no parallel for years. United 
with the excitement caused by the loss of the 
Drake^ it terrified the coast towns of Great 
Britain. Every unknown squadron sighted was 
thought to be Jones with a new fleet bent on the 
destruction of some port or the defeat and capture 
of some British ship. France saw in America 
a power not lacking in ability on sea as well as 
land, and the alliance between the two nations 
was strengthened. The King of France present- 
ed Jones with a sword, he was granted the Cross 
of Military Merit, and was offered a captain's 
commission in the French navy. The first two 
honors were accepted, but Jones refused to leave 
the American flag. In America the greatest en- 
thusiasm was aroused, and Congress, after some 
delay, recognized the merit of the great com- 
mander. For over a year bickerings as to the 
command of the Alliance continued, and Jones 
was unable to secure any adequate vessel until 
1781. In February of that year. Congress called 
upon him to answer a list of forty-seven ques- 
tions regarding his conduct during the last four 
years, and not until February 27 was a reso- 
lution appreciating his bravery in the contest 
with the Serajns passed. In this resolution Con- 
gress declared its willingness that Jones should 
receive the honors conferred upon him by the 
French king, — a strange method, indeed, to wait 
for France to act before doing anything on its 
own initiative. On April 14, 1781, Congress 
thanked Jones for his services, and, finally, in 
June, resolutions for the construction of the 
ship -of -war America and the appointment of 
Jones to her command were passed. As John 
Adams wrote him, "The command of the Amer- 
ica could not have been more judiciously be- 


Jones was destined never to command this 
vessel in active service, although overseeing her 
construction most carefully. In 1782, France 
lost a fine ship, Le Magnijique, in Boston Harbor, 

and Congress, on September 3, resolved that the 
America be given the French king as compensa- 
tion for the vessel lost. In fact, if not in name, 
Jones ceased his service under the American 
flag after his great work on the coast of Britain 
had been performed. "What reward other than 
this nominal one has his country conferred upon 
him? In October, 1787, Congress voted Jones 
a gold medal, to be obtained in Europe, but to 
the day of his death, in 1792, his accounts with 
the United States were never settled. He was 
allowed to serve in the French navy. He served 
gallantly as rear-admiral for Russia in her war 
with the Turks, but he obtained no settlement 
of his just dues from the country he served 
most. For years his heirs secured nothing, and 
not until 1848 was approximate justice done. 
In 1834, indeed, an act was passed by Congress 
and approved by President Jackson, providing 
that a warship should be built and named for 
the great commander. This ship was not built 
at the time, and not until 1862 was Jones' name 
on any United States vessel. In that year a 
small steamer of six guns was so named. She 
was sold in 1867, and again, until 1898, Jones 
was not represented in our navy. During that 
year the construction of the torpedo-boat de- 
stroyer Paul Jones was begun, and she remains 
at this date in the service. 


Buried with great honor in Paris in 1792, fifty 
years passed before the movement for the re- 
interment of the bones of our first great sea- 
fighter in American soil was begun. But the 
movement of 1845 came to naught. A further 
period of sixty years passed before the honor 
of a burial in the land he served so faithfully 
was given to Jones. This delay was due to no 
lack of appreciation of the work of the Ameri- 
can captain. Years passed before the location 
of his tomb in Paris was known. Meanwhile, 
biographers and historians gave him high place 
in their writings. Novelists used his personality 
to lend additional interest to their tales. With 
the discovery of his. burial-place came the effec- 
tual sentiment for paying additional honor to 
America's great naval hero of the Revolution. 
Under the leadership of Gen. Horace Porter, 
American ambassador to France, whose tireless 
efforts had made possible the realization of the 
nation's wish, the movement for the reinterment 
of Jones' body in his own land became irresisti- 
ble. Awakened and encouraged by her leaders, 
America does herself honor in honoring her 
first great naval commander, John Paul Jones. 




THERE is a strange fascination about the 
Arctic regions. Year after year, century 
after century, the struggle between man and na- 
ture is continued there. One country or anoth- 
er keeps up the fight, and slowly but surely the 
standards are pushed forward, each leader out- 
stripping his predecessors ; and the daring, reso- 
lute minds of many lands are attracted to this 
v/eird region of endless ice, wherein is enshrined 
the one great prize that now remains to reward 
the venturesome pioneer of geographical discov- 
ery. Meanwhile, the world waits with anxious 
interest for the news their ships bring home, as 
all too often it is a tale of tragedy and death 
which comes from the frozen waste. During 
the past century 4,000 human lives, 200 ships, 
and ^5100,000, 000 have been lost in fruitless ef- 
forts to reach the North Pole, and there may be 
disaster yet to chronicle before the conquest is 
achieved, if, indeed, it ever is. This season there 
will be four expeditions operating within the 
Arctic Circle, — Fiala's and the Duke of Orleans' 
in Franz-Josef Land, Amundsen's in Boothia 
Land, and Peary's in Greenland. 

Fiala and Peary are both Americans, and 
American interest in the subject is naturally 
keenest over the men striving to plant "■ Old 
Glory " at the apex of the globe ; which interest 
is stimulated by the fact that both stand an ex- 
cellent chance of regaining for the United States 
the distinction of ''farthest North," even if they 
fail in their larger aim. Lockwood, of Greely's 
expedition, carried the Stars and Stripes to 83° 
24' north in 1882, a record not broken until 
1895, when Nansen reached 86° 14' with the 
Norwegian colors. Cagni, of Abruzzi's party, 
made his way to 86° 33' in 1900, and Italy's 
banner now floats nearest the Pole, Peary ad- 
vancing his flag to 84° 17' two years later. The 
United States seems destined to gain whatever 
laurels are to be obtained from the present sea- 
son's work, and possibly the honor of again lead- 
ing in the van of poleward progress. 


Fiala's expedition is really a continuation of 
that of Baldwin in 1901-1902. This had as 
its chief Evelyn B. Baldwin, previously of the 



United States Signal Service, a member of 
Peary's expedition of 1893-1894, of Wellman's 
in 1898-1899, and chosen as one of Andree's 
ill-fated balloon party in 1900, but left behind 
because the car would not contain four. Its 
financial backer was the late William Ziegler, of 
Brooklyn, N. Y., a millionaire manufacturer ani- 
mated with the patriotic desire to have the star- 
spangled banner the first to fly at the Pole, who 
set aside one million dollars for this purpose. 
The expedition was the best equipped that ever 
entered the Arctic Circle. Three ships were se- 
cured for it, and practically unlimited supplies, — 
concentrated foods, canned meats, vegetables, 
fruits and cereals, coffee carried in the form of 
lozenges, emergency rations such as armies have 
adopted, and even fifty tons of prepared dog 
food, these to be used on the great march north, 
when every pound in weight and every inch in 
space would count. The scientific equipment 
was complete. It included small balloons with 
releasing devices for depositing records when 
the ground was reached ; buoys witli records to 
be submerged and whirled south by the currents ; 
electric searchlights for signaling ; wireless-tele- 
graph apparatus, and a variety of other accesso- 
ries of the most modern type, besides the stand- 
ard scientific instruments for meteorological, 

astronomical, geodetic, and other work invaria- 
bly carried on in the Arctic regions. 

The expeditionary steamer was the Esquimaux, 
the largest of the Newfoundland seal ships, re- 
fitted and renamed the America, with two Nor- 
wegian whalers, the Frithiof and the Belgica, as 
auxiliaries, the former as consort to the America, 
carrying extra coal and stores ; the latter going 
to East Greenland, where she made a depot of 
supplies, in case the explorers should be com- 
pelled to return that way over the ice-floe. The 
America and the Frithiof left Tromso, Norway, 
in July, 1901, for Franz- Josef Land, which Bald- 
win regarded as the best starting-point for a 
polar venture. At Archangel they got 320 Si- 
berian dogs and 15 ponies, with 6 expert Rus- 
sian drivers, thence proceeding to Alger Island, 
in latitude 80° 24' north, longitude 55° 52' east, 
where he established his winter quarters. The 
i^r^YA^o/ unloaded her stores and proceeded south, 
leaving the America harbored, with the dogs and 
equipment ashore, portable houses erected, and 
the detail of duties being carried out. The per- 
sonnel comprised 42 souls, — 17 Americans, 6 
Russians, and 19 shipmen, mostly Norwegians. 
Game was plentiful, and several tons of bear 
and walrus meat were accumulated, the former 
for the men and the latter for the dogs. With 


(Established about twenty years ago by New Bedford whalers, now the property of Potter & Wrighenton, Boston. 
Photograph taken by the Dominion government expedition to Hudson Bay and northward, September, 1904.) 






BAY, MARCH 1905. 

(Eskimos engaged building snow-houses in the foreground. Vessel surrounded by a three-foot wall of snow.) 

this base beyond the eightieth parallel, Baldwin 
intended to push forward with his ship, or over 
the ice, exploring the adjacent region for un- 
charted land masses which would supply sta- 
tionary points insuring him against the disad- 
vantages of an advance across the shifting ice, 
and from the farthest north of these he would, 
the next spring, make his dash across the crystal 
fields for the Pole. In this he would employ 
about twenty -five men as a vanguard and re- 
serve, the flying column pushing rapidly ahead, 
and the transport train following with the heav- 
ier supplies. Numerically, the party would be 
strong enough to overcome otherwise serious 
obstacles, while the quantity of supplies to be 
carried by 320 dogs and 15 ponies would put 
the possibility of disaster almost out of the ques- 
tion. A team of six or eight dogs should drag 
a sledge with 1,200 pounds' weight 50 miles a 
day if the going was good. 

With this elaborate programme, and the knowl- 
edge that the Duke of Abruzzi, with a much 
smaller party, attained a northing of 86° 33', 
Baldwin confidently anticipated making the 
Pole. And, as in that segment of the Arctic Cir- 
cle he might find himself, in returning, obliged 
by ice and currents to head for the Greenland 
coast, which reaches to 83° 27', or 180 miles 
nearer the Pole than his base, he planned that 

if he should be swerved westward by the tides, 
it would be easier to reach that shore. There 
he would find musk-oxen to eke out his supplies, 
and journey down the east coast to where the 
depot was made by the Belgica for him. 

But, as often happens in polar work, Bald- 
win's hopes were blasted, dissensions rent his 
party asunder, his dogs perished by the score, 
and after a futile attempt to get north he and 
his whole party returned to Tromso in August, 
1902, while the Frithiof^ which had sailed for 
Alger Island a month previous with additional 
outfits and for news of him, had to retreat ow- 
ing to the unbroken ice-pack. 

Mr. Ziegler replaced Baldwin with Anthony 
Fiala, of Brooklyn, who sailed from Tromso 
on June 23, 1903, in the America, accompanied 
by ten Americans, and intended to practically 
follow out Baldwin's plans. The Fritliiof made 
two attempts in 1904 to communicate w4th her; 
but failed to break through the ice-pack, and 
this season the Terra Nova, another powerful 
Newfoundland sealer, has been dispatched, in 
company with her, on a like endeavor, the Terra 
Nova going to Alger Island, and the Frithiof to 
East Greenland, so that the expedition may have 
a chance of rescue if at either point. Fiala's 
party included thirty-five, all told, of whom 
twelve are Americans, and it is probable one 



portion will be found standing by the ship, 
wherever the remainder may be located. 


The Duke of Orleans, doubtless fired by the 
achievement of the Duke of Abruzzi, has se- 
cured the Belgica, and proceeds north from Franz- 
Josef Land this summer ; also, he has obtained 
the valuable services of Lieutenant de Gerlache, 
who was in charge of the Belgian Antarctic ex- 
pedition of 1897-1899 in the same ship. The 
duke will attempt a northern passage by a new 
channel, though this is not unattended with dan- 
ger, owing to the force with which the ice-pack 
is driven south by the strong currents. It was 
owing to this cause that the Uira^ of Leigh 
Smith's expedition, was sunk off Cape Flora, 
and that the Stella Polare, the Duke of Abruzzi's 
vessel, was also pierced by the ice-pack. The 
Belgica is provisioned for a two-years' sojourn, 
as she may be caught in the floe. Her person- 
nel includes a Norwegian crew and a party of 
French scientists, and, with favorable conditions, 
it is hoped to reach a higher northing than the 
Italian prince attained. The estimated distance 
from the Franz- Josef group to the Pole is about 
six hundred miles, and, with favorable condi- 
tions, the journey could be accomplished in sev- 
enty-five days. 


A strange expedition is that of Raold Amund- 
sen and six other Norwegians, which started for 
Boothia Land, Arctic America, directly north 
of the extreme western side of Hudson Bay, 
in the summer of 1903, to seek the magnetic 
pole, in a small but stanch whaling sloop, the 
G/oa, fitted with a gasoline engine, capable of 
driving her at a speed of five knots, as an auxil- 
iary. Amundsen had already gained some ex- 
perience as an explorer, having been a member 
of the Belgian south polar expedition of 1897- 
1899, and deliberately chose the Gjoa because 
the waterways he would have to navigate were 
narrow and shoal for the most part, and there- 
fore necessitated a handy craft, which, in turn, 
called for a small crew. His intention was to 
operate in the region where for centuries men 
thought the northwest passage, and while the 
locating of the magnetic pole was his prime ob- 
ject, he intended to push for the geographical 
pole, and also for an outlet via Bering Strait. 
The latest news from this expedition was a sealed 
record attached to the cenotaph on Beechy Is- 
land, where Franklin wintered witli the Frehus 
and the Terror in 1845, which was found by the 
Canadian expedition, in the steamer Neptune^ on 

August 15, 1904. It states that Amundsen's 
ship had been there on August 26, 1903, and 
was going through Peel Strait on its way west. 
Amundsen planned to spend three winters amid 
the ice, and it is thought possible that he may 
make the northwest passage and come out next 
summer by way of Bering Strait. 


Last, but not least, comes Peary, with his new 
ship, the Roosevelt^ essaying another venture from 
the Greenland zone. There is not in Arctic his- 
tory any more striking figure than that of Peary, 
the embodiment of the resolute, masterly Ameri- 
can spirit now revolutionizing the world. He 
has spent over a decade warring with the forces 
of nature in that desolate solitude, and a pe- 
culiar touch of brightness is added to the other- 
wise gloomy picture by the fact that his cour- 
ageous and devoted wife has braved its loneliness 
with him, enduring the terrible winters there, 
and seeing their baby girl draw its first breath 
in their far-northern hohie. Peary has made 
Greenland his theater of operations ; explora- 
tion there has, by common consent, been left to 
him alone. Almost every summer since 1891 
has seen him invade the frozen wastes on new 
discoveries bent. Eight long winters, too, with- 
out a glimpse of the sun for six months each 
time, has he labored in the land of the ice. 

He is forty-eight years old, and has given his 
prime to this work. He has spent his own pri- 
vate means, and his wife has given hers ; and 
they have both taken to the lecture platform to 
raise funds to hel[) him on, while once he had to 
exhibit his ship in Atlantic seaports to obtain 
enough money to complete her stores. The 
United States Navy Department, in which he is 
a civil engineer, now ranking as commander, has 
granted him the leave of absence necessary to 
pursue his researches ; but he has enjoyed no 
financial aid from the Government. He has had 
to plan his expeditions, finance them, and then 
carry them out. Latterly, however, some wealthy 
friends have undertaken the fiscal part, thus re- 
lieving him of one of the greatest worries that 
must vex an enthusiastic soul. 

For Peary is an enthusiast, though his enthu- 
siasm is tempered with sagacity and prudence. 
He feels that he can win, and is undismayed by 
obstacles. He has lived among the Eskimos, 
adapted himself to their primitive conditions, 
subsisted on walrus blubber and other " deli- 
cacies," and faced every discomfort the civilized 
being finds associated with his human antithesis. 
Nor is this the worst, — Peary has endured rigor- 
ous hardships, physical torture, and serious dis- 
ablement. His whole Arctic career has been a 



long rocord of o-a,Il;uit l)attlos against distressing 
niisfortuno. After a Hying trip to Greenland, 
in 1<S.S8, to test his theories, he took his first ex- 
pedition north in 1891, and the steamer's wheel- 
chain snapping as she struck the ice, the end 
broke his leg. He was landed on a stretcher, 
camped in a tent, supervised the building of a 
house, allowed the leg to knit during the winter, 
and the next spring, with only one companion, 
and without accident, made a 1,300-mile journey 
over the ice-cap that covers Greenland, reaching 
its farthest coast -line, the first white man to 
view its nortliern extremity. In 1893, he took 
up a larger expedition to follow the same route 
and continue on toward the Pole. That autumn 
the Peary l)al)y was born in their hut, on the 
west Greenland shore. The ensuing spring the 
northward march was begun, but frightful 
storms beset them from the start, and they had 
to retreat, after struggling against the weather 
for two weeks. Some of the party were frosted 
and others dispirited, returning by the relief 
ship that summer ; but Peary, Lee, and Henson 
resolved to make another attempt. This they 
did early in 1895, and succeeded in the journey 
across the ice-cap ; but from lack of food could 
go no farther, for starvation had them at death's 
door. They escaped by eating their dogs ; out 
of forty with which they left they brouglit back 
only one. 

In 1896, Peary tried to carry to New York 
the great meteorite at Cape York, the largest in 
the world ; but his ship was forced away from 


iiotugraph by Boyce, Washington. 


the Greenland coast by ice and storm. He; tried 
again in 1897, and this time succeeded. In 
1898, he began a new siege 
of the Pole, and in a long and 
toilsome march, was caught 
by a blizzard and held help- 
less for two days and nights. 
The little group killed a dog 
and ate it ; but Peary's feet 
had become frosted, and Dr. 
Dedrick, then of his force, 
had to amputate seven toes. 
To do this even roughly they 
were forced to shelter in Gree- 
ly's deserted station, Fort 
Conger, Lady Franklin Bay, 
and there the invalid lay 
helpless for six weeks. Then 
he had to be dragged south 
for 250 miles on a sledge, 
with the temperature 50° be- 
low zero, to his ship, the 
Wmdiuard, for the operation 
to be perfected, as the sur- 
geon had no proper instru- 
ments north. This involved 
another six weeks' illness. 




and spoiled an advance toward the Pole in 1899. 
But in 1900 Peary was well enough to start 
again, and this time journeyed to the very north- 
ernmost tip of Greenland, in 83° 27', whence he 
ventured on the floe and headed for the Pole. 
He reached 83° 50', where the ice was found 
too open for safety, so he had to fall back again. 
He utilized the reverse to delimit the whole 
northern coast-line of Greenland. In 1901, an 
advance over the same route being useless, he 
started for Cape Hecla, the farthest point in 
Grinnell Land, west of Greenland, and took his 
departure therefrom. But the fates were still 
unpi'opitious. The season was an unusually open 
one, and he had once more to retire baffled. 

In 1902, he, Henson, and eight or ten Eski- 
mos tried this trip again. He had sixty dogs 
for his sledges, and eighty tons of walrus meat 
for the canines, besides ample stores of food for 
the humans. The party hurried forward, send- 
ing back the Eskimos one after another as the 
stores were exhausted, until Peary and Henson 
— the white — and the black American were left 
to make the last stage of the journey alone. 
In that journey Peary and Henson made their 
way as far as 84° 17' north latitude, northwest of 
Cape Hecla, the farthest point of Grinnell Land, 
beyond which an advance was found to be im- 
possible, and the idea of further progress had 
to be reluctantly abandoned. Peary planned to 
be 60 days on this journey, 40 in advancing and 
20 in returning ; but it occupied only 29 in all. 
Peary then made his way south to Cape Sabine, 
where a relief ship met him in August and 

conveyed him back to New 

His present expedition, 
which will be his seventh, is 
being made in a large and 
powerful steamer — the Roose- 
velt- — specially constructed 
for him the past winter at 
Bucksport, Maine. In her 
he expects, if favored with 
an open season, to reach a 
point near the Polar Ocean 
itself, or 400 miles farther 
north than he usually gets 
by vessel. Four pole-seeking 
vessels have already reached 
that vicinity, though none of 
them was in any way as well 
fitted for the task as the 
Roosevelt. On her he will 
transport north a tribe of 
Eskimos, among whom he has 
worked for twelve years, and 
with the picked men of the 
tribe, each driving a dog team, he proposes, next 
February, to make a dash for the Pole, dropping 
team after team to return as its stores are ex- 
hausted, and meeting these again on his back- 
ward journey as they come toward him with re- 
newed supplies of provisions. A feature of the 
present expedition is that he has the ship fitted 
with Marconi's wireless telegraphy, and hopes 
to be able to communicate with New York by 
its agency, an innovation which, if successful, 
will enable the world to learn of his movements 
from day to day. 

That Peary stands a splendid chance of mak- 
ing a new record is admitted by all students of 
polar research, for he enjoys the advantage of 
the aid of the Eskimos, the best dog-drivers and 
the finest travelers on the frozen Polar Ocean. 
However, Fiala's expedition may have accom- 
plished some substantial work the past two ycai's, 
and got nearer to the Pole than any predecessor ; 
but if not, Peary will probably be able to report 
" farthest North " when he returns, in a year or 
two. He has leave of absence for three years, and 
should he not be able to get as far up toward the 
polar basin this season as he hopes, he will wait 
where he reaches for another twelve months, and 
then try again. By attaining the northing he 
hopes for, he will be spared the long journey of 
400 miles along the coast he has previously had 
to make to reach the uttermost point of land, 
and thence dash across the floe, and it is obvious 
that every mile nearer the Pole he gets his ship 
the shorter will be the journey on foot which he 
miust make to achieve a new record. 



(Formerly American minister to Argentina and to Panama, now minister to Colombia.) 

AT this time, when there is so much discus- 
sion of South American countries and 
affairs, it may be of particular interest to take a 
passing glance at the great republic of Argen- 
tina. I say ''great" advisedly and in no sense 
of flattery or exaggeration. It deserves this 
description in many respects. 

Argentina is so far away to the south of the 
United States and so apart from the regulation 
routes of North American travel that only a min- 
imum percentage of our people realize that in 
the southern end of the western hemisphere 
there is a nation of such size, resources, possi- 
bilities, and progress that it is entitled to the 
attention and respect of the world. I would 
that it were in my power to divert a small part 
of our travelers for pleasure and observation 
from Europe and Asia to South America, and 
particularly to Argentina, Chile, and southern 
Brazil. A diversion of study and investigation 
of this kind would exert a mighty influence in 
educating the North American people to a real- 
ization of the fact that we should devote more 
time and energy to making the intimate acquaint- 
ance of our Latin neighbors. It would demon- 
strate how ignorant many of us are of what Latin 
America can do and is doing under favorable 
conditions of temperate climate and national 
wealth. It might teach some critics of Spanish 
America to remove the " beams " from their own 
eyes before they point out the "motes" in those 
of their southern neighbors. 

The marvelous material, economic, educa- 
tional, and social development of North Amer- 
ica has blinded the eyes of a goodly proportion 
of its citizens to an appreciation of what is going 
on beyond its borders. They often rant about 
European interest in South America and Euro- 
pean effort to surpass us in the competition for 
South American trade and friendship without 
remembering that European nations, merchants, 
and travelers know far more about South Amer- 
ica than we do and expend treble our effort to 
build up closer relations of commerce and comity. 

Argentina's vast commerce. 

A summarized statement of some facts about 
Argentina confirm these premises and conclu- 


sions. The Argentine Republic, as it is com- 
monly called, is to-day one of the most pros- 
perous and progressive countries. Its foreign 
commerce for 1904 reached the immense total 
of 1451,463,000 in gold. This was greater than 
that of any other Latin nation, not excepting 
Mexico and Brazil. It exceeded the foreign 
trade of Japan, of whose marvelous progress 
we now hear so much, and it went far beyond 
that of China, concerning which there is general 
discussion. In other words, Argentina, with 
only 5,000,000 people, showed a buying and sell- 
ing capacity in excess of Japan with 40,000,000 
people, and China with 400,000,000 ! My com- 
parison is no reflection on these latter countries, 
and I have always been an earnest advocate of 
the importance of our commercial and political 
interests in the far East, but these should not 
overshadow or hide what we have at stake in 
South America. 

That Argentina is moving ahead with prover- 



bial leaps and bounds is proved by the fact that 
her foreign commerce, the best thermometer of 
a country's prosperity, increased $90,000,000 in 
1904 over the total for 1903, which was |360,- 
000,000. Estimating her population, as before 


(Argentine minister to the United States.) 

stated, at 5,000,000, she has in the present total 
of $4 51, 463, 000 the remarkable average of nearly 
$90 per head, or a far greater average than the 
United States or any of the principal European 
countries. If this lusty young giant of South 
America keeps progressing at this rate, it will 
be difficult to estimate her trade and wealth 
when she has a population of 25,000,000. Un- 
fortunately for the United States, our trade ex- 
change with Argentina ranks fourth among for- 
eign countries, or after Great Britain, Germany, 
and France. 


This sad story is told in these figures : Total 
exports and imports exchanged with Great 
Britain, $100,962,000 ; with Germany, |54,- 
448,000 ; with France, $47,705,000; with the 
United States, $34,687,000. It might be said 
that there is an element of satisfaction in these 
returns, in that Argentina bought twenty-four 

million dollars' worth from us, while we pur- 
chased only ten million dollars' worth from her, 
but that is a selfish view. 

If the United States would negotiate a new 
commercial treaty with Argentina, giving her 
some advantages that could not seriously in- 
jure our home industries, she would not only 
sell far more to us, but buy from us in still 
greater proportion. We cannot expect to kill 
the goose that lays the golden egg and hope to 
find it still laying more eggs in our big basket 
of foreign trade, upon which we depend so 
much to provide markets for our surplus agri- 
cultural and manufacturing products. Argen- 
tina sincerely asks us to practice the golden 
rule, which works both ways ! The present rule 
is not golden, at least for her in custom-house 
figures, although it must be admitted that North 
American agricultural implements and other 
machinery have been powerful agencies for the 
development of her rich lands and resources. 


The immense area of Argentina can be easily 
appreciated by remembering that if a line were 
drawn from the Canadian border to the Gulf of 
Mexico just west of the first tier of States on 

the Pacific side 
of the Missis- 
sippi, Argentina 
would equal all 
the country to 
the east thereof. 
It covers, ap- 
1,2 0,000 sq. 
miles, of which 
a larger propor- 
tion is adapted 
to the homes of 
a progressive 
race than the 
territory in the 
United States. 
A most impor- 
tant fact, how- 
ever, that too 
often is unap- 
preciated in the 


northern hemi- 
sphere, where 
the south and 
South America 
are usually syn- 
onymous with heat, is that Argentina is located 
almost entirely in the temperate zone, and is dis- 
tinctly a "white man's" country in the usual 

(First secretary of the Argentine le- 
gation at Washington, and for six 
months, prior to the arrival of Se- 
iior Portela, charge d'affaires.) 



acceptance of that term. It reaches from '22° 
south (like Cuba, nortli of the Equator) to 55° 
south (like Montreal, north), and has every vari- 
ety of climate known to the United States with- 
out such sudden or radical changes. It extends 
from 55° west to 70° west. The greatest length 
is nearly 2,000 miles, — equal. to the distance from 
Mexico to Hudson's Bay ; its greatest width is 
about 000 miles, but it narrows or tapers 
down in tlie Patagonian end in contrast to its 
broad reach in the north, between Brazil and 


This reference to Patagonia leads me to em- 
phasize the fact that the Patagonia of my boy- 
hood school days is not the Patagonia of to-day. 
Then it was a terra incognita, a synonym for 
everything that is remote, wild, and impossible 
of access. Now it is divided into territories 
like those of certain portions of the United 
States, railways are making it accessible, cattle 
are grazing over its pampas, settlers are popu- 


(The Argentine metropolis is a great railway center.) 

lating its valleys, and miners are hunting for 
the riches of its mountains. There are yet large 
sections of Patagonia that are practically a 
wilderness, and much of it is arid and forbid- 
ding, but its gradual development is not unlike 
that which has characterized Colorado, New 
Mexico, and Arizona. When irrigation is ap- 
plied on an extensive scale to Patagonia, and the 
iron trail conquers its plains and uplands, it 
may become as populous and rich as many of 
our States of the Great Divide. 

'±^ C^ 



Argentina boasts of splendid railway facili- 
ties. It has now nearly 20,000 miles of trunk 
lines. Numerous new roads, branch routes, and 
feeders are being constructed or planned. It is 
possible to reach almost every portion of its 
wide area within forty-eight hours of the capi- 
tal, the great city of Buenos Ayres. The rolling 
stock is built in North American style. Capa- 
cious and comfortable coaches and sleeping-cars 
carry passengers to all points. The stations in 
the big cities compare favorably with those in 
similar towns of the United States. 

The transcontinental trains that convey travel- 
ers across the broad pampas and climb the An- 
des to connect with the road on the Chilean side 
are solid and vestibuled, with up-to-date dining- 
cars. The tourist or business man can now go 
from Buenos Ayres, on the Atlantic, to Santiago 
in Chile and Valparaiso, on the Pacific, in seventy- 




COST, $1,000,000. 

two hours. There is a break in surmounting the 
summit at 15,000 feet elevation, between rail- 
heads, but that is crossed in a few hours either 
in a coach or on horseback. The scenery is so 
grand and impressive that any discomforts are 
entirely forgotten. In a few years a tunnel will 
be completed at the expense of the Chilean Gov- 
ernment through the Cordillera, and then the 
globe-trotter can step into his palace-car at 
Buenos Ayres and not leave it until he reaches 
Santiago, the gay and interesting capital of pro- 
gressive Chile. 

The building of this network of railways over 
Argentina has had two excellent effects, — one, 
to make successful revolutions almost impossible, 

as the government can send troops without de- 
lay to any point ; and the other, to provide ship- 
ping facilities for the products of every section. 
Electric lines have been constructed in the prin- 
cipal cities, and these are being extended into 
the country districts. The major portion of Ar- 
gentina is one vast plain, which renders railway 
construction easy and economical. It is also 
drained by the great River Plate system, with 
its navigable rivers reaching far into the interior 
and furnishing additional facilities of trans- 


This fair land of the south has a remarkable 
development of country life that surprises Amer- 
icans. A considerable portion of the agricul- 
tural and grazing area of the republic is cut up 
into immense estancias, or ranches, owned mostly 
by wealthy Argentines, who reside in Buenos 
Ayres during the winter and upon the farms in 
summer. Some of these estancias include within 
their limits 300 square miles, while those of 20 
and 40 square miles are common. The stranger 
at first stands aghast when his host, a wealthy 
estanciero, calmly tells him that he has grazing 
upon his broad pampas 60,000 sheep, 40,000 
cattle, and 10,000 horses ! Again, when the 
hospitable owner takes him for a little morning 
gallop to one corner of his farm, and he finds 
that to reach that corner he must ride hard for 
five or six hours from the house, which is usually 
located at the center of the estancia, he begins 
to realize what farming means in Argentina. 

The hospitality dispensed at these estancias 



li^HiaHm^ ' x%-ij@£££2lai&:> 







makes life on them fascinating to the visitor. 
The house is usually roomy, cool, and comforta- 
ble, and situated in a picturesque spot where 
trees, flowers, and fruits abound. As Argentine 
men do not believe in race suicide, and as their 
families usually contain several beautiful daugh- 
ters, there is always abundant social enjoyment 
for the male guests. There are also handsome 
sons, who carefully entertain any visitors of the 
fairer sex. A man could travel overland horse- 
back for a thousand miles in Argentina and 
never get beyond the pale of these attractive 
homes of the pampas. 


Having taken a trip into the interior, let us now 
have a passing view of Buenos Ayres. Here is 
a city of 1,000,000 people, nearly 2,000 miles 
south of the Equator and 5,000 miles south of 
New York, that is growing faster than any city 
of the United States except New York and Chi- 
cago, and can compare favorably with the Euro- 
pean capitals in general appearance. It is often 
called the Paris of South America, and it is cer- 
tainly different from all other South American 
cities in its size, prosperity, activity, and attract- 

It has magnificent public buildings, imposing 
business structures, palatial clubs, stately resi- 
dences, spacious hotels, elegant opera-houses and 
theaters, broad boulevards, beautiful parks, ex- 
cellent schools, libraries, and museums, and hand- 
some churches. It can pride itself on its elec- 
tric street-car system, its well lighted and paved 
streets, its telephone and electric-light facilities, 
and its water and sewerage works. These, in- 
deed, are not perfect, but I know of no munici- 

pality in the United States that has as good an 
average as Buenos Ayres in these respects. The 
city government impresses the visitor as most 
efficient, and the police force seems well trained. 
I saw less drunkenness, disorder, and confusion 
on the streets of this great capital than I have 
frequently noticed in New York, Chicago, and 
St. Louis. 

I must pause here to commend the press of 
Buenos Ayres. The principal newspapers would 
be a credit to our leading cities, and are far ahead 





in both enterprise and appearance of the aver- 
age European journals. La Prensa, La Nacion, 
and El Diario are great dailies of large circula- 
tion and powerful political influence. The home 
of La Prensa is the most complete and costly 
newspaper building in the world, used exclusive- 
ly by the paper. It cost $3,000,000. The Stand- 
ard and the Herald are printed in English, and 
ably voice English interests. Caras y Caretas 
and Gladiador are clever illustrated weeklies. 


I am often asked about the characteristics of 
the people of Argentina. Although it might be 
assumed that I would speak with favorable con- 
sideration because of my experience there as 
American minister, T want to say in all candor 
that I believe Argentina is becoming the home 

of a new, forceful, energetic, 
and ambitious race. In other 
words, it would seem as if 
the blending of the original 
Spanish blood with that of 
the other Latin races, like 
the Italians and the French, 
together with an intermin- 
gling of English, Irish, and 
German strains, in a won- 
derful climate and in a new 
country, was evolving a peo- 
ple with the best character- 
istics of all these. The men 
average large of physique, 
quick of action, and clever 
of mind. The women are 
graceful, bright, and pos- 
sessed of a remarkable finesse 
of manner and spirit, and 
they hold into maturity their 
early beauty like the women 
of the northern temperate 
zone. In these descriptions 
I refer to the higher grades ; 
the so-called lower classes 
are uniformly healthy and 
vigorous, with average men- 

The statistics of 1903 
showed 1,000,000 foreign- 
ers in Argentina in a total 
of 5,000,000. Of these 500,- 
000 were Italians, 200,000 
Spaniards, 100,000 French, 
25,000 English, 18,000 Ger- 
mans, 15,000 Swiss, 13,000 
Austrians, and the remain- 
der of many nationalities. 
The number of Americans 
did not exceed 1,500, although many are com- 
ing now to go into cattle-raising and farming 
in the country or into all kinds of business 
in Buenos Ayres. English influence is very 
strong, especially in financial circles, with the 
Germans almost equally active. The Spanish 
language is spoken everywhere, but English is 
being heard more and more. These cosmo- 
politan characteristics make the social life of 
Buenos Ayres particularly interesting. Each 
nationality has its own club, except that, of 
course, the Americans join with the English, as 
in other parts of the world when they are away 
from their home countries. The total popula- 
tion of 5,000,000 seems small, but that is due to 
the former isolation of Argentina. The growth 
of immigration in the future will be large if the 
government enacts favorable laws. 




Correspondents in the irnited Htatos wen; 
always asking nie what are the main products 
or sources of wealth of Argentina. Her chief 
exports are wlieat, frozen beef and mutton, corn 
(or maize), liides and skins, wool, live stock, lin- 
seed, hay, quebracho wood (for dyes and tan- 
ning), flour, bran, tallow, bones, sugar, jerked 
beef, and butter. The value of these in 1904 
was nearly $190,000,000. 

The principal imports include all kinds of 
European and American manufactured products, 
as manufacturing is yet in the infancy of its de- 
velopment. Among these are every variety of 
cloth goods, cottons, woolens, silks, together with 
machinery and agricultural implements, iron and 
steel, metals, glass and stoneware, paper, chemi- 
cals and drugs, oils and paints, leather, tobacco 
and liquors, furniture and wooden manufactures, 
tinned food products, etc., amounting in value 
last year to nearly $265,000,000, of which the 
share of the United States is only $25,000,000. 
Mines and mining in the Andes are also now at- 
tracting much capital, and promise well for the 


The government of Argentina is not unlike 
ours. The constitution is modeled on that of 
the United States, with some changes that are 
decided improvements. For instance, the Presi- 


(The principal avenue and boulevard in tlie business section of Buenos Ay res.) 

THE "wall street" OF BUENOS AYRES. 

(On the four corners are four banks, whose aggregate capital 
is greater than that of any four in New York City.) 

dent is elected for six years, and is not eligible 
for successive reelection. That high position is 
now held by Dr. Quintana, one of the ablest 

lawyers in Latin America. 
He is a personal argument 
against the Osier theory, be- 
ing nearly seventy years of 
age, but as vigorous in mind 
and body as many of his 
younger associates. He was 
preceded by General Roca, 
whose strong administration 
did much for the prosperity 
and progress of the repub- 
lic. Tw^o ex-presidents are 
still living, — Gen. Bartolo- 
me Mitre, the " Grand Old 
Man " of Argentina, and 
Dr. Carlos Pellegrini, who 
ranks as one of the foremost 
statesmen and orators of 
South America. He recent- 
ly visited the United States. 
There is a Senate and 
House of Deputies, elected 
practically on the same plan 
as Senators and Representa- 
tives in the United States. 
Argentina has fourteen 



states, or provinces, and ten territories. The 
members of the president's cabinet are not mem- 
bers of Congress and cannot vote, but they can 
appear on the floor and present their policies and 
measures. Buenos Ayres is a capital district, like 
Washington, but it has full representation in both 
houses of Congress, and therefore possesses a 
distinct advantage over the North American 
capital in advancing and protecting its own in- 
terests. Congress regularly meets from May to 
September, or during the winter months, the 
seasons being reversed south of the Equator. 

Although Argentina has recently been under- 
going a legal ''state of siege,-' declared by Presi- 
dent Quintana in accordance with the powers of 
the constitution, in order to check sporadic ef- 
forts at revolution, public sentiment and all the 
influence of the recent great financial and eco- 
nomic progress of the nation is against such up- 
risings and methods. There has been no suc- 
cessful revolution in Argentina for some fifteen 
years. There may come others, — in fact, I dare 
not prophesy on this point, remembering that a 
few months after I visited Paraguay, and just 
before I was transferred to Panama, a revolu- 
tion broke out there despite the assurances of 
everybody I met that the day of such troubles 
was forever over, — but Argentina certainly de- 
serves permanent tranquillity. 


Few North Americans know how to reach 
Buenos Ayres, and it is almost to the shame of 
our vaunted enterprise that there is no first- 






^^^K ' . ^^^^K 








> , iT^^^^^^^^^H 












(Ex-president of Argentina. Age, eighty years.) 

class passenger and fast express line of steamers 
running between the United States and Argen- 
tina. In contrast to this, there are six or seven 
companies with big, fast vessels plying between 
Buenos Ayres and the principal European ports. 

The average traveler finds 
it not only necessary but 
far more comfortable to go 
from New York to Buenos 
Ayres via Southampton, 
Cherbourg or Marseilles, or 
Genoa, than direct to Bu- 
enos Ayres on slow-going, 
uncomfortable freight and 
cattle ships. There is one 
fair monthly passenger line 
from New York to Rio Ja- 
neiro, but the latter port is 
its terminus. Connections 
can, however, be made there 
with the European lines en 
route to and from Buenos 
Ayres. I would advise the 
average traveler to go via 
Southampton or Cher- 
bourg. The port and 
docks at Buenos Ayres, 
where one lands, are among 
the finest in the world. 




Excellent hotels provide for the comfort of 

In conclusion, I wish to epitomize some of 
the foregoing facts to be remembered by the 
passing reader : Argentina is as large as half of 
the United States proper, and covers 1,200,000 
square miles ; it has a growing population of 
only 5,000,000, but an annual foreign trade of 
$450,000,000, or $90 per head : it is located in 
the south temperate zone, and is a " white man's 
country ; " it is a great agricultural land, and 

its products are similar to those of the United 
States ; it possesses extraordinary mining possi- 
bilities in the Andes ; it has a seaboard, indented 
with many harbors on the Atlantic, of fifteen 
hundred miles, and is drained by the extensive 
navigable River Plate system ; it is gridironed 
with up-to-date railroads ; its government and 
constitution are similar to those of the United 
States. Buenos Ayres, the capital, has a popu- 
lation of one million, and is one of the most 
beautiful and prosperous cities in the world. 






THE air is tremulous with exploding dyna- 
mite and the ground about Niagara Falls 
pulsates with a network of tunnels, conduits, 
and electric cables. 

The hand of the engineer 

From the Engineering Magazine. 


(Scale, approximately, 2 inclies to 1 mile.) 

is piercing and splitting the thick armor of stone 
with which Nature sought to protect the Niag- 
ara region. Deep into the layers of limestone 
and shale the engineer is sinking his cavernous 

shafts, and under the 
river he is boring great 
tunnels to carry away 
the waters of the upper 
Niagara. The thunder 
of bursting bombs and 
the sound of the rapid- 
fire rock-drill tell day 
and night of the work 
of the engineering ar- 

The bridal couples 
that come here now 
must put cotton in their 
ears. Niagara Falls is 
the Mecca of engineers 
and electricians. Here 
unique engineering 
problems are being 
solved in a brilliant and 
daring way. The scenic 
grandeur of the great 
cataract itself is being 
overshadowed by the 
stupendous hydro-elec- 
tric engineering proj- 
ects which excite popu- 
lar amazement and 

"Where are the 
wheels ? " exclaimed the 
pilgrim from Kansas as 
he gazed upon the Ni- 
agara cataract for the 
first time. True to the 
traditions of his State, 
he did not permit the 
bewildering roar or the 
blinding mist of the tor- 
rent of rushing waters 
to deter him from try- 
ing to trace the outlines 
of the mammoth pad- 
dle-wheels that were 
supposed to be turning 




the shafts of great factories, lighting the streets 
and homes of cities, and propelling the cars of 
great urban and interurban traction systems. 

The traveler from Kansas was not alone in 
his quest for ''the wheels." Many who visit 
the falls are surprised to find that the natural 
beauty of the cararact is not marred by the 
presence of hundreds of paddle-wheels protrud- 
ing here and there in the splashing waters. 

The resources of vivid and imaginative de- 
scriptive writers have been taxed to convey 
some idea of the tremendous power that is 
" going to waste " in the waters that are plung- 
ing over the precipice into the great gorge of 
the Niagara River. As a matter of fact, the 
cataract itself has not been "harnessed." It is 
estimated that 100,000,000 tons of water flow 
over the precipice every hour. If it is possible 
to form some definite mental conception of this 
immense volume of water tumbling over a preci- 
pice 161 feet high after acquiring the momen- 
tum given it by a descent of 70 feet in going 
22 miles from Lake Erie, the difficulty of accu- 
rately measuring the "horse-power" developed 
by its terrific impact will be readily appreciated. 
It is possible, however, for the genius of man to 
so divert the waters of Niagara River into other 
channels as to make the precipice as dry as a 
country creek in July. 

The talk about the possible destruction of the 
falls recalls the story about the fright of Thomas 
A. Edison when he heard that they had re- 
ceded from. Lewiston 7 miles in 75,000 years, 
and that they are now receding at the rate of 1 
foot every year. The news that the cataract had 

receded 7 miles in 75,000 years broke in upon 
his inventive mind like a flash of lightning from 
a clear sky. If the falls were receding at this 
rate, why invest millions of dollars in the great 
engineering project for "harnessing" them? 
He could not sleep until he had communicated 
this discovery to the Eastern capitalists who 
were furnishing the money to install the first 
great power plant on the Niagara River. The 
hard-headed men of finance, however, were not 
alarmed by the possible recession of the precipice, 
especially when they learned that the power 
plants were to be located a mile above it ; 
and as it would take over 5,000 years for the 
falls to reach these power-houses, they were will 
ing to leave the question of the soundness of 
their securities to future generations. 

Two great canals are now drawing water from 
Niagara River above the falls on the American 
side, and three will soon be drawing water from 
the river on the Canadian side. It is the instal- 
lation of these great Canadian power plants, with 
their mammoth tail races for disposing of the 
" dead " water and their tunnels for carrying 
water to their great turbines, that has developed 
engineering problems unique and fascinating and 
construction work that is hazardous and spec- 
tacular. To meet the engineering requirements 
presented by the necessity for locating these 
three plants along the shore edge of Queen Vic- 
toria Park, one company had to "unwater" a 
considerable area of Niagara River at Tempest 
Point, where it has great depth and velocity ; and 
having done this, it was obliged to dig "the big- 
gest tunnel in the world " through the solid rock, 



under the river, to a point directly behind the 
great curtain of water that plunges over the cen- 
ter of '' Horseshoe " Falls. In all probability, 
the workmen who blew open the mouth of this 
tunnel were the first human beings to see the 
cataract from this point. 

Another company has sunk its wheel-pit in 
Queen Victoria Park, about half a mile above 
Horseshoe Falls, and will take its water through 
a short canal, discharging it in the lower river 
through a tunnel 2,000 feet in length. Now, 
how was a third Canadian company to tap the 
waters of the river and find room for its intake 
canal, its tail race; or tunnel, its wheel-pit, and 
its power-house ? The resourceful engineer was, 
apparently, equal to the emergency. He said : 
'' We will go farther up the river than any of 
them for our water, and it will, therefore, take 
longer for the receding falls to reach us. And 
we will build our power plant below the falls, 
instead of along the upper river." Accordingly, 
he devised a plan by which the water will be 
brought from Dufferin Islands, more than a 
mile above the falls, through the largest steel 
conduit in the world, which is laid underground, 
and runs not far from the shore of the river, 
skirting the other power plants, to the great 
power-house in the canon below the falls. 

It is interesting at this point to survey the 
hydro-electric power installations and note the 
different methods adopted for taking the water 
from the river and for carrying it to the lower 
river after it has passed through the turbine 
wheels. On the American side, the earliest power 


development, inaugurated before long-distance 
electric transmission was known, is that of the 
Niagara Falls Hydraulic Power & Manufactur- 
ing Company, which takes water from a canal 
dug from the upper river through the center of 
the city of Niagara Falls to the cliff just below 
the first steel cantilever bridge, the power plant 
and industries using the water-power being lo- 
cated at this point. The other American com- 
pany, the first to utilize the later discoveries in 
'' electric transmission" in the ''harnessing" 
of Niagara upon a big scale, known as the Ni- 
agara Falls Power Company, takes its water 
through a short canal about a mile above the 
falls, and discharges the '' dead " water through 
a tunnel that runs under the city of Niagara 
Falls to a point near the water's edge in the 
lower river directly below the first steel bridge. 
The Canadian Niagara Falls Power Company, 
which is allied with the American company, 
taps the river in Queen Victoria Park, taking 
its water through a short canal and discharging 
it below the falls through a 2,000-foot tunnel. 
The Toronto & Niagara Power Company, with 
its power plant built in the bed of the river near 
Tempest Point, takes water through great stone 
forebays in the river and sends it to the lower 
river through a tunnel under Niagara River 
which empties directly behind the "V" in Horse- 
shoe Falls. The Ontario Power Company is 
building its power-house in the canon near the 
lower river level, and carries the water to run 
its turbine wheels from Dufferin Islands in an 
underground steel pipe, discharging the tail water 
through draft tubes directly into the river. 

With this mental picture of the general en- 
gineering features of the five great power de- 
velopments definitely formed, you are ready to 
follow the engineers into such details of con- 
struction as may appeal to individual taste, 
curiosity, or technical knowledge. Let us de- 
scend, for instance, into the tunnel that is to 
carry tail water from the power-house of the 
Toronto Company under Niagara River, dash- 
ing it against the curtain that plunges with 
torrential fury over the Horseshoe precipice. 
Here is a subterranean "thriller" that will 
easily satisfy the visitor who is hunting for 
new sensations. All other experiences that are 
used to allure and captivate the pilgrims to this 
wonderful region will dim into tame and com- 
monplace affairs compared to this excursion 
through the great hole that American engineer- 
ing genius has shot through the solid rock 
under Niagara River to the center of Horse- 
shoe Falls. The company did not undertake 
this great engineering project for the benefit of 
visitors to the falls. But having made the tun- 



nel large for inspection pur- 
poses, so that it miglit be ex- 
amined at any point at any- 
time, the company wisely de- 
cided to hang a "visitors' 
gallery " from its roof. 

Through this tunnel and 
under the visitors' gallery 
one might easily drive a 
coach-and-four. In fact, two 
lines of railways on the bot- 
tom of the main tunnel have 
been maintained during con- 
struction for transporting the 
rock and earth excavated by 
workmen. Clad in rubber 
coat and boots, the future 
visitor to the falls may wend 
his way along this gallery, 
158 feet below the river bed, 
to the mouth of the tunnel, 
where the roar of the torrent 
of water as it plunges over 
the Horseshoe precipice and 
the clouds of blinding spray 
that are swept into it by furi- 
ous storms of wind give a ter- 
rifying aspect to a wondrous 
spectacle, the like of which is 
not to be seen in any part of the world. The 
curtain of water is about 60 feet from the face of 
the rock at this point, but the intervening space 
is filled with the spray that is hurled about in 
almost cyclonic fury. This tunnel is 1,935 feet 
in length, and joins two branch tail races at a 
point about 165 feet from the wheel-pit of the 
power plant. Before work on the main tunnel 
was begun a shaft was sunk on the river bank 
opposite the crest of Horseshoe Falls, and 
from this a tunnel was dug to a point at the 
lower end of the main tunnel. No difficulties 
were encountered in the digging of this tunnel 
until the workmen were within about 15 feet of 
the face of Horseshoe Falls, when the water 
began to pour in through a fissure in the rock, 
and it was impossible to continue the work. 

After a losing fight against the water for 
several days, the engineer decided to explode a 
large quantity of dynamite close to the wall 
between the tunnel and the face of the falls. 
This, together with the dynamite in eighteen 
holes that were drilled in the wall, was ex- 
ploded after the tunnel had been flooded. The 
explosion made an opening into the face of the 
cliff, but so near the roof of the tunnel that it 
was impossible to work at the opposing wall 
from the inside. The engineer thereupon called 
for volunteers to crawl along the ledge of rock 


(This tunnel will carry dead water from the power plant of the Toronto & Niagara 
Power Company under the Niagara River to a point 150 feet below surface, direct- 
ly behind center of Horseshoe Falls. The largest tunnel in the world. A visitors' 
gallery will be suspended from its roof when the works are completed. Men who 
dug this tunnel were the first human beings to see the falls from this point.) 

behind the falls to the opening which had been 
made. Several men, roped together, made this 
perilous trip, and, finally, placed large quantities 
of dynamite against the wall at the end of the 
tunnel, blowing it away sufficiently to allow the 
water to run out and to permit a continuance of 
the work. • 

In the design of this tunnel the engineers 
have made ingenious provision for the wearing 
away, or recession, of the falls. The lining for 
the first 300 feet from the outlet will be put in 
rings 6 feet long, so that as the falls recede, 
and the tunnel shortens by the breaking away 
of the surrounding rock, the lining will break 
away in clean sections and leave a smooth sur- 
face at the new end of the tunnel. Through 
the main tunnel and the branch tunnels, at a 
velocity of 26 feet per second, will rush the 
water from the upper river after it has passed 
through the eleven turbine wheels of the power 
plant, generating a total of 125,000 electric 

The construction work for this power devel- 
opment afforded striking examples of the mas- 
tery of man over Nature. The engineering plans 
were bold in conception and daring in execution. 
In order to clear a place for the wheel-pit and 
for a great gathering dam, it was necessary to 
unwater a space in the bed of Niagara River 



covering about twelve acres. To do this the 
engineers built a crib-work coffer-dam within 
which to carry on the work of construction. 
This dam was about 2,155 feet in length and 
about 20 to 46 feet wide. Some idea of the en- 
gineering difficulties encountered in the building 
of this dam may be gathered from the fact that 
the depth of the water in many places was as 
great as 24 feet, while it was thought that the 
average depth of water was about Y feet. The 
dam was made to conform with the bed of the 
river by means of soundings made with an iron 
rod. Much of the work was done where it was 
at right angles to the current of deep water, 
which was flowing at a high velocity. A plat- 
form was suspended out for 16 feet from the 
end of each crib, and to break the force of the 
current a fender of heavy timbers, held in posi- 
tion by three steel cables fastened at points 
higher up the river, projected out beyond the 
last crib. 

In spite of the exceedingly hazardous nature 
of this work, there was but one life lost in the 
building of the dam. About 2,000 feet above 
the crest of the falls an immense hole was sunk 
into the solid rock for a wheel-pit. The bottom 
of this wheel-pit, upon which the turbines rest, 
is 150 feet below the surface, and from it two 
branch tail races connect with the main tail race 
of the tunnel which runs out to Horseshoe Falls. 
A large "gathering dam, "made of concrete and 
capped with cut granite, extends into the river 
750 feet from the line of the power-house. This 
dam, which varies in height from 10 to 23 feet, 
is intended to divert toward the power-house an 
amount of the river's flow sufficient for the de- 


velopment of the maximum capacity of the plant. 
The power station is located practically on the 
original shore line and parallel to it, and the 
generator room will contain eleven generators of 
12,500 horse-power each. The transmission lines 
from this power plant to Toronto will be carried 
on two lines of steel towers, each line carrying 
two circuits, and each will be 46 feet high. 
These steel towers will also carry the trolley 
wires for electric cars, which will run from Ni- 
agara Falls to Toronto via Hamilton, a distance 
of 88 miles, at a speed of 100 miles an hour. 
For this purpose the company owns a right of 
way 80 feet wide for the entire distance. 

It also owns and operates other lines of elec- 
tric railway, and will furnish electric light for 
the city of Toronto. It is the only company 
backed entirely by Canadian capital, although 
some of the stock is held by members of the 
British royal family. The chief engineer in 
charge of this power development, which pre- 
sented some of the most difficult problems known 
to engineering, is Mr. Beverly R. Value, an 
American of ability and distinction in his pro- 
fession. The agreement with the commissioners 
of Victoria Park calls for a power-house of mass- 
ive and dignified architecture, the general style 
of which is the Italian renaissance, and in its 
structure and surroundings it is to conform to 
plans that are intended to add to the picturesque 
attractiveness of the park. 

A short distance beyond this development, 
and a hundred or more yards farther away from 
the shore of the river, runs the mammoth steel 
conduit of the Ontario Power Company, which 
is to carry water from the river, at Dufferin Is- 
lands, to the power-house that 
is being built in the gorge 
below Horseshoe Falls. 

The car in which you ride 
along the edge of Victoria 
Park must worm its way 
through a maze of wriggling 
"clam-shell" and "orange- 
peel " buckets and whizzing 
aerial tramways that are en- 
gaged in scooping up tons of 
earth and broken rock and 
dumping it into trains of trol- 
ley box-cars. As you peer 
out of the window you are 
momentarily impressed with 
the fear that one of the huge 
steel "clam-shell" buckets, in 
its next dizzy sweep through 
the air, may scrape your vehi- 
cle from its tracks into one 
of the seemingly bottomless 



pits that stare at you on either 
side. This Titanic digging 
machinery, with its giant 
cranes and monster sliovels, 
its crunching, creaking 
cliains, and the rapid rattle 
of steam drills boring holes 
into the rock, is a spectacle 
of engineering activity such 
as one might expect to see 
in the famous Culebra cut in 
the Panama Canal. In the 
great trench that has been 
excavated is being laid, sec- 
tion by section, the steel pipe 
which, it is claimed, is the 
largest pipe in the world used 
for conveying water. When 
this power development is 
completed there will be three 
of these steel pipes buried 
along the river bank through 
Queen Victoria Park, each 
18 feet in diameter and a lit- 
tle over 6,000 feet long. 

The plans for this great 
project provide for 18 generating units and for the 
development of 180,000 electric horse-power. Ni- 
agara River descends more than 200 feet between 
the upper line of breakers opposite Dufferin Is- 
lands and the foot of Horseshoe Falls. Laying this 
great steel pipe from an intake at these islands 
for more than a mile down stream, and dropping 
it to the generating station at the water level in 
the canon opposite Goat Island, adds nearly 55 
feet to the head of water available from the 
cataract alone. Located in the canon below the 
falls near the river level, the power-house will 
require neither vertical generators at the tops of 


oughly cleaned by sand-blasting and covered 
with three coats of paint inside and out. 

Power cables are carried by tile ducts im- 
bedded in the concrete sides of the tunnels, and 
broken at intervals for the insertion of steel 
clamps to prevent sliding of the cables. These 
power cables are to be paper-insulated, lead- 
covered, and protected with layers of jute and 
steel wires. 

It is not known outside of the directorate just 
what uses are to be made of the power that will 
be developed by this great corporation, com- 
monly known as "the Albright Company," but 
the shafts nor a long tunnel to carry off the tail it is officially announced that 60,000 of its horse- 
water. Electric energy developed in the power- power was sold before the construction work 

house near the base of the cataract passes up 
through cables and conduits in the cliff to a 
transformer-house on the top of the hill for dis- 
tribution and transmission. 

began. However, rumor constantly connects 
this development with the electrification of cer- 
tain steam railway lines, including branches of 
the New York Central. The color of probabil- 

The plan of utilizing hydraulic power in this ity is given to these rumors by the fact that the 

development differs radically from that followed administration of William C. Brown, the new 

in the other power stations, in that the turbines operating genius who is at the head of the oper- 

are horizontal instead of vertical, and are di- ating department of the Vanderbilt properties, 

rectly connected with the main generators, this is marked by electrification plans that are about 

constituting the only machinery placed on the to be projected upon a scale hitherto unknown 

floor of the station. in American railway management. 

The laying of the main conduit, which is Almost as interesting and instructive as the 

made of steel plates one-half inch in thickness, power development at Niagara are the manufac- 

in tbe great trench excavated for that purpose turing industries which utilize the power, and 

has furnished an interesting spectacle for the which stretch along the river for several miles, 

thousands of visitors to the Niagara region. In These include the manufacture of carborundum, 

order to prevent erosion, this, pipe was thor-> ^\Mrmm}]U, carbide, graphite, caustic potash, 



muriatic acid, emery wheels, railway supplies, pa- 
per, hook-and-eye fasteners, and shredded wheat. 

The power development which is to make 
Buffalo and Niagara Falls the power centers of 
the world, and which has already made Niagara 
Falls the most interesting spot in all the world 
for electricians and engineers, is made possible 
by the development of electric-power transmis- 
sion. It is the outgrowth of a plan ''for the 
development of hydraulic power " originally de- 
vised by Thomas Evershed, a public engineer, 
employed by New York State on the Erie Canal, 
and carried forward to its present development 
on the American side by the Niagara Falls 
Power Company, which was organized in 1889. 
Actively identified with the promotion and 
financing of this great enterprise were the fol- 
lowing gentlemen : William B. Rankine, now 
treasurer and second vice-president ; Francis 
Lynde Stetson, J. Pierpont Morgan, Hamilton 
McK. Twombly, Edward A. Wickes, Morris K. 
Jesup, Darius Ogden Mills, Charles F. Clark, 
Edward D. Adams, Charles Lanier, A. J. Forbes- 
Leith, Walter Howe, John Crosby Brown, Fred- 
erick W. Whitriclge, William K. Vanderbilt,. 
George S. Bowdoin, Joseph Larocque, Charles 
A. Sweet, of Buffalo, and John Jacob Astor, 
most of whom have served as officers and direct- 
ors of the construction company. 

In a recent address in Buffalo, Gen. Fran- 
cis V. Greene said that the present long-dis- 
tance transmission of electric power is about 
250 miles, and that within ten years this limit 
will be extended to 500 miles. Electric power 
developed at Niagara is now being carried 
40 miles. 

And what is to be the effect of all this power 
development upon the great cataract over which 
the waters of Niagara River have leaped for 
countless centuries? Is it true that children 
already born may yet walk dry-shod across the 
bed of the river from the mainland of the New 
York State Reservation to Goat Island ? The 
engineers are not agreed upon this question. 
How can one expect a layman to venture an 
opinion ? 

Popular interest in the question is revived by 
the discussion of certain measures before the 
last session of the New York Legislature which 
called for new power franchises and for a further 
diversion of the waters of Niagara River. One 
of these asked the Legislature for a grant giving 
its promoters the right to send water from a 
point above the falls through a canal to Lock- 
port. Under pressure of public sentiment, the 
measure was modified so as to limit the amount 
of water to be diverted in this way to 400,000 
horse-power. This measure, known as the Leg- 

gett bill, was characterized by the press as a 
"grab bill," and was killed. Another measure, 
known as the Cassidy bill, which was taken up 
after the death of the Leggett bill, was put for- 
ward as a '' transmission-line bill," but in reality 
conferred broad powers of private and public 
land condemnation, and placed no restriction 
upon the amount of water which might be di- 
verted from the river for power purposes. 

Neither house passed the Leggett bill, but 
the Cassidy substitute was passed by the Senate 
and afterward killed by the Assembly Rules Com- 
mittee. This was a better record than that of 
the Legislature of 1904, in which "the Niagara 
power grab " had to be blocked by a veto from 
the Governor. 

Government engineers have estimated the 
normal discharge of Niagara River into Lake 
Ontario at 222,000 cubic feet per second. The 
total abstraction of water by the five power 
plants in operation and in process of construc- 
tion is placed at about 48,800 cubic feet per 
second. Add to this the diversion caused by 
the Welland Canal, running from Lake Erie to 
Lake Ontario, and the power development along 
this channel ; that of the Chicago drainage canal, 
running from Lake Michigan to the Des Plaines 
River ; that of the new barge canal, which will 
follow the line of the present Erie Canal from 
Buffalo to Savannah, and the possible diversion 
by the canal that is to be built under' the so- 
called "Love charter" from La Salle to Devil's 
Hole, in the gorge below Whirlpool Rapids, and 
we have, according to the estimates of the en- 
gineers, a total diversion of water from the 
Great Lakes above the falls of about 67,400 
cubic feet per second. And there is the possi- 
bility of great power development on the Chicago 
drainage canal, on the Illinois and Des Plaines 
rivers, and on the Kankakee River, in Indiana, 
all of which will draw water away from Lake 
Michigan, the amount of which is now beyond 
human estimate. 

The real danger to the falls will come from 
the granting of additional power franchises in 
the future. If such grants should get through 
the State Legislature in defiance of public senti- 
ment upon this question, it is not believed that 
they would receive the official sanction of the 
executive. There can be no mistake about the 
attitude of the people of New York, and of the 
entire country, regarding a further diversion of 
the waters of Niagara River for power pur- 
poses, for while the present diversion has had 
no appreciable effect upon the cataract itself, 
there is strong opposition to new power proj- 
ects that will further diminish the volume of 
water flowing over the precipice, 



[The writer of this article, who prefers not to have his name appear, has studied the question of Norwegian- 
Swedish relations for years. He is in a position to speak with sympathy, and yet without special prejudice, on 
the subject. The comments from Norwegian and Swedish standpoints which follow the article are by eminent 
American representatives of the nations immediately concerned. Dr. Anderson is a well-known Norwegian 
scholar and historical authority. He is an ex-United States minister to Denmark, and is at present editor of 
Amerika, perhaps the best known of Norwegian journals published outside of Norway. Dr. Enander is an 
authority on Swedish history and general Scandinavian politics. He is editor of the Hemlandet, the recognized 
organ of the Swedes of our great Northwest.] 

THE separation of Norway from Sweden, 
and tlie establishment of the former as a 
nation apart, makes no change in the internal 
governmental machinery of either country. Ac- 
cording to the terms of the union of 1814, while 
the person of the sovereign was the same, each 
country had its own government, constitution, 
and code of laws. 

The question in dispute, — namely, the organi- 
zation of a separate consular service for Norway, 
— would seem to be of a rather peaceful charac- 
ter, and not of such importance that it could not 
be settled by negotiations. It must appear sur- 
prising that it should have made the political 
waves run so high in the two so closely related 
counti'ies, up to tlie present united under one king. 

It is necessary to know certain political and 
historical phases of the mutual relations of these 
two nations in order to understand the trouble. 
The outward unity was to a great extent only 
apparent, and did not altogether correspond to 
the internal relations. The history of the two 
countries has been entirely different. They have 
never had the same government or been depend- 
encies one of the other, and their national char- 
acteristics are very unlike. Protection is the 
economic doctrine of Sweden, while Norway's 
interests demand free trade. The Swedish con- 
stitution grants the crown and the higher classes 
considerable influence with the government, 
while Norway is the most democratic monarchy 
in the world. 

Though tlie two countries had the same king, 
it would be a mistake to believe that the origin 
of their discord is to be found in conditions sim- 
ilar to those which govern the home-rule ques- 
tion in Ireland. The kingdom of Norway has 
always been, in reality, as free and sovereign a 
state as any in the world, with the single re- 
striction that it was bound to permit questions 
concerning both countries to be debated jointly 
in the so-called ''combined council of state." 

When, in 1814, Denmark was forced by the 

allied powers to cede Norway (with which coun- 
try it had been united for more than four hun- 
dred years) to Sweden, the whole Norwegian 
nation arose in protest. The Norwegians elect- 
ed their own king and adopted a very liberal 
constitution. A short war with Sweden was 
the result. Bernadotte, Napoleon's former mar- 
shal, who had been made heir-apparent to the 
Swedish throne and now ruled in the name of 
the old and sick king, found it advisable to sub- 
mit to the wishes of Norway. He acknowledged 
her new constitution, was made king of Norway, 
which formed, with Sweden, a union defined in 
the Act of 1815. This act says, in its introduc- 
tion, that " the union is not a result of warfare, 
but of free conviction, and shall be maintained 
by a clear acknowledgment of the legal rights 
of the nations in protection of their mutual 

Paragraph 1 of this act stated that the king- 
dom of Norway is a free, independent, indivis- 
ible, and inalienable state, united with Sweden 
under one king. Paragraph 5 established a 
" combined council of state " for discussion of 
matters pertaining to the union. These para- 
graphs gave a full definition of the union of the 
two countries, — a monarchy and a defensive alli- 
ance '' for the protection of their mutual throne." 

This peculiar form of union has not proved 
conducive to the happiness of the two nations in 
their mutual relations. The incongruity of their 
views is too great. It was difficult for Sweden 
to realize that Norway was not a conquered 
country, and the Norwegians, on their side, have 
kept watch over their rights with irritation and 
jealousy, while their radical parties have at times 
promoted an agitation that in a nation more po- 
litically mature would have carried them far be- 
yond their mark. 


It was the question of Norway's right to 
manage its own foreign affairs that was es- 



pecially the bone of contention. Sweden con- 
sidered the common administration of foreign 
affairs one of the most important guaranties for 
the preservation of the union and the integrity 
of the countries, and pointed to the danger from 
their powerful eastern neighbor, for whom a 
harbor in the North Atlantic Ocean is a much- 
coveted prize. Especially now. since Russia is 
excluded from the sea in the far East, it is ex- 
pected that she will with so much the greater zeal 
turn her eyes toward the ice-free harbors of Nor- 
way's northwest coast. Russian engineers have 
already constructed roads across Finland, close to 
the Swedish-Norwegian boundaries, and in Swe- 
den it was urged that this is not the time for show- 
ing any tendencies toward separation or for 
loosening the ties which have given strength to 
the two nations in tlieir relations with foreign 
powers. The Norwegian Liberals, who have 
been the leading men of the country almost un- 
interruptedly for the past twenty years, assert 
with equal strength that only when the complete 
equality of the two countries is acknowledged 
and respected is a really helpful union possible, 
in peace as well as in war. 

But if Norway, as stated, is a free and sov- 
ereign state, and as such, according to interna- 
tional law, has the right to direct its own affairs, 
internal as well as foreign, and to send and re- 
ceive ambassadors and consuls, how could it be 
explained that during the almost one hundred 
years in which the two countries had been united 
Norway has been excluded from exercising this 
right ? The constitution of Norway, which was 
acknowledged by Sweden, states expressly that 
the king of Norway has such rights. 

The situation can be explained partially thus : 
According to the old political ideas, the manage- 
ment of foreign affairs was a personal right of 
the sovereign, which he exercised through his 
minister of foreign affairs. The diplomats were 
also considered to be the personal representa- 
tives of the monarch, and are still, to a certain 
extent, so considered. After the separation from 
Denmark, Norway could, without any danger, 
place the administration of her foreign affairs in 
the hands of her king. Even if this arrange- 
ment was not altogether satisfactory, it was at 
least the same for both countries. But when, 
in 1885, Sweden made the minister of foreign 
affairs responsible to the Swedish parliament, 
Norway felt it a serious slight to be deprived of 
every influence worth mentioning in her foreign 
politics, and to see the administration of these 
placed in the hands of a foreigner, who was not 
responsible to the Norwegian parliatnent, and 
who could not be expected to have any special 
knowledge of Norway's particular interests. Fre- 

quent negotiations to settle this question have 
taken place, but the realization of Norway's 
wishes have always been frustrated by resistance 
from the Swedish side. The concessions which 
Sweden was willing to make were not acceptable 
to Norway. Finally, the negotiations relating 
to a special Norwegian minister of foreign affairs 
were dropped, and only the question of separate 
consular service, as the more practicable, taken up. 


Owing to the great development of Norway's 
commerce and shipping, the question became 
very pressing, and it was clear that all parties in 
Norway were of the same opinion, especially as 
Sweden had adopted a policy of protection, 
while Norway adhered to the principles of free 
trade. Besides, the shipping of Norway was 
about three times as large as that of Sweden, 
and, while Norway had but little influence in the 
administration of the consular service, she had 
to defray about half the expense. Furthermore, 
the question as to the appointment of her own 
consuls, or commercial and maritime representa- 
tives, seemed to be entirely outside the scope of 
the matters on which Sweden claims to have the 
right of influence as relating to the union. 

In 1891, the question assumed a practical 
aspect. In that year, Norway established the 
so-called '' Consulate Committee " to examine 
the question, and it came to the conclusion that 
there was commercial necessity for Norway to 
have her own consuls. The government, as well 
as the parliament, prepared complete plans for 
the realization of such an arrangement. Violent 
quarrels with Sweden were the result, and the 
excitement in the ''combined council of state," 
as well as in the two parliaments, was very 
great. In Norway, one cabinet succeeded an- 
other, but it was impossible to come to an agree- 
ment. In 1898, the question was taken up 
again, at the suggestion of Sweden, and a com- 
mittee consisting of seven Norwegian and seven 
Swedish members was formed to discuss all the 
differences pertaining to the union. As was to 
be expected, this committee could not agree, the 
representatives of the two countries not even 
agreeing among themselves. Tlie negotiations 
were for a time eclipsed by other questions, 
until they were reopened in 1901, again on the 
initiative of Sweden, but this time only the con- 
sular-service question was discussed. In Janu- 
ary. 1902, the King appointed a new committee, 
consisting of Dr. Sigurd Ibsen, a son of the 
famous author, and Consul-General Christopher- 
sen, from Norway, and Baron Bildt, ambassador 
at London, and Consul-General Amen, from 
Sweden, who should consider how separate con- 



sulates for each of tlie united kingdoms would 
work witli the retention of the common diplo- 
matic service, and how the home administration 
of tlie consulates and the relation of the consu- 
lates to the legations could be settled. 


As early as July of the same year (1902), the 
committee issued a unanimous report favoring 
the realization of Norway's wishes. On this 
basis, the negotiations between the two govern- 
ments were continued, and in the so-called March 
Communique the following points were agreed 
upon : (I) That separate consulates should be 
established for the two countries, in such a way 
that each country's consuls are subject only to 
that home authority which each country estab- 
lishes ; (2) the relation of the separate consuls 
to the minister of foreign affairs and the diplo- 
mats should be arranged by parallel laws in 
both parliaments, and they should not be changed 
or canceled without the consent of the two coun- 
tries. This agreement received the sanction of 
the King in a combined Swedish - Norwegian 
council of state in December, 1903. 

The realization of Norway's wishes seemed 
now to be quite near. A new and strong cabi- 
net, under the leadership of the highly respect- 
ed jurist and professor of law, Dr. Hagerup, 
held the reins of government. This cabinet 
immediately undertook the preparation of the 
parallel laws, and worked so rapidly that in May, 
1904, the outline was sent to Stockholm for the 
consideration of the Swedish Government. 

Sweden's answer was long in coming, and, 
furthermore, the Swedish minister of foreign 
affairs, who was considered to be favorably dis- 
posed toward the Norwegian claims, was forced 
to resign. The Swedish premier, Mr. Bostrom, 
himself conducted the affair. Finally, in No- 
vember, 1904, the reply of the Swedish Govern- 
ment was received. To the surprise of every 
one, it did not contain an outline of parallel 
laws, but drew up a new line of "principles" 
for" the settlement of the relation of the separate 
consulates to the diplomats and the minister of 
foreign affairs which would give him consider- 
able authority and power to appoint, supervise, 
and remove these Norwegian public officials. 

There is no room here for a detailed examina- 
tion of these points, or for an estimate of the 
scruples of the Swedish Government which led 
to them. It must not be forgotten, however, 
that it was an absolutely essential condition of 
the negotiations relating to separate consular 
services that these should not in any way affect 
the status quo of other foreign affairs. It is, 
therefore, not to be wondered at that the Swedish 

minister of foreign affairs, on whom finally falls 
the political responsibility, claimed that he had 
the right to demand a clear definition of the 
sphere of authority of these separate consuls, 
and to demand absolute guaranties that they 
would not encroach upon his sphere, thus mak- 
ing him responsible without giving him any con- 
trolling power. 

The principles laid down in Sweden's reply 
caused great indignation throughout Norway, 
where they were considered an attempt to de- 
prive the nation of its sovereign rights. The 
Norwegians declared that the action of the 
Swedish Government was of such a character 
that " parliamentary language did not contain 
words to describe it." What made the Nor- 
wegians especially indignant was Sweden's de- 
mand that the word " Norway " in the King's 
title as " King of Norway and Sweden " should 
be placed after the word " Sweden " in the ex- 
equaturs of the new Norwegian consuls, an ar- 
rangement of words never before used in Nor- 
wegian documents. 

After numerous verbal negotiations between 
the governments in Stockholm and Christiania, 
which led to no agreement, the Norwegian gov- 
ernment, in June, 1904, prepared a so-called 
"promemoria," endeavoring, in this document, 
with great force to prove that the ''principles" 
expressed in the Swedish reply were not only in 
violation of the Norwegian constitution, but also 
in certain directions a step backward. Further- 
more, it was set forth that these principles were 
absolutely • at variance with the agreement of 
December, 1903, which the sanction of the King 
had made constitutionally binding, and in which 
it was definitely declared that Norway should 
have its own consular service, subject to special 
Norwegian authority only, without any control 
from the minister of foreign affairs or the am- 

This was the end of the negotiations. The 
crown prince, Gustav, who acted as regent, at- 
tempted to renew them on a broader basis, em- 
bracing all the differences pertaining to the 
union, but the Norwegian cabinet, believing 
that under the present political conditions such 
negotiations would be as futile as those of 1844, 
1867, and 1898, refused to reopen them. 

Sweden's case set forth. 

The many weighty political reasons for the 
preservation of the union, which Norway was 
either unable or unwilling to see, would possi- 
bly have prompted Sweden to make important 
concessions during such negotiations rather than 
risk the breaking of the union. It should also 
be said in Sweden's favor that, seeing the 



union in danger, she did much to calm the ex- 
citement in Norway, and even sacrificed lier 
premier, Bostrom, although very important po- 
litical questions made his presence in the cabinet 
highly desirable. Unfortunately, the moment 
when a yielding disposition might have been of 
benefit had passed. A new cabinet, under the 
leadership of the advocate Michelsen, had in 
the meantime come into power in Norway, with 
the political programme of carrying through the 
wishes of Norway without the collaboration of 
Sweden. About the middle of May, the parlia- 
ment passed a Norwegian consular-service law 
according to the ideas expressed in the agree- 
ment of December, 1903. 

King Oscar was now placed in an extremely 
difficult position. He foresaw that by sanction- 
ing this law he would meet insurmountable ob- 
stacles in the Swedish parliament and cabinet, 
and in Norway the result would be that he could 
not find a single man willing to form a cabinet 
that would make his veto constitutionally valid 
by its approval, and thereby make itself (the 
cabinet) responsible to the parliament and the 
whole Norwegian people. Undoubtedly moved 
by the highest and noblest motives, he chose, 
♦ under these circumstances, to veto the Norwe- 
gian law. This step was immediately followed 
by the resignation of the Norwegian cabinet, a 
resignation which the King refused to accept, 
declaring that he knew he could not form an- 
other government. 

The Norwegian parliament then declared that 

the King, by admitting that he was unable to 
rule the country according to the constitution, 
and by refusing to comply with the wishes of 
his cabinet and the unanimous votes of the par- 
liament, had overstepped the limits of his rights, 
and had therefore ceased to rule as king of 
Norway. The King of Sweden and his govern- 
ment answered by a firm protest against the 
constitutional legality of the Norwegian parlia- 
ment's action. Sweden refused to recognize the 
secession, and so long as Sweden withholds this 
recognition the foreign powers will certainly 
withhold theirs. 

The political relations between the two coun- 
tries, which during a period of ninety years had 
led to ever-increasing discord, were thus sev- 
ered. Norway displayed the greatest dignity 
and tact in this revolution, and showed a strong 
feeling of responsibility. Even if Sweden does 
not resort to force of arms, Norway will meet 
with difficulties of the most serious kind so long 
as it is unrecognized by the powers and ex- 
cluded from arguing its case in the council of 
the world's states. 

It must also be admitted that Norway's pres- 
ent isolation decidedly weakens Scandinavian 
foreign politics, and might, in a crisis, lead 
to dire results for both countries. It is there- 
fore to be hoped that another form of federal 
collaboration may be found, — possibly also in- 
cluding the third Scandinavian nation, Den- 
mark, — more likely to promote the happiness, in 
peace or war, of the three Scandinavian nations. 


** A DANISH OBSERVER'S" article is, in the 
-^"^ main, an able and impartial presentation 
of the facts involved in the case. The writer 
shows an intimate acquaintance with the politi- 
cal and diplomatic history of Norway and Swe- 
den since the two countries became united in 
1814, and it is hardly necessary to add that I 
heartily indorse most of what he has to say. 
There is, however, one statement in his article 
that does not correspond with the historic facts, 
and it is, in my opinion, of the greatest impor- 
tance in defining the position and rights of Nor- 
way in her troubles with her neighbor. 

''A Danish Observer" says: "When Den- 
mark, in 1814, was forced by the allied powers 
to cede Norway (with which country it had been 
united for more than four hundred years) to 
Sweden, the whole Norwegian nation arose and 
protested." What I object to in this statement 
are the words ''to Sweden." That the powers. 

— Russia, England, and Prussia, — intended to cede 
Nortuay to Siueden there is no doubt, but in the 
treaty of peace signed at Kiel, January 14, 1814, 
it was distinctly provided that " his Majesty the 
King of Denmark, in behalf of himself and his 
successors to the throne and the kingdom of 
Norway, forever renounces all his rights and 
claims to the kingdom of Norway in favor of 
the King of Sweden." According to this treaty, 
Norway was not ceded to Sweden any more than 
Sweden was ceded to Norway. The King of 
Denmark renounced his claims on Norway, not 
to the Swedish nation, but to the King of Swe- 
den, and so Sweden, or the Swedish state, did 
not obtain any sovereignty over Norway. This 
interpretation of the treaty of Kiel is fully sus- 
tained by such eminent Swedish authorities as 
Herman Ludvig Rydin and Hans Forsell. 

The fact that Norway owes no allegiance to 
Sweden is also plainly set forth in the first para- 



graph of the constitution of Norway, wliicli 
reads : " Norway is a free, independent, indi- 
visible, and inalienable kingdom, united with 
Sweden under one king." This was adopted by 
the assembly at Eidsvold, May 17, 1814, and rati- 
fied by the act of union with Sweden, Novem- 
ber 4 of the same year. Even among higldy 
educated people, however, it is a common opin- 
ion that Norway is in some way a dependency 
of Sweden, while the fact is that, in accord- 
ance with all documents bearing on the subject, 
Norway is no more subject to Sweden than Swe- 
den is to Norway. Imagine how you would of- 
fend a Swede if you intimated to him that his 
country belonged to Norway. Since 1884, Nor- 
way has enjoyed a parliamentary system of gov- 
ernment such as do England and France. The 
cabinet, or council of state, must be in harmony 
with the majority of the Storthing. The Stor- 
thing unanimously passed the law creating a 
separate consular system. The King refusing 
his approval, the cabinet resigned, and as the 
King could find no one to form a new ministry, 
and was incompetent, under the law, to govern 
without a ministry, he in fact deposed himself. 
He made it necessary for the Storthing to find 
some one else to perform the functions of 

In my opinion, the dissolution of the union 
will be a blessing to both countries concerned. 
So long as Norway and Sweden are united 
under one king, there will be friction. The one 
nation will be jealous of the other. Sweden, as 
the larger country, will at times like to make 

sonui exhibition of her power and authority, 
and Norway, as the small(;r country, will be 
jealous, and will imagine she is trodden upon 
even when she is not. The long union between 
Denmark and Norway was a constant source of 
irritation and bickerings, but since the two be- 
came separated they have been the best of 
friends. Let Norway and Sweden dissolve 
partnership, and there will be no better friends 
in all Europe than these two nations. No al- 
liance on paper will be needed. In time of 
peril, either one would rush to arms in defense 
of the other. Two farmers may live side by 
side for a lifetime without having any trouble, 
but if they were partners and each had some 
claim on tlie other's property, misunderstandings 
could scarcely fail to arise. What is true of two 
farmers applies with no less force to two nations. 
A separate Norway and Sweden can be of mutual 
help ; bound together under one king, they would 
be fated to disagree for all time. The Nor- 
wegians are, by their experience, intelligence, 
and education, abundantly able to govern their 
own country and manage their own affairs. 

England and America owe much to old Nor- 
way and to the Viking spirit for the free insti- 
tutions they enjoy, and it would seem that they 
now have an opportunity to pay a part of this 
debt by recognizing promptly the birth of Nor- 
way as a separate and independent nation, either 
as a constitutional monarchy or, — still better, — 
as a new republic. 

Rasmus B. Anderson. 

Madison, Wis. 


KING OSCAR of Sweden and Norway could 
not have acted otherwise than he did when 
the Norwegian crisis came. The Swedes have 
not refused the Norwegians their own consuls. 
They have, however, always insisted that the 
question of separate consuls for Norway was so 
closely connected with the question of the con- 
suls' diplomatic responsibility that both these 
questions ought to be solved at the same time. 
Sweden was not willing to pave the way for 
an independent Norwegian minister of foreign 
affairs, but consented that the minister of foreign 
affairs for the union might be either a Swede or 
a Norwegian. This proposition was not accepted. 
Nothing but absolute independence would sat- 
isfy the Norwegian radicals. I fear that they 

have made a mistake by their revolution, which 
I sincerely regret. No telegraphic message, 
letter, or newspaper has arrived from Sweden 
indicating what action the Swedish "Riksdag" 
(Congress) will take when it convenes on July 
1. [This was written on June 19.] Opinions 
will be divided. The feeling between the two 
nations seems to be better than could be expected 
under the circumstances, and it may perhaps be 
possible that King Oscar, for whom the Nor- 
wegians as well as the Swedes have the greatest 
regard, will permit one of his sons to accept the 
Norwegian crown, providing, of course, that the 
Riksdag recognizes an independent kingdom of 
Norway, outside of the union. 

Chicago, 111. John A. Enander. 



(Professor of Railway Engineering in the University of Wisconsin.) 

THE popular support now given the move- 
ment to place tlie making or control of 
railway freight rates in the hands of State and 
national political commissions can hardly be ex- 
plained upon any other theory than that the 
public has been brought to believe that the rail- 
way corporations are engaged in a combined 
effort to increase the rates throughout the 

The principal object sought in this paper is 
to show that the history of railway transporta- 
tion in this country all tends to prove that such 
a move on the part of the roads would, in the 
main, be against their own interest. 

It attempts, incidentally, to show also : (1) 
that present rates are reasonable ; (2) that the 
unrivaled prosperity and progress of the coun- 
try is due primarily to cheap transportation ; 
and (3) that in any authority given a political 
commission over railway rates the utmost care 
is necessary lest there be endangered that elas- 
ticity in rate-making which has been the first 
essential in the plan upon which our transporta- 
tion system has developed. 

The early railways, as well as the early legis- 
latures that granted their charters, were all at 
sea as to what rates should be charged for 
freight transportation. The Petersburg Rail- 
road, in Virginia, was prohibited in its charter 
from charging more than 12-1- cents per ton-mile. 
The Central Railroad, in Michigan, in 1838, 
operated by the State, charged 12^ cents per 
ton-mile on flour. But in the same year the 
Mohawk & Hudson carried flour at 4 cents per 
ton-mile and liglit goods at 6 cents. In the 
early operation of the Liverpool & Manchester 
Railway, the freight charge per ton-mile was 
between 8 and 9 cents. Soon after the opening 
of the Baltimore & Ohio Railroad the freight 
charge was 6 cents per ton-mile, and about the 
same on the State road from Philadelphia to 
Columbia. In 1840, the flour rate from Pitts- 
burg to Philadelphia was |1.55 a barrel, or a 
little less than 4 cents per ton-mile. 

Flour, coal, tobacco, and cotton were the prin- 
cipal articles of freight traffic, and these were 
carried by rail for only short distances. Rates 
were so high that many articles now carried 

everywhere could not bear the cost of" move- 
ment. Live stock was driven on foot. AYhiskey 
(there was relatively heavy traffic in this article) 
was carried on the common roads. 

The result of such rates was that freight did 
not move. For years the early lines in the 
trunk-line territory, which now measure the 
freight carried in their cars in millions of tons, 
earned more from their liglit passenger traffic 
than from freight. These lines now operate 
their passenger service as a side issue, to comply 
with their obligations as common carriers and 
to stimulate freight traffic. 

These early lines were justified in charging 
high rates. The cost of operation was high. 
On the Baltimore & Ohio, in 1831, it took a train 
of eight cars to haul 200 barrels of flour, and 
the entire loaded train weighed 28 tons, — about 
the weight of an ordinary present-day passenger 

The distinguished civil engineer, Charles El- 
let, Jr., writing in the Meclianics'' Magazine (New 
York), in April, 1844, said that eight or ten of 
the railroads of the country had worn out the 
common half -inch flat bar rail by. carrying 150,- 
000 net tons of freight over their lines. The 
Camden & Amboy wore out its 40-pound "edge 
rail" with 400,000 net tons of traffic. In nine 
years the rails of the Liverpool & Manchester 
line had to be entirely replaced four times. 
From 1825 to 1842, the net traffic on the Stock- 
ton & Darlington, which had been carried in 
light cars at speeds of six miles an hour, summed 
up 6,500,000 tons. Besides a great amount of 
patching, the rail of the track had then been en- 
tirely renewed six times. The London & Bir- 
mingliam started in constructing its line with 
50 -pound iron rail, which was worn out before 
the road was completed. Ellet, in the article 
referred to, figured that the cost of rail -wear 
alone per ton-mile of net freight on the Reading 
road was 4.75 mills. 

Now, rail-wear is only one of the fifty-three 
items of railway operating expenses outlined by 
the Interstate Commerce Commission. At the 
present time, with our rail made of steel instead 
of iron, rail-wear generally amounts to about 
1.5 per cent, of the total of all operating ex- 



penses. Wo can gain some insiglit into tlio 
economies brouglit about in railway operation 
when we note from the table on page 72, that 
at the present time the average railway receipt 
per ton-mile at wliich heavy freight is carried 
by all our roads from the great interior of the 
country to the Atlantic seaboard is less than 
was the actual cost of this single item of rail- 
wear in 1844. On many lines, indeed, the 
heavier articles of freight are carried at rates 
very much below what this single item of ex- 
penditure amounted to at that time. 

The regular rate on corn from Omaha to New 
York in December, 1904, was 3.6 mills per ton- 
mile. On February 7, 1905, in competition 
with the Gulf lines for this traffic, this rate was 
cut by the Eastern lines to 1.85 mills per ton- 
mile. However, this last is certainly not a re- 
numerative rate under present conditions of 
railway traffic. 

But at least two railway lines in the United 
States, which together handle a freight traffic 
each year of from 20,000,000 to 25,000,000 
tons, have become immensely prosperous by 
hauling all their freight, high grade and low 
class, under average freight receipts for the 
eight years ending June 30, 1904, of consider- 
ably less than this single cost of rail-wear in 
1844. The average charge per ton-mile of all 
freight for eight years on the Norfolk & West- 
ern Railroad has been* 4.54 mills, and 4.04 mills 
on the Chesapeake & Ohio. 

In many other lines of business the capitalists 
in control have pocketed the increase in the re- 
ceipts produced by economies in operation and 
manufacture. But in the railway business 
freight rates have been so administered that the 
public, rather than the capitalists, has reaped 
the benefits resulting from the marvelous econ- 
omies that have been developed in the cost of 
transportation. It is true the railways have not 
done this in a spirit of philanthropy, but the 
public benefit was none the less for that. 


The beginning of our modern transportation 
system does not run so far back in our history 
as it is oftentimes placed. It may be said to 
date from the year 1851, when, upon the com- 
pletion of the Erie Railroad, the New York Cen- 
tral was relieved of the arbitrary tolls which 
had been imposed upon its traffic to prevent its 
competition with the Erie Canal. 

Perhaps it would be too severe to say that the 
modern transportation system began to develop 
as soon as the State ceased to interfere with 
railway rates and allowed the rates, the traffic, 

and tli(i country t(j gi-ow up tog(5tli(;r In 1851, 
pass(;ng("' and ireight l)usiness w(;re nearly equal. 
The U, .id railway earnings were 5j;19,00O,OOO 
from the one-and $20,000,000 from the other. 
By 18G7, at least, the freight business was 70 
per cent, of the whole. In 1852, the total ton- 
nage hauled on the New York Central and the 
Erie roads was 707,000 tons. In five years this 
was increased to 200 per cent, of this amount. 
The rates continued to fall because tlm carrying 
capacity of the roads was in excess of the freight 

As the rates fell off both the traffic and the earn- 
ings increased. The following statement shows 
the relation that developed on the New York 
(Jentral between rates, tonnage, and earnings : 


Charge per 

(cents) . 

Tons of 

freight carried 

(thousands) . 

Gross earnings 
from freight 











Thus, the roads learned that heavy tonnage 
at low rates was more profitable than light ton- 
nage at high rates. 

It is frequently stated that there has been no 
system in the making of railroad freight rates. 
But there is a law upon which they are con- 
structed that every traffic man from Maine to 
San Francisco knows must be observed, — rates 
must move the freight, and, if possible, must 
move it in increasing quantities. 

The decline in freight rates in the United 
States since the Civil War is shown graphically 
in the diagram on page 72 ; also, the rates on 
certain special roads for a number of years. It 
should be noted that the tonnage and the earn- 
ings continued to increase with the falling 
freight rates right down to the end of the cen- 
tury. For the whole United States the earnings 
per ton-mile in 1880 were $1.29 cents ; the 
freight carried, 350,000,000 tons (estimated), 
and the gross earnings from freight, $468,000,- 
000. In 1890, these figures w^ere, respectively, 
0.93 cents, 701,000,000 tons, and $740,000,000. 
In 1900, these figures were 0.75 cents, 1,071,- 
000,000 tons, and $1,052,000,000. 

The history of railway development has been 
the same in one particular, that whenever a 
pioneer railway was built into a community 
freight rates became lower. The last of the 
pioneer roads, the Great Northern, was com- 
pleted in 1893, just before the Chicago World's 
Fair began the celebration of the four - hun- 
dredth anniversary of the discovery of America. 
The completion of this great work was signalized 
by no other celebration than by an immediate 








6 8 io 2 4 6 6 180 2 4 6 &^ 2 4 6 6 M02 4 & S /m 




/S? K 

/.4ff \ 





and substantial reduction in transcontinental 
freight rates. 

But the decline in rates could not continue 
always. The average rate of decline from 1880 
to 1899 continued to 1924 would bring freight 
rates down to zero. The decline was checked 
in 1899 by the wave of prosperity v^^hich made 
it necessary to increase wages and to pay higher 
prices for all the material used in railway opera- 
tion. The records show that the decline was 
checked, but who shall say the decline is per- 
manently stopped ? 

The cost per ton-mile is too uncertain a unit 
to base exact calculations upon. Although the 
average price per ton-mile increased 5.4 per cent, 
from 1899 to 1903, all of this increase could be 
accounted for by an increase in the proportion 
of high class freight since 1899. Mr. E. P. 
Bacon, chairman of the Executive Committee of 
the Interstate Commerce Law Convention, held 
at St. Louis in 1904, testified recently before the 
joint committee on railroads of the Wisconsin 
Legislature that the ton-mile receipt might 
change as much as 50 per cent, without any 
change whatever in the freight rate. 

Mr. Hill, of the Great Northern roaa, recently 
declared before the Senate Committee on Inter- 
state Commerce tliat he believed that if the rail- 
roads were given fair treatment, in twenty years 
the average freight rate would reach a half-cent 
per ton-mile. 


The following were cited as typical long-dis- 
tance freight rates in the United States and 
Canada for 1903 in an address before the Cana- 
dian Society of Civil Engineers by President 
H. W. Blackwell : 





All-rail rates- 
Chicago to Portland, Maine,— grain* 

Chicago to New York, — grain* 







£ s. d. 

1 3 

7 3 









Brandon to St. John, N. B.,— grain* 

Spring Hill, N. S., to Montreal,— coal t.. 

Lake and rail rates- 
Chicago to Montreal, — grain* 



Brandon to St. John, N. B.,— grain* 

Chicago to Montreal, — grain $ 


Inland water rates— 
Duluth to Cleveland, — iron oret 


Chicago to New York,— grain § 


Chicago to Montreal,^ — grain* 


Duluth to Quebec, — grain* 


Ocean rates- 
Montreal to Antwerp,— grain per quar. . 
Antwerp to Montreal,— steel rails per ton 
Montreal to Liverpool, — grain per quar. 


It is difficult to compare the freight rates 
obtaining in the United States with those in 
other countries on account of the difference in 
the conditions under which the freight is moved, 
and on account of the fact that traffic statistics 
are kept differently in Europe from what they 
are in America, but the statistician, Mulhall, 
said just before his death that the average 
freight rate (reduced to cents per ton-mile) in 
the various countries were : 

United Kingdom, 2.80 Italy 2.50 Russia . . $2.40 

France 2.20 Germany.... 1.64 Belgium L60 

Holland 1.56 United States 0.8011 

These rates are quite different from those 
shown in the last edition (1899) of Mulhall, but 
that edition and the above statement both agree 
in showing that the United States has by far 
the cheapest rates in the world. This statement 
should be qualified, however, by noting that the 
distinctive feature of American freight traffic is 
that so large a proportion of it is shipped over 
long distances and in car or train load lots. On 
such traffic American rates are so much lower 
than anywhere else in the world that these 
heavy tonnage rates bring down the average 
tonnage rate to a very low figure. Still, it is 
true that the short-haul rates on goods in small 
lots in this countiy are generally as great or 
greater than tliose obtaining even in England. 

* Per 100 pounds, t Per ton. % Via Canada Paeiflc. § Via 
Erie Canal, per 100 pounds. 

II " Transactions of the American Society of Civil Engi- 
neers,'' Vol. LIY., Part B, page 477. 


However, it is tlie loiig-liaul fi-eiglit in lu^avy 
lots whicli has been tlie principal factor in the 
development and progress of the country. 


Let us consider for a moment just how pros- 
perous our country is. Mr. Charles M. Harvey, 
in the February Worhrs Work, estimates the 
present (1905) total wealth of several countries 
in billions of dollars as follows : Spain, 12 ; It- 
aly, 18 ; Austro-Hungary, 30 ; Russia, 35 ; Ger- 
many, 48 ; France, 50 ; United Kingdom, 55 ; 
United States, 110. The per cctpita wealth in 
the TTnited States was |850 in 1880, 1 1,0 39 in 
1890, $1,236 in 1900, and, according to Mr. 
Harvey, $1,325 in 1905. In 1850, the wealtli 
2^er capita was $308. Thus, in spite of the great 
influx of penniless people from southern Europe, 
the mere increase in the average individual wealth 
from 1880 to 1900 was considerably greater than 
the total amount each individual possessed in 

Figures compiled from the ''Annual Review 
of the Foreign Commerce of the United States " 
for September, 1904, show that from 1880 to 
1903 the consumption of pig iron in the United 
States increased 437 per cent. ; the consumption 
of coal, 364 per cent. ; the consumption of cot- 
ton, 107 per cent. ; and the export of domestic 
manufactures, 340 per cent. The value of manu- 
factures increased 85 per cent, from 1888 to 
1900. In all of these the ratio of increase has 
been very much greater than in France, Eng- 
land, Germany, or Russia, with the single excep- 
tion of the consumption of cotton in Germany, 
which has increased more than in the United 
States. The increase per cent, of the value of 
manufactures has been about double and of the 
export of domestic manufactures about five 
times that of any of the countries named. 

It is doubtful if many of those who are calling 
for radical governmental control over transpor- 
tation charges have stopped to inquire what has 
been the chief agency in making it possible to 
relate this wonderful tale of prosperity and 

In a thoughtful paper read before the Inter- 
national Engineering Congress at the St. Louis 
World's Fair, last fall, the distinguished en- 
gineer, Mr. E. P. North, analyzed the causes of 
our great growth in wealth. He showed that it 
is not due so much to fertile soil, cheap land, 
and natural resources as to cheap transportation. 
His conclusion is : 

In one great source of national wealth, — namely, cost 
of transportation, — which is not a natural product, the 
United States has an undisputed advantage over all 

other countries. . . . Not, only (hx's u low fr(Mglit, rate 
allow more to be divided between producer and con- 
sumer, but it has a more potent effect in inviting the 
production of commodities which with hi<i;her freight 
charges could not reach consumers. . . . There is no 
doubt that our railroad freight rates are the lowest in 
the world. Nor is there reason to doubt that the low 
cost of assembling and distributing our commodities 
has had an important influence on their production and 

In 1903, the average amount paid for freight 
movement by each inhabitant of the United 
States was $16.72. Had the rate paid been the 
same as it was in 1880 and the same freight 
movement made, the freight charge per capita 
would have been $27.40. If the freight rate of 
1880 had remained stationaiy, as it has practi- 
cally done in England, and the country had made 
the same freight movement that has been made 
since then, there would have been paid to the 
transportation companies in excess of what has 
been paid since that date 13.5 per cent, of the 
total increase in wealth since tliat date. If the 
same freight movement from 1880 to 1904 had 
been made, and the freight rates had been as 
high as in England in 1895, 62 per cent, of the 
total growth in wealth would have been con- 
sumed in additional freight rates. 

Thus, there can be no doubt but that, on the 
whole, the freight rates of the country have 
been adjusted in the past in very nearly the 
best way possible for the upbuilding of the 
country's commerce. 

There is no small amount of truth in the 
assertion quoted by Prof, Hugo R. Meyer in his 
recent testimony before the Interstate Commerce 
Committee of the United States Senate : 

American railway rates are the result of arbitration 
and warfare ; they have been heated and forged and 
welded and pounded and hammered into their present 
shape, and they are about as nearly right as practical 
people can make them. 


Besides the 5.4 per cent, average increase in 
the freight rates of the whole country, there are 
certain large roads operating from the great in- 
terior of the country to the Atlantic seaboard on 
which rates have been increased in very much 
higher ratio. "Without any very great change 
in the character of the trafiic, the average rate 
on the Norfolk & "Western was increased 24 per 
cent, from 1899 to 1904. On the Chesapeake & 
Ohio the character of the trafiic has not materi- 
ally changed, but the average freight rate was 
increased by nearly 33 per cent, between 1900 
and 1903. Perhaps these increased freight 
rates are justifiable, but the average man would 



be more ready to accept them if their fairness 
were passed upon by a competent, impartial 


It cannot be maintained that the rates which 
have been so beneficial on the whole have 
been equitably adjusted all around. President 
Mellen, of the New Haven road, has said that 
there have been great abuses in railroad-made 
freight rates, and has intimated that govern- 
mental authority is needed in the matter. The 
clamor for rate regulation is not to be explained 
by the desire to correct the comparatively few 
flagrant cases of wrong-doing arising from re- 
bates to favored shippers, private car lines, and 
private industrial railroads. Coupled with the 
fear of a geiieral rise in freight rates, there is in 
many communities a lively sense of injury from 
rates which are regularly discriminating. 

The average freight rate in New England is 
76 per cent, in excess of the average rate in the 
territory immediately west and southwest. The 
character of the traffic warrants a considerable 
excess in the rate in this territory ; but since 
there is less railway competition in New England 
than in any other part of the United States, New 
Englanders would be better pleased if the justice 
of the rates charged them could be passed upon 
by a disinterested body. 

In Governor La Follette's State, uncontro- 
verted evidence was produced before the Wis- 
consin Legislature, in 1903, showing that the 
charge on a 30 -ton car of coal, both hard and 
soft, on two lines of road operated by the same 
company, was from $13 to $15 more from Mil- 
waukee across the State of Wisconsin to La 
Crosse than for practically the same distance 
from Chicago across the State of Illinois to Sa- 
vanna. The territories mentioned in the two 
cases are contiguous. In both cases the coal is 
shipped from a Lake Michigan port to a Missis- 
sippi River point. More recent testimony before 
the same body tended to show that on lines oper- 
ated by the same companies freight rates on live 
stock and grain for the same distances are 23 and 
28 per cent, higher, respectively, in southern 
Wisconsin in territory tributary to Milwaukee 
than in the contiguous territory in northern Illi- 
nois tributary to Chicago. Of course, traffic men 
can advance good reasons from their point of 
view why such conditions should exist, but it is 
certain that these reasons are not always satis- 
factory to the patrons of the roads, and it is 
somewhat doubtful if they would always satisfy 
a properly constituted impartial authority. 

In an argument before the same body, the 
general solicitor of the Chicago, Milwaukee & 

St. Paul road presented a table showing his es- 
timate of the cost per ton-mile on the principal 
commodities of freight carried in Wisconsin. 
The lowest rate shown on this list on any article 
in which the average citizen of the State is in- 
terested was 6.7 mills per ton-mile on lumber, 
cement, brick, lime, and iron. This lowest sin- 
gle rate available to the average citizen of Wis- 
consin on any one commodity in which he is 
interested is a rate 48 and 66 per cent, higher, 
respectively, than the average rate at which the 
Norfolk & Western and the Chesapeake & Ohio 
have done a most lucrative business for eight 


The railways themselves oftentimes need 
higher authorities than their traffic managers to 
uphold their rates when they are attacked by 
large shippers. Mr. Midgley's able exposition 
of the private-car-line evil is a case in point. It 
is too often the case that the large shipper either 
dictates or controls the rate under which his 
goods are shipped. The average traffic man is 
polite but perfectly independent in dealing with 
the small shipper. He is extremely conciliatory 
to the frequent shipper of goods or produce in 
car-load lots. But he is on his knees to the ship- 
per who sends his goods in regular train-loads. 

A traffic official in a position of great respon- 
sibility recently illustrated the manner in which 
railway-traffic men were forced by large shippers 
to manipulate rates in tlieir interest as follows : 

At " A " and '* B " there were industrial plants, 
with a common market at ''C." The output of 
the plant at "A" was large, and there were 
several routes to " C." The output of the plant 
at '' B " was small, and there was practically 
only one route to " C." 

When the goods from '' B " began to inter- 
fere with the sale of goods from "A " the traffic 
men of the line ^'A, B, C" were called on to 
make the rates from " B " to '• C " the same as 
from "A" to "C," else that line would lose its 
proportion of the traffic from '• A " to " C." The 
proportion of this traffic the line ''A, B, C " was 
receiving at ''A " was of very much more value 
than the traffic from " B " to " C." What could 
a struggling road do but make the change in 


the freight rates tliat forced the plant at " B " 
out of business ? And it was clearly against 
the interest of tlie railway from "B" to "C" 
to have the plant at " B" suspend. 

In many such instances it would be to the 
interest of railway corporations to have the rate- 
making power in the hands of a commission if 
it could only be assumed that the commission 
would be competent and impartial. 



A politically constituted commission endowed 
with federal authority would probably be forced 
ultimately, as contended by Professor Meyer, by 
the rivalry of local competition, to base rates it 
would authorize principally on geographical con- 
ditions. The length of haul would govern rates 
on each article. But the commerce of the coun- 
try has thriven because the railways have largely 
ignored distance in making their rates, — because 
they have broken down geographical limitations. 
For example, three-dollar shoes made in Boston 
are sold at the same price all over the Union. 
The time may come, when the country is devel- 
oped, with its industries settled down in definite 
lines, when it would be advisable to have freight 
rates on each article based on distance. But 
that time does not seem to have arrived yet even 
in England, and it is certainly a long way off in 
this expanding country. 

Mr. Hugh Munro Ross, in his recent work on 
British railways (Edward Arnold : London, 
1904), page 186, says : 

The theory of equal mileage rates has over and over 
again been examined and found wanting by parlia- 
mentary committees and royal commissions as unfair 
to the railways and bad for the public interest. 


For many a year to come there, is little doubt 
that the interest of the whole country can best 
be served if the practice of the railways is not 
interfered with of introducing experimental rates 
which are abolished when found ill-advised or 
unprofitable. It is difficult to see how a federal 
commission endowed with direct authority over 
interstate freight rates is to permit the necessary 
latitude for experimental rates unless the com- 
mission is made non-political, and is composed 
lai-gely of members who have had technical train- 
ing in rate-making. It is useless to urge that 
the measures proposed at the present time do 
not include granting direct rate-making powers 
to the commission. 

If the commission is to be given power to re- 
dress what is wrong in rate-making, it is at least 

])ossil)le that any rate may soon be attacked and 
the commission called upon to name tiie rate that 
shall hold. Therefore it is of the utmost im- 
portance both to the public and to the railways 
that the commission shall be composed of mem- 
bers who are trained in the businc^ss they have 
in hand. 

For the railways the most hopeful sign in all 
this agitation is that the most advanced thinkers 
on this subject, and those best fitted to advise, 
are all coming to the conclusion that the char- 
acter of the future commission is the crux of the 
whole matter. 

Mr. Midglcy, in a recent issue of the Railway 
ylye, quoted the clauses in the Interstate Com- 
merce Law of 1887 that provided that, — 

Not more than three of the commissioners shall be 
appointed from the same political party. 

No person in the employ of or holding any official 
relation to any common carrier subject to the provi- 
sions of this act, or owning stock or bonds thereof, or 
who is in any manner pecuniarily interested therein, 
shall enter upon the duties of or hold such office. 

In commenting sarcastically upon these pro- 
visions, he said : 

If a medical or legal commission were to be created, 
men learned in those professions would be selected, and 
the unfitness of other parties would be conceded ; but 
the opposite rule has almost invariably been pursued 
when the question of a commission to regulate rail- 
roads has been under consideration. 

In his Boston Transcript article, after ex- 
pounding his plan of establishing a special rail- 
road court. President Hadley said : 

With such a court to exercise the judicial functions 
now assumed by the Interstate Commerce Commission, 
the character of that commission would naturally be 
changed. It should consist, not of lawyers, but of rail- 
road experts, and should be charged with the duty of 
furnishing technical assistance to the new court in de- 
termining obscure and complex matters of fact. 

The need of some expert authority which shall rep- 
resent the court, as distinct from either of the con- 
tending parties, becomes very great. Such a technical 
commission should, I think, include three men who 
were trained in the traffic department of the railroad 
service, one in the operating department, and one in the 
financial department. It would not be necessary, or 
even desirable, to include a representative of the ship- 
pers or a representative of the legal department of rail- 
roads. The presence of such men on the commission 
would simply obscure the purpose for which it was 
intended, — the purpose of ascertaining facts needed by 
the court as a basis for its decision. 

But from the railway point of view the most 
encouraging recent development in the agitation 
of the rate-making question was the speech of 
President Roosevelt before the Texas Legisla- 
ture, in which he said : 



The proper exercise of that power is conditioned 
upon the securing of proper legislation which will en- 
able the representatives of the public to see to it that 
any unjust or oppressive discriminating rates are al- 
tered so as to be a just and fair rate, and are altered 
immediately. I know perfectly well that when you 
give that power there is a chance of its being occasion- 
ally abused. There must be a certain trust placed in 
the common sense and common honesty of those who 
are to enforce the law. If it ever falls to my lot (and I 

think it will) to nominate a board to carry out such a 
law, I shall nominate men, so far as I am able, on 
whose ability, courage, and integrity I can count, — men 
who will not be swayed by any influence whatever, di- 
rect or indirect, social, political, or any other, to show 
improper favoritism for the railroads, and who, on the 
other hand, if a railroad is unjustly attacked, no mat- 
ter if that attack has behind it the feeling of prejudice 
of 99 per cent, of the people, will stand up against that 



(Professor of Political Economy in the University of Wisconsin.) 

WHEN the record of the Wisconsin Legisla- 
ture of 1905 is summed up it will show 
a series of enactments remarkable in their 
union of progressivism and conservatism. This 
is especially true of the law regulating railway- 
charges and services. The Legislature and the 
governor, as is well known, were elected on this 
issue, after a campaign national in the interest 
aroused. This campaign, with its split in the 
Republican party and its new alignment of vot- 
ers, was the culmination of a struggle extending 
through the past ten years and marked during 
preceding legislative sessions by an anti-pass 
law, a law taxing railway companies on the full 
value of their property, and a primary-election 
law. The part enacted by Governor La Fol- 
lette in this movement was portrayed in the 
Review of Reviews for March last. The pur- 
pose of the present article is to analyze the 
railway law just passed, to point out its signifi- 
cant features, and to indicate both its likeness 
and unlikeness to similar laws in other States, 
and tlie reasons advanced therefor. 

Wisconsin was one of the four '' Granger " 
States, which in the early seventies revolution- 
ized the policies of the State governments toward 
railways. The "Potter" law of 1874 was simi- 
lar to laws enacted in the same year in Iowa and 
Minnesota, and in 1871 in Illinois. These laws 
created State railway commissions, with power 
to fix maximum rates. Coming, as they did, in 
the midst of an industrial panic and depression, 
and being admittedly crude and novel, the rail- 
way companies were able, in 1876, to secure their 
repeal in all of the Granger States except Illinois. 
The agitation, however, was renewed, and, follow- 
ing the year when the interstate-commerce law 
was enacted, the States of Iowa and Minnesota 
returned to the policy of 1874-76. A similar 

bill, introduced in the Wisconsin Legislature in 
1889 by the Hon. H. A. Taylor, afterward Pa- 
cific Railway commissioner and Assistant Treas- 
urer of the United States, came near adoption, 
but was defeated. It came up again in legisla- 
tive sessions during the nineties, but was again 
defeated. It was then held in abeyance by Gov- 
ernor La Follette and his supporters until the 
anti-pass, taxation, and primary-election laws 
could be disposed of. Finally, in the session of 
1903, following the governor's message on the 
subject, a bill was again introduced, but after a 
heated discussion in and out of the Legislature, 
including a second and special message from the 
governor, it was defeated in the Assembly. The 
record of that Legislature and of the governor 
became the issue of 1904, and there has perhaps 
never been an act of State legislation so eagerly 
studied by all the people, with such masses of 
statistics, and such detailed comparisons with 
other States, as the revised and amended law of 
1905, which came out of the proposed law of 
1903. That bill was modeled after the law of 
Iowa, but the law of 1905 profits by the experi- 
ence of all the States, and by many decisions of 
the State and federal courts. Compared with 
other laws, it is less sweeping and radical at 
some points, but more strongly bulwarked at 


This is seen in the importance attached to 
the provisions for selecting the three State rail- 
road commissioners, and in the grant of large 
powers, with wide discretion in the use of those 
powers. Both of these features are a reversal 
of the tendency shown in other States. The 
salary of each commissioner is fixed at $5,000, a 
sum more than double that of the Iowa commis- 



sioners and 40 por cent, greater tlian that of the 
Illinois commissioners. The seci'etary receives 
$*2,500, while those of adjoining States are paid 
$1,500 and $1,800. The terms of the commis- 
sioners are six years, one to be appointed eacli 
alternate year. Of course, tlie object in view is 
to keep the commission from falling into the 
hands of the railways, and to avoid such an out- 
come as that in Iowa, for example, wliere the 
commission is notoriously reputed, throughout 
Wisconsin, at least, to be composed of three men 
nominated, respectively, by the three great rail- 
way systems of that State. The contest on this 
point turned mainly on the method of selection, 
whether by popular election or by governor's 
appointment. It is quite noteworthy that the 
railways contended for election, while the gov- 
ernor and the legislative majority were for 
appointment ; and this notwithstanding tlie 
example of nine States which have changed 
from appointive to elective commissions, leaving 
only six of the States that regulate rates with 
appointive commissions, against sixteen with 
elective commissions. More especially is this 
reversal of the trend in other States noteworthy 
since Wisconsin, under the leadership of Gov- 
ernor La Follette, has just adopted a comprehen- 
sive primary-election law designed for the very 
purpose of preventing the corporations from con- 
trolling party conventions and elective officers. 

Insistence on an appointive commission by 
those who had so recently reformed, the prima- 
ries was alleged by the railway spokesmen as a 
gross inconsistency. They argued against con- 
centration of power in the hands of the exec- 
utive, and were willing to risk the election of 
radical commissioners in the present state of the 
public mind, looking to the courts for protec- 
tion, and expecting such commissioners to dis- 
credit themselves and the law and to provoke a 
reaction, as had been the case with the Potter law 
in 1876, rather than see the first commission 
appointed, by the present governor. It is felt 
on all sides that the character of these first ap- 
pointments will, more than anything else, decide 
the fate of the new law, and it is expected that 
each biennial election of a governor preceding 
the biennial appointment of a commissioner will 
keep tlie voters awake on the railway question. 
The nature of the duties and powers of the com- 
mission also indicates that selection by appoint- 
ment rather than by election will more likely 
secure men of the qualifications required. 


These duties and powers are stated in the 
broadest terms, with very little that is manda- 
tory and very much that is discretionary. In 

the first place, a l)reak again is inadf; away from 
the trend in other States, in that the commis- 
sion is not required to fix a classification of 
goods or a schedule of all rates to he charged, 
but is authorized to review any or all rates made 
by the roads, and then, after a full hearing, to 
substitute a reasonable rate. The commission 
does not lay down any rule for arriving at a 
tariff, but takes into account every element that 
has a bearing or influence on the rate. The law 
in this respect is less radical than otlier recent 
legislation, for in twelve years the number of 
States in which the commission must make com- 
plete scliedules of freight rates for each railroad 
has increased from seven to thirteen, while the 
number in which the commission may make 
specific rates has decreased from eight to seven. 
This, too, is a change from the tenor of the 
bills hitherto introduced in the Wisconsin Legis- 
lature. Perhaps no part of the proposed law 
aroused more discussion throughout the State 
than the one that led to this feature of the 
adopted law. It was on this point that many 
of the manufacturers and other shippers were 
aroused and were led to join with the roads in 
opposition to any legislation whatever. It was 
contended that a State commission could not 
take into account competitive and market con- 
ditions, because it could establish a schedule 
only upon a rigid mileage basis, — a ''distance 
tariff," so called. This would interfere with 
many industries and. localities which had been 
built up through ''special," or "commodity" or 
"group," rates, in which distance was ignored 
in order to place competitors on an equality in 
the great markets. There were also "transit" 
rates, "concentration" rates, "local" rates, and 
" terminal " rates, — altogether, a bewildering va- 
riety of peculiar rates not amenable to the me- 
chanical classification and inelastic schedules 
which a public body was assumed to be bound 
by. The governor had recommended, that the 
commission be given power to make commodity 
rates, and to vary them with the requirements 
of any situation, "assigning upon their records 
their reasons for any special exception made." 
In the final outcome, the law definitely states 
that "nothing in this act shall be construed to 
prevent concentration, commodity, transit, and. 
other special contract rates, but all such rates 
shall be open to all shippers for a like kind of 
traffic under similar circumstances and condi- 
tions, . . . provided all such rates shall be un- 
der the supervision and regulation of the com- 
mission." Thus, by leaving the initiative to the 
roads, they are free, as before, to adapt their 
rates to industrial conditions, but the commis- 
sion is at hand to check their acts if they are 



unjustly discriminatory. The roads can even 
make non-compensatory rates in order to stim- 
ulate business and increase other forms of traffic 
if they see fit to do so, — an act which, if ordered 
by a State commission, would be overruled by 
the courts. 

One feature of the law which, however, is the 
same as that in sixteen of the twenty States that 
regulate rates is the power of the commission to 
fix an absolute rate rather than to declare what 
shall be a maximum rate. It thus is made un- 
lawful as much for the company to charge less 
than the commission rate as to charge more than 
that rate. This naturally follows from the in- 
tention to prevent unjust discrimination between 
shippers and communities, — an object equally 
important with that of preventing excessive 


The theory of the new law seems to be that 
the railroads have their experts with years of 
experience in making rates and handling traffic ; 
but that no body of men, however expert, can 
be trusted in all cases and at all times to use 
their uncontrolled power, upon which the wealth 
and prosperity of the State depends, in a man- 
ner fair and reasonable. On the other hand, no 
body of men selected by the State can have the 
expert qualifications and the detailed informa- 
tion that come from daily contact with the prob- 
lems. On this account, the rates made by the 
railroads are in effect held to b*e, jjrima facie, 
reasonable and lawful. This is a radical dis- 
tinction from the laws in those States which re- 
quire the commission to fix a complete schedule 
of rates, the evident assumption there being that 
the road's rates are, prima facie, unlawful and 

These rates in Wisconsin, however, may be 
challenged, but the burden of proof is upon the 
complainant to show that they are unreasonable. 
The railroad commission is the board of review 
to investigate the complaint, with all the powers 
over witnesses, books, and testimony intrusted to 
a court of record. It gives the railroad company 
and the complainant ten days' notice of a hear- 
ing ; upon which, if it find proof that the rate is 
''unreasonable or unjustly discriminatory," it 
fixes a reasonable rate, and its order takes effect 
of its own force in twenty days after service on 
the railway officer. Thenceforth, the legal situa- 
tion is reversed. The rates fixed by the com- 
mission now in turn become, prima facie, lawful 
and reasonable, and the burden of proof is upon 
the railway company if it goes into court and 
asks that they be overruled. Upon the several 

steps involved in these provisions the contest in 
the Senate committee, where the principal strug- 
gle occurred, was prolonged and intense, and it 
is most remarkable that, starting with opposing 
views, that committee reported a bill unanimously 
which then was unanimously adopted by both 
houses and signed by the governor. 

The first step in the controversy related to the 
source of complaint against the rates or regula- 
tions of the roads. The companies contended 
that only shippers were affected, and that they 
only should be entitled to enter complaint. But 
it was shown that public interests were involved, 
and that localities might be injuriously affected. 
Consequently, the law entertains complaints "of 
any person, firm, corporation, or association, or 
of any mercantile, agricultural, or manufactur- 
ing society, or of any body politic or municipal 
organization." A railroad itself is permitted to 
make complaint against another railroad, and 
there is nothing in the law to prevent the com- 
mission from raising the rates of a road that is 
resorting to a destructive rate war. 


Next, the railroads, continuing the idea that 
the commission should be a quasi-judicial body, 
held that, conceding that it might decide on com- 
plaints, it should not itself initiate investigations. 
But the committee decided that the commission 
should be actually, what the courts have sup- 
ported legally, an arm of the Legislature, and 
gave it power, ''upon its own motion," to inves- 
tigate any rate or charge. It thus becomes the 
organ, as stated by the governor, " of the great 
body of the people of Wisconsin, who bear in 
the aggregate the principal burden of the freight 
rates," but who "could not appear before the 
commission to make complaint," nor " state their 
complaint or allege the measure of the wrong 
imposed upon them." The procedure, when ini- 
tiation is by the commission, is the same as when 
a complaint is made. 


After the commission has made its order to 
substitute a rate or to change a regulation, the 
question arises as to the status of the interested 
parties before the courts. The railroads asked 
that they should have the right of appeal, and 
that such appeal should operate to stay the or- 
der fixing the rate until a judicial decision was 
reached. They conceded that where the findings 
of the commission are sustained by the court 
the rate should take effect as of the date fixed 
by the commission's order, and that the carriers 
should make repayment of all freight rates in 
excess thereof, with interest at the legal rate ; 



yet when the roads attempted to draw np a plan 
by which these repayments could be made, it 
was found wliolly impracticable. It was agreed 
that they always have the renuMly of injunction 
anyhow. Hut the committc^e finally decided 
against tlie right of appeal, and provid(^d that 
the railroad or other party in interest miglit 
commence an action in the Circuit Court against 
the commission as defendant to vacate its order, 
on the ground tliat any rate or classification 
made is unlawful, or that any regulation or prac- 
tice prescribed is unreasonable. It might then 
be carried to the Supreme Court of the State. 
Provision is made for speedy trial. 

The grounds for this procedure were constitu- 
tional in character. If an appeal were taken, 
the court would open the case de novo, would re- 
view" the proceedings of the commission and pass 
upon its reasons, while the railroad's rates would 
continue to be, prima facie^ lawful, and the burden 
of proof would rest upon the commission. But 
by the procedure adopted the commission's rates 
are, prima facie^ lawful, the burden of proof is 
upon the railroad, and the court passes upon the 
lawfulness of the rate itself exactly as it would 
pass upon the constitutionality of a statute. The 
commission retains its rights as a legislative arm, 
and the court acts in its strictly judicial capacity 
of determining, under the constitution, whether 
the commission has exceeded its powers in estab- 
lishing a rate that is unreasonable, — that is, un- 
lawful. Incidental to this reasoning, but of great 
importance in determining the personnel of the 
commission, the latter is given a greater dignity 
than would be the case where an attorney enters 
exceptions and simply gives notice of appeal 
when the commission's rate or regulation is ad- 
verse. Of course, the road has the right of peti- 
tioning for a writ of injunction, but in that case 
it also must make out a prima facie cause, and 
the law provides that the temporary injunction, 
suspending or staying the order of the commis- 
sion, shall not be issued ex parte, but only upon 
notice to the commission and hearing. 

An interesting innovation in this procedure 
has been adopted, to the effect that if evidence 
is introduced by the railroad before the court 
different or additional to tliat offered before the 
commission the court shall transmit a copy of 
such evidence to the commission and shall allow 
fifteen days for the commission to amend or re- 
scind its order. If the commission rescinds, the 
action is dismissed ; if it amends, then the 

amended order takes the place of the original 
order, as though made by the commission in tlie 
first instance. Otherwise, judgment is rendered 
on the original order. This unifpu; provision is 
designed to induce the railroad to submit its entire 
case in the first instance to tlie commission, and 
thus to prevent the road from taking advantage 
of the commission, and thereby bringing dis- 
credit on it through repeated reversals of its 
decisions by the courts. This suggestion arose 
from knowledge of the treatment suffered by 
the Interstate Commerce Commission, and by 
commissions in other States. 


There are miscellaneous features of the law 
which can only be mentioned. It, of course, 
prohibits rebates and discrimination, pi'ovides 
for inquiry into violations, for prosecutions and 
penalties, thus giving the commission power to 
enforce its orders. It covers passenger service 
as well as freight service. It includes express 
companies, private-car companies, refrigerator 
lines, sleeping-car companies, and interurban 
electric lines. It controls all rules and regula- 
tions, switching charges, and so on, that in any 
manner affect the charge for transportation. It 
requires reasonably adequate service and facili- 
ties. It gives the commission power to require 
accounts, and especially '' copies of all contracts 
which relate to the transportation of persons or 
property, or any service in connection therewith, 
made or entered into by it with any other rail- 
road company, car company, equipment com- 
pany, express or transportation company, or any 
shipper or shippers, or other person or persons 
doing business with it." It requires to be filed 
with the commission a verified list of all passes, 
tickets, or mileage books issued free or for less 
than the full established rates in cash, together 
with the names of recipients and the amounts 
received and the reasons for issuing them. 
The commission may employ experts and fix 
their compensation, and is required to deter- 
mine the cost of construction and the value of 
physical properties, as well as various details re- 
garding indebtedness, wages and hours of labor, 
and accidents. These and the other provisions 
described place the commission in the possession 
of accurate knowledge of all facts pertaining to 
the Wisconsin business of the roads, with both 
the weapon of publicity and the reserve power 
of compulsion. 



IN the February number of the Review of 
Reviews there appeared an interesting ar- 
ticle by Mr, Edward Dana Durand upon street- 
railway fares in the United States, based largely 
upon the late Bulletin 3 of the United States 
Census Bureau. From the statistics given in 
this bulletin the author attempted to show that 
a reasonable profit could be derived from the 
street-railway business in the larger cities of 
this country if the present five-cent fare were 
abandoned in favor of something lower, — pre- 
sumably, six tickets for twenty-five cents, or, 
possibly, a straight four-cent fare. He further 
contended that a still lower fare would be just 
in some individual cases, even at the present 
time, pointing out the probability that, in most 
great cities, the future growth of traffic will 
make further reductions in fare possible from 
time to time. 

The importance of the street railway in the 
affairs of every-day life in the populous centers 
of the United States was ably shown by Mr. 
Durand. He emphasized most forcibly the im- 
provement in transportation facilities which the 
almost universal adoption of electric motive 
power has brought about, admitting that the 
average passenger gets a longer ride to-day for 
his money than he did fifteen years ago ; that 
the service is accompanied by higher speed and 
greater comfort ; that the overcrowding of our 
great cities has been lessened enormously, and, 
finally, that the street-railway service is indeed 
worth more than we have to pay for it, although 
he questioned whether we do not have to pay more 
than it fairly costs. It would seem worth while, 
therefore, to look into this matter of fares still 
more closely, and attempt to ascertain from the 
standpoint of the transportation engineer whether 
or not the present charges are too high. 

Any discussion of the rates charged by pub- 
lic-service corporations is pretty sure to resolve 
itself sooner or later into the old question, 
''What is a reasonable return upon an invest- 
ment of this character ? " Manifestly, this is a 
a difficult problem to solve. In Mr. Durand's 
article, 5 per cent, is considered adequate, on 
the ground that there is little or no risk in the 
street-railway business of a great city. There 
is certainly room for wide difference of opinion 
upon this point. Granted the economic truth 
ttet t'l?^ riate of jreturn upon an investment 

should be directly proportional to the risk, it is 
by no means clear that risk is conspicuously 
absent from the street-railway business, when 
one considers the harm which adverse franchise 
legislation is capable of doing to the symmetrical 
development and maintenance of abroad-minded 
transportation scheme in a given community. 

The tendency of legislative bodies to demand 
heavier and heavier compensation for franchise 
rights of even very limited life is familiar to 
every student of street-railway affairs. Even 
supposing that we should determine 6 per cent., 
for instance, to represent a just return upon the 
street-railway investment of a particular city, 
we have in no sense solved the problem for other 
cities, for the reason that no two cities in this 
country are identical in topography, distribution 
of population, commercial and social conditions. 
Herein lies the danger of applying average fig- 
ures to the specific problems of a particular city 
as a basis for legislation. Accurate comparisons 
are out of the question between cities of the 
peninsula type, for instance, having a compara- 
tively small track mileage and a great traffic 
density upon that mileage, and cities built upon 
the radiating plan, having a greater mileage in 
proportion to the population served and smaller 
gross receipts per capita. The analysis of traf- 
fic problems in New York bears little relation 
to the dissection of transportation facilities and 
possibilities in Boston. The density of popula- 
tion has an enormous influence upon street-rail- 
way profits, and a knowledge of these differ- 
ences in city plans and their bearing upon the 
earnings of transportation companies is abso- 
lutely essential to the theory of properly con- 
ducted transportation. Hence it is necessary to 
bear in mind that while average figures are in- 
teresting, and in many cases useful in establish- 
ing general conclusions, they must not be al 
lowed to decide important questions of detail 
until the maximum and minimum limits of the 
special problem in hand are considered. 

In connection with the question of an ade- 
quate return upon the street-railway investment 
of a large city, it is worth while to recall the 
ruling of Judge Seaman in the Milwaukee four- 
cent fare litigation of 1898. The substance of 
this ruling was that the best legal precedents 
forbade the imposition of such burdens that a 
reasonable rate of return upon the investment 



could not bo secured. Tn tlie case of limited- 
time franchises, losses of investment are pos- 
sible and indeed probable at the expiration of 
the franchise period, and such losses, in com- 
mon with all other contingencies possible to fore- 
see, should be provided for by annual charges 
upon the earnings, upon the theory that — what- 
ever happens — the investor must be guaranteed 
the return of his original investment intact be- 
fore it is proper to declare annual returns upon 
that investment. Therefore, the element of de- 
preciation must be taken into account before 
it can be determined that the apparent earn- 
ings derived from an operating enterprise are 
excessive, and there is much force also to the 
consideration which must be given to the ques- 
tion of amortizing losses from expiring fran- 
chises. A return of 6 per cent, upon loans upon 
real estate, mortgages, and similar securities is 
a common rate, and surely a better rate must 
be afforded for the risks of investment than 
can be accepted on securities of the class in 
which there is no risk. 


It is only just to Mr. Durand to state that he 
included an allowance for depreciation in esti- 
mating the total annual cost of street-railway 
service in a city of over 500,000 inhabitants, 
with the idea of determining a reasonable fare. 
The allowance which he made, however, will be 
considered further on with respect to its ade- 
quacy in the face of present-day conditions of 
operation. Meanwhile let us turn to the census 
figures themselves and see what a five-cent fare 
means in comparison with a four-cent and a 
three-cent fare applied to the street railways of 
the United States as a whole. Table 10, page 
11, of the Bulletin gives the income account of 
the companies reporting in 1902, beginning with 
gross earnings from operation of 1247,553,999. 
Assuming these earnings reduced to a five, four, 
and three-cent basis, the table becomes : 




Gross earnings from operation 

Operating expenses 





2 88 

Net earnings from operation 




Income from other sources 


Gross income less operating expenses. 
Taxes 26 




Interest 77 

Rent 51 

Miscellaneous 03 

Deductions from income . 1 .57 


Net income 


— .39 

— 1 39 




It is clear from the foregoing figures tliat 
neither a four-C(5nt fare nor a thicuj-ccait fare; a})- 
plicMJ on the electric railways of this country 
wouhl bo adequate to supi)ort the business on a 
dividend basis. Neither would be sufficicmt to 
pay opei-ating expenses and fixed charg(;s. No 
allowance except that available from the surplus 
appears in these figures to cover depreciation 
charges and other sinking funds. The claim 
that lowered fares would result in correspond- 
ingly greater earnings is not supported by Mr. 
Durand, who states that in all probability five- 
sixths of the present patronage of the street 
railways is so near compulsory in character that 
it would not be affected by a change of fares, 
while that traffic wliich may be attributed to 
pleasure or convenience is so comparatively 
small that to double or treble it would increase 
the total business by only a fraction. Recent 
experience in Cleveland shows clearly the use- 
lessness of claiming greatly increased business 
resulting from lowered fares. Tests made by 
the Cleveland Electric Railway Company in 
January and February, 1905, showed an actual 
stimulation of traffic of but 1 per cent, during 
the three-cent-zone test, and but 1.38 per cent, 
during the four-cent test. On the other hand, 
there was a loss in gross earnings of about |764 
per day with the three-cent fare in effect thir- 
teen hours per day, while the decrease in earn- 
ings during the four-cent test averaged about 
$1,375 per day. Applying these results to the 
whole system, the three-cent fare would cause 
the company a loss of over 11,000,000 per year 
if it were in effect twenty-four hours per day. 
In these tests the Cleveland company endeavored 
to get at the facts, with no intention to prove or 
disprove contentions that have been made as to 
the actual results of lowered fares. AVhile the 
tests were not entirely conclusive, they clearly 
showed the disastrous results of both three and 
four-cent fares in so far as the gross receipts 
were concerned. 


The census figures printed in the Bulletin 
clearly show that, on the average, the cost of 
carrying a passenger an indefinite distance is 
less in a great city than in a small town. It 
must not be forgotten, however, that the aver- 
age ride is probably far in excess in the case of 
the former of the distance traversed in the small 
town. The distance which one may ride for a 
single fare of five cents is many times greater 
in the former instance. Even the moderate- 
sized city offers a remarkably cheap transporta- 
tion rate per mile. It is difficult to see the 
grounds that exist for complaint in the matter 



of urban fares when for a single nickel one can 
ride ten or fifteen miles, transferring with lib- 
eral frequency at intersection points. 

Mr. Durand's statement that there has been 
no lowering of fares in most of our great urban 
communities for several decades is true so far 
as the flat rate of five cents is concerned, but in 
reality there have been many instances of the 
equivalent of lowering fares. The transfer priv- 
ilege has increased enormously in the last dec- 
ade, and this, combined with the addition of 
many miles of new trackage, gives the public so 
much more for the same money than it enjoyed 
in the early 90's or previously that the result is 
much the same as though there had been a spe- 
cific cutting in rates on the part of operating 
companies. In 1902, about 20 per cent, of the 
total passengers carried rode upon free trans- 
fers, as compared with a very small number in 
1 890. The transfer passengers form a still great- 
er proportion of the total in some of the larger 
cities of the country. During the year ending 
September 30, 1900, the Boston Elevated Rail- 
way Company carried almost 49,000,000 passen- 
gers on free transfers, the revenue passengers 
being about 201,000,000. Over 19.5 per cent, 
of the total traffic was equaled by the transfer 
business. Last year the same company carried 
139,000,000 transfer passengers, and the reve- 
nue passengers totaled about 241,000,000. The 
percentage had risen to 36.5. In St. Louis, in 
1902, the transfers were over 27.5 per cent, of 
the total, and in Baltimore, during the same 
year, the percentage was about 22. All this 
means that five cents will buy more transporta- 
tion as the transfer facilities and extensions in- 
crease, which is only another way of stating 
that rates have, to all intents and purposes, been 
lowered. In this connection it is worth men- 
tioning that the American nickel buys the cheap- 
est transportation in the world ; that in few 
large American cities is the average passenger 
ride less than three miles, or the maximum pos- 
sible less than ten ; whereas, in British cities a 
three-mile ride almost universally costs six cents. 


Granted that the cost of carrying a passenger 
in a large city is less as far as the operating ex- 
penses are concerned, it by no means follows 
that the five-cent fare is too high. The true in- 
vestment must be considered with regard to a 
reasonable return in dividends ; the amount of 
service and its quality must be accounted for ; 
and, finally, the cost of operation, including 
fixed charges, must be realized. These are diffi- 
cult quantities to determine, in some particu- 

The depreciation problem is, perhaps, the most 
difficult factor in the case. Unfortunately, little 
data of scientific value is as yet in the posses- 
sion of street-railway companies in regard to the 
proper allowance which should annually be made 
to cover that deterioration in their physical 
property which cannot be made good in the 
regular course of maintenance. 

It is evident, upon a little consideration, that 
no matter how constantly a piece of rolling stock, 
for example, may be repaii'ed and placed in 
first-class operating condition, there is certain 
to come a time when it is cast aside or sold, as 
unfit for fui'ther use. This may be due either 
to the wearing out caused by usage, or to the out- 
growing of the capacity of the equipment, as 
Mr. Durand well expresses it. The equipment 
is ever threatened with new and improved forms 
which may supersede it before it has reached 
half its theoretical age. It is difficult for the 
writer to agree with Mr. Durand's statement 
that a very moderate percentage of the value of 
the property would represent a sufficient allow- 
ance for the depreciation due to future progress 
in urban transportation. For, within the past 
decade and long since the trolley car came to 
its own, the development of the roadbed, track, 
power stations, and rolling stock has undergone 
some remarkable changes. To-day, six thousand 
dollars is a fair estimate of the cost of a new 
double-truck car equipped and ready for service, 
against half that sum in 1897, or thereabouts. 
Four-motor equipments of greater power, longer 
and heavier cars, increases in power-station ca- 
pacity, and improvements in the permanent way 
have in many instances superseded the lighter 
equipment of but a few years ago. 

In some of the larger cities the building of 
subways and elevated roads by street railways, 
or their equipment with the so-called " multiple 
unit" cars, driven by motors far exceeding in 
power per ton of car weight the equipment of 
limited express trains on steam railways and 
battleships on the sea, have introduced expenses 
literally undreamed of in the early days of elec- 
tric traction. In our greater cities, the trans- 
portation problem is so complex that no single 
type of equipment is adequate to handle it. 
Desirable as it is that equipment shall be liter- 
ally worked to death in meeting the tremendous 
demands of rapid transit in American cities of 
the first rank, it is dangerous to assume that the 
further advance of the electrical engineer and the 
street-railway manager is not to be expected. 
All this means that the apparatus now in ser- 
vice is certain to be short-lived, and that the al- 
lowance made for depreciation cannot be made 
low with safety. 




In tlio light of j)roscnt electric railway oxixu-i- 
ence, it is very diflicult to see how Mr. Dui-aiid's 
allowance of 5 per cent, simple depreciation or 
3 per cent, coniponnd interest on the invest- 
ment is adeqnate to meet the conditions of to- 
day. Several years ago, Philip Dawson, an Kng- 
lisli electric-railway engineer of distinguished 
reputation, published an exhaustive book enti- 
tled "Electric Railways and Tramways," based 
largely upon a visit to this country covering 
many months, in which he personally studied 
the American street-railway situation in great 
detail. The allowances for depreciation which 
he published as the result of his experience 
were as follows, omitting several minor items : 

Per cent. 

Building 1- 2, 

Turbines 7-9 

Boilers 8-10 

Engines (slow speed) 4-6 

Generating units (direct coupled) 4-8 

Transformers , , 5- 6 

Batteries 9 11 

Rotary converters 8-10 

Bonding 6-10 

Overhead system 3-8 

Cars 4-6 

Shop equipment 12-15 

Motors 5- 8 

Track work 7-13 

Manifestly, it is a hard problem to select a 
percentage from this or any other reliable table 
of the sort which shall be a fair allowance for 
the component parts' life. Prom 8 to 10 per 
cent, would seem to be the minimum which 
could reasonably be allowed. Three per cent, 
seems utterly out of the question in any event, 
as the. money would almost certainly be used to 
extinguish the depreciation charges long before 
even simple interest began to mount up notice- 
ably. The conditions of street-railway opera- 
tion do not, as a rule, favor such retention of 


The determination of the true investment per 
mile of track in a street railway system doing 
business in a great city is also a difficult matter. 
Mr. Durand concludes that the present electric 
surface railways of our large cities — five hun- 
dred thousand inhabitants or over — including 
even the small amount of elevated, cable, and 
underground trolley track owned by railways 
which operate chiefly on the surface with over- 
head trolley, could be completely reproduced in 
their present style at a cost of not more than 
$(30,000 per mile of track. He bases these con- 
clusions upon his interpretation of Mr. Bion J. 

Arnold's " Kcport on the (.'hicjigo Transporta- 
tion I'roblem," presented to the government of 
that municipality in \\H)'l. The writer cannot 
so interpret Mr. Arnold's figures. According 
to th(;m, it seems that "the cost of a new, n-or- 
ganized, and combined street-railway syst(;m, 
exclusive of subways, with (sverything first class 
throughout, if constructcul new, would Ix; pV.),- 
f^()0,00() for 745.81 miles of track,"— an average 
of |9:'),70() per mih;. This estimate is made up 
by Mr. Arnold as follows : 

745.81 miles of single track $:j<),370,5H7.97 

Overhead trolley and feeders 2,9.'}5,!i(J7.87 

Power plant and sub-stations, including ma- 
chinery for operating <5,(X)0 cars at 50 kw. per 
car,— power-house, 1(X),000 kw. ; sub-stations, 
200,000 kw. (power-house, $110 per kw. ; sub- 
stations, $40 per kw.) 19,(J00,000.00 

2,000 double-truck cars at $6,000 12,0(X),(XK).00 

250 snow-plows, sweepers, etc l,(X)0,fX)0.(K) 

Wagons, tools, and other equipment 169.204.16 

Power-hoTise site, centrally located 750,000.00 

15 sub-station sites, at $5,000 75,(XX).00 

Car-shop site 1(X),0(X).(X) 

20 car-house sites 400,(XX).00 

Office sites, centrally located 3(X),0fJ0.00 

Car shops, buildings, and machinery 300,000.00 

20 car-houses, at $100,0(X) 2,(KX),000.0(J 

Office building, furniture, and fixtures 400,000.00 

Total $69,800,000.00 

Or per mile 93,700.00 

While these figures apply, of course, to Chi- 
cago conditions, it is difficult to see wherein it 
would be safe to figure much lower in estimat- 
ing the investment cost of a complete modern 
overhead trolley system of anything like the 
same magnitude elsewhere. And this is because 
the allowances for the items in detail fall close 
to the line "of present conditions of expenditure 
in the practice of street railroading. In the 
case of a smaller system, the cost per mile would 
tend to increase. 


We have briefly considered the quantity and 
quality of service sold on the larger street rail- 
ways, the element of depreciation as a factor in 
fixed charges, the reasonableness of a 6 per cent, 
dividend, and the estimated cost of a represent- 
ative system per mile of track. It remains to 
discuss the last paragraph of Mr. Durand 's ar- 
ticle, in which he endeavors to prove that five 
cents is too high a fare under the conditions of 
operation in cities of the first class. I venture 
to quote this paragraph in full, as it seems to 
contain the crux of Mr. Durand's analysis : 

It has been estimated that $60,000 per mile of track 
would cover the cost of constructing and equipping the 
average surface railway in cities of more than 500,000 
inhabitants. A return of 5 per cent, on this investment 
should be adequate, in view of the fact that there is 



almost no risk in the street-railway business of a great 
city. A further allowance of 5 per cent, yearly on the 
investment should be ample to cover depreciation in all 
its forms. Interest and depreciation would thus amount 
to $6,000 per year for each mile of track. The number 
of fare passengers carried by surface lines in cities of 
the first class averages about 450,000 annually per mile, 
so that IX cents per passenger would suffice for interest 
and depreciation charges. Adding to this amount the 
3 cents required for operating expenses and payments 
to the public treasury, we have 4^ cents as a reasonable 
fare under average conditions. If, instead of 5 per cent. , 
the allowance for depreciation be fixed at 3 per cent., — 
at which rate, by compounding, a fund would be ac- 
cumulated sufficient to replace the entire plant in about 
twenty years, — a quarter of a cent could be taken off 
the fare. It is practically certain, in view of the in- 
crease of traffic which would follow a lessening of the 
charge for transportation, that the rate of six tickets 

for twenty-five cents would, in most large cities, return 
a fair profit on the capital actually invested. In those 
cities which, like New York, Philadelphia, and Balti- 
more, now demand from the street-railways consider- 
able payments for franchise privileges in addition to 
ordinary taxes, the abandonment of such requirements 
in favor of lower fares, in accordance with the principle 
now generally approved, would render a straight four- 
cent fare reasonable. A still lower charge would be 
just in some individual cases, even at the present time ; 
and it is highly probable that, in most great cities, fu- 
ture growth of traffic will make further reductions in 
fare possible from time to time. 

Assuming that 450,000 passengers per mile of 
track represents the traffic per year, it is inter- 
esting to see what happens to the five-cent fare 
under the following six sets of conditions as 
tabulated : 



per mile. 

. 93,700 
. 80,000 
. 80,000 
. 60,000 
. 60,000 

^Per cent.— ^ 

Interest. Dep'c't'n. 













Interest and de- 
preciation, cents 
per passenger. 


Balance for oper- 
ating expenses 
and taxes, cents 


Possible fare re- 
duction, operating 
expenses plus 
taxes = 3 cents. 

Operating ratio 
(taxes, .3 cent.) 



Case 1 in this table shows conclusively that if 
we are correct in assuming $93,700 per mile as 
the investment, 6 per cent, as a fair dividend, 8 
per cent, as an equitable depreciation charge, 
and taxes as .3 cent, the operating ratio must 
be only 36 per cent, in order to meet all ex- 
penses with a five-cent fare. Insurance has char- 
itably been included under taxes. Under these 
conditions the traffic must exceed 450,000 pas- 
sengers per mile, as 36 per cent, is far below 
the operating ratio feasible, or even possible, on 
a properly conducted street-railway system. In 
case 2, assuming 6 per cent, depreciation, the 
operating ratio becomes 44 per cent., — still below 
the average met in good practice. For the sake 
of illustration, case 3 assumes an investment of 
180,000 per mile, with 8 per cent, depreciation. 
Still the operating ratio remains at 44 per cent., 
and thus far there has not been the slightest 
possible margin for fare reduction, on the basis 
of Mr. Durand's allowance of 3 cents as the sum 
of operating expenses and taxes, and our revised 
figures as to investment, interest, and deprecia- 
tion. Cutting down the depreciation to 6 per 
cent, in case 4, the operating ratio becomes 52 
per cent., which is reasonable in some cities and 
inadequate in othei's. Finally, if we accept $60,- 
000 as a proper investment per mile for the sake 
of the resulting figures, case 5, we find that if 
we neglect the setting aside of any sinking 
funds to redeem outstanding bonds, or provide 

for unusual accidents, strikes, etc., a tenth of a 
cent can be cut from the five-cent fare with an 
operating ratio of 56 per cent., enabling the 
wholesale buyer of transportation to purchase 
20.4 rides for one dollar ; while in case 6, the 
allowance of 6 per cent, depreciation means an 
operating ratio of 62 per cent, and 21.7 fares 
per dollar. The difficulty of applying such ratios 
widely is easily apparent from the single case of 
the Boston Elevated Railway Company, whose 
operating ratio closely approximates 70 per cent. 
It is only necessary to investigate the pecul- 
iar conditions of operation which exist m dif- 
ferent cities to become convinced that the hap- 
hazardism of averages is an unsafe basis of 
fare reduction. Lowering of fares on urban 
systems cannot be undertaken under present- 
day conditions without gross injustice to both 
the public and the street railways. To the 
street railways the pinch would come in un- 
reasonably low returns upon the investment, 
while the public would be forced to endure in- 
ferior service because the companies could not 
afford to continue their business on the present 
liberal scale. The writer believes that any con- 
siderable reduction in fares from those at present 
in force would ultimately lead to the demand 
for the restoration of the old rates, on the ground 
that the American people, — at least, those living 
in tlie great cities, — prefer good service at five 
cents to poor accommodations at any lower rate. 


(McVickar Professor of Political Economy, Columbia University.) 

ON June 3, 1905, a mortgage- tax law was 
enacted by the State of New York, to 
take effect on July 1, 1905. This tax has 
aroused widespread interest. It may best be 
discussed under four heads: (1) What is the 
mortgage tax ? (2) Why was it imposed ? (3) 
What will be its probable effects ? (4) What 
are its relations to the problem of tax reform 
in New York and throughout tlie country ? 

In New York, as in most of the American 
States, mortgages have always been taxable as a 
constituent element in a man's property. Under 
the general property tax, individuals are assess- 
able upon their entire property, personal as well 
as real. As a matter of fact, however, the at- 
tempt to assess personal property has become 
more and more unsuccessful, until in the larger 
industrial centers of the United States practi- 
cally no attempt is made to assess mortgages. 
In some States, mortgages are now specifically 
exempt by law. In other States, more or less 
strenuous but equally unavailing attempts are 
made to reach mortgages. Under the "hit-and- 
miss " method of most of the American common- 
wealths, mortgages are sometimes assessed when 
they are brought to the specific attention of the 
assessor, but otherwise escape. 

The new law frees mortgages from taxation 
under the general property tax at the local rate, 
which is changed from year to year and varies 
in the different counties in New York from $1.50 
to $2.50 per $1,000. In place of this an annual 
specific tax at the rate of -| of 1 per cent, is im- 
posed upon all new mortgages after July 1, 
1905, with the exception of bonds and mort- 
gages issued by the State or local divisions, 
mortgages issued to the commissioners of the 
United States Deposit Fund (which consists of 
a few million dollars remaining from the distri- 
bution of the surplus revenue of 1836), mort- 
gages of corporations or associations organized 
exclusively for charitable, religious, or educa- 
tional purposes, and mortgages to the extent of 
$3,000 executed by the members of local build- 
ing, loan, and saving associations. The tax is 
computed from the date of recording to the fol- 
lowing July 1 or prior due date of mortgage, 
and is payable at the recording office when the 
mortgage is offered for record ; a receipt for 
the tax must be indorsed upon the mortgage 

and recorded therewith. Thereafter the tax is 
payable annually at the same recording office 
until the mortgage is satisfied. If there is any 
understanding or agreement by which the mort- 
gagor is bound to pay the tax, the mortgage is 
rendered void. This provision, which does not 
apply to corporate mortgages, is unfortunate in 
that it is apt to put the lender at the mercy of 
an unscrupulous borrower. 

The point to be emphasized is this : That 
whereas the old tax was honored in the breach 
rather than in the observance, the new tax is so 
carefully framed, and the provisions for collec- 
tion and administration are so elaborate, that 
there is no doubt but that the tax actually will 
be paid. Some doubt is expressed, however, as 
to whether tlie tax can be collected from non- 
resident holders of New York mortgages. The 
law attempts to give the debt a situs for taxa- 
tion in New York. It does not do this in the 
same way as the Oregon law, which was upheld, 
nor in the same way as the Pennsylvania law, 
which was successfully resisted by non-resident 
holders of the bonds of a Pennsylvania corpo- 


The second question now arises, — why was the 
tax imposed? The answer is simple. The pol- 
icy of the State of New York, for reasons to be 
mentioned further on, has been, for the past few 
years, to separate the sources of State and local 
taxation, or at all events to restrict the imposi- 
tion of the general property tax to local prop- 
erty and to obtain State revenue from other 
sources. Under this scheme, the State revenues 
were secured from the inheritance tax, from 
corporation taxes, and from a part of the liquor- 
license tax. The expenditures of the State have, 
however, been increasing faster than the reve- 
nue from these sources, and it has become neces- 
sary to supplement the State revenue by new 
taxes. Thus, a year or two ago a tax was im- 
posed upon trust companies and savings-banks, 
and this year upon stock-exchange transactions. 
Even these, however, did not suffice, and it was 
for this reason that a new source of revenue 
was sought in the mortgage tax. As mortgages 
were, however, sometimes assessed in the coun- 
try districts, the local "up-State" divisions were 



loath to abandon entirely tliat source of reve- 
nue, and a compromise was reached whereby 
the proceeds of the new mortgage tax are to be 
divided equally between the State and the local 
divisions. The country districts calculate that 
half the proceeds of a tax at the rate of ^ of 1 
per cent, will be greater than the proceeds of 
the old tax as a part of the general property 
tax at the threefold or fivefold higher rate ; for 
the new tax will be collected, while the old tax 
was collected only in very small part. 


Thirdly, what will be the probable result of 
the tax ? That is, what will be the revenue from 
the tax, and who will bear the burden ? So far 
as the revenue is concerned, nothing but vague 
calculation can be made. It must be remem- 
bered that the tax applies only to new mort- 
gages, although there is a provision whereby the 
owners of old mortgages can take advantage of 
the law if they so choose. What the actually 
existing amount of mortgages in New York State 
now is, it is almost impossible to estimate with 
accuracy. In all probability there are between 
two thousand and three thousand millions of 
dollars of mortgages. From this amount, how- 
ever, must be deducted the railway and other 
corporation mortgages, as well as other mort- 
gages of long standing. The value of new mort- 
gages that are recorded in New York varies 
from year to year. In 1904, mortgages to the 
value of about four hundred and fifty millions 
were recorded in Greater New York, and as it 
is commonly estimated that the New York City 
mortgages comprise considerably more than two- 
thirds of the entire amount in the State, this 
would mean somewhat over six hundred millions 
for the entire State. During the first five months 
of the year 1905, the value of mortgages re- 
corded in New York City was considerably 
greater, owing to the real-estate boom in the 
Bronx and elsewhere. A conservative estimate 
of ordinary new mortgages during the next few 
years is therefore between six hundred and 
eight hundred millions of dollars for the whole 
State. This is, of course, exclusive of any new 
bond issues by important corporations owning 
real estate in New York. On this basis, the total 
yield of the tax at the rate of ^ of 1 per cent, 
would be between one and one-half and two 
millions of dollars the first year, and between 
four and one-half and six millions of dollars the 
second year, increasing annually until the maxi- 
mum is reached in from seven to 'ten years, 
when the revenue will be from ten to fifteen 
millions of dollars a year. The revenue which 
would accrue to the State would be in every 

case one-half the total revenue. The first year, 
the revenue to the State will be less than one 
million dollars, — a rather insignificant sum when 
compared with the total State expenditure, and 
far less than is secured from the corporation 
tax, the transfer tax, or the liquor-license tax. 
If, however, the law stands the test of litigation 
and remains in force for five years, the proceeds 
will be so large that the mortgage tax will as- 
sume a place as the most important revenue- 
producing tax in the State. 


The other point is one of considerably greater 
interest. Who w^ill bear the burden of the tax ? 
Here there are two sharply defined opinions. 
The ordinary man thinks that a tax on property 
must be borne by the property-owner, and that 
therefore a tax on mortgages must be borne by 
the man who owns the mortgage, — that is, by 
the capitalist who lends the money to the owner 
of the real estate. The advocates of the other 
view, however, claim that this is a very naive 
opinion. As all those who are acquainted with 
economic principle, and who have made a study 
of the incidence of taxation, well know, a special 
tax on mortgages, they think, is borne by the 
borrower, and not by the lender. If all prop- 
erty were taxed with mathematical equality, as 
is the theory of the general property tax, there 
could be no shifting of the tax, because there 
would be no other property in which the lender 
could invest and thus escape taxation. But 
there can be no such present equality in practice, 
and especially under existing conditions of taxa- 
tion in America there is not even an approach 
to the equal taxation of all property-owners. 
There are a thousand and one ways in which 
a capitalist can invest his money without being 
taxed. The consequence is that the lenders 
will refuse to invest their money in mortgages 
unless the tax be paid by the borrower. Thus, 
we see these two opposite opinions, — one that 
the tax will be borne by the lender, the other 
that the tax must be borne by the borrower. 

As between these two theories, the truth lies 
somewhere in the middle. AYliere the mortgage 
tax is newly imposed as a special and exclusive 
tax, there is no doubt that the second opinion is 
correct, — i.e., that the tax is borne by the bor- 
rower. But in the case of the new mortgage 
tax in New York there are some important and 
interesting countervailing circumstances. In the 
first place, while it is true that mortgages have 
been almost entirely exempt in New York City, 
they have sometimes been assessed in the coun- 
try districts. There has always been the risk 
that the assessor would hit upon that particular 




mortgage, and iip-country lenders liave always 
insisted upon being insured against this possible 
risk. Competent authorities have estimated this 
insurance premium at about ^ of I per cent., — 
that is, the interest rate on countiy mortgages 
has been about ^ of 1 per cent, iiiglier tlian on 
corresponding property elsewliere. Under the 
new law, this insurance premium against risk 
will disappear ; but its place will be taken by the 
tax, so that, to the extent that this element is 
concerned, the interest rate is not likely to rise 
much. If it were not for the fact that this argu- 
ment of insurance premium does not apply to 
the cities, where the great mass of mortgages 
are recorded, there would be no rise at all in the 
interest rate. 


But now comes a second consideration. Every 
year, large fortunes are left in trust by people 
who die. Under the law, these trust estates can 
be invested only in government bonds, certain 
prime railway securities, and mortgages on real 
estate. It is notorious that the great mass of 
personal property that is actually reached in 
our large cities consists of such trust estates. 
As the income from government bonds is very 
small, and as corporate bonds in general are sub- 
ject to the local property tax at the ordinary 
high local rate, it is probable that mortgages 
bearing from 4 to 6 per cent, interest will be- 
come a favorite investment with trust estates, 
inasmuch as even if they were to pay the new 
tax there would still be a substantial surplus. 
The increasing supply of capital loanable on 
mortgages in this way would in itself tend to 
reduce the rate of interest, or at all events to 
prevent the entire amount of the tax from being 
added to the rate of interest. If, therefore, we 
consider both these points, — ^.e., the elimination 
of the insurance premium in country mortgages 
and the increased supply of loanable capital for 
city mortgages, — we reach the conclusion that 
under actual conditions in New York there is 
little likelihood of any appreciable increase in 
the rate of interest due to the tax. There is, 
indeed, no doubt that an effort will be made by 
the lenders to add the tax to the rate of interest. 

Most of the mortgages in New York are taken 
out by builders of tenements and flats. It might 
seem that the usury law in New York, which 
restricts the rate of interest to 6 per cent., would 
prevent the borrowers from paying more than 
6 per cent., and in some cases from procuring 
loans at all. This difficulty, however, can easily 
be overcome by the incorporation of building 
companies, for the usury laws, as another ab- 
surd result of modern development, are relaxed 

in favor of corporations, if thr; lenders should 
be able to add the tax to tlu; interest rate, the 
result would Ix; to clieck to tliat extent build- 
ing o[)(!rations and to increase rents, which would 
have as a consequence a still furtiier congestion 
in housing conditions. But even at the worst, 
an increased rate of ^ of 1 per cent, would not 
make a very decided difference, and if the above 
analysis has any validity at all, the chances are 
that the fears of the real-estate interests are 
largely unfounded, and that there will be scarcely 
any increase in the rate of interest on mortgages. 
Of course, it is quite true that if mortgages 
were entirely exempt the rate of interest would 
then fall by the amount of the discontinued tax, 
so that a complete exemption of mortgages 
would in the long run somewhat lower rents 
for the tenement dwellers. So far, however, as 
the practical results of the new tax are con- 
cerned, it is difficult to see an additional hard- 
ship upon any existing class. 


We come finally to a consideration of the 
mortgage tax in relation to the whole problem 
of tax reform. There is no doubt that the theory 
of the New York reform methods is in many 
respects sound. The use of the general prop- 
erty tax for both State and local purposes is un- 
desirable for two reasons. In the first place, 
where the State rate is based upon local valua- 
tions there is always a mad race in each county 
to keep the valuations down to the lowest figures, 
in order to diminish to that extent its propor- 
tion of the State tax. This has led to all manner 
of unseemly disputes and bickerings between 
the counties, and to glaring inequalities which 
have been only very inadequately remedied by 
the State Board of Equalization. By abolishing 
the general property tax for State purposes, all 
these disputes at once disappear, and each local- 
ity is then free to fix its valuation of property 
at any proportion of true value that it chooses. 
For as long as only a local tax must be raised, 
it makes no difference. whether we have a high 
rate with a low valuation or a low rate with a 
high valuation. It is partly for this reason that 
the long-continued effort to procure the assess- 
ment of real estate at full value in the city of 
New York resulted, in 1903, in raising the valu- 
ations to 80 or 90 per cent, of the true value. 

The second point is, that as long as the gen- 
eral property tax is used both for State and for 
local purposes it is impossible to secure any 
change in the administration of the tax. Yet 
it is a notorious fact that the general property 
tax is everywhere getting to be less and less 
successful in the United States, as an inevitable 



result of economic changes, and that in our large 
industrial centers it has become a complete farce. 
Wherever any attempts are made by more in- 
quisitorial methods, — as, for instance, by the 
listing system or the ferret system, — to enforce 
taxation of personal property, the only result is 
to increase perjury instead of increasing revenue. 
The crying need, therefore, of modern American 
conditions is to prepare the way for the abolition 
of the personal-property tax and its replacement 
by something more equable and more suited to 
modern economic life. 



This, then, was the theory of the New York 
separation of State and local revenues, — the 
relegation of the property tax to the localities, 
with a prospect of gradually changing the local 
method, and on the other hand the dependence 
by the State on the so-called indirect taxes, — an 
unhappily chosen phrase of Governor Odell. In 
the working out of this scheme, however, one 
serious mistake was made. The older system, 
vicious as it was, possessed this great advan- 
tage, — it was elastic and self - regulative. If 
the State needed more revenue, it simply in- 
creased the rate on the general property. Un- 
der the new system, however, specific or per- 
centage taxes were introduced in the place of 
the old apportioned tax, — that is, a rate of so 
much per cent, was imposed on inheritances and 
corporations, and a specific rate on excises, etc., 
and this rate remained the same from year to 
year. There was hence a fundamental lack of 
elasticity. In England, this elasticity is pro- 
vided by the income tax, the rate of which 
varies from year to year. Under the old New 
York system, the elasticity was provided by the 
property tax. Under the new system, there is 
no elasticity, and as the State expenditures in- 
crease it becomes more and more necessary to 
search out new sources of State revenue. Under 
actual political conditions, this means that the 
Legislature, dominated .by the rural representa- 
tives, will select taxes that fall primarily on the 
cities, and we may hence expect that the con- 
troversies of the past year or two in connection 
with the tax on trust companies, on stock sales, 
and on mortgages will grow in intensity and im- 
portance as new taxes are selected from year 
to year. 

This is an unfortunate state of affairs, and 
will, if persisted in, lead to ultimate disaster. 
Every modern system of taxation must possess 
the element of elasticity. There is one scheme 
that has been suggested by tlie New York Tax 
Reform Association in New York and Ohio, and 
which has been put into partial operation in the 
State of Oregon, which would bring about this 
result. This is a method of apportioning the 
State tax and granting local option in determin- 
ing the subjects of local taxation. It rests 
upon the idea that the necessary revenues may 
be derived by making each locality contribute 
to the State revenues in proportion to its 
own expenditures. The scheme possesses four 
advantages. First, it would provide elasticity, 
as did the old system ; second, it would tend 
to keep down State expenditures, because each 
locality would be interested in the control of 
State finance, — an interest which is now fast 
being lost ; third, it would tend to keep down 
local expenditures ; and, fourth, it would enable 
each locality to raise its revenues in any way 
that seemed best to it, and would put a stop to 
the conflicts between country and city. If the 
rural districts desired to maintain the personal- 
property tax, they could do so ; if the large cities 
desired to substitute something else, they would 
be equally free to follow their bent. 

The general conclusion, therefore, is that 
while the new mortgage tax is by no means so 
harmful a piece of legislation as is represented 
by some, and while it is probably destined to 
become the most important source of revenue 
in the State, from the broad point of view it 
nevertheless represents a tendency which has 
in some respects gone to undue lengths. It 
is to be hoped that the controversies aroused 
by the mortgage and stock - sales tax in New 
York may lead the legislators to reconsider 
their opinion. The chief sources of present 
State revenue — the corporation tax, the in- 
heritance tax, and liquor license — have prob- 
ably come to stay. Would it not be the 
part of wisdom to rely for the additional rev- 
enues of the future upon a method v/hich is at 
once more elastic and more promising of ulti- 
mate reform ? The situation in New York is 
all the more interesting because it is typical of 
the conditions which will soon confront the other 
States of the Union, as they evolve from agri- 
cultural to industrial communities. 


(Member of the Paris Municipal Council and of the General Council of the Seine.) 

BY far the most agreeable of all the recollec- 
tions of my recent tour in the United States 
is the excellent education and tlie admirable in- 
telligence of the American woman. I was par- 
ticularly well pleased with her knowledge of and 
her interest in the literature of France. 1 know 
of no other part of the world, with the possible 
exception of Russia, where the women so gener- 
ally speak the French language, and where the 
study of our literature is so closely followed as 
it is m America. I must say here that I con- 
sider the education of the American woman in- 
finitely superior to that given in France. This 
is especially noticeable in the case of young girls, 
who, more often than not, are extremely well- 

Owing to the fact that the American man 
spends most of his time in business, traveling to 
his office early in the morning and not returning 
until late at night, and having, in addition, the 
attraction of his clubs, the American woman is 
left a great deal to her own devices. She has a 
large amount of time to dispose of as she wills. 
This time she occupies largely in reading and in 
keeping au courant with the events of the day. 
This fact is largely the cause of the prodigious 
success of American magazines knd reviews, a 
success which is certainly well deserved. It is 
the American woman who buys and reads the 
periodical literature in the United States, and 
determines its tone. 


The American woman is deeply interested in 
French literature. The number of women in the 
United States who speak French fluently is con- 
siderable, and I shall never forget the delightful 
hours spent in many charming American homes 
in the large cities of the country, discussing art 
and literature. There is one fact, however, which 
I cannot explain, — that is, the extraordinary se- 
lection of French books which, as a rule, I find 
lying around in American libraries. 

Many times, in positive amazement, I have 
asked my amiable hostess how she came to pos- 
sess those copies of some of the most disgusting- 
novels published during the year, the titles of 
which I do not care to mention for fear of ad- 
vertising them further. The reply was always 

to the effect that the volume had been purchased 
at a well-known bookseller's as one of the lat(;st 
Parisian novelties, the lady adding that her na- 
ture had more than revolted at its broad, un- 
healthy tone. This acknowledgment was always 
followed by the request "Do tell us what French 
books we ought to read and what ones we can 
give to our daughters." 

It is a difficult and somewhat embarrassing 
task to answer such a question, for there is no 
more delicate undertaking than that of counselor 
in such matters. I, therefore, usually tried to 
escape responsibility by suggesting a few of the 
classic novels which every one in France knows 
by heart. Alas ! I was generally met with tlui 
statement : " Oh, we read that long ago. The 
book has been translated into English, and, be- 
sides, we read it in the original text. What we 
really want is a list of new books, moral ones ; 
for, surely, all the actual literary productions of 
France cannot be like this example." 


Of course, all our French writers to-day are 
not indecent ; but I must acknowledge that most 
of our modern writers, unlike those of England 
and America, have almost entirely abandoned 
the sentimental novel, to devote themselves to 
illegitimate love in all its phases. I might add, 
that a large number, also, make a far too real- 
istic and too attractive picture of vice ; that the 
^^ 7iaturaliste" school has been a little too prom- 
inent of late years, and, finally, that certain 
French writers have manifested an unhealthy 
talent for depicting and exaggerating the hid- 
den side of Parisian life. But, happily for our 
moral and for our literary excellence, these 
writers are in the small minority. AVe have a 
brilliant circle of authors who hold it their duty 
to defend our literary prestige, and who are 
proving worthy of their task. 

Why is it that the very books a French woman 
would not admit to her home must be the ones 
that find their way across the ocean into the 
homes of American women, who, half the time, 
do not understand them, but upon whom they 
leave a most deplorable impression of our French 
literature ? I have searched in vain for an ex- 
planation. Here is the only possible one : as a 



rule, the publishers bring out a larger edition 
of their immoral novels, and evidently they pre- 
fer such to form the greater part of what they 
call ''^literature tV exportation ^ 


But to answer the questions of my American 
friends who are anxious to read good French 
novels. Need I recall, even briefly, the names 
already so well known in America — Paul Bour- 
get, Anatole France, Pierre Loti, Rene Bazin, 
Paul Hervieu, Marcel Prevost, and others ? These 
are the worthy successors of Maupassant, Gon- 
court, Zola, and Daudet, although I certainly 
would not say that their works ought to be left 
in the hands of the young and unsophisticated. 
A judicious selection can easily be made. For 
example, it is certain that some of Zola's books, 
such as ^'Le Reve," "La Faute de I'Abbe Mou- 
ret," ''Une Page d'Amour," give us a delight- 
ful impression of the charm and poetry of the 
author's genius, whereas "Nana," "La Bete 
Humaine," " L'Assommoir," and others, not- 
withstanding the real talent they display, can 
only sicken a delicate mind by their too-evident 
search for degrading realism. Is there any 
more charming book than " Lettres de Mon 
Moulin," by Alphonse Daudet? I looked for 
them in vain in America. No one knew them. 
This is a great pity, for they are each one a 
veritable jewel in its way, and far superior to 
" Sapho," the presentation of which on the stage 
recently caused such a tempest of indignation 
in New York. 

While speaking of Alphonse Daudet, I must 
not forget to mention his son, Leon Daudet, who 
lias so richly inherited from the paternal genius. 
Although still young, he is a member of the 
Goncourt Academy, and his triumphs are in- 
numerable. It would almost seem as if the name 
of Daudet brought with it literary gifts. The 
brother of Alphonse, Ernest, is a remarkable his- 
torian and a charming novelist ; while Madame 
Daudet, the widow of Alphonse, has published a 
book of " Souvenirs," the inspiration of which 
proves an undeniable literary temperament. 
Everything, indeed, written by a Daudet is worth 

George Sand is, to my mind, not so well 
known in America as her great genius merits. 
Even in this great Paris, where every one and 
everything is so quickly forgotten, her books 
are still extremely popular. " La Petite Fa- 
dette," "Claudie," "Fran9ois le Champi," " Con- 
suelo,'' and " La Mare au Diable " are master- 
pieces which should be in every library, and 
which old and young alike can read. 

But, my questioners will say, none of these are 
exactly novelties. Very true. But what is really 
beautiful remains eternally beautiful, and, in 
order to speak of modern authors, we must turn 
our attention to those, unfortunately, very much 
inferior to George Sand. While I still speak 
of past works, however, let me not forget one 
whose success has not diminished by lapse of 
time. I refer to " Le Crime de Sylvester Bon- 
nard," by Anatole France, a delicious story full 
of tenderness, charm, and emotion. 

I want to mention Andre Theuriet, a true ro- 
mancer, whose novels are full of poetry and senti- 
ment, and can be left unhesitatingly in any hands. 
Gustavo Drog has amused us, and can amuse 
any who will give themselves the trouble to read 
his " Monsieur, Madame, et Bebe " or " Mme. 
Femme Genante," but he is especially captivating 
in a delicious volume entitled " Tristesses et 
Sourires." This last is not a novel, but a series 
of observations so cleverly and daintily penned 
that it can be reread many times. 

Victor Cherbuliez and Leon de Tinseau can 
be recommended without hesitation, as can also 
Edouard Rod, who becomes more and more em- 
inent as a psychological analyst. And Huys- 
manns, what an admirable writer he has become 
within the past few years ! His " Cathedrale " is 
a treasure of learning and beauty. 


I must not forget to remind American women 
that our women of France have not remained 
outside the literary movement. Among the 
French writers of the gentler sex, I would first 
mention Jeande la Brete, whose book entitled 
" Mon Oncle et Mon Cure " is a dainty master- 
piece which has been crowned by the French 
Academy. But especially would I speak to Ameri- 
cans of Madame Bentzon, who has written two 
books of notes and observations, " Femmes 
d'Amerique " and " Les Americaines chez Elles." 
I have heard a number of American women 
say that these volumes show on the part of the 
author, not only a clear insight into the feminine 
nature, but also a particular discernment into 
the special complexities of American feminine 

Before concluding, let me say once more how 
deeply I admire America's young women who, 
in the never-ceasing desire to improve their minds, 
cultivate their literary tastes and capacities to 
such a high degree. What an example for our 
young French women, whom I would like to see 
take more interest in the literatures of England 
and America and appreciate both as they deserve 
French women need just such a stimulus. 



ANALYZING tlie victory of Admiral Togo 
in the battle of the Sea of Japan, Mr. Park 
Benjamin (writing in the Independent) finds a 
number of lessons for us of the United States in 


(From a sketch made by a French artist before the battle 
of the Sea of Japan.) 

the actual battle and the conditions which made 
it possible. In the first place, he refers to Japan's 
well-known rule that her ships shall fight as near 
as possible to her own coast. Pointing out the 
advantage to the Japanese ships to be near their 
home ports, and the disadvantage to the Rus- 
sians to have to sail around the world, Mr. Ben- 
jamin applies the lesson to the American navy 
in these words : 

One of the strongest parts of ournavy is the Atlantic 
Ocean ; another is the Pacific. Hostile fleets, to attack 
us, must cross them. Clearly, it is better to do our sea 
fighting at home — as Togo did. That also makes for a 
smaller navy, since two fleets, one to go off on excur- 
sions and the other to defend the coast, will not be 

lie analyzes the Russian losses, and revises 
the (istimato of Japan's position among naval 
nations. Russia failed, he points out, Ijecauscj 
she regarded a great navy as being made up of 
many ships, forgetting that it must also be made 
up of good sailors. The replacing of ships 
alone can never insure an efficient navy, he says. 

A battlesliip can be built in forty month.s, but it 
takes seventy-two months to render a man, otherwise 
qualified, fit for the lowest naval rank, and nearly 
twenty years to educate a competent naval commander. 
These are the periods required, observe, when the raw 
material comes from a stock bred to the sea, and when 
training is conducted under the traditions and disci- 
pline of the natural sailor races. To these the Russians 
do not belong, nor have they ever followed the Anglo- 
Saxons in sea discipline and traditions. . . . It is a new 
navy of men that Russia will have to raise up ; not 
merely a navy of ships. 

Continuing the analysis, and dilating upon 
the importance of the part played by torpedo 
boats and submarines in the action, he says : 

Again has been proved the vulnerability of the huge 
battleship. Again it has been proved that the most 
complicated aggregation of mechanism that the hu- 
man mind has ever produced can certainly be sent to 
the bottom by a few score pounds of explosive detonated 
against her under-water hull. Another fact to be noted 
is that the heavy superstructures of the battleships 
did not prevent wholesale slaughter of their crews and 
prompt destruction of ammunition hoists and other 
vital mechanisms. The men who escaped from the 
Borodino liken her decks to shambles, and yet here 
was a vessel in which the crew were mainlj^ disposed in 
no less than eight separate armored turrets. Conceive 
the frightful slaughter which would occur in such ves- 
sels as our Kearsarge or Kentucky, where most of the 
crew is massed in a single huge, weakly protected com- 
partment. . . . And, finally, this great action was won, 
not by a huge fleet of battleships, but by four, supple- 
mented by eight armored cruisers. No stronger evi- 
dence could be adduced in favor of the contention that 
what we need is not a vast battleship force capable of 
overwhelming that of any foreign nation by mere num- 
bers, but an adequate fleet, far smaller, but of the high- 
est possible efficiency in both material and men. 

He compliments the Japanese upon their pre- 
paredness for war and the astuteness of their 
strategy. The personnel of the Japanese navy, 
he declares, has much to do with the dash and 
vigor of the Japanese attack. Togo's victory 
was won by his men, he reminds us. 



The average age of the Japanese commanding offi- 
cers is between forty and forty -four years. All the 
Japanese rear-admirals are less than fifty years of age. 
Togo himself is forty-eight. [This is an error. Admi- 
ral Togo was born in 1851. He is therefore in his fifty- 
fifth year. — Editor.] The men who handled the smaller 
vessels and torpedo boats are much younger. Our navy 
is officered by old men, — too old to be of any use in war. 
Our youngest rear-admiral is older than Togo. The 
average age of our captains is thirteen years beyond 
that of the Japanese captains. Our youngest captain, 
if in the Japanese navy, would long since have been 
superannuated. All of our captains are fifty-five years 
and over. We are not properly educating the younger 
men, because we are giving to these old men the experi- 
ence in command. The first thing that we should do 
in the event of war would be to relieve them and put 
the young men in their places. In the great fieet which 
we have already collected a battleship is commanded 
by a captain over sixty-one years of age, who has less 
than a year to serve before he is retired by law. His 
past service record has been excellent, but what is the 
use of further educating him ? While in most profes- 
sions a man at sixty -one is far from being worn out, 
this is not true of the naval career, and less true than 
ever now, when the strain upon physical endurance is 
greater than ever. 

The remedy for this lack in our navy which 
Mr. Benjamin suggests is a rather drastic one, 

that is to remove at once from the active list of the navy 
every officer of command rank who is over fifty years 
of age and promote their juniors to their places. Even 
then the admirals and captains will have had more 
than a quarter of a century's service. There is no les- 
son of the recent great battle which is plainer than this. 
If the next war must find us with incompetent men in 
the navy, it is better that they should be filling vacan- 
cies in the lower grades than among the commanders, 
who directly hold in their keeping the honor and safety 
of the nation. 

His last point is the emphasis laid by the 
Japanese upon secrecy as to their naval plans. 
Their success in preventing any knowledge of 
the whereabouts of Togo's fleet getting abroad 
has been wonderful and a great tribute to the 
patriotism of the whole nation. 

There was probably no information more eagerly 
sought for by the press of the entire world ; and it is 
certain that to any one able to give it a price would 
have been paid which might well seem a fortune in it- 
self. Yet out of the thousands of Japanese who could 
have said where that fleet was, out of the unknown 
number who must have been tempted with the magni- 
tude of the possible reward, not one told. Japan can 
well be proud of her victory, but she can be even prouder 
of the unswerving fidelity of her people. 


THREE reasons are given by Count Okuma, 
in an article in a recent number of the 
Jiji Shimpo^ of Tokio, for the achievements of 
Japan in her path of progress, and particularly 
in her present war with Russia. Count Okuma, 
of course, always uses the term " Nippon," which 
is the name the Japanese themselves have for 
their country. In the first place, he says, Nip- 
pon is tlie country of the gods ; secondly, she 
has had a particularly favorable geographical 
position and peculiarly advantageous character- 
istics in her people ; in the third place, she has 
reaped great advantages from the centuries she 
spent under the feudal regime. 

Ever since the gods established the eight 
states [the original provinces of the island em- 
pire] and sent down into them a race of men, — 
that is, for three thousand years, — Nippon has 
never forgotten that she is the land of the 
gods. Tliis dominant conviction, holding sway, 
as it does, over the imagination of the people of 
Nippon, together with that other conviction that 
the reign of the Emperor is as eternal as heaven 
and earth, have brought forth a nation and a na- 
tional consciousness the like of which cannot be 
found in the rest of the world. "The history of 
Nippon is innocent of a man guilty of treason." 
It is true that history accuses a number of Sho- 

guns of treason, but they were only guilty of 
abusing the generous confidence of their sov- 
ereigns, and by no means could they be charged 
with the crime of treason as it is commonly 
understood by the rest of the world. 

Indeed, in the criminal code of modern Nippon there 
is no form of punishment provided for treason. Of 
what other civilized state can this be said ? Moreover, 
the person of his majesty and the functions of his gov- 
ernment have a sacredness about them such as in other 
civilized states is ascribed to the holy rites of religion ; 
and the people of Nippon look upon their duty to their 
sovereign prince and state as something quite as sacred 
as those to any of the gods of heaven. Our religious 
attitude was voiced many years ago by Sugawara 
Michizane in the couplet : "If only your heart be true, 
even though you pray not the gods will hear." 

Geography has been partial to Nippon. " The 
waters which have separated us from the conti- 
nent have also protected us from the avarice 
and struggles of continental states during the 
Dark Ages." 

Because the early ambitions of conquerors found it 
difficult to invade us in their primitive vessels, we have 
been saved from many a vortex in political struggle 
and storm, in which so many of the states of ancient 
China found their grave. 

Equatorial currents, tides, and even monsoons, 
have contributed to the making of the present 



Nippon. Out of thn fusion of divors races and 
the ages of planning and evolution has come the 
present state. 

Through the intermingling of many alien stocks of 
men, the people of Nippon have been al)le to take bravery 
from the make-up of the Tatar of the north, and to 
extract from the Malay of the south characteristics 
which have lielped ns in colonizing and absorbing the 
literature and line arts of China. . . . Eclecticism in 
religion, and the broad-mindedness with which the 
modern Nippon is welcoming at one and the same time 
the truths that are in Buddhism, in Confucianism, and 
in Christianity, is one of the fruits of our ethical and 
philosophical horizon, which has been widened by the 
mingling of many peoples. Above all have we been 
blessed with the most precious gift of the gods, simpli- 
city, — simplicity in taste, in thought, and in life. 

One of the prominent characteristics of the 
people of Nippon is that which, emphasizes 

loyalty, courage, politeness, and tin; sense of 
honoi-. It is calhid hushido, tin; way of tin; 
Samurai. It is a mistake, liowever, to speak of 
this Imshido as though it were confined exclu- 
sively to tlie Samurai. Tlie ideals soon pene- 
trated to the consciousness of tlui whoh; people. 

Through many centuries of Nippon feudalism, the 
fostering of this spirit of loyalty, courage, courtesy, 
and love of righteousness has gone on, until they have 
become, not only the peculiar characteristics of the 
Samurai class, but of all the pe()i)lc of the country at 
large. With the decline of the Samurai we saw come 
into flower a number of men famed for their disin- 
terestedness, their unquestioned courage, and their 
sense of honor. These men sprang from every class of 
society, and so it is to our feudal days, so unlike those 
of Continental P]urope in many cardinal respects, that 
we owe in large measure the flowering of the Nippon 
of to-day. 


APROPOS of tlie Morocco situation, the new 
Norwegian magazine, Vor Tid, of Minne- 
apolis, the first in the language in this country, 
has an editorial under the above title. It says : 

His name is Wilhelm, and he is German Emperor. 
Most of the European states generally have more or less 
of a quarrel on their hands, sometimes among them- 
selves, sometimes with people in other parts of the 
world. Wilhelm sits in the midst of Europe and keeps 
watch. If any of the powers get into a fight and others 
want to "mix in," Wilhelm lifts his police club and 
says, "Keep away !" 

Summarizing the "burning" political ques- 
tions now agitating Europe, the Vor Tid con- 
tinues : 

Europe has time and again been greatly disturbed 
over the Turkish question. The Turkish question is 
really only a question of Constantinople. Constanti- 
nople is the gate to the Orient, to Asia. Russia would 
give Siberia if she could get Constantinople. If she 
could get Constantinople, she would take Asia. And 
for that reason England can never let Russia take 
Constantinople. It would be her death-blow. The 
Suez Canal and India would soon be lost. And so both 
England and Russia have been flirting with or threat- 
ening the Turkish Sultan, according to circumstances. 
But Wilhelm the Emperor has made his appearance on 
the scene and taken a hand, and at present he is the 
Sultan's "best friend" and has greater influence in 
Constantinople than either Russia or England. 

When England was at war with the Boers in 
Africa, "the whole German people sympathized 
with the Boers, and the feeling toward England 
was very bitter. It was the same in Russia. But 
Wilhelm lifted his police club : Hands off ! 
and the poor Boers got no help." When the war 
between Russia and Japan became inevitable, 

Russia had cause to fear for her western border. 
There was the turbulent Poland, the restless 
Finland ; they might use their opportunity to 
seek help from some of the powers and involve 
Russia in complications in Europe, but " Mr. 

Kaiser Wilhelm : "■ There is always trouble when I travel." 
From the Evening World (New York). 

Wilhelm promises to keep good watch at the 
border line, and so Russia feels safe there." 

France feels quite an inclination for North Africa, 
and would have no objection to add Morocco to her 
possessions there, and had diplomatically arrived at an 
understanding with England, who would likely get com- 




pensation somewhere else, for England is accustomed 
to be paid, not only when she does something, but also 
when she does nothing. France had also, by her oblig- 
ing conduct toward the United States in the Perdicaris 
affair, gained the good-will of this country, and pro- 
fessed to regard this good-will almost as a recognition 
by this country of her supremacy in Morocco. But just 
as France smilingly and quietly is spreading her wings 
over Morocco to take possession Mr. Wilhelm embarks 
for the Mediterranean and pays a visit to Morocco. He 
remained only a couple of days, but it was enough. He 
declares, in an address right there on the spot, that 
there can be no such thing as French supremacy in 
Morocco, and that France shall have no privileges 

there which Germany does not enjoy as well, and this 
virtually guarantees the integrity and independence of 
Morocco. This came almost like lightning from a 
clear sky. France is, of course, terribly chagrined, 
but does not dare to complain too loudly, and England 
pretends to be a little offended, but does not take it all 
very seriously. 

Mr. Wilhelm, concludes Vor Tid, lias also 
'' tried his police authority on this side of the 
Atlantic ; but it is a little different over here, 
for here is another chief of police, and on this 
side of the ocean Wilhelm will not dare to meas- 
ure clubs." 


THE tour through France and England of 
the youngest king in Europe has been the 
subject of much sympathetic comment in the 
press of the entire world. There is a good deal 


(From a photograph taken during his recent visit to Paris.) 

of the halo of romance about Alfonso XIII. — 
the fatherless child born a king, his frail life 
holding together the loyalty of a disturbed and 
distracted country, and the burden of govern- 
ment resting upon a woman. No child could 
have been more longed for, and it was pathetic, in- 

deed, that his young father did not live to see his 
son. Alfonso XII. and Maria Christina of Aus- 
tria had two daughters, but the King died at the 
early age of twenty-eight, some six months before 
his boy was born on May IV, 1886. Fortunately, 
the widowed queen was a woman of strong char- 
acter, and she guarded the kingdom for her son 
with rare tact and discretion during the long years 
of minority. She was determined to call him 
Alfonso after his father, and though the super- 
stitious Spaniards objected to the number XIII., 
the queen had her way, and, further, defied 
superstition by asking Pope Leo XIII. to be his 
godfather. The first letter the young king ever 
wrote was to the Pope to thank his godfather 
for a present on his first communion. The little 
fellow wrote seven copies before he made one 
tidy enough to send. Speaking of the young 
king's boyhood, the London Graphic says : 

Little Alfonso grew up amid the greatest affection. 
The queen never left him, his sisters were his slaves, 
and wherever he appeared in public, the people went 
into ecstasies. He was scarcely more than a baby when 
he first took part in state ceremonies, but his dignity 
exceeded his years, and almost as soon as he could toddle 
the juvenile sovereign was most particular about being 
saluted according to his rank. At first he was a very del- 
icate child, so he was kept in the open air, had more 
play than lessons, and spent much time by the sea at 
San Sebastian. There he played soldiers with such en- 
joyment that a boy regiment was formed of mites of his 
own age, duly uniformed and drilled, whom he reviewed 
with much ceremony. In fact, the young king has al- 
ways had strong military tastes, and is exceptionally 
well trained in army tactics. As he grew into boyhood 
his lessons were rather heavy for so young a child, but 
he worked well under an English governess, and at ten 
years had a military governor and a regular house- 
hold of his own. Very wisely, however, the queen in- 
sisted on a large share of outdoor pursuits in his educa- 
tion, so the young king learned to ride, row, and fence 
with much enjoyment. From the time he could first sit 
a small pony, young Alfonso has been devoted to riding, 
and a new horse to match his growth was his mother's 



favorite present. The Kin^ is a steady, intellij^ent 
worker, with much aptitude for laiij^ua><es,— he speaks 
Enjjjlish, Freucli, (lerniau, and Italian, l)esides heiiiK a 
fair Greek and Latin scholar,— and he has been most 
carefully trained in statesmanship. Like liis mother, 
he is a good musician. According to Spanisli custom, 
the King came of age when sixteen, three years ago, and 
tlien solemnly assumed the government. 

Alfonso's Strong Character. 

In a character sketcli of King yMfonso (in tlio 
Fortniijhthj Review)^ Mr. L. Higgin tells this story : 

While still a child in the nursery, his governess re- 
buked him for putting his knife in his mouth. "Gen- 
tlemen never eat like that," she said. 

" But I am a king," remarked the child. 

"Kings still less put knives in their mouths," said 
the governess. 

" This king does I " was the reply. 

He is still a youth of decision and unconven- 

He is extremely fond of motoring, and is said to be 
an accomplished chauffeur. When remonstrated with 
on not keeping up the traditional state of a Spanish 
king, he replied : "I mean to be a modern king, and go 
everywhere and do everything that other kings do." He 
also expressed to some of his advisers who had spoken 
of the advisability of his making an early marriage his 
determination on this subject. " Of one thing you may 
be quite certain, I am not going to marry a photograph ! 
I must see my future wife and choose her myself." 

As a result of his severe but wise training, 
continues Mr. Higgin, the young monarch is per- 
haps singularly well informed on general subjects, 
and not only in the history and literature of his 
own country, but in that of other countries. 
He speaks equally well German, English, and 
French, and has shown himself a graceful and 
good impromptu speaker in his own language. 

Military exercises have always had the strongest at- 
traction for the young king. When still a child, his 
delight was to play at soldiers with the children of the 
Guard, and this led later on to the "Boys' Regiment," 
as it was called, composed of lads of about his own age, 
children, for the most part, of the aristocracy, who were 
drilled and taught military evolutions along with him, 
and whom he eventually commanded, under the super- 
intendence of his instructors. About three months of 
each year were spent by the royal family at Santander, 
and here, the close routine of study being relaxed, the 
King passed his time very much on the water, learning 
the management of ships, and becoming, not only a good 
sailor, but well acquainted with navigation and naval 

Alfonso, although only a boy, got rid of his 
unpopular tory minister, Senor Maura, by an ex- 
ercise of the royal prerogative to which Edward 
VII. may some day resort if Mr. Balfour contin- 
ues much longer to set at defiance the wishes 
of the majority of the nation. 

The King objected to the nomination of a certain 
general as chief of the staff, and expressed his desire 

that General I'olavi(;Ja shouhl be appointed, a man who 
is an excellent soldier an<l well known for honesty and 
sti-aigl»t forward n<!ss, si nc(?, it is said, " Ikj remains a 
poor man though Ik; has occupied high posts." Maura 
insisted on the ministtM-ial candidate?, and the King, at 
a meeting of the council, simply refused to sign the de- 
cree. There was nothing for it but resignation on the 
j)art of the ministry. 

The King is very sympathf^tic, very fond of 
travel, full of interest in all things, and a great 
admirer of England. 

In the troubles and sorrows of his people Alfonso 
XIII., like his father, takes a warm interest. In the 
recent disastrous accident to the new reservoir of the 
water-supply at Madrid, he was on the scene as soon as 
he heard of it, and his remark to those who greeted him 
on his arrival was characteristic. A number of the peo- 
ple who had already reached the ground rushed to meet 
his carriage, giving loud cries of " VivaalRey ;" "Nada, 
nada de vivas," he said — "no vivas ; to work, to succor 
the victims." Stores of all that could be useful to the 
wounded were instantly sent from the Palace, and the 
King, later, visited in the hospitals the wounded who 
had been rescued alive from the ruins. 

Has the Qualities of Greatness. 

A sympathetic sketch of King Alfonso, "who is 
now surprising Europe by his maturity of thought 
and high ideals," appears in the Revue Bleue, con- 
tributed by G. Desdevises de Dezert. This writer 
points out how Spain had fallen from her high 
estate after the death of Alfonso XII., and how 
the disasters continued under the regency of 
Queen Maria Christina, mother of the present 
king. The young monarch has shown that he 
possesses more than one quality of greatness. 
He is, moreover, the first military king that 
Spain has had since Philip Y. 

The Young: King's Prospects and Relations 
with France. 

The same well-known political and economic 
writer contributes to another number of the 
Revue Bleue an analysis of Spain's foreign policy 
for the past hundred years, with particular ref- 
erence to the relations of the kingdom to France 
and Great Britain. He points out, as a strange 
political fact, the cordiality of the relations be- 
tween Spain and England as compared with the 
usually strained relations between Spain and 
her neighbor republic. Just why Spaniards and 
Englishmen should be friends, and Spaniards 
and Frenchmen all but enemies, this French 
writer regards as unfortunate, but to a certain 
extent the outcome of geographical situations 
and history. "It was England," he points out, 
"which broke the naval power of vSpain at Tra- 
falgar ; it was England which incited and aided 
the breaking away from Spanish rule of the en- 
tire new world ; England opposed the admission 




of Spain as a great power to the Congress of 
Vienna, in 1815 ; England pretended to figlit 
Spain's battles in her war for independence, but 
really it was in the interest of England. Even 
in 1898, when France tried to help poor Spain, 
it was England which applauded every Ameri- 
can victory as though it had been a British tri- 
umph." Despite all these undoubted facts, says 
this writer, Spain has always shown the greatest 
of good feeling toward England, and has always 
looked with suspicion upon France. The Span- 
iards have treated England with special consid- 
eration, and one of their best-known adages is, 
'' Con todos giteira, y paz con Inglaterra'''' — "War 
everywhere, but peace with England." This 
writer finds something sympathetic between the 
sang-froid of the English and the hauteur of the 
Castilians. He says that Spain misunderstands 
both England and France, to the advantage of 
the former and the disadvantage of the latter. 
She knows England for a Protestant country, 
but believes her to be exclusively Protestant, 

while she knows France for the country of the 
impious Voltaire, of Rousseau, of Renan, and the 
classic land of free thought. " The Englishman 
is always trying to make himself out better than 
he is, while the Frenchman would have you 
think he is the very devil, — and he is much 
better than he makes himself out to be." More- 
over, England is to Spain the "type of the con- 
servative nation, respecting her rulers, her laws, 
and her customs ; while France has revolutions 
without number, and a complete change of gov- 
ernment every few years." This writer goes on 
to point out how France has been of real help 
to Spain, and how the younger generation of 
Spaniards is beginning to realize this. France 
is the isthmus which connects Spain with the 
rest of Europe. France has conferred many 
benefits upon her neighbor. France, he hopes, 
will contribute still further to the development 
and advancement of Spain, under the reign of 
the progressive young king who now governs 
south of the Pyrenees. 


AN article which is cliaracterized by Mr. 
Stead, in the London Revieiv of Revieivs^ 
as " one of the most ingenious of the year " is 
the essay entitled " A Political Fabius Maxi- 
mus," which Mr. Wilfrid Ward has contributed 
to the June Nineteenth Cen- 
tury. Says Mr. Stead : "An 
abler and more gallant at- 
tempt to glorify an English 
ruler for the very things 
which have discredited him 
most has not been published 
since Mr. Froude found the 
crowning proof of the disin- 
terested patriotism of Henry 
VIII. in the invincible pa- 
tience with which he per- 
sisted in his matrimonial 

Taking as his text the 
declaration made by the 
Spectator, October 3, 1903, 
after the Sheffield speech, 
that "Whatever else may 
happen, Mr. Balfour's day 
as a great British statesman 
is over," Mr. Ward says : 

portunity. His policy will live for posterity as a clas- 
sical instance of a statesman who kept his head when 
hardly any one else succeeded in doing so, who believed 
in himself in spite of the ridicule and invective of as- 
sailants from both sides, and who gradually restored 
confidence and won back the faith of his party. 

The events which the S^pec- 
tdtor regarded as the occasion of 
the downfall of a great states- 
man have proved to be his op- 


It is a matter of qi^estion whether the collar-bone which is represented between the 
two shoulders really belongs to this creature or whether it is a portion of some 
other organism.— From the Westminster Gazette (London). 




The soul of Mr. Ward's paper is to be found 
in the brilliant conception of the fiscal reformers 
as the "higher critics" of political economy. 
Mr. Balfour's position is that of the head of the 
Church who, when confronted by the speculative 
theories of the Wellhausen school, refuses either 
to indorse all the vagaries of the enthusiastic 
scholars or to ban them with bell, book, and 
candle. Tlie time is not ripe for a definite pro- 

The wise ruler will not silence the Liberals. He 
knows that it is they who have hold of the materials 
out of which the true developments in theology are to 
be effected. He will have none of the dogmatism of the 
obscurantists. To treat speculation as heresy is as bad 
as to treat it as newly won dogma. Change can only 
be safely made by very gradual steps, the wisdom of 
which is completely ascertained. It is only thus that 
its dislocating effect can be avoided. Yet the nature of 
these very steps can be satisfactorily ascertained only 
by the freest discussion. Provisionally, the dogmas of 
free trade must be largely disregarded in the discussion, 
as theological dogma is disregarded by the biblical 
critic. That such dogma exists and is sound, he does 
not doubt. A return to pre-Cobdenite protection would, 
indeed, be to attack an irreformable decision in eco- 
nomic orthodoxy. But to condemn measures as pro- 
tectionist, in the sense in which protection is disastrous, 
before their nature and consequences have been fully 
sifted is obscurantism and not orthodoxy. 


Mr. Ward rapidly draws a vivid picture of 
the confusion and dismay which Mr. Chamber- 
lain as the fiscal Wellhausen caused among the 
true believers in the orthodox fold. Of Mr. 
Chamberlain's impatient plungef ulness Mr. Ward 
speaks with chastened severity. Mr. Chamber- 
lain, he says, 

aroused party feeling, and gave the signal for strife, 
not only before his colleagues had agreed that the war 
was wise or practical, but before he himself had seen 
how it could be carried on. In this trying position Mr. 
Balfour showed virtues truly Roman. He did not de- 
spair of the Republic. And he saw that the only hope 
lay in a Fabian policy of delay. Tantalizing and ir- 
ritating though it inevitably was, ineffective neces- 
sarily before the public eye, he persevered in it. The 
world held it impossible that the cabinet could survive 
the removal of its strongest members. The loss of pres- 
tige attaching to great names was appalling. Never- 
theless, Mr. Balfour faced the situation as the alterna- 
tive to the death of the party, and carried his policy 
through. Probably no other man living except Mr. 
Balfour could have effected even the partial reconstitu- 
tion of the party. 


This great Fabian thaumaturgist worked the 
apparently incredible miracle by his unique 

combination of qualities, which Mr. Ward ana- 
lyzes with skill and sympathy. 

His aloofness and imperturbability, in the first 
place, enable him to carry out the decisions of an acute 
and highly critical intellect, undistracted by any dis- 
turbing force, either from the undue influence of otliers 
or from unregulated impulses in himself. 

His power of attracting personal devotion is like 
Pitt's, and has been an important factor in his success. 

He is marked by great tenacity in friendships, al- 
liances, undertakings. He knows well the value of 
small things, as answering letters or a kind word, and 
measures out such gifts with care and judgment. 

The complications caused by unnecessary initiative 
Mr. Balfour instinctively avoids, aided, perhaps, by a 
certain constitutional indolence. 

His perception of public opinion is as accurate as is 
possible concomitantly with a certain deficiency in emo- 
tional sympathy. 

Drive him into a corner, and with his back to the 
wall he will fight with a vigor and pertinacity astonish- 
ing to those who are accustomed to his normal imper- 

The net result is great insight, tenacity, and persist- 
ence, and the strength arising from these qualities. 
The main aim is never lost sight of. He acts on the 
motto, "More haste, less speed." 

A touch of pessimism runs through his thought and 
work, yet not the profound pessimism which leads to 
inaction. Rather his pessimism goes with a certain 
philosophic contentment, — for he looks, in this imper- 
fect world, for no great results, and is therefore not 
easily disappointed. 

''All that," says Mr. Stead, "is true enough 
and very well said. But what of Mr. Ward's 
essay as a whole ? Never was there a more 
subtle, sophistical, attempt made to prove that 
our King Arthur actually underwent an apo- 
theosis when he forsook his Table Round in 
order to sit himself as an ' accomplished whist- 
player ' at the card-table with Mr. Chamberlain. 
But irresistible are the attractions of paradox, 
and the formula ' I believe because it is impos- 
sible ' has naturally great attractions for contro- 
versialists of Mr. Wilfrid Ward's school." 

" Most Laughed at and Most Loved." 

Mr. Balfour is addressed in the Atlantic Monthly 
in an open letter by "Alciphron." The writer 
says that Plato, who dreamed of a day when 
philosophers were kings, would surely have 
hailed a philosopher as prime minister. Mr. 
Balfour is credited with a Platonic fondness for 
verbal dialectic, and an extraordinary adroit- 
ness and resource in its use, which reminds the 
writer of what Jowett said when asked whether 
logic was a science or an art — " It is neither ; 
it is a dodge." The writer proceeds : 

This astuteness, this immensely clever handling of 
an immensely difficult situation, j^our bitterest enemy 
cannot deny you. If you have carried water on both 
shoulders, you have at least carried it, not spilled it on 



the ground. Your assailants should have taken warn- 
ing from 5^our profuse confessions of ignorance and 
your smiling good-nature. They had heard you profess 
so often in the House of Commons, "I am but a child 
in these matters," and should have had in mind, as pos- 
sibly you had, the prophecy, "A little child shall lead 

You offer to-day, Mr. Balfour, the great paradox of 
being the public man of England most laughed at, and 
at the same time most loved. ... So there has broken 
through your philosophy a great kindliness, with a high 
distinction, a wide humanitj^, a lettered sanity and ease, 
which have endeared you to the men of your day in both 
parties. If fall you must, you will leave office behind, 
but will always beai* your friends with you. 

An Unconstitutional Premier. 

" Mr. Balfour and the Constitution " is the title 
of a suggestive study by Mr. J. A. Spender in 
the Independent Review. Mr. Spender admits 
that the premier's retention of office in spite of 
indications that he no longer retains public con- 

fidence is legal, but denies that it is constitu- 
tional. By deft citations he maintains : 

The true doctrine is, as stated by Mr. Bagehot, Pro- 
fessor Dicey, and Sir William Anson, that a ministry 
should retire or dissolve Parliament "when it is shown 
to have lost the confidence of the House or the country," 
— one or other, or both of these things. Mr. Balfour's 
claim is, on the contrary, that the House of Commons 
itself should be the sole judge. 

Mr. Spender protests against this inversion of 
the constitutional doctrine, but frankly admits 
that the remedies are not easy to apply. He says : 

The suggestion that the King should revive the pre- 
rogative of dissolving Parliament of his own initiative 
is not one that a Liberal can entertain. The principle 
that the King acts on the advice of his ministers needs 
to be guarded aga'nst all encroachment. My own opin- 
ion is that the Septennial Act should be repealed, and 
the legal duration of Parliament reduced to five, or even 
four, years. 


A DETAILED analysis of the balance sheet 
of the English occupation of Egypt is con- 
tributed to La Revue by Jehan d'lvray. This 


(British minister plenipotentiary at Cairo, and financial 
adviser to the Khedive.) 

French writer admits that the British occupa- 
tion has been in the interest of the Egyptians 
themselves, although, of course, he contends that 
France has been ill - used in the entire affair. 
He condemns the English, however, for intro- 
ducing alcoholic liquors into Egypt, and criti- 
cises the occupation in other minor points. In gen- 
eral, he says that in the matter of material wealth 
and the immediate satisfaction of physical wants, 
Egypt has gained much from the English occu- 
pation ; but, while her system of colonization is 
excellent from the material viewpoint, England, 
^'I believe, has failed deplorably from the hu- 
manitarian standpoint. The English have cre- 
ated new wants in Egypt, and, it is true, have 
provided the means in many cases to satisfy 
these wants." To aid a people in paying their 
debts is good, " but to teach them and help them 
not to contract other debts would be much bet- 
ter." The best work which the British have ac- 
complished in Egypt is to be found in the mili- 
tary reforms, in finance, and in the irrigation 
works. Far otherwise, however, are the British 
efforts at judicial reform. The writer protests 
against the introduction of Englishmen into judi- 
cial tribunals to the exclusion of the natives. 
The British justices, he says, not only have no 
knowledge of the Arabic language, but many of 
them know very little about law. In the schools, 
the French language has been suppressed and 
replaced by English, and the native justices are 
required to study English, as it is easier for 



them to learn something of that language than it 
is for the British to acquire a knowledge of 
theirs. The result is, the new native justices 
have given up the practice of studying in France,- 
and are satisfied with an inferior training in 
their own country. Thus, the judicial condition 
of the country has returned to the deplorable 
ignorance complained of twenty years ago. 


While Britain has been happy in the reforms 
she has brought about in the domains of agri- 
culture and finance, her influence in the domain 
of education has been disastrous. Nearly all 
the French professors of Cairo and Alexandria 
have been replaced by Englishmen, and even in 
the provinces, native teachers who have passed 
some time in England, or have acquired a knowl- 
edge of English, are chosen. The curriculum of 

studies has been lowered, and all the pupils are 
adepts at football and tennis. The school of 
medicine has recently had to close its doors 
owing to lack of pupils, with the result that in 
1904 only twenty native doctors, against eiglity 
foreigners, applied for permission to practise 
their art in Egypt. In every domain, the Brit- 
ish fill the best posts, and the doors are closed 
to the natives. '• The Egyptian is kept in a 
veritable state of servitude. He is taught noth- 
ing which could awaken in him ideas of justice 
and humanity. Alcoholism has spread like a 
train of fire. The British have introduced their 
bars. Whiskey is sovereign on the banks of the 
Nile, as in India brandy takes the place of bread." 
As with Malta and India, and all the conquests 
of Albion, Egypt is regarded as a source of 
revenue, and little concern is shown for the 
condition of the worker or producer. 



IN several articles in one issue of the South 
China Weekly Post, a British journal of 
Hongkong, the American administration of the 
Philippines is taken to task severely. The con- 
demnation is, chiefly, not on the score of undue 
severity or of corruption, but of insufficient 
firmness, of too great consideration for the na- 
tive Filipinos, who, the editor of the South China 
Weekly Post insists, are an inferior race and 
must always remain so, no matter how well 
educated. In speaking of the Samar revolt, the 
writer deplores the mildness of American meth- 
ods. He says on this point : 

Unfortunately, the American Government has 
adopted the impossible and quixotic theory of the Phil- 
ippines for the Filipinos ; and, until it learns wisdom 
in the hard school of experience, the white planter or 
merchant is almost an impossibility. . . . The pity of it 
all is that the American Government has been sincerely 
anxious to rule the natives for their own good, that it 
has neither exploited the islands unfairly nor willingly 
oppressed any man. Its failure has been due to inex- 
perience. It is the failure of the amateur, of the man 
totally unversed in ruling subject races, of he who tries 
to govern mankind by formulae. When the United 
States realizes that East is East and West is West, then 
it will cease to be troubled by such revolts as that in 
Samar, but it will find the lesson difficult to learn. 

In another article, entitled '' America's Re- 
fractory Child, — A Contrast," a comparison of 
our methods in the Philippines is made with 
Great Britain's policy in her Asiatic colonies. 
The Briton, we are reminded, has learned in the 
bitter school of experience how to rule subject 
nations. " Phrases and formulae have no part 

in framing his policy, — it is guided by stern, 
concrete facts." 

The American, however, has but lately embarked on 
the dangerous path of colonial government, and is en- 
deavoring to prove that Great Britain, with her three 
hundred years of experience to guide her, is, none the 
less, both ethically and practically wrong. The Philip- 
pines have cost the people of the States an immense 
sum, and the lives of thousands of soldiers, yet the 
federal government declines to countenance any policy 
which aims at treating the islands as an asset of the 
republic. The Philippines are for the Filipinos, it pro- 
claims. Any attempt to treat them as an American 
possession, in the British sense of the term, is decried 
as an infraction of various formulae regarding the rights 
of man ; although the obvious injustice of using the 
national funds for the benefit of an alien race, despite 
the opposition of a large tax-paying minority, is con- 
veniently overlooked. Had the entire expenses of the 
Philippine experiment been borne by those who were in 
sympathy with the theory, the world might well have 
applauded ; but as the matter stands the opposition 
may very plausibly claim that the government is vio- 
lating those very ideals of liberty which it professes to 
regard so highly. The American has come to the far 
East with no previous experience of dealing with sub- 
ject races. Despite the evidence of history, even of his 
own senses, he has declined to recognize the Filipino as 
an inferior. The native is, in the words of the late gov- 
ernor, "the little brown brother." Disregarding con- 
crete facts, ignoring natural laws, the federal govern- 
ment has shut its eyes to the manifold weaknesses of 
the native. It has drawn no distinction between white 
and brown ; it has denied the very existence of the 
eternal barrier of color. The Filipino is not regarded 
as a being altogether lower in the scale of evolution, 
but merely as an equal who has been debarred from the 
privileges of education. Officially, all the little brown 



brother needs is schoolbooks. Cram him with educa- 
tion learned by rote, and, theoretically, he will become 
equal to the European, to the product of countless gen- 
erations of civilization. Once educated, he will — still 
theoretically — be able to govern himself. 

Sucli is the general scheme of American edu- 
cation in the Philippines, according to the South 
China Post. 

This idea, it is admitted, has been carried out 
with righteous consistency. 

• It comes as a shock to the Britisher in the Philip- 
pines when he first sees an educated white man frater- 
nizing with a semi-savage ; when he finds that native 
judges may try Europeans ; that all the best official bil- 
lets go to the colored man ; that natives can be elected 
governors of provinces by a native electorate ; that the 
towns are ruled, and a soi-disant justice administered, 
by native presidents, who are far removed from all 
white supervision. In Africa, from the Great Lakes to 
Cape Agulhas, there is not a single colored official, not 
even a colored clerk, save in Cape Colony, and there 
only in the most subordinate positions. But the Amer- 
ican believes he knows, intuitively, more than the 
Briton has learned since the day of Elizabeth, and that 
theories and platitudes form the essential basis of true 

Dire have been the consequences of this policy, 
we are told. 

No attempt has been made to develop the marvelous 
natural resources of the islands. The government has 
set its face against any exploitation ; and, instead of 
encouraging the influx of white men and capital, which 
would lead to an increased prosperity for both Euro- 
pean and Filipino, it has successfully endeavored to 
keep out would-be planters and merchants. Heavy im- 
port duties and'the total prohibition of alien labor bid 
fair to bring the islands to the verge of ruin, despite 
their wonderful possibilities. Under the new regime, 
the native has lost all sense of proportion. He imagines 
himself the equal of the white man, and is so fully oc- 
cupied with political vaporing and seditious schemes 
that he is losing the habitude of honest labor. Conse- 
quently, Indian and Chinese coolies being prohibited, 
every form of industry is languishing. 

In consequence, says this British editor, 

the Americans here are, for the most part, bitterly 
hostile to the Government ; and, very naturally, view 
the preference given to the native as an outrage. Even 
the chartered company, the most unpopular and in- 
efficient government permitted under the Union Jack, 
has never been the subject of so much hostile criticism 
from its own subjects as the Philippines Commission 

The end it is not difficult to see, in the opinion 
of this writer : 

The more the Filipino is given, the more he will de- 
mand ; and before long a point will be reached when 
even the present nerveless administration will cease to 
make concessions. Then, being a pampered and un- 
reliable individual, the Filipino will endeavor to take 
what he desires by force. The large numbers of native 
troops and constabulary, some twenty thousand in all, 

will furnish many recruits, armed and trained, to the 
new insurgent party, and a sanguinary war will result. 
Ultimately, the insurrection will be crushed ; and by 
that time the federal government will probably have 
learned that the ruling of native races requires some- 
thing beyond mere copy-book platitudes for guidance. 
The army will be in control ; and it is unlikely that the 
direction of affairs will again be taken out of its hands. 
In the past, the American officer proved himself a capa- 
ble administrator, clean-handed and just ; and prob- 
ably when he is reinstated he will not belie his past 

These views find an echo in the earnest words 
of one of our correspondents, who writes us 
from Hongkong. Because we print here a por- 
tion of his letter, it does not necessarily imply 
that this Review indorses the following para- 
graphs from this communication, whose author 
wishes to be.known as '' An American Drummer 
in the Orient " : 

The Philippines I believe to be one of the richest 
countries in the world in natural resources. The 
natives have been there for centuries, but have done 
nothing toward their country's development. And 
they never will. Why they should have this beautiful 
country to waste is beyond understanding. The life of 
the United States is its commerce. At the present rate 
of increase in production of manufactured goods, ten 
or twenty years will see an end to the increased demand. 
And then what will happen ? Factories must be closed, 
laborers thrown out of employment, and capital must 
lie idle. What is the remedy ? The Philippines. 

The East, China especially, is slowly awakening, 
and in twenty years will have reached a point when 
her demand for goods will be enormous. The Philip- 
pines are geographically the distributing point for the 
Orient. Then, let our country awake to the possibil- 
ities before it, and in the next twenty years do every- 
thing possible to build up the Philippines and trade 
with the Orient. Establish free trade with the United 
States. Put Americans in charge of all departments 
of the government. Make it possible for American 
planters and investors to find safety there. Allow the 
importation of Chinese labor, so the resources can be 

And just let me say a word about Chinese labor. 
I remember seeing in the different papers of the United 
States articles condemning the action of the British 
Government in tg^king Chinese coolies to Africa to work 
in the mines. The question of humanity was played 
upon strongly, and virtual slavery, etc. Now, let me 
say that whatever you do to a Chinese coolie, you can- 
not make his lot worse than it is in China. Any change 
to any clime is a benefit to him. Why, the men who 
had charge of sending the coolies to Africa received a 
bonus from the mine-owners in Africa, and also took 
pay from the coolies for a chance to go. The applica- 
tions were far in excess of the demands. How our law- 
makers can sit in Washington and say that it would 
be detrimental to the Philippines to bring in Chinese 
labor is beyond comprehension. It will be the means 
of salvation. Every labor union in the United States 
having the interests of its members at heart should 
pass a resolution of The Philippines for the Amer- 
icans, first, last, and all the time. 





THE vital question in the Korean policy of 
Japan is how to deal witli the Korean peo- 
ple, not how to cope with the Seoul government, 
says Saburo Shiniada, a member of the Japanese 
House of Peers, in the 2'aiyo, of Tokio. 

The Korean Emperor and the court cliques sur- 
rounding him are thinking of nothing but their own 
selfish interests, with little apprehension as to the fate 
of their country. Such a ruler and such courtiers are 
not difficult to control, if Japan's strong hand puts an 
end to their almost unceasing plottings and intrigues. 

The real question is, How can Japan rule 
and guide the ten million souls which constitute 
the Korean nation ? Many who have business 
interests in the peninsula, and those who are ex- 
perienced in political affairs at Seoul, often arrive 
at the sweeping conclusion that the Koreans are 
shiftless, lazy, jealous, fickle, and utterly devoid 
of conscience. Mr. Shimada asserts that the 
Koreans are not vicious by nature, but have been 
made such as they are at present through the in- 
fluence of political and social environment. As- 
suming that the present Korean nation is noth- 
ing but a degenerated form of a once sturdy and 
vigorous people, Mr. Shimada holds out a prom- 
ise of its regeneration. 

The despairing view that the Koreans are not sus- 

ceptible to uplifting influences is generally voiced by 
politicians and business men. P^ducators and religious 
workers, on the contrary, are hopeful of tlie regenera- 
tion of the Koreans. Between these widely different 
opinions, where are we to find the truth ? 

Mr. Shimada believes that under a sound 
rulership and a trustworthy government the 
Koreans can be made reliable and industrious. 
As an example of the possibility of improv- 
ing the Korean nation he mentions Christian 
churches which are now being established in a 
considerable number. It has been considered 
imprudent to save money in the Hermit King- 
dom, because the exacting official might come 
at any moment to deprive people of the re- 
ward of their toil. But where the gospel of 
Christ has been preached there have come into 
existence a number of churches supported by 
the contributions of the thrifty and industrious. 
Thus, Christianity is teaching the Koreans the 
value of industry and money as well as the prin- 
ciples of humanity. Unfortunately, such civil- 
izing agencies have been neglected by the Jap- 
anese. Politically, Japan has done much for 
Korea, but political influence is merely on tlie 
surface, and does not reach deep into the minds 
of the people. 


A CAREFUL study of the entire peasant 
agrarian movement in Russia appears in 
the Russkiya Vyedomosti, by Dr. Maksimovich, a 
condensation of which is made by the monthly, 
Ohrazovanie. We summarize the version of the 

The general features of the agrarian disorders 
have been practically the same all over the coun- 
try, we are informed. 

The peasants usually inforntied the landlord in ad- 
vance as to their proposed visit to his estate. In some 
cases a committee of peasants came and inspected the 
place and then announced that the peasants would come 
on a certain day. At the appointed time a stack of 
straw was set on fire, a bonfire built, or merely a large 
bundle of straw tied to a long pole and ignited, and at 
this signal a crowd of peasants gathered with their 
wagons. In some cases there were from five hundred to 
seven hundred of the latter. In one case (at Romanov- 
ka) the signal was given by sounding the fire alarm. 
The assembled peasants advanced on the estate, dis- 
charged guns at their approach, broke the locks of the 
granaries, loaded the grain on their wagons, and de- 
parted. The presence of the estate-owner, or of the 

manager, did not at all embarrass them. They per- 
mitted him to witness the proceedings, and made no 
attempt to drive him off the place, yet they offered no 
explanations to him. They pillaged mainly the grain 
stores ; other farm products were taken by them only 
in rare instances. Hence, they seldom disturbed any of 
the other farm buildings. In Prilyepy, the peasants 
carried off the grains, but did not molest the sugar 
refinery ; in Petrovsk, they did likewise without disturb- 
ing the whiskey distillery. They made no attempt, as 
a rule, to enter the dwellings. They demanded no 
money, with perhaps one exception. No violence was 
attempted, although in Vitich the local constable re- 
ceived a slight wound. As a rule, the peasants behaved 
with moderation. The same attitude was observed to- 
ward the government liquor stores. The peasants came 
there at night, previous to the descent on some estate, 
and demanded that the store be opened. After drink- 
ing whiskey, at times in great quantities, they paid for 
it and departed. No violence was attempted against 
schools and hospitals, so that in a number of cases the 
estate-owners sought refuge in schoolhouses. The pil- 
lage was participated in by entire villages— men, women, 
and youths. Among those arrested for robbery and 
confined in the prison at Syevsk there is a blind beggar. 
His fellow- villagers had supplied him with a horse and 



?V^ <" T '3"?s lC it«M Sv --< 


'' -kh. 

The Czar (between the Japanese and a constitution): "I give up!"— From the Amsterdammer (Amsterdam). 

wagon and helped him to load it with grain. In some 
cases only a part of the peasants in the village engaged 
in the pillaging of some estate, but later the remaining 
peasants, tempted by the example of their fellow-vil- 
lagers, made a similar descent on some other estate. 
There was no systematic apportionment of estates 
among the different villages, the pillaging being done 
by peasants of various villages, who at times came from 
distant places. It is stated that single peasants were 
compelled to join these pillaging expeditions under 
threat of violence, yet it is difficult to determine whether 
this was really so. 

As stated above, the peasants endeavored, on 
the whole, not to exceed certain limits, though 
they were not always successful in this. At 
times, under the stress of excitement, or under 
the influence of liquor, moderation was thrown 
to the winds and riot ran its course unchecked. 
In Glamazdin, the peasants not only pillaged 
the granaries, but set fire to the dwellings, out- 
buildings, and distillery. The same fate over- 
took the distillery at Khinel, and the sugar 
refinery at Mikhailovsk. The riot at Khinel 
assumed a terrifying character. The mob, mad 
with drink, destroyed everything in their reach. 
The effect of these disorders on the estate-own- 
ers may be easily imagined. No one dreamed 
of resistance. With the arrival of larger bodies 
of troops the disorders ceased, but many dis- 

quieting rumors still persist. The peasants are 
said to have openly declared that they would 
not permit any spring operations on estate lands, 
and it is also stated that they are trying to 
secure money in advance on work to be per- 
formed later in the season, boasting, meanwhile, 
that they would make no attempt to do that 

The causes of the disorders, both general and 
local, are quite complex, and are difiBcult to de- 
termine in all cases. One of them, indirectly, is 
the war. The mobilization in the district of 
Dmitriev caused marked discontent among the 
peasants. Moreover, there are many wounded 
there returned from the far East, who are in a 
miserable condition and desperate over their 
fate. Finally, something should be attributed 
to the belief prevailing among the peasantry 
that but few soldiers now remain in European 
Eussia, for '' they are all in the far East." 

Why These Movements Fail. 

One of the questions that must have occurred 
to every one who has given any thought to these 
peasant movements is why we do n6t see more 
far-reaching consequences from them. Mr. 
Wolf Dohm, writing in the Hilfe (Berlin), points 
out that the occurrences in one place have 



ceased being news before reacliing tlie next 

This became strikingly manifest during the disor- 
ders in Gomel. Tlie property where I was stationed 
at that time is situated about one hundred kilometers 
from the town, a steamer running daily up tlie river, 
and the steamboat office is thirty kilometers from the 
estate. Yet the news about the massacre reached us 
first after a period of three to four weeks. Who is go- 
ing to care any more about it after such a long time? 
People shake their heads, comment and criticise, but 
for prompt action the urgent necessity of the moment 
is gone. The impulse dies before it has been awakened. 
It is necessary to keep in memory the fact that 80 per 
cent, of the whole population in Russia is scattered 
over the waste plains in little villages protected by the 
popes (priests). If there is revolution in Paris, it is 
revolution in France. Not so in Russia. The cries of 
flogged and massacred people in the cities are not heard 
on the immense plains. 

The Russian peasant, the writer declares, is 
pious, patriotic, and devoted to the Czar. When 
the fall comes and the harvest has been gathered 
in, the functionaries of the government arrive 
and rob him of the toilsome profit of his work. 
During the winter he suffers, consequently, great 
need. Yet the peasant is patient and hungers 
through the winter with his cattle. In the spring, 
weakened by the long fasting, it often happens 
that the cattle fall to the ground and die on 
green meadow. The peasant suffers thus be- 
cause he does not know anything else, and be. 
cause he is by no means able to see the connec- 

And how can he ? In this century of public-school 
education anybody would realize that the government 
is the cause of the evil. The Russian peasant thinks 
different. No, he says, the Czar and the government are 
not guilty. Guilty are the tax officers, because they 
steal ; guilty are the judges, because they are bribed ; 

guilty are, above all, the landlords, because they have 
much land, much corn, and many horses. If we only 
had more land, it would be diflerent; but why do we 
not possess more land !' The country is great, but it is 
divided since many years. Our children must go to the 
factories or emigrate to Siberia or the West. Land is 
too small, harvest is too small, and if I did not work in 
the woods during the winter I could not support my 
family. And why is this? Did not Czar Alexander 
give us land, and did he not take it from the landlords? 
Why does not Czar Nicholas do the same ? Whence 
does the landlord get the land ? Land belongs actually 
to man, and not to landlords. Does my field belong to 
me? No, it is county property. But why does the 
landlord own his land ? 

Thus reasons the Russian peasant. When he 
is hungry, or when the military commission 
levies all men able to work and noVjody is left 
to cultivate the land, he does not raise the cry 
of the intelligent laborers for a constitution, but 
calls for — bread. The peasant goes now to the 
property of the landlord and demands corn. If 
it happens to be no holyday and the peasant is 
sober, he is satisfied if he gets it and returns 
home. Furthermore, much will depend on how 
the new military commission will go to work. 
If they only take a few out of every village, the 
writer claims, everything will remain quiet. If 
they take many, the peasant will say, and we 
hear it already. If the government takes our 
men, we will take corn from the landlords, for 
how shall our wives and our children live ? 

Here is indeed the key to the great Russian problem. 
So long as the government has nothing to fear from the 
peasantry, it can without conscience continue the foul 
play of promises of improvements. This is the truth, 
and jt is serious for many that are ready to sacrifice life 
and liberty for their country. On the waste plains 
sleeps the future of Russia, — but where is the man to 
awaken it ? 


IN view of the recent crisis in the affairs of 
one of the great life insurance companies 
of New York, it is interesting to follow the dis- 
cussion that has been begun in the pages of the 
Grand Magazine (London) on the wisdom or un- 
wisdom of life insurance. In the June number 
of that periodical, Mr. John Holt Schooling 
maintains that the civilized world has agreed 
that life assurance is wise, as is proved by the 
vast amount of life-assurance business done, 
£33,000,000 ($165,000,000), or nearly £650,000 
($3,250,000) a week, having been paid in 1902 
in the United Kingdom alone for premiums. 

The population was 42,000,000, and the premium- 
paying part of the population may be regarded as per- 

sons aged fifteen and older, — namely, 28,000,000 persons, 
who among them paid the £33,000,000. This means, ap- 
proximately, a yearly and voluntary payment of £1 3s. 
6d. per head of the population of this country, aged fif- 
teen and over, as practical proof that in their opinion 
life assurance is wise. In this country alone, there is 
accumulated evidence, to the value of £289,000,000, of 
the truth that life assurance is wise. And in addition 
to the facts just stated, we have all the friendly societies 
doing life assurance, and sickness assurance, whose ac- 
cumulated funds are approximately £40,000,000. 

Now if life assurance is wise, why is it wise ? 
Primarily, because it is prudent. " It enables a 
man to rid himself of some injurious effects of 
an adverse chance that is always present while 
he lives, — the chance of death coming to him 



unexpectedly." The insinuations that life as- 
surance is but a form of gambling Mr. Schooling 
indignantly and, most people will think, success- 
fully repudiates. 

The man who assures his life ceases to be engaged 
in a gamble with death, in so far as relates to money, 
and he takes upon himself a contract that involves a 
certain yearly payment, for a certain amount to be paid 
whenever he may die. The nature of this contract con- 
stitutes the radical difference between life assurance 
and betting. For in life assurance you replace a chance 
by a certainty, and in betting you continue to take the 
risk of a chance. 

A certain small minority, he admits, whose 
death would entail no hardship on any other 
person, may without much harm continue tak- 
ing the chances of betting, and let the book- 
makers and not the life assurance company have 
the profits. But, as Mr. Schooling says, there 
are very few persons so situated. 

It appears from Mr. Schooling's article that 
the great English companies have been sub- 
jected to criticisms very similar to those which 
the '' big three " of New York have been called 
upon to answer. 

As to the "palatial offices" of life assurance 
companies supposed to have been paid for out 
of lapsed policies, Mr. Schooling says : 

These are usually the growth of years of successful 
and wide-spreading business, and inside inspection of 
them will disclose the fact that they are a very hive of 
industry, directly promoting the thrift and prudence of 
the nation, and in no way out of proportion to the vast 
business that has to be got through daily. These build- 
ings, palatial or otherwise, are simply adapted to the 
most efficient performance of the work that has to be 
done in them. • 

Insurance Declared Unwise. 

Mr. Bellot's view is that insurance is but a 
form of gambling, and that if gambling is un- 
wise, so must life assurance be unwise also. 

So far, therefore, as the assured puts down his money 

with the certainty of repayment sooner or later, either 
to himself, if it is an endowment policy, or to his repre- 
sentatives, if it is a life policy, whereas the gambler 
runs the risk of losing, not only the increase he expects 
to gain, but the sum wagered as well, insurance and 
gambling are not on all-fours. But, subject to this dis- 
tinction, the practice of life assurance is as much gam- 
bling as backing a horse on a race-course or bulling or 
bearing shares in a bucketshop. 

Even Mr. Bellot, however, concedes that, 
"apart from the morality of the question, it 
must undoubtedly be admitted that life assur- 
ance is economically beneficial, not only to 
the individual, but to the community at large." 
But, he asks, is the benefit conferred com- 
mensurate with the outlay, and are the com- 
panies' profits legitimate in the sense that the 
shareholders receive no more than a fair 
market return for the use of their money ? 
Profits exceeding 5 per cent, on the original 
capital he considers excessive ; and there is not 
one of the large number of well-known com- 
panies he instances whose profits do not exceed, 
often very greatly exceed, that sum, one (Sun 
Life) even reaching 95 per cent. ! His remedy 
is the fixing of a maximum rate of interest, 
which he does not propose to impose on present 
companies, though he thinks that by a system 
of graduated taxation it might in course of time 
be brought about. 

Or the state might extend and expand its present re- 
stricted post-office system of life assurance, or, better 
still, take over bodily the whole business of life assur- 
ance in the United Kingdom. 

In which connection it is strange that he does 
not mention the long-tried experiment of state 
life insurance in New Zealand. His objections 
are not to life assurance in itself, however, but 
merely to the way in which it is often conducted. 
It is not free from the spirit of gambling ; 
profits to shareholders are excessive, and require 
state limitation. 


IN connection with the aliens bill before Par- 
liament, the British reviews are discussing 
the pros and cons of an open-door immigration 
policy. In the Fortnightly for June, Mr. M. J. 
Landa, who writes from close practical acquaint- 
ance with the Jews of Whitechapel, London, 
states "The Case for the Alien." He shows 
that the Polish Jewish immig ant is, physically 
and morally, a better man than the London 
East Ender. Of one lot of Russian reservists 
who arrived in January we are told : "They are 

well- developed, well-fed, big-chested men, with 
legs like molded pillars." Major-General Moody 
declared that he had never seen a finer lot of 
men, taken as a whole. Their health is so ex- 
cellent that there has been only one case of ill- 
ness in the shelter in six years. 

The Jewish mothers are better mothers than 
English mothers. They feed their children from 
the breast, and not from the bottle. Jewish 
children at twelve years of age weigh seven 
pounds more than English children of the same 



class, and stand two inclies liigher. Wliitecliapel 
is tlie bost-vaccinated district in London. 


Their deatli rate is low, and thoy are so moral 
and sober that they have converted East End 
hells into respectable homes. The Rev. W. H. 
Davies, the rector of Spitalfields, told the Alien 
Commission : 

The Jew has wiped out whole areas of vice and in- 
famy. Where once we had houses in streets like Flower 
and Dean streets, and various streets of that kind, now 
dwellings like the Rothschild Buildings stand. I sup- 
pose it was as near a hell upon earth as it was possihle 
to make a place, and all that has been wiped out. There 
are streets, too, where they have gone into houses of ill- 
fame, notoriously bad houses, and they have taken one 
room and lived there. They have been insulted and 
persecuted, but they have held their ground. They 
have never quarreled. Then they have taken a second 
room, or some other Jewish family has taken a second 
room, until gradually they have got the whole house, 
and so purified the whole street by excluding the ob- 
jectionable people who lived there. It is a most marvel- 
ous thing, but they have done it. — (Minutes of Evidence, 
Cd. 1,742, answer 9,768.) 


The Jewish passion for education is notorious. 
But it is not generally known how much more 
regularly they attend school than do the Gentiles. 

The average school attendance in the country is 85 
per cent. ; in Whitechapel, it is about 95, — it is never less 
than that in a group of schools in the heart of White- 
chapel of which I am a manager, — while the Leylands 
Jewish school at Leeds some years ago won a prize of a 
piano for the best attendance in the kingdom for a year 
with the wonderful figure of 99.47 per cent. The school- 
master, Mr. J. Watson, a non-Jew, claims a world's 
record in attendance for this school ; for seven years it 
has not been under 98 per cent. There are nearly one 
thousand children in the school, and in a letter dated 
January 13 last Mr. Watson writes to me : "I am proud 
of my scholars, most of whom will make citizens whom 
any nation may be delighted to possess." The same 
enthusiastic tribute to their Jewish scholars was paid 
by every East End schoolmaster — all non-Jews — who 
gave evidence before the Alien Commission. 


The criminal alien is more often an American 
than a Jew. The Americans, who are only 6 
per cent, of the alien population, contribute 23^ 
of the alien criminality. The Russians and 
Poles, who are 33 per cent, of tbe alien popula- 
tion, only contribute 17 per cent, of the crime. 
As for the accusation that they add to London's 
pauperism and increase the poor rate, the very 
reverse is the truth. Whitechapel is the most 
Jewish alien district in the country. It is al- 
most the only district where the number of out- 
door paupers has been reduced to almost noth- 


ing, while the increase of indoor paupers is only 
29 per cent, in thirty-three years, as against 80.5 
per cent, in the rest of the metropolis. Clearly, 
if this be so, the more Jewish aliens England 
can import the lower will be the poor rate. 


But it is urged that these Jewish aliens black- 
leg, undersell, and oust the British workingman. 
To this Mr. Landa replies that they have created 
work for the workingman. He quotes from the 
commission's report as follows : 

The development of the three main industries — tai- 
loring, cabinetmaking, and shoemaking — in which the 
alien engage has undoubtedly been beneficial in various 
ways ; it has increased the demand for, and the manu- 
facture, not only of goods made in this country (which 
were formerly imported from abroad), but of the mate- 
rials used in them, thus indirectly giving employment 
to native workers. 

Wages have gone up instead of going down 
after the Jews came. He says : 

During his election campaign in North Leeds in July, 
1902, Mr. Rowland Barran, M.P., a member of what is 
probably the largest firm of ready-made clothiers in the 
world, stated that the Jews had enabled England to 
maintain practically a monopoly of the clothing trade 
of the world. Within the last twenty years huge fac- 
tories have been erected in Leeds, and it is computed 
that fully twenty thousand non-Jewish workers are en- 
gaged there in an industry which the city owes almost 
entirely to the aliens. 

It was the Jews who introduced the ladies' 
tailoring industry into England. Now twenty 
thousand persons are employed in this business 
in England, doing work that formerly was sent 
abroad. So it is in the cigarette and waterproof 
industry. The only ''industry " that seems to 
have suffered from the coming of the Jews is 
the trade in drink and the keeping of houses of 




ONE of the most conspicuous instances of 
street-railway municipalization in the world 
is in the city of Glasgow, where the city not only 
owns, but operates, the tramway lines. Because 
Glasgow's experiment is believed to be the most 
favorable for municipal ownership that could be 
selected, it is chosen by Mr. Hayes Bobbins 
(writing in the American Journal of Sociology) 
for comparison with the experience of Boston, 
where in place of ownership of the transporta- 
tion lines by the city there is an efficient system 
of public control. 

Probably the public is as much interested in 
the question of fares as in any other phase of 
the street-railway problem, and American read- 
ers will be especially interested in the data pre- 
sented by Mr. Bobbins under this head. Any 
comparison of fares involves, of course, a con- 
sideration of the amount of service furnished in 
the respective cases. As between Glasgow and 
Boston, there is really less difference than might 
at first sight appear. Glasgow has a graduated 
scale of fares, ranging from 1 cent for a little 
over half a mile to 8 cents for 9 miles. A five- 
cent fare carries a passenger 5.8 miles in Glas- 
gow. Mr. Bobbins concludes that "the confu- 
sions and complications of such a system, for 
the varying distances traveled, would prohibit 
it from meeting the demand for the utmost 
possible expedition on our large American city 
transit systems. Even more serious is the in- 
creasing rate of penalty it imposes upon the 
wide distribution of traffic, and hence upon the 
building up of workingmen's homes in the sub- 
urbs." Mr. Bobbins makes this latter point 
clear by means of a detailed comparison, as 
follows : 

In Boston, the uniform fare is 5 cents, and by means 
of the free-transfer privilege it is possible, for this sum, 
to ride from one end of the sj'^stem to the other, fully 20 
miles. Wage-earners and clerks employed in the busi- 

ness districts can live 8 to 9 miles out and ride to and 
from their homes for 5 cents, while the Glasgow "sub- 
urbanite," to travel equal distances, if the lines extend- 
ed that far, would have to pay 7 and 8 cents, respectively. 
A journey of 15 or 16 miles out from central points in 
Boston, by connection with outlying suburban lines, 
may be taken for 10 cents, and 20 to 25 miles for 15 
cents. The same distances, under the Glasgow rates, 
would cost 13, 14, 18, and 22 cents, respectively. 

The short-ride and congested-district character of 
the Glasgow service must be borne in mind in connec- 
tion with the fact that the average amount received per 
passenger, based on the returns of annual earnings, is 
a little less than 2 cents. In Boston, counting the free- 
transfer passengers, it is about 3)^ cents. But what is 
the effect of the sliding scale on Glasgow traffic ? Sim- 
ply that the great bulk of the travel consists of short 
rides within the city limits. T Mrty-slx per cent, of the 
passengers pay one-cent fares, — that is, ride only half a 
mile ; 56 per cent, pay the two-cent fare, covering 2.33 
miles ; only 8 per cent, pay fares of 3 cents and upward ; 
in other words, only 8 per cent, make journeys of more 
than 3.5 miles. 

To be even more explicit : The most distant sub- 
urban point to which the Glasgow tramways extend is 
Paisley, 6.95 miles. To get there costs 6 cents, or 7 from 
the center of the city. The next farthest point is Clyde- 
bank, 6.39 miles ; fare, 6 cents. Three other suburbs 
are between 4 and 5 miles, and one about 3X- From 
Park Street station, Boston, a passenger may ride 9.53 
miles to Arlington Heights for 5 cents ; 9.83 miles to 
Charles River Bridge ; 8.23 miles to Arlington Center ; 
8 miles to Waverley ; 7.9 miles to the Melrose line ; 7.36 
miles to Milton ; 7.3 miles to Neponset ; 6.32 miles to 
Woodlawn ; and 6.04 miles to Lake Street ; and the uni- 
form fare for any one of these journeys, or for any two 
of them in combination, through free transfer, is 5 

To show that the Glasgow system is not doing 
what it should to relieve the congestion of 
population in the crowded portions of the city, 
Mr. Bobbins cites the results of a recent inves- 
tigation, which brought to light the fact that 
30 per cent, of the families in Glasgow were 
living in single rooms, as compared with about 
1^ per cent, in Boston. 


ACABLEGBAM which appeared in a New 
York newspaper a few weeks ago an- 
nounced the seizure, by the police of Paris, of 
numerous " faked " pictures in the sale-rooms of 
the Hotel Drouot. The seized paintings, it was 
said, bore the forged signatures of Boudin, Co- 
rot, Courbet, Harpignies, and Jongkind. Amer- 
ican picture-buyers, reading the announcement, 
must have been amazed by the revelation that 
it made of the utter lack of protection against 

fraud in these Parisian sale-rooms. Apparently, 
the American connoisseur is quite at the mercy 
of the official " experts" who control the picture 
sales. This shady side of the Parisian picture 
trade, which seems to be little known in the 
United States, is the subject of an unsigned ar- 
ticle in the North American Revieio for June. 
The writer of this article maintains that these 
fraudulent practices in picture-selling have never 
been so barefaced as during the last few years. 




The auctioneers are admittedly ignorant men. 
There are no necessary qualifications for this 
calling except a sum of money large enough 
to purchase a post. *'A Paris auctioneer need 
have no artistic knowledge." He may, of course, 
acquire knowledge after a few years' practice, 
but in the meantime " fakes " are passing through 
his hands and being sold as genuine. He is as- 
sisted, it is true, by an expert, and as to this 
functionary the writer of the North American 
article remarks : 

The expert in a Paris picture sale has no responsi- 
bility whatever. Yet he it is who presides over the 
sale, who draws up the catalogue in any manner he 
thinks fit, and who packs the sale-room with his friends 
and accomplices, with whom he is frequently agreed as 
to the opportune moment of putting up this or that 
work of art. The interests of the venders, and these are 
often widows or minors, are entirely in his hands, and, 
if he is so disposed, he can sacrifice them without fear 
of anything worse than reproach. On the occasion of 
a recent sale at the Hotel Drouot, a certain expert, who, 
as is frequently the case, is also a dealer, placed a value 
of 150 francs upon a picture. One of the spectators, 
recognizing that the canvas was a good one and worth 
much more than the price placed upon it, bid again and 
again. The expert was also very anxious to have the 
picture, — so much so, in fact, that he bid up to the sum 
of 1,200 francs before securing it. No sooner had the 
picture been knocked down to him at this price than a 
well-known Parisian art critic rose and reproached the 
expert with offering 1,200 francs for a work which he 
had valued at only 150 francs. It more frequently 
happens, however, that the "expeib" is distinguished 
for his crass ignorance. 


This writer declares that in the Montmartre 
and Montparnasse quarters there are many 
''manufactories" in which artists are employed 
on salaries copying the canvases of the great 
masters. These copies, duly stamped as au- 
thentic, are sent to the United States and sold 
" for their weight in gold " to American million- 
aires. The forger no longer waits for an artist's 
death before realizing on his masterpieces. Not 
long since, a consignment of twenty-nine paint- 
ings, all copies of works by three living artists, 
was seized at one of the ports just before ship- 
ment to the United States. 

Twenty years ago, when pictures of the 1830 school 
were all the rage, thousands of copies of canvases by 
Corot, Diaz, Dupr6, Daubigny, Theodore Rousseau, 
Troyon, and others were sent in that way to America. 
Dealers had in their employment a small army of imita- 
tors of those great painters. These pastic?ieurs worked, 
some, near Fontainebleau ; others, in the neighborhood 
of Cernay, every week bringing in their work, signed, 
of course, with famous names. All the canvases by 

pupils of Corot, Diaz, and the others— men who had 
worked more or less in the style of their masters— 
which could be found were collected and re-signed. 
How is it that nowadays so few pictures by Villers and 
Mazon can be found? The many works which those 
excellent painters produced have not been destroyed. 
No ; they have not been thrown away as worthless be- 
cause of the greater renown of Millet and Corot ; they 
are hanging at this very moment in the galleries of 
great collectors, but baptized with other names than 
those of the men who i)ainted them ! 

Here is another instance of what used to be done 
about the year 1880. A certain dealer in Paris bought 
one picture by each of the following painters : Corot, 
Daubigny, Diaz, and Theodore Rousseau. Engaging 
a clever copyist at a salary of one thousand francs a 
month, and providing him with a house and garden in 
the country, he set him to work to copy each picture 
twenty-five times, slightly varying the subject in each 
case. The hundred copies were produced in ten months, 
during which time, according to agreement, the painter 
saw no one save his servant. All these copies were 
sent to the United States and sold as originals from 
the collections of this or that well-known Parisian. 

Very much the same thing is done nowadays in the 
case of eighteenth-century pictures. As in 1880, huge 
fortunes are being made by dealers who ten years ago 
were unknown in the picture trade. In forging old 
pictures, generally portraits, not only the copyist, but 
the painter-restorer, plays a part. The way in which 
the latter proceeds about his work will be seen from 
what follows. 

A dealer collects together a number of pictures by 
one or other of the numerous old masters whose works 
are not in vogue, — if possible, pictures by a painter who 
worked somewhat in the style of this or that famous 
artist ; and from these, by means of skillful retouching, 
the painter-restorer produces works which are signed 
Rembrandt, Ruysdael, Hobbema, Raphael, Boucher, or 
Watteau. Placed in the shops of dealers who are sup- 
posed to be. honest, these canvases find a ready market 
among wealthy collectors, who almost invariably trust 
another person's opinion in preference to their own. In 
the case of portraits and picturres containing figures, 
such as those by Largilli^re, which, like Nattier's 
works, are just now rising in value, a similar method 
is adopted, only care is taken to select pictures the light 
parts of which are uninjured and as near as possible in 
the style of the master whose work is to be imitated. 
With the assistance of good engravings, the drawing is 
slightly altered ; half-tones and shadows are added ; 
and, by means of glazes, the necessary piquancy and 
effect are produced. Naturally, canvases of the cor- 
rect period, and genuine old stretchers — or panels, in 
the case of painters who usually painted on wood — 
are selected. Thus, a worthless portrait of, say, an old 
woman is turned into a picture of a pretty, bright-eyed 
damsel, which, under the name of either Nattier or 
Largillifere, will "embellish" the gallery of some trans- 
atlantic connoisseur. 

The patina and cracks of old pictures require very 
skillful imitating. Some picture-forgers use saffron, 
bister, licorice, or black coffee, which have now re- 
placed bacon rind, so much used in former years. When 
this has been applied and is quite dry, the picture is 
varnished. Sometimes thick oil is added to the varnish, 
or it is colored with bitumen, yellow lac, and red ocher, 
which give almost exactly the tone of old varnish. 



Lest some of his readers should be inclined 
to think that he has exaggerated the perils to 
which the American collector is exposed, this 
writer states that many of his facts have been 

obtained from a well-known French collector 
who on more than one occasion has detected the 
numerous tricks to which these unscrupulous 
tradesmen resort. 


THE amateur code of college ball-players is 
a subject of heated discussion during the 
summer months. For this reason the treatment 
of "summer ball" by Henry Beach Needham in 
the July number of McC lure's is especially time- 
ly. By summer ball is meant baseball played by 
collegians on teams of a semi-professional char- 
acter which are organized to furnish entertain- 
ment for the guests at summer resorts. It is 
said that these " summer nines " had their origin 
at the White Mountain resorts about fifteen 
years ago. In those days, college players gave 
their services on the diamond in exchange for 
entertainment at the fashionable hotels. At the 
season's end it was customary to make up a purse 
by popular subscription for the players. Such 
conduct was not at first deemed incompatible 
with proper amateur standards. The players 
did not forfeit their eligibility to a college team. 
In 1898, however, when the Conference on In- 
tercollegiate Athletics met at Providence, there 
was a vigorous pronouncement against the sum- 
mer nines. All students receiving any emolu- 
ment, direct or indirect, by reason of their con- 
nection with such nines were debarred from 
college athletics. 

Notwithstanding this rigid prohibition, apply- 
ing to all the leading colleges of the East, the 
rule has been repeatedly evaded, if not openly 
violated. It is extremely difficult, as Mr. Need- 
ham shows, to obtain legal proof of this form of 
offense. Circumstantial evidence is seldom ac- 
cepted by the judicial athletic committees. As 
the players will not furnish evidence against 
themselves (regarding the rule as a hardship), 
the committees are compelled to rely largely on 
the managers of the teams, who "lie manfully," 
Mr. Needham says, when asked for evidence. 
" Thus, in summer ball there is more lying and 
subterfuge than in any other evil connected 
with intercollegiate athletics." 

Practically all of the colleges which have adopted 
the Providence rules require athletes to sign an eligi- 
bility certificate. The collegians step up and sign with- 
out hesitation, but with a mental reservation, for many 
of them, including men of all colleges, are ineligible. 

The universities of the middle West have 
adopted a rule under which the burden of proof 

does not rest with the athletic committee, as it 
does in the East. "Common report " may be 
accepted as a "basis for action." If this rule 
were enforced in the East, declares Mr. Need- 
ham, a majority of the college baseball-players 
would be debarred from further participation in 


Not the undergraduates themselves, but the 
college faculties, according to Mr. Needham, are 
responsible at most institutions for the evils of 

The college faculties are responsible, because they 
have usurped responsibility to themselves. Several years 
ago, college athletics were entirely in the hands of the 
undergraduates. Professionalism crept in, and condi- 
tions, in some respects, were worse than they are to-day. 
Instead of delivering this ultimatum to the student 
body. Purify your athletics or intercollegiate contests 
will be abolished, the faculties of the colleges, one after 
another, proceeded to take control into their own 

The University of Pennsylvania committee on ath- 
letics is a good illustration. Half of the members of 
the committee are professors, and the student body has 
but two representatives. For some time there were no 
undergraduates on the committee. "Undergraduates 
seemed reluctant to serve on the committee," said Pro- 
fessor Smith, the chairman. "They do not care to be 
informers against their fellow-students." 

The average college professor, it is asserted, 
does not take the trouble to inform himself on 
athletic matters. Furthermore, many professors 
appear lacking in backbone when it comes to 
dealing with problems in college athletics. That 
is why athletes rejoice in so many special privi- 
leges which are denied the ordinary student. 
But here and there, on college athletic com- 
mittees, appears a man with abundance of back- 
bone. Mr. Needham admits as much when he 
says : 

It takes an uncompromising fighter like Professor 
Hollis, of Harvard, to stand up before an athletic mass- 
meeting and enunciate this wholesome doctrine : " The 
athlete who, when indispensable to his team, suffers 
himself to fall behind in his studies and is put on pro- 
bation — that man is in the same class with the man who 
breaks training." There is a growing undergraduate 
sentiment in favor of this principle, and it is one of the 
hopeful signs of approaching regeneration in athletics. 





HE three South Tole expeditions from Eng- tlie South Pole, where there was an unexplored 
land, Germany, and Sweden are the subject place on tlie map extending for aljout forty de- 

of an article in the German monthly Uw,schau 
(Frankfort-on-Main), by Dr. F. Lampe. The re- 
sults from the international work in the arctic 
regions, the writer says, cannot yet be fully 
elaborated, but they have so far considerably in- 
creased our geographical knowledge of those 
parts of the earth. 

Tliere was a difference between the English 

grees of longitude. There they expected to find 
a stream that would convey them near to tlie 
Pole and luring them to the Weddell Sea, but on 
the other side. Instead, however, they discov- 
ered a hitherto unknown land, and undertook 
there close examinations the full value of which 
will be seen in the future. 

The crew of the Discovery were at first greatly 

and the German expeditions, which we find set favored by ice and weather, and they soon espied 

an unknown land, nam- 
ing it after King Ed- 
ward of England. 
Later, they were entire- 
ly surrounded by ice 
and compelled to re- 
main there over winter. 
Great stress was laid 
upon sleighing expedi- 
tions, which brought 
the English expedition 
nearer the Pole than 
any former explorers. 
The winter camp of the 
Discovery was laid near 
Mount Erebus, where 
Borchgrewink had 
passed the winter, and 
from there Captain 
Scott and Lieutenant 
Shakleton undertook, in 
November, 1903 and 
1904, their admirable 
journeys toward the 
south. The provender 
for the dogs proved so 
unsatisfactory that the 
animals became sick. 
One of the leaders, 
Shakleton, also fell sick. 
The results attained by 
the two men are so 
much more deserving 
of credit. The lieu- 
tenants, Armitage and Skelton, proceeded on 
a second sleigh tour, penetrating westwardly 
into Victoria Land, and ascended the ice-fields 
there up to an altitude of six thousand feet. 
In the meantime, a relief ship, the Morning, 
under Captain Colback, had started out in search 
of the Discovery. It succeeded in approaching 
the latter vessel at a distance of eight kilo- 
meters, in rescuing the sick among the crew, 
and in supplying the winter camp with men, 
coal, and provisions. The Discovery was still 


forth in the names of the ships. The German 
ship, the Gauss, carried the name of a celebrated 
man of science to the antarctic regions, while 
the English vessel. Discovery, was intended for 
new explorations. The best-known part of Vic- 
toria Land was chosen for this latter purpose, 
— that is, the place where Captain Ross, and 
sixty years later the Norwegian, Borchgrewink, 
had already penetrated farther south than any 
former explorer. The learned savants on the 
Gauss, on the contrary, selected the territory of 



held fast by the ice, and had to remain over win- 
ter once more, "We see here again a contrast with 
the German expedition, which after wintering 
was conducted out into the open sea by the drift 
ice, and in spite of all efforts to find another 
haven for winter camp, failed to do so. Not- 
withstanding the fact that the whole crew of the 
Gauss was in perfect health and provisions still 
plentiful, the expedition was compelled to re- 
turn home by order of the Berlin government. 
Samples of the provisions were sent to the St. 
Louis exposition, in order to prove the excel- 
lence of these German products. 

Returning to the English expedition, we find 
Captain Scott and Lieutenant Skelton, during 
the second winter, on another two-month sleigh 
journey into Victoria Land. The journey brought 
many good results in geographical knowledge, 
particularly magnetic phenomena. The mag- 
netic South Pole was found to be more to the 
southwest than Ross had believed. There were 
also some geological discoveries of petrified 
vegetables. The Swedish expedition found such 
fossils, too, which proves that there formerly 
existed a much milder climate in those regions. 
It also indicates an ancient connection with the 
Australian continent. 

On January, 1904, two relief ships arrived. 
It was presumed that the Morning alone would 
not be able to rescue the crew and the cargo of 
the Discovery^ whose liberation from the ice was 

hardly expected. In the month of February 
the vessels nevertheless got out of the ice, and 
they succeeded also in coaling. A violent storm 
then separated the three ships Discovery, Morn- 
ing, and Terranova, so that they did not meet 
again until their arrival at New Zealand. The 
Antarctic, the vessel fitted out by the Swedish 
Government, had to be abandoned by the crew, 
which later were rescued by an Argentine gun- 
boat. The results of this expedition prove also 
of great value, and the scientific material is 

A glance at the sketch of the land around the 
South Pole shows that the antarctic regions 
have been explored since 1774. As to the re- 
cent discoveries, the German expedition has 
proved that the so-called island of Termination, 
seen in 1840, and later sought for by the Challenger 
expedition, never really existed, but that the 
coast about ten degrees southward extends from 
east to west. The weather conditions indicated 
that behind this coast there is a great continent 
extending toward the south. Geographical re- 
sults from the Swedish expedition also make 
plain that what have heretofore been regarded 
as separated territories, such as Louis Philippe 
Island and Graham Land, really constitute a 
single peninsula from a continent probably ex- 
tending from the south. We can therefore say 
that antarctic territories are more compact than 
heretofore believed. 


THE story of the discovery and restoration 
of the Diplodocus Carnegii, the reptile of 
the order Dinosauria which was unearthed sev- 
eral years ago in Wyoming and now has a place 
of honor in the Carnegie Museum, at Pittsburg, 
is related in the pages of the Westminster Revieio 
for June by Director W. J. Holland, of the 
museum. This monster was secured for the 
Pittsburg institution through the generosity of 
Mr. Andrew Carnegie. It belongs to the sub- 
order of Sauropods, which were vegetable feed- 
ers, as is shown by their teeth. They were 
quadrupeds, — terrestrial in their habits, but ca- 
pable of movement in water. Professor Hol- 
land thinks that they probably haunted the 
shores of the shallow lagoons and estuaries of 
the small continent which, in the Jurassic time, 
lay to the west of the Mississippi Valley as now 
defined and was one of the nuclei out of which 
the continent of North America was built. This 
small continent had a tropical climate, as is 
shown by the fact that in the very quarry from 

which the remains of the diplodocus were taken 
there were also found portions of the fossil 
stems of palm trees and other tropical plants. 
Professor Holland describes these sauropods as 
" condensing machines.'' 

They apparently came into being for the purpose of 
eating vegetable food and converting it into nitrogenous 
matter. They were then, in turn, consumed by their 
carnivorous relatives. They held the same relation to 
the carnivores which cattle hold at the present day to 
man. They were the agents for converting grass into 
meat. No other use for sauropods in the economy of the 
world at that time suggests itself to the writer. That 
their dead bodies were preyed upon by carnivorous 
dinosaurs is a fact which is shown by the marks of 
teeth upon their bones, and by finding the broken teeth 
of carnivorous dinosaurs mingled with the skeletons of 
the herbivora. 

Carnivorous dinosaurs are believed to have 
been numerous in those times. They were not 
nearly so large in size as the sauropods, but had 
terrible fangs and jaws, and great feet, and were 
armed with remarkable talons. Professor Hoi- 





land describes them as '' veritable dragons, far 
more terrible than the one which taxed the 
valor of St. George." The dinosaurs reached 
their highest development at the end of the 
Jurassic period and the beginning of the Cre- 
taceous. Then they slowly began to disappear. 
The whole order is extinct, and the only reptile 
of to-day which in some parts of its anatomy 
shows some resemblance to the dinosaur is the 
little lizard found in New Zealand. The skele- 

ton in the Carnegie Museum was restored from 
material furnished by four specimens discovered 
in Wyoming at different times during the years 
1899-1903. The skull is a reproduction based 
upon the original skull, first discovered by Pro- 
fessor Marsh, and a second skull obtained by the 
Carnegie Museum in 1902. A few of the bones 
of the fore feet, and a few of the chevrons of 
the tail, have been supplied by reproductions of 
materials belonging to other collections. 


OUR neglected trade interests in American 
countries to the south of us are brought 
to our notice, from time to time, in magazine ar- 
ticles, which apparently fail to gain the atten- 
tion of Congress. Such articles seem to be 
needed to remind us that south of the United 
States there exists an American population of 
60,000,000 souls, inhabiting an area greater by 
1,500,000 square miles than the United States, 
Canada, Alaska, and the Hawaiian Islands com- 
bined. This and many other striking facts con- 
cerning Latin America, so called, are tersely 
stated in an article contributed to the June Arena 
by Prof. Frederick M. Noa. Taken in connec- 

tion with Minister Barrett's account of Argen- 
tine progress, in this number of the Review of 
Reviews, Professor Noa's article throws new 
light on trade conditions in the southern half of 
our hemisphere. 

According to the latest statistics published by 
our own Bureau of Statistics (the figures for 
1902), the total foreign trade of Latin America 
with the entire world was, in round numbers, 
|1,198,000,0'00, against $728,000,000 for the far 
East, — namely, China, Japan, and the Philip- 
pines. The foreign commerce of Latin America 
is nearly one-half that of the United States, while 
that of the far East is less than one-third. The 



opening of the Panama Canal will undoubtedly 
make that trade far more valuable than it is now. 
Pursuing his analysis of the figures given by 
the United States Bureau of Statistics, Professor 
Noa shows that the total exports of Latin America 
for 1902 were, in round numbers, $713,384,000, 
of which 1286,792,000, or only about one-third, 
came to the United States. The imports in the 
same year amounted to $484,660,000, of which 
the United States contributed only $114,636,000, 
or less than one-third. Taking a rapid survey 
of the leading Latin- American countries, Pro- 
fessor Noa begins with Mexico and shows that 
76 per cent, of the exports of that country for 
1902 came to the United States, while of her 
imports the United States contributed 63 per 
cent. This may be regarded as a fairly satisfac- 
tory showing, although Professor Noa holds that 
there is room for improvement even here, con- 
sidering that Mexico lies in close proximity to 
the United States, with which it has close rail- 
road connections. 


Cuba sends 80 per cent, of her exports to the 
United States and receives from this country 44 
per cent, of her imports, the United States being 
the best market for Cuban sugar and tobacco. 
Cuba and Mexico are the only Latin-American 
republics which have commercial relations with 
the United States at all commensurate with the 
importance of their general trade. Brazil, for 
example, sends considerably less than one-half 
of her exports to the United States, and receives 
from this country less than 10 per cent, of her 
imports. The exports of the Argentine Republic 
are almost as extensive as those of Brazil, "but 
of the grand total of $173,205,000 only about 5 
per cent, reaches the ports of the United States. 
Of Argentina's imports, amounting to nearly 
$100,000,000, the United States supplies less 
than 13 per cent., and yet, as is clearly shown 
in Minister Barrett's article, on page 49, the 
Argentine Republic is justly regarded as one of 
the most progressive, prosperous, and enlight- 
ened countries of Latin America. It has been 
frequently shown that American manufactures 
require for their fuller development all the raw 
hides and wool that Argentina can supply, and 
it is believed that the Argentines would be only 
too glad to have, in exchange for their hides 
and wool, such manufactured products as Amer- 
ica can supply, if only they were offered to them 
on as adva.ntageous terms as those of European 
competitors. In Chile, the proportions of Amer- 
ican trade are almost the same as in the case of 
Argentina. Chile's foreign trade is, of course, 

only a fraction of that of her wealthier neighbor. 
The same thing may be said of the republic of 

The trade of the Central American republics 
is destined to become highly valued and coveted 
because of their proximity to the Panama Canal. 
At the present time, 42 per cent, of their total 
exports reach the United States, and this coun- 
try sends to them 43 per cent, of their total im- 
ports. As regards the balance of Latin America, 
considerably less than one-fourth of its total ex- 
port trade reaches the United States, while about 
one-fifth of its imports is supplied by this country. 


One of the reasons why Europe and not the 
United States is in almost absolute control of the 
foreign commerce of Latin America is to be 
found in the fact that Americans are too thor- 
oughly absorbed in the conflict now going on 
in the far East, to the neglect of their interests 
in Central and South America, the control of 
whose commerce, as Professor Noa points out, 
would be infinitely more valuable to the United 
States than that of the far East. Another reason 
lies in a certain racial incapacity on our part to 
estimate properly the strength of Latin- American 

Anglo-American conceit is not yet ready to admit 
that, in spite of adverse circumstances, a noble civiliza- 
tion is steadily and silently developing in the portion of 
the western hemisphere originally colonized by the 
Spanish and the Portuguese. There exists among 
Americans a wholly unwarranted distrust as to the 
general honesty and sense of fair play of their Latin- 
American brethren. The latter are keenly, and even 
absurdly, sensitive in matters of honor. Their methods 
are often lax, but they will beggar themselves to the 
point of starvation in order ultimately to pay every 
cent of their honest debts. It is quite true that their 
environment and centuries of evil training and condi- 
tions render too many Latin- Americans unpunctual in 
keeping appointments, extravagant and lavish in their 
tastes, easy-going in their ways, and dilatory about the 
repayment of their obligations. Such habits are the 
cause of endless friction in business dealings with their 
English-speaking neighbors of the United States, whose 
brusque manners and direct ways make them impatient 
with the Latin-American temperament. As an inevi- 
table result of mutual misunderstandings, and for want 
of ordinary tact, valuable trade is lost because Ameri. 
can exporting and commission houses are simply too 
careless and indifferent to exert themselves to take the 
necessary steps to secure it, and, accordingly, their com- 
petitors in Europe profit enormously by such colossal 

American manufacturing and commercial firms gen- 
erally send down to such a metropolis as Buenos Ayres, 
which has nearly a million inhabitants, representatives, 
drummers, and traders who have no proper training, 
are wholly ignorant of the Spanish language or have a 



very superficial, smattering knowledge of it, are lack- 
ing in tact and courtesy, and receive such a small, piti- 
ful salary that tiiey can scarcely eke out a respect- 
able living. When they endeavor to catch some of the 
profitable trade constantly flowing into European 
coffers, they find themselves tied down by rigid instruc- 
tions to do no business except on a strictly cash basis. 
The British, French, or German representative, on the 
other hand, who is a sharp and expert judge of human 
nature, conforms to the customs of the country in which 
he is stationed, extends to a reputable firm in Buenos 
Ayres or Valparaiso a year's credit, if necessary, and 
brings to the home establishment in Great Britain, 
France, or Germany a rushing and extremely profitable 
business with Latin America. In addition to having 
carte hlnnehc to conduct affairs in whatever manner 
he thinks will best promote the interests of his firm, 
he receives a large salary, not only that he may prop- 

erly advertise his wares, but live in a style befitting 
his position. 

Another vory serious obstruction to the ad- 
vancement of American trade witli Latin Amer- 
ica pointed out by Professor Noa is our unscien- 
tific customs tariff. It lias long been recognized 
by protectionists as well as by tariff reformers 
that Germany and France, protective countries, 
like the United States, have so arranged their 
tariffs tliat the duties fall upon finished products, 
while raw materials, such as wool and hides, are 
admitted free of duty, — the very reverse of tlie 
policy of the United States. This is why the feel- 
ing in favor of liberal reciprocity with the Latin- 
American republics is daily gaining strength. 


THE congress of Russian zemstvos, held in 
Moscow, early in May, is characterized 
by Dr. E. J. Dillon (in the Contemporary Review) 
as the first Russian parliament. He says : 

On Friday morning, May 5, the most important, im- 
posing, and influential of all the revolutionary conven- 
ticles, the Zemsky Congress, was opened in Moscow by 
Count Heyden, the president of the Imperial Economic 
Society. It was neither more nor less than a Russian 
parliament, elected and authorized by a large section of 
the people, to discuss bills and enact fundamental laws 
to which nothing but the imperial sanction is lacking. 
But they are likely to be obeyed with as much alacrity 
and perhaps more generally than the average statute 
framed by the Council of the Empire. 

This first of Russian parliaments was presided 
over by Count Heyden, of whom Dr. Dillon says : 

An elderly, benevolent-looking old gentleman, who 
is the very embodiment of an iron hand in a velvet 
glove, Count Heyden was an ideal chairman. It may 
well be doubted whether in any parliamentary land, 
not excepting England, a firmer, readier, more affable, 
or impartial president could be found. Had it not been 
for the skill with which this Speaker, who looked for 
all the world like a Nonconformist minister, econo- 
mized the time of the congress, it would probably still 
be sitting. 

The readiest debater at the congress was Mr. 
Kokoshkin, a new man, young, hard-working, 
and zealous for the people's cause. Secretary of 
the Moscow Provincial Board, he had been a 
member of the committee which drew up the 
programme and organized the assembly ; and it 
fell to him to defend, explain, or modify the 
various bills discussed. "This he did with ad- 
mirable terseness, logical force, and remarkable 
knowledge of details," speaking on one occasion 
for three hours on end. 

He advocated as the best form of representative gov- 
ernment tw^o chambers, of which the lower would be 

filled by deputies returned on the basis of universal 
suffrage, while the upi^er would consist of delegates 
sent by the zemstvos, — as soon as they are reformed on 
democratic lines, — in the rural districts, by the munici- 
palities in the towns, and by national bodies like the 
future Polish and the present Finnish diets in the au- 
tonomous provinces. 

The most inspiriting speaker in the congress, 
according to Dr. Dillon, was Nikolai Nikolaye- 
vich Lvov, a nobleman still young, very earnest, 
modest and altruistic. 

His eloquence was not based upon rhetoric, — 
its source was warm fellow-feeling for his peo- 
ple, its aim truth and justice ; and his appeal to 
the workers who thought and felt as he did pro- 
duced an immediate and a powerful effect. En- 
thusiasm was then revealed for the first time in 
the assembly, and men felt impatient that they 
could not proceed from words to helpful deeds. 
N. N. Lvov, the member for Saratov, is well and 
favorably known in Russia, and his well-merited 
reputation for high-souled patriotism imparted 
weight to his words. Dr. Dillon speaks most 
enthusiastically of Petrunkevich, the well-known 
economist. He says : 

But if one could conceive a social worker in whom 
were blended in one harmonious personality the most 
sympathetic mental and physical qualities of St. Ber- 
nard and Mr. Gladstone, the result would offer a 
tolerable resemblance to the impression one has of I.I. 
Petrunkevich after a seven hours' sitting or a ten 
years' acquaintance. If I were asked to put into the 
fewest words the essential tendency of Petrunkevich's 
political teachings and strivings, I should define it as 
the quickening of politics with morality. 

One and all, says Dr. Dillon, these are public 
men of whom Russia, and indeed any other coun- 
try, might well be proud. Yet one and all they 
are misdemeanants, if not criminals, in the eyes 
of the autocracy. 




THE German reviews are devoting consid- 
erable space to the tactical and strateg- 
ical lessons of the Russo-Japanese war. In the 
Militdrische Wochenhlatt (Berlin), an anonymous 
German staff officer points out the exaggeration 
of the terrible nature of modern warfare, com- 
paring the losses in the battles in Manchuria 
with those of other wars. Even military ex- 
perts, he says, believe that the losses in modern 
battles will increase to such a degree that war 
will soon make itself impossible. In other 
words, ''the technical perfection of modern ar- 
mies will establish the eternal peace." While 
admitting the severity of the losses in the bat- 
tles in Manchuria, particularly in that at Muk- 
den, this writer denies that the figures of these 
losses are to any noteworthy degree greater than 
those of former wars. From the 26th of Feb- 
ruary to the 1 4th of March, he points out, the 
Russian losses in the battle of Mukden were : 
killed, 26,500 ; sick and wounded, 63,500 ; 
prisoners, 40,000 ; total, about 130,000. [These 
figures are based on the latest obtainable re- 
ports, and are probably correct.] In case the 
Russians had engaged the whole strength of 
their army, says this writer, the losses would be 
somewhat more than 33^ per cent., but if we re- 
duce the effective strength to 300,000 comba- 
tants, the losses would be about 43 per cent. 

Comparing these figures with the entire losses of ar- 
mies defeated in former battles, we find something like 
this, the figures including prisoners taken : Zorndorf — 
Russians, 50 per cent. ; Renensdorf — Prussians, 48 per 
cent. ; Waterloo — French, 42.9 per cent. ; Koniggratz — 
Austrians, 20.6 per cent. ; Gravelotte — French, 41.1 per 
cent. ; Sedan — French, 42.2 per cent. ; Mukden — Rus- 
sians, 43 per cent. We are not able to intelligently dis- 
cuss the Japanese losses, as we are not sufficiently in- 
formed as to their strength. It would also seem that 
the moral impression during a battle of more than 
two weeks could by no means be so tremendous as dur- 
ing the engagements referred to, where these losses 
were incurred in from six to twelve hours. Yet the 
effects of a fortnight's battle must be terrible ; nerves 
and consciousness lose their elasticity ; man becomes 
hardened and indifferent. As a whole, the impression 
will perhaps be more far-reaching than in the case of 
shorter engagements. The officer will suffer more in 
seeing half-a-dozen of his men fall one day after an- 
other during a two weeks' engagement than when he 
loses half of them in an assault. 

Defects of Russian Strategy. 

An analysis of Russian strategy, particularly 
the tactics of the land battles in Manchuria, is 
contributed to the Preussische Jahrhucher by Pro- 
fessor Delbriick. The characteristic Russian tac- 
tics up to the present, says Professor Delbriick, 
have been the heavy massing of troops. On the 

other hand, most modern battles (a fact particu- 
larly shown by the Boer war) had depended upon 
the smaller units, taking advantage of the ground 
in the case of every single man. With the Rus- 
sians, the old spirit of Suvarrov and the bayonet 
attack survive, and one of the most brilliant liv- 
ing representatives of the Russian soldier. Gen- 
eral Dragomirov, never tires of insisting on the 
precept, " Never strike with spread fingers, but 
with the clinched fist." This, he says, is the 
only reasonable method of fighting for the Rus- 
sian soldier. General Kuropatkin, no doubt, lost 
his first two battles because he kept his troops 
too closely together, and because, for the sake 
of concentration, he posted his reserves behind 
the center of his front line instead of disposing 
them as much as possible behind the wings, 
which is the rule in the German army. Troops 
which are too closely massed are outflanked and 
kept under fire from two sides by surrounding 
movements, and this is possible even if the en- 
emy be not numerically stronger. During the 
campaigns of Napoleon, these tactics — those of 
the Germans — would become disastrous, as the 
most closely concentrated line would break 
through and annihilate the weakened front of the 
enemy. The defensive power of modern armies, 
however, is so great that it is almost impossible 
to overthrow even a very weak front by a greatly 
superior force. This is the reason for the out- 
flanking movement in modern warfare. By it we 
obtain the advantage of a two-sided attack, with 
two fronts able to use their firearms on a larger 

All this depends largely upon the psychology 
of the people. Modern tactics call for individ- 
uality, and in Russia state affairs and the peo- 
ple are made dependent upon the subjugation 
of individuality in ecclesiasticism and govern- 

The Russian soldier can have no more independent 
thought than the Russian citizen. The Russian citi- 
zens are not independent individuals, but races of many 
origins, kept together by means of power. How can 
these Poles, Finns, Georgians, Armenians, Kalmucks, 
and whatsoever the others may be, be brought to fight 
for Russia unless under strong discipline and in forcibly 
massed bodies ? It is evident that the Russians made, 
at the battle of Mukden, the same tactical mistakes 
that they made during the entire first year of the war. 
On the other hand, the Japanese surpass even the Ger- 
mans in the perfection of individual discipline, as they 
connect offensive advance by strategy and spade-work, 
which is used only defensively in the German army. 

Professor Delbriick's conclusion is, ^'A slavish 
people will succumb on the battlefield just as 
they must do in the competitions of peace." 




WHEN Prussia conquered France, in 1872, 
slio believed that her conquest of the 
world would follow. If she still preserved the 
old national air, ''Die Waclit am Rhein," she 
added to it the triumphant " Deutschland Uber 
Alles" — ''Germany Over All." 

Since 1872, the Germans have set themselves 
to the task of disputing with other nations the 
sovereignty of both the land and the ocean ; and 
they have employed in this work an activity bor- 
dering on the prodigious. They have become an 
industrial people, — tradesmen and navigators. 
They have spread themselves abroad, both among 
adjoining nations and among those at a distance 
from the empire. Oceans and continents have 
seen the new German colors, and everywhere a 
place has had to be made for these confident, en- 
ergetic people. They are now engaged in trade, 
they are emigrating, they will very shortly be 
known as colonists in various sections of the 
world. It is thus that, thanks to this triple ex- 
pansion — colonization, emigration, and com- 
merce — a new Germany, a Germany beyond the 
seas, will be formed. It is of this future Ger- 
many that a French writer, M. Gaston Rouvier, 
writing in the Monde Moderne (Paris), wishes to 
tell us. 

The Morocco incident furnishes an admirable 
instance of this, says M. Rouvier. The visit of 
the German Emperor to Tangier was certainly 

Every one knows that France, with the consent of 
the other European powers most interested in the mat- 
ter — England, Spain, and Italy — has undertaken in Mo- 
rocco the difficult task of pacification and civilization. 
The vicinity of that country to the French protectorate 
of Algeria, and the necessity of safeguarding the se- 
curity and tranquillity of the French possessions in 
northern Africa, have made it imperative that Morocco 
should not only be properly governed, but that no other 
European nation should .secure an ascendency of power 
in that section of the continent. It was to protect these 
interests that M. St. R6n6 Tallandier, the French min- 
ister at Tangier, was sent by his government on a visit 
to the Sultan at Fez, a mission that ended disastrously 
for France. Certain members of the Makhzen (a kind 
of advisory board to the Sultan), vacillating between 
their scruples, their fears, and their personal interests, 
refused to receive from French hands any offer tending 
to the amelioration of the country. 

THE kaiser's visit TO TANGIER. 

It was at this critical juncture that, without 
any previous indication of his purpose, the Ger- 
man Emperor announced his visit to Tangier. 
As proof that this visit was not the caprice of 
an imperial mind, we have the comments pub- 
lished by the German newspapers, and — what 

is even of greater importance — the statements 
made by Count [now Prince] von ]^>idow, the 
German chancellor of tlie exchequer. The pa- 
pers, which for some time had been reproaching 
the Berlin government for not declaring war 
against Morocco, were loud in their expressions 
of satisfaction at the visit. The Deutsche Zeiiunr/ 
considered "the moment a favorable one for 
taking action." The entire German nation was 
unanimous in applauding the initiative of their 
Emperor. Count von Biilow remarked that "In 
Morocco, as in China, we have an important in- 
terest in maintaining the open door, — that is to 
say, equality of treatment for all nations en- 
gaged in trade." The chancellor spoke only of 
"economic interests," and we will, in fact, see 
what place these interests occupy in the actual 
expansion of Germany. The arguments of Count 
von Biilow are such as a British prime minister 
might have offered, German imperialism is a 
mercantile imperialism, a fact that explains the 
Anglo-German antagonism. 

It cannot be denied that at Morocco there are 
German interests which do honor to her ability 
as a commercial nation. In fifteen years her 
trade with Morocco has attained the large sum 
of 18,000,000, which represents 14 per cent, of 
the total trade of Morocco, 6 per cent, of its im- 
ports, and 24 per cent, of its exports. This 
business, facilitated by the existence of numer- 
ous German firms at Tangier, Robat, Casabianca, 
Mazagran, Safi, and,Mogador, and by two lines 
of steamers, is developing under the protection 
of a commercial treaty which cannot be annulled 
without the consent of Germany. 

Germany's " weltpolitik." 

The most important of the von Biilow remarks, 
however, is his reference to the Sultan — " F'or 
this reason we must at once eiiter into relations with 
the Sultan.'''' France, after her understanding 
with England, Spain, and Italy, after her solemn 
declaration to respect, in Morocco, the economic 
interests of all the powers, had some reason to 
believe that she was negotiating with the Sultan 
of Morocco in the name of Europe and in the 
name of civilization. To this, however,. the Ger- 
man Emperor is opposed. It is not his wish 
that in any part of the world an important nego- 
tiation should be conducted without his influ- 
ence being felt therein. Hence it is that the 
visit to Tangier is of political importance. 

In 1897, the Emperor thus expressed himself 
at Cologne : " Since the consolidation of the em- 
pire by our great ancestor, other tasks have been 
imposed on us. It behooves us to protect the 


interests of Germans now settled abroad. Ger- 
man honor must be maintained in foreign coun- 
tries. The trident has fallen into our hands' Let 
us see what are the facts that serve as pedestal 
for this theory. 

It is reported that at the surrender of Metz Prince 
Frederick Charles pronounced these words : "We have 
just conquered on military ground ; it is for us now to 
fight and conquer on industrial ground." For this 
new battle the country was equipped by nature. It 
had coal, and it had an increasing population. In 
coal, Germany comes next after England and the 
United States ; its supply is four times that of French 
production. Add to this the fact that the working of 
the German pits is comparatively easy, and a notice- 
able difference in the producing value is apparent. 
This first advantage is multiplied by the abundance of 
manual labor. The Germans are more numerous than 
their hereditary foes, the French, by nearly twenty mil- 
lions (in 1876, not thirty years ago, the difference was 
only six millions), and still the increase goes on. But 
if the subsoil of Germany is rich in coal, the soil itself 
is little more than middling in quality. It cannot sup- 
port its increasing population. It produces only one- 
third as much wheat as France. The consequence is 
that the surplus population have had to turn their at- 
tention to the cities, to the large factories that have 
sprung up on all sides since the war. They have become 
workmen ; others, going farther, have emigrated. 

But with the rapid advancement of Germany 
into the front rank of the nations producing 
sugar, hardware, machines, fabrics, alcohol, etc., 
the country found itself confronted by the im- 
portant question of how to dispose of the very 
goods she was manufacturing in such abun- 
dance. Her anxiety was not so much to manu- 
facture the best as to manufacture the quickest. 
It was necessary to dispose of the merchandise 
that accumulated in her warehouses and on her 
docks. It is thus that Germany, now become 
an industrial nation, was forced to look beyond 
her frontiers, to mingle with foreign nations, to 
transform herself anew, to become a nation of 
traders. In this evolution she was aided by the 
merchant marine she liad created, by her mer- 
cantile spirit, and by those of her children who 
had gone abroad. 

The sudden elevation of Germany to the rank 
of great maritime power is one of the most cu- 
rious economic phenomena of our times. The 
German coasts are miserably adapted to com- 
mercial purposes ; they are low, dangerous, and 
inhospitable, and they are cut in halves by the 
Danish peninsula of Jutland. And yet, following 
the birth of unified Germany, the industrial im- 
provement was followed by great maritime 

In thirty years, the tonnage of the German 
merchant marine has increased by 124 per cent. 
This " commercial fleet " has passed from 642,000 
tons to 1,700,000 tons. Almost three-fourths 

(70 per cent.) of the foreign trade of Germany 
is now carried on by sea. In October, 1899, the 
Emperor, at a dinner given in his honor by the 
city of Hamburg, proposed this toast : 

The development of the gigantic entrepot of com- 
merce, the city of Hamburg, is evidence of what the 
German people can do when their forces are united. It 
proves, too, how necessary it is to our interests abroad 
that our navy should increase in power. If, during the 
first eight years of my reign, they had not refused, in 
spite of my prayers, my urgings, and my warnings, to 
grant the necessary credit with which to increase our 
navy, we would to-day be in a position to lend an en- 
tirely different means of support to our flourishing com- 
merce and to the interests that we have across the seas. 

It is precisely this support that the Emperor 
intended to give, by his recent visit, to Ger- 
man interests in Morocco. Thanks to her colo- 
nists, Germany to-day has interests in every 
corner of the world. Her example is proof 
enough that the formation of colonies does not 
depend on the mother country. Germany pos- 
sessed an immense population (the majority 
poor), and she had no colonies. That her colo- 
nists were satisfied with their positions abroad 
is shown by the increase in the number of emi- 
grants. From 1871 to 1878, 472,983 persons 
quitted the mother country; from 1879 to 1887, 
1,198,284 ; from 1887 to 1896, 732,482, making 
a total of 2,403,750 in twenty-five years. Of 
this number, 96 per cent, have settled in the 
United States. The present tendency, however, 
is toward the Brazilian republic. Thus, we have 
the curious phenomenon of the foundation of a 
colony in the midst of another nation. In 1899, 
the Reichstag voted a law the real object of 
which was to direct the emigration of agricultur- 
ists to southern Brazil, to the provinces of Rio 
Grande do Sul, Santa Catharina, and Parana. 
The motive for the enactment of this law was 
plainly disclosed by its wording. 

There [in Brazil], not only will the German preserve 
his nationality, but he will find ... all the conditions 
favorable to a prosperous existence. He will, more- 
over, become a consumer of the products of German 
industry, and, consequently, a commercial and political 
intermediary between his new country and his mother 

In this respect, official efforts are being strenu- 
ously seconded by the Hamburg Society for the 
Colonization of Southern Brazil. The experi- 
ments made have proved so encouraging to the 
Germans that the Brazilian Government has 
already manifested signs of anxiety and alarm. 


To complete this picture of German expansion 
it is necessary to speak of the German invasion 
of Russia, where more than two hundred thou- 



sand immigrants have establisluMl thoms(;lves in 
the Baltic provinces, in Volliynia, and in the val- 
ley of the Don ; of Turkey, wliere German 
friendsliip for the Sultan lias secured, each year, 
some advantage for the empire ; of Asia Minor, 
through which the German line connects witli 
the great railroad to the Persian Gulf ; of Syria, 
wliere the harbor of Jaffa is a German port, and 
where, since tlie spectacular visit of William IT., 
German influence has made considerable prog- 
ress ; of Argentina, where England is already 
supplanted in the sale of iron wire and bar and 
flat iron ; even of India, and, within recent 
years, of China and of the Pacific Ocean. 

In the last named, the attitude of the German colo- 
nists has raised a new "Pacific question." Since her 
awakening to commercial conquest, and especially 
since her creation of the two most powerful instru- 
ments in foreign expansion, — a navy and a merchant 
marine, — Germany has also directed her ambitions to- 
ward certain islands in the Pacific Ocean. Flanked 
on the east by Kiao-Chau, on the Chinese coast of 
Shangtung, the German colonies of the Pacific — Mar 
shall. Brown, and Providence islands in the northeast ; 
German New Guinea, with the Caroline, Palaos, and 
Mariana groups to the nortli ; the Solomon and Bis- 
marck archipelagoes to the east ; and even Samoa, which, 
still farther to the east, dominates the route from New 
Zealand to the Hawaiian Islands, — all form a kind of 
arch which commands the great ocean road to Austra- 
lia. In all these islands, colonization is in its most ac- 
tive condition ; thousands of plantations are being ex- 
ploited, and a naval base has been established in the 
Bismarck Archipelago. In fact, it is evident that the 
absorption of the Dutch West Indies is a dream famil- 
iar to the German colonial party. A tendency has al- 
ready evinced itself in these German colonies to protect 
by prohibitive measures the development of the na- 
tional commerce. Hence it is that the Australians, 
who until recently were in close relations with the 
Marshall Islands, have found themselves confronted by 
strong fiscal barriers. They complain especially of the 
heavy duty (doubled in the winter of 1904) which is 
laid upon all Sydney vessels trading between that port 
and the Marshall Islands. 


As regards German expansion in China, one 
fact may be noticed. At a meeting of the Ger- 
man Asiatic Society, in March, the president of 
the society. Dr. Vosberg Rekow, declared that 
" Germany must build a navy strong enough to 
resist the Japanese fleet in the far East." Here, 
too, as in the Pacific and in Morocco, the Ger- 
man policy of expansion is bent upon success. 
Even in other directions there are signs of this 
commercial activity. Recently, a German mis- 
sion was sent to the court of Emperor Menelek, 
with whom an important commercial treaty has 
since been arranged. 

The industrial power of Germany, the development 
of her foreign trade, the importance of her emigration, 
her efforts to extend her influence in all directions, — 
these indicate the birth of a new and greater Germany. 
If the German colonies are of least importance in tliis 
tremendous undertaking, it is nevertheless impossible 
to overlook them in considering the expansion of the 
empire. However disappointing were her initial at- 
tempts at establishing a foothold in Africa in 1870-80, 
her progress four years later was certainly an achieve- 
ment. In that year (1884) she extended her commercial 
supremacy to the Kameruns, to Angra-Pequefia, and 
to the coast of Guinea. She also founded in the ter- 
ritory of the Sultan of Zanzibar the OstafrlkfLnische 
Oesellschaft. In twelve months she had selected and 
marked the positions she intended to hold in Africa. 
In 1885, the Marshall Islands were annexed and occu- 
pied. They became the " point of departure " for new an- 
nexations in the Solomon and Bismarck archipelagoes, 
and in New Guinea. In two years the German colonial 
empire was established. The acquisition, in 1897, of 
Kiao-Chau, in China, and of the Mariana, Caroline, and 
Palaos islands in 1899, was simply an extension of this 
colonial ambition. 

The most important of all these German col- 
onies is that on the east coast of Africa. In 
1886, Dr. Peters, the president of the German 
Colonization Society, purchased from the native 
chiefs an extent of territory some one hundred 
and fifty-five thousand kilometers square. Two 
years later, Germany secured from the Sultan of 
Zanzibar the administration and all the commer- 
cial rights of the districts that still disputed his 
authority, from Wanga to Rovouma. Thus, 
seven ports came under the jurisdiction of Ger- 
many, Dar-es-Salem and Bagamayo (the latter the 
headquarters of the caravan companies) being 
the most important. On June 14, 1901, an 
agreement with England defined the German 
zone. This now forms a quadilateral of nearly 
one hundred thousand kilometers square, ex- 
tending from Lakes Victoria and Tanganyika to 
the sea. Watered by the Indian monsoons, this 
vast extent of territory, which rises gradually 
from the sea to an altitude of five thousand 
meters, produces an abundance of colonial sta- 
ples, — cocoa, mangoes, bananas, palms, sago, tapi- 
oca, rice, maize, tobacco, cotton, vanilla, and 
elephant tusks. It has been estimated that two- 
fifths of the land is cultivable. The construc- 
tion of a railroad through the interior is ad- 
vancing rapidly, and at Dar-es-Salem a floating 
dock has recently been completed. In all these 
colonies, as in tlie United States, in Brazil, and 
in the Argentine Republic, the Germans have 
carried with them their indomitable spirit, and, 
with true industrial energy, are working zealous- 
ly in promoting the commercial world suprem- 
acy of their empire. 




Personal Sketches. — The July magazines are no- 
table for the number and interest of their portraitures 
of eminent living Americans and foreigners. Among 
these are Mr. Robert Mayhew's article in Leslie's on 
Henry C. Frick, whose report last month on the condi- 
tion of the Equitable Life Assurance Society attracted 
the attention of the whole country ; Miss Ida M. Tar- 
bell's character study of John D. Rockefeller, in Mc- 
Clure's; the sketch of Secretary Wilson, of the Depart- 
ment of Agriculture, by J. Herbert Welch, in Success; 
Mr. George Archibald Clark's article in the same maga- 
zine on Luther Burbank, "the high-priest of horticul- 
ture ; " Mr. Joseph Dannenberg's analysis of the per- 
sonality of Senator Gorman, of Maryland, in Tom 
Watson's Magazine; the study of Admiral Togo, in 
the World's Work ; the brief article on Mayor Dunne, 
of Chicago, by Richard Fairchild, in Munsey's ; the 
sketch in the same magazine of " The Panama Trium- 
virate," Messrs. Shonts, Magoon, and Wallace ; the pen 
picture of Commander Eva Booth, of the Salvation 
Army, by Rheta Childe Dorr, in Leslie's; and "Henry 
James as a Lecturer," by Olivia Howard Dunbar, 
in the Critic. — In the Century Magazine, Madame 
Blanc ("Th. Bentzon") writes on the late Princess 

The Story of John Paul Jones. — John Paul Jones 
is the subject of two articles in the July magazines, in 
addition to Mr. Lincoln's contribution to the Review 
OF Reviews. Each of these, — one appearing in Mu7i- 
sey's and the other in the Metropolitan Magazine, — is 
the work of Mr. Cyrus Townsend Brady, the author of 
a popular life of Jones. In his Munsey's article, Mr. 
Brady throws new light on the reasons which actuated 
the assumption of the name Jones by the youthful 
John Paul. — In the July number of Scrihner's appears 
a full account, written by John Kilby, a quarter-gunner 
on the Bon Homme Richard, of the great sea fight in 
which that ship participated under Jones' command. 
The account was written by the old sailor in 1810. Kilby 
stood by Paul Jones when Pierson surrendered, and 
gives an interesting account of the incident of the 
sword. The whole story is now published for the first 

Historical Notes.— One of the most interesting 
contributions to modern history that has recently ap- 
peared is Mr. John S. Sewall's story of the Perry expedi- 
tion to Japan, in 1853, which is published in the July 
Century. Mr. Sewall was the captain's clerk on the 
ship Saratoga, — "a youngster just out of college," as 
he describes himself, "serving Uncle Sam presumably 
out of patriotism, but mainly in quest of the where- 
withal to pay off college debts." His narrative of the 
reception of the fleet by the Japanese, and of the vari- 
ous diplomatic stages which led to the opening of the 
country to foreigners, is perhaps the most intimate and 
realistic record of those important events that has been 
given to the public. — Miss Agnes C. Laut's sketch of 

"Gray, of Boston, Discoverer of the Columbia," in 
Leslie's, is a striking account of the first American to 
voyage around the world. The story is based wholly 
upon original material, and many of the facts are now 
set forth for the first time. — Mr. Cyrus Townsend Brady 
contributes to the Cosmopolitan an account of three 
of the great sieges of historj'-, — Saragossa, Drogheda, and 
Londonderr5^ — The Fourth of July is the subject of 
two articles in the July magazines — " The Real Fourth 
of July," by Paul Leland Haworth, in Harper's, and 
"The Fourth of July a Century Ago," by F. W. Crane, 
in the Metropolitan, the latter article describing some 
of the features of the celebration in New York City 
customary in the early years of the nineteenth century. 
— "The Outlook in History " is the subject of a thought- 
ful paper by Mr. William Roscoe Thayer in the Atlan- 
tic Monthly for July. 

Bits of Travel and Description. — Some of the 
interesting scenery about San Francisco Bay is de- 
scribed in a paper on " The Land of Tamalpais," con- 
tributed to the July Scribner's by Benjamin Brooks. — 
"Mexico, Our Neglected Neighbor," is the subject of a 
remarkably well illustrated article by Robert Howard 
Russell in the Metropolitan, while " The Land of the 
Half-Shut Eye " is briefly treated by Broughton Bran- 
denburg in Leslie's, his paper being accompanied by a 
series of pictures of modern Mexico in tint. — Miss Mar- 
tha Craig, the only white woman who has explored 
Labrador, writes in the Cosmopolitan of "My Summer 
Outings in Labrador." — In the same magazine, Edward 
John Hart describes "The Fishers of the Dogger 
Bank." — Thomas Wentworth Higginson writes enter- 
tainingly in the Atla7itic ot " Wordsworthshire," — the 
famous "Lake Country" of England, and Ralph D. 
Paine describes in Outing a "bank holiday" on Hamp- 
stead Heath. — New York and its environs in summer 
are pictured in a variety of ways for the readers of the 
July magazines. In Harper's, Mr. James B. Connolly 
gives an excellent description of the harbor ; in the 
Metropolitan, Montgomery Schuyler writes discrimi- 
natingly on "Architecture in Manhattan ; " "New York 
from the Flatiron " is described by Edgar Saltus in 
Munsey's; and "The Human Need of Coney Island" is 
the subject of a readable paper by Richard Le Gallienne 
in the Cosmopolitan. 

Art Topics. — A piece of serious criticism is the pa- 
per by Albert Kinross in the July Century on "The 
Secession Movement in German Art," illustrated with 
reproductions of a number of masterpieces of such 
painters as Tlionia, von Uhde, Scheurenberg, Klinger, 
Stuck, Firle, Bocklin, Leibl, Liebermann, and Menzel. 
— Annie Nathan Meyer contributes to the World's Work 
a hopeful article on the growing appreciation of Ameri- 
can art, as evidenced in modern collections. — The July 
Harper's contains an appreciative article by Christian 
Brinton on the work of the American painter, J. J. 




** China, the Warlike." — A new phase of Chinese 
history is set forth and analyzed by Captain d'Ollone, a 
French military writer, in the Revue <le Pdris. To the 
Occidental world in general, China appears as a hoary 
mummy, existing from time Immemorial, unprogres- 
sive. Immobile, conservative, buried in tradition and 
prejudices, — a nation and a people deep in slumber. In 
reality, however, this French writer maintains, China 
is of comparatively recent origin, is in perpetual trans- 
formation, is made up of peoples diverse of race, of 
tongue, and of customs, held together only by force. 
Progressive, warlike, and conquering, — this is the China 
which reveals herself to historians. He quotes from 
Cordier's "Review of the History of Religions" to the 
effect that "no other country has had more revolutions, 
or submitted to more frequent overturnings of its gov- 
ernment. China has had experience with all political 
systems, from socialism to tyranny ; she has known all 
philosophical doctrines, and her manners and customs 
have been more than once profoundly changed." This, 
however, says Captain d'Ollone, is not known except to 
historians. He goes on to outline the history of the 
Chinese Empire from the year 722 B.C., at which date 
historic accuracy may be assumed. Wars and rumors 
of wars, revolutions, conquests, and violent political 
upheavals have been without number. In fact, the his- 
tory of the Chinese Empire, he declares, resembles in 
its general lines the history of the whole continent of 
Europe. He points out that China has gone through a 
feudal development just in the same manner as has the 
Western world, — with one important difference. While 
in Europe and in Japan the royal monarch triumphed 
over the feudal lords, — the Mikado over the Shoguns, — 
in China the emperor became merely the valet of the 
military chieftains, and there it is that the course of 
Chinese history separates from that of Japan and the 
West. China, he concludes, is not a country, but a 
world. There is a China, — not in the sense that there is 
a France or an Italy, but in the sense that there is a 
Europe. The conquest of Caesar, Charles V., and Na- 
poleon have not endured, but the results of the Chinese 
great men of Hoang-ti, of Ou, of Koubilai, and of Kang- 
si, — these, it might be said, have almost become perma- 
nent. " China is one to-day ; how many states will she 
form to-morrow?" 

Will the " Yellow Peril " Ever Come?— Baron 
Pierre de Coubertin finds significant and impressive 
similarity in the international happenings of the pres- 
ent year with those of the year 1453. In Figaro (Paris), 
he compares the defeat of a European race by an Ori- 
ental in both of the two years, — the capture of Constan- 
tinople by the Turks (1453), and of Port Arthur by the 
Japanese. The fall of Russia's great stronghold in the 
far East, he contends, marks the close of one era and 
the commencement of another. And yet, he reminds 
us, although, after the Turks had taken the city of 
Constantine, for many years Europe dreaded a Turkish 
triumph all over the continent, yet this never came. 
Therefore, he bids those who are quaking at the idea of 
the yellow peril to take heart. For three centuries, he 
continues, our forefathers had the dark peril in their 
mind's eye, but it was never actually realized. 

What the Rise of Japan Means. — The chief re- 
sult of the Russo-Japanese war, Pierre Leroy-Beaulieu 

believes, will be that the powers of Europe will cease 
political aggression in the Orient and will be content 
with the economic and industrial exploitation of such 
regions of China as they can acquire influence in. In a 
long analysis of the economic future of China, in the 
Revue den Deux iVfonJcv, M. Leroy-Beaulieu points 
out that the day of territorial aggrandizement in China 
by European powers is over. The rise of Japan means 
the racial and international of Asiatic 

The Guardianship of Weaker Nations. — An 

editorial under this title appears in New India, in 
which it is set forth that "the parental theory of gov- 
ernment is a ridiculously false theory in politics. It is 
the creation of cunning despots, designed to cover the 
hideousness and immorality of all irresponsible admin- 
istrations." No individual, says the editor of New 
India, can be intrusted safely with the interests and 
guardianship of any other individual not related to him 
by ties of blood. Much more is it impossible for any 
nation to l)e the guardian or trustee of another. Ap- 
plying this philosophy to India itself, the editor says : 
"If this theory be so utterly untrue and absurd even in 
national autocracies, how much more must it be so in 
regard to alien bureaucracies like that which governs 
India. Individuals are far more likely to be moved 
by occasional fits of large humanity than nations and 
communities. An individual conqueror may adopt a 
strange people as his own, and may feel, as the Mikado 
does, that his own self-realization, as both individual 
and king, depends upon the self-realization, in the 
highest sense of the term, of his subjects, and then he 
may truly stand in the position of a father to them." 

Poland's Tragic History.— A clear and forceful 
restatement of the tragic history of Poland during the 
past half-century under the Russification processes is 
contributed to the Revue de Paris by Victor B6rrard 
in a series of discussions under the general title "The 
Russian Problem." In considering Poland and Lithu- 
ania, M. Berrard recalls the liberal views and theories 
of Czar Alexander I. This monarch, he reminds us, 
realized very little of the practical consequences of his 
liberal theories. He had regarded the strip of annexed 
territories along Russia's western border, Swedes, 
Finns, Baltic Germans, Lithuanians, and Poles, as a 
sort of buffer or protection, — at least a political sepa- 
ration, — between Catholic or Protestant Christianity 
and Russian orthodoxy, between old Europe and new 
Russia, between the liberal nations of the West and 
the Muscovite autocracy. Far from attempting to 
Russify these peoples or their civilizations, he tried his 
best to preserve their languages and national religions, 
their liberal institutions and traditions. In Finland 
and Poland, he affirmed the constitutional regime 
already existing. He, Autocrat of All the Russias, 
became constitutional king in Poland and constitu- 
tional grand duke in Finland. He little realized the 
change of policy which would come in with later 
emperors. According to the treaty of 1815, Poland was 
given a parliamentary assembly, with an autonomous 
council of ministers ; her church was left to her, her 
Catholic clergy, her schools, her national language, 
her post-office, her customs, and even her army. All 
these public functions were reserved to Poland. The 



kings alone, who were the Czar's, and their two repre- 
sentatives at Warsaw, the viceroy and the imperial 
commissioner, — these alone were Russian. But Polish 
patriotism demanded an independent Poland, and 
when the Czar Alexander was succeeded by Nicholas I. 
the policy of repression and Russification began. Grad- 
ually the rights and privileges were taken away from 
the Poles, until, after the revolt of 1863, all the ideas of 
Alexander I. were renounced and St. Petersburg began 
to treat Poland and Lithuania as conquered territory, 
enforcing the same government, the same language, 
and the same religion as obtained in the rest of the 
empire. One Czar, one religion, and one language was 
the motto, and the Poles and Lithuanians have suf- 
fered from this Russification policy even until to-day. 

Scandinavia and Russia's Defeats. — One of 

the best known of the Danish reviews, the DansTi 
Tidsskrift (Copenhagen), has an editorial article on the 
effects of the Russo-Japanese war upon Europe, par- 
ticularly upon Scandinavia. If Russia had triumphed, 
says the Tidsskrift, Sweden would have regarded the 
victory with considerable anxiety, — an anxiety of much 
the same kind as that of England in the matter of 
India. Referring to the idea that Russia's defeat will 
be detrimental to Denmark, the writer says: "The 
idea that Denmark could ever make common cause 
with Russia against Germany is an erroneous one, yet 
the weakening of Russia would result in a more mod- 
erate development of the German navy, and therefore 
Denmark would have less cause to fear her powerful 

** The One Capable Russian Minister." — A de- 
scription of the operation of the Trans-Siberian Rail- 
road, by Mr. Julius Price, war correspondent, which ap- 
pears in the Fortnightly Mevleiv for May, will be good 
supplementary reading to our "Leading Article" on 
the Russian minister of railways. Prince Khilkoff, in 
our March number. One could not help being deeply 
impressed, says Mr. Price, by the unflagging zeal, and 
one might almost add enthusiasm were not such a word 
so foreign to the Russian temperament, of the railway 
officials all along the line. It was a remarkable an- 
tithesis to the indifference and conceit of the military 
authorities. No description of all this wonderful 
organization would be complete without some refer- 
ence, however brief, to the remarkable career of the 
man who engineered the entire formation of the Trans- 
Siberian Railroad. Under the high-sounding cognomen 
of Prince Khilkoff, which is his title by right of heri- 
tage, and "Imperial Minister of Railways and Trans- 
portation," one would hardly recognize the whilom 
"John Mikale " who many years ago under this assumed 
name emigrated from Russia to the United States with- 
out a penny in the world and started earning his living 
in Philadelphia as attendant of a bolt-making machine 
at a dollar a day. After a few years in the machine 
shop, where his remarkable talents soon attracted at- 
tention, and learning much of the practical side of 
engineering, a knowledge which was to stand him in 
such good stead later on, he worked his way up by 
dint of indomitable energy successively from brakeman 
on a freight train to the position of locomotive engineer 
on the Pennsylvania Railroad. Shortly afterward, a 
break-down on the line gave him the opportunity of his 
life. His remarkable skill in averting what might 
have been a very serious accident attracted the atten- 

tion of one of the passengers, who happened to be no 
less a personage than the minister of railways of one 
of the South American republics, the result being that 
the young engineer went off to South America as super- 
intendent of a new railway in Venezuela, and ended 
eventually by becoming the manager of the lino. This 
almost continuous run of luck would have probably 
turned the brain of many men, but John Mikale was 
not of that sort. To return to his native land and 
make a position for himself among his own countrymen 
had always been his ambition, so he decided at last to 
throw up his fine position in South America, and re- 
turned to Russia, still under his assumed name, — 
though by this time he was probably more American 
than Russian. By good fortune, as it again turned out, 
he managed to get an insignificant berth in a small 
country station, and here he might have vegetated in- 
definitely had not his wonderful luck again helped him. 
This unimportant little place on the line had always 
been the center of a serious dislocation of the traffic, — 
no one could exactly explain why. He asked for and 
obtained permission to try and remedy it, succeeded 
instantly, and from that moment became, not only a 
marked, but also a made, man in Russia, where such 
initiative genius is rare. From this moment there was 
no looking back for John Mikale. Having once at- 
tracted the attention of his superiors, that of the Em- 
peror followed as a matter of course ; he was promoted 
to the headquarters at St. Petersburg, and from there 
to the staff. The general managership of the line fol- 
lowed, and was succeeded by honors and appointments 
sufficient to satisfy the most ambitious of men, not the 
least being the restoration to him by the Emperor of the 
title and estates which he had voluntarily renounced 
when as a mere youth he had emigrated to America. 

A Russian on Russo-Polish Relations. — One of 

the most thoughtful of the Russian magazines, Mir 
Bozhi^ contains an article by F. Batiouschkov upon the 
subject of closer and more cordial relations between 
Russians and Poles. This writer is inclined to believe 
that there will be a rapprochcme7it between the two 
Slavonic stocks. He does not see any reason why there 
should not be many reforms granted the Poles — politi- 
cal, social, and economic — as the best of the Polish 
leaders do not advocate separation. With the Poles 
placated, he says, Russia would have an ally surer and 
more valuable than France. 

The Best-KnoAvn Australian Cartoonist. — A 

character sketch of Australia's best-known cartoonist, 
Livingston Hopkins (better known as "Hop"), appears 
in the Review of Reviews for Australasia. Mr. Hop- 
kins M*as born in Ohio, and educated at Toledo, in 
that State. He began his work with Scrihjicr^s Maga- 
zine, when it was under the editorship of Dr. J. G. 
Holland. In 1882, he went to Sydney, and soon became 
the best known of Australian caricaturists. His politi- 
cal cartoons now have an international fame. 

Dangers and Possibilities of Psychic Investi- 
gation. — In an elaborate paper, in the Aniials of 
Psychical Science, Mrs. Laura S, Finch insists upon 
the duty of recalling the dead, if they can be recalled, 
in order to instruct the living. She says : " If spiritism 
can prove survival, we dare not allow considerations of 
danger in the investigation thereof to weigh with us, to 
stay our quest. At no matter what price, we must 



push forward ; as pioneers, wo may sulVcr liom igno- 
rance and inexperience, but others will reap the reward 
and will benefit by our efforts. Let us not put aside 
this work — forego our efforts to enter into conimunica- 
tion witli the dei)arted— from any cowaidly fear of the 
moral and piiysical dangers we may be incurring. The 
development of what is called medium^hip is only the 
development in ourselves of that psychic element in 
natui-e which is identical with the eternal. Medium- 
ship is by no means a force at the disposal of a privileged 
few ; it is a faculty uiore or less latent in every man ; 
for we must bear in mind that no faculty is bestowed 
on one individual and entirely withheld from another. 
All development is unsettling, and is accompanied by 
danger to a greater or lesser extent. Life is one con- 
tinuous example of this. I am aware of the nature of 
the dangers besetting the use of the psychic faculties. 
The man whose will is weak, who cannot control his 
passions and his impulses iu ordinary life, cannot hope 
to escape either the dangers of his normal existence or 
the dangers of the spiritual surroundings he may create 
for himself when he begins to develop his latent psy- 
chical faculties." 

lini^roving Commercial Museums. — Dr. Tito 
G. Roncoli, after visiting the commercial museums of 
Italy and those at Vienna, Leipsic, Dresden, Berlin, 
Antwerp, and Brussels, expresses, in the Italia Mo- 
derna (Rome), his belief that all except the one at Brus- 
sels are founded on the wrong principle. All gather 
together the products of a country or a region with the 
idea that outsiders or foreigners will visit it and get 
ideas of new things to import to their markets. But, 
says Dr. Roncoli, the importer has behind him an army 
of retailers and consumers whom he would like to keep 
the same habits of consumption, as introducing new 
products means much work and little profit, and he is 
not likely to go off to foreign countries to seek trouble 
for himself. It would be more sensible to plan the 
museums for the benefit of the exporters, who are the 
initiators of commerce, seeking new outlets and new 
customers. The museums should gather products im- 
ported into other countries with which the national 
products might compete. Consular representatives, 
commercial attaches of embassies, members of foreign 
exchanges, and firms established in foreign countries 
should be asked to send samples of imported products, 
with full particulars as to their origin, prices, manner 
of packing and sale, principal importing houses, and 
anything else that would be useful to an exporter wish- 
ing to compete in the sale of similar products. With 
such information, exportation could be begun with 
every show of meeting its competition successfully. 

A NeAV Departure in Aeronautics. — In an 

article on "The New Tendencies of Aeronautics," in 
Natnra ed Arte (Milan), Franco Mazzini says that 
really, in principle, no progress has been made in air- 
navigation since 1884, when the Tissandier brothers, 
with a balloon furnished with a motor of a little more 
than one horse-power, maneuvered and went against 
the wind, while Kennard and Krebs, with a more 
powerful motor, succeeded several times in bringing 
their balloon back to the starting-point. The declara- 
tion of Herve Mangon, in the Academy of Sciences of 
France, in 1884, that, with the Tissandier type, lines of 
airships could be established, is reechoed after the per- 
formances of Zeppelin, Santos Dumont, Lebaudy, and 

Jialdwin, l)nt the lines aie not established. 'J'ljis is 
due, he tliinks, to two causes,— the error in choice of 
type of aerostat and the difficulty experienced by in- 
ventors in making known or getting tested any differ- 
ent type. The error in choosing the singl(!-balloon 
type was pointed out by Dr. Mario Scliiavone at the In- 
ternational Aeronautical Congress, in Paris, in VM), 
when lie declared for a form as elongated as possible, 
and in wiiich there should })e coincidence of the axes of 
motion aiid of resistance. With this Signor Mazzini 
concurs, and he says that the time has come to leave 
behind the mono-aerostatic form for thebino-.aerostatic 
or the multiple type, which, aside from other advan- 
tages, can conform to the law just stated. A corr)i)lete 
discussion and investigation of tliis should precede any 
farther airship-building, he thinks, as "empiricism 
should cease to reign in a field which should above 
all be examined exclusively by the scientific method." 
A great lack is the absence of any institution for the 
examination of the many projects from among which 
might spring the true dirigible type. 

Weekly Rest Day in Italy.— Some months ago, 
the Italian parliament voted down a bill providing for 
a weekly day of rest for employees, supported by sev- 
eral associations and leagues of several years' standing. 
In the Riforma Sociale (Turin-Rome), K. Loli-Piccolo- 
mini discusses the reasons for this defeat, the general 
principles of a rest day, and the practical conditions 
necessary for probability of success for future legisla- 
tion. The defeat of the bill offered by Deputies Ca- 
brini, Nofri, and Chiesa he ascribes to its too wholesale 
and arbitrary character, overloaded, as it became, with 
impractical amendments. In principle, it was almost 
imiversally approved. The writer insists that indi- 
vidual liberty to work or not must be respected. 
Though for various practical reasons Sunday rest is 
preferable to the fixing of any other one day, or of leav- 
ing the choice of day optional, "the state should be en- 
tirely lay, and should take no account of the dogma of 
any religion, because all should be free to exercise their 
own moral .action." The chief difficulty lies in appli- 
cation to the varying conditions of industries, the rail- 
roads and newspapers being most complex in their 
problems, into which the writer goes extensively. 

Interesting- Postal Comparisons. — The agitation 
for the reduction of postage in Italy causes A. Semenza 
to make an interesting summary of postal statistics in 
the various countries in an article in the Hiforma So- 
ciale (Turin-Rome). Italy at present, -with postage at 20 
centesimi (four cents) for fifteen grams, has the dearest 
rate in Europe for letters, and only France and Spain 
have two-cent local post-cards, as she does. The coun- 
tries having a letter rate exceeding two cents of our 
money are Holland, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Austria-Hun- 
gary, Egypt, Germany, Sweden-Norway, Roumania, 
Spain, France (the last, three cents), and Russia (almost 
four cents). The countries having less than a two-cent 
rate are Japan, Portugal, and Denmark. The weight 
allowed runs from the twelve grams of Japan to the 
thirty grams of Egypt for most of the countries, with 
England allowing 113 grams, and Switzerland and Den- 
mark allowing 250 grams. In volume of postal opera- 
tions, the United States leads with 3,732,031,938 letters, 
740,087,805 cards, and 3,306,582,333 pieces of printed mat- 
ter. England and Germany follow in number of letters, 
and Germany exceeds in number of cards -1,162,679,460, 



this owing to the picture-card craze, doubtless, France 
is second in printed matter, with about one-third as 
much as the United States. Italy, with 198,064,428 
letters, ranks below Japan, and below Russia in cards, 
having 77,454,468, which is thirteen million more than 
France. In number of post-offices, the United States 
leads with 77,275, Germany coming second with 46,268, 
and England third with 22,642, while Russia, with two 
and one-half times our area, has only 12,450 offices. 

Is the Submarine Invisible? — A writer in the 
Revue Scientljique (Ernest Coustet) argues that one of 
the chief defects of the submarine vessel in war-time is 
the fact that it cannot be made absolutely invisible. 
Recent mechanical inventions in the French navy, how- 
ever, will go a long way toward bringing about this de- 
sirable result. Means of communication is also a very 
important subject in discussing submarines, and this 
writer believes that both observation and signaling will 
have to be more highly developed. 

The German Failure in Poland. — M. Givskov 
contributes to the Contemporary for June a very lucid 
and instructive account of the total failure of Prince 
Bismarck's scheme for Germanizing Poland. A com- 
mittee was appointed, with nearly $125,000,000, to buy 
up Polish estates and plant them with German colonists. 
Polish landlords sold their estates and invested the 
money in Polish land banks, which bought other estates 
and planted them with Polish peasants. As the net re- 
sult, "the Germans have only acquired 3,772 estates 
from the Poles, as against 5,183 estates bought from 
Germans by Poles. The area thus lost during these 
years by the Germans amounts to 32,200 hectares, or 
about 104 English square miles, and the loss is still in- 
creasing, having in 1902 amounted to more than 7,000 
hectares, or about 24 square miles." The operations 
have resulted in planting 16,000 German peasants on the 
land by the government, while 22,000 Polish peasants 
have been planted by the land banks. 

Pietro Vanni, Versatile Artist. — A notable re- 
cent addition to the gallery of modern art in the Vati- 
can, "The Funeral of Raphael," by Pietro Vanni, is 
given a double-page tinted reproduction in Natura cd 
Arte (Milan), where is also a sketch of the artist, who 
died January 30, last. The canvas is imposing in size, 
twenty-three feet by twelve, and required twelve years' 
labor by the artist. It won a gold medal at the exhibition 
of Italian art in St. Petersburg in 1902, and later the 
artist presented it to Pope Pius X., who exclaimed, on 
seeing it, "This is a truly royal gift," and wrote a warm 
letter of praise to Signor Vanni, while conferring upon 
him the knightship of the order of St. Gregory the Great. 
Vanni was a native of Viterbo, where he was born in 1847. 
From 1895 to 1900, he worked, with no assistance, in dec- 
orating the chapel of the cemetery of his native citj'^ with 

his conception of "The Glory of the Cross." The other 
frescoes of this chapel reveal great mastery of perspec- 
tive and architectonic problems. In Viterbo is also 
the tomb chapel of the Vanni family, designed and 
decorated by the artist, and regarded as a jewel of 
Renaissance architecture, and a dwelling which in its 
minutest details is a reproduction of a gracious house 
of the Renaissance period. Also in Viterbo, Vanni 
decorated beautifully the Parri chapel, which has also 
a splendid bronze angel by Giulio Monteverde. As 
proof of versatility, Vanni worked from 1901 on in 
etching, and at the recent international exhibit at 
Rome the wreath and crape attesting his death draped 
five splendid etchings and a water-color of scenes in the 
Vatican gardens. 

The Race Question in South Africa. — There 
is a very good article in the Westminster Review for 
June by " An Unprejudiced Observer " on "Black and 
White in South Africa." His suggestions are : (1) a 
law, stringently binding on black and white alike, the 
graver offenses against which must be punishable by 
death, forbidding any intermingling of black and white 
races by marriage or otherwise ; (2) prohibition of the 
sale of intoxicants to natives, — a law to remain in force 
for fifty years and then be reconsidered ; (3) regular 
work compulsory for every able-bodied male native ; (4) 
properly .qualified and educated natives to administer 
local affairs jointly with white men, but white men 
to vote only for white and black men for black. 
Answering the question Where shall we then look for 
labor for the mines, he replies, without hesitation : 
"Not until the native is educated out of his childish 
fear of the dark and his animal-like terror of a trap 
will mine work ever be undertaken willingly as an oc- 

Oliver Cromwell's Remains. — Bishop Welldon 
discusses, in the Nineteenth Century for June, the 
various theories concerning the fate of Oliver Crom- 
well's remains, and arrives at the following conclusion : 
"All the evidence which I have collected and compared 
establishes the belief that the body of Oliver Cromwell 
was privately buried, not long after his death, in West- 
minster Abbey ; that his body was taken to Tyburn, 
and there decapitated and buried ; that the trunk of 
his body remained, where it was buried, beneath the 
site of the gallows at Tyburn ; it has long since mol- 
dered away, or has been removed or disturbed in the 
course of excavation, and it is now irrecoverable ; that 
his head, after being exposed on Westminster Hall for 
more than twenty years, disappeared ; it has never 
been seen since, and it, too, is now irrecoverable." He 
confesses that this is to him a disappointment, for 
when at Westminster Abbey he dreamed of undoing, if 
possible, the sacrilege of the removal of Cromwell's 
body by replacing it. 




SPECIAL studies of American colonial life, begun 
within tlie past few years, have made our knowl- 
edge of that period in our history far more definite than it 
was in the days of Bancroft and the earlier school of his- 
torians. It is fortunate that some of the results of these 
recent studies are getting more and more into general 
circulation. We welcome particularly Mr. George Gary 
Eggleston's modest little story of seventeenth-century 
life, entitled "Our First Gentury" (A. S. Barnes «fc Go.). 
This book makes good use of some of the valuable mate- 
rial presented in the more elaborate works of the au- 
thor's brother, the late Edward Eggleston, describing 
the manners and customs of the English colonists, and 
relating their experiences in grappling with new-world 
problems. It is an intimate story of the daily life of the 
founders of our national institutions. 

Simultaneously with the opening of the Lewis and 
Glark Exposition there appears "A History of the 
Pacific Northwest," by Prof. Joseph Schafer, of the 
University of Oregon (Macmillan). In this volume 
the stirring narrative of the pioneer settlements in the 
territory now embraced in the States of Oregon, Wash- 
ington, and Idaho is told in detail, while the organiza- 
tion and political progress of the three State govern- 
ments are briefly sketched. The author has wisely 
selected for amplification those phases of Northwest- 
ern history which, as he points out, are " not mere 
replications of what had previously taken place else- 
where," — the processes by which the wilderness was 
subdued, homes multiplied, commerce extended to all 
parts of the world, and a great civilization developed 
in a portion of our continent that we once called re- 
mote and inaccessible. 

The very excellent " Mediaeval and Modern History," 
by Prof. Philip V. N. Myers, which has been a standard 
for the past twenty years, has been revised (Ginn), and 
now appears so thoroughly up-to-date as to include an 
account of the first year of the Russo-Japanese war. 
This volume consists of an abridgment of Professor 
Myers' two former works, "The Middle Ages" and 
"The Modern Age." New illustrations, plates, maps, 
diagrams, and lists add much to the value of this work, 
which makes history read like a fascinating romance. 

An attractively bound historical novelette, by Geu- 
sai Murai, the Japanese novelist, reaches us from the 
publishing house of Hochi Shimbun (Tokio). It is en- 
titled " Akoya ; or. The Ordeal by Music." Mr. Murai 
is author of the novel "Hana," which was noticed in 
these pages some months ago. Just as "Hana" was 
intended to be a picture of life among the better classes 
of modern Japanese, so "Akoya" is a representation 
of feudal days, and the heroine of the tale — a woman 
thoroughly imbued with the Samurai spirit, — is held 
up as a fair type of the woman of olden-day Japan. 
The translation is by Unkichi Kawai, and the illustra- 
tions are characteristic and effective. 

Whether or not Mr. Vance Thompson has really laid 
bare any actualities in his "Diplomatic Mysteries" 


(Lippincott), he has certainly written a graphic and in- 
tensely interesting contribution to the literature of 
diplomatic intercourse. In this volume, among other 
things, he gives his version of the plot that ended the 

lifeof President 
Faure, of France ; of 
the methods of the 
Sultan of Turkey in 
spreading his net of 
secret agents over Eu- 
rope ; of the fierce 
fight between France 
and the Vatican ; and 
of the real origin of 
the present war be- 
tween Russia and Ja- 
pan. The volume is 
appropriately i 1 1 u s - 

A fascinating story 
of " Paris and the So- 
cial Revolution" 
(Small, Maynard) is what Mr. Alvan F. Sanborn gives 
us in a study of the revolutionary elements in the 
various classes of Parisian society, which is illustrated 
appropriately and cleverly by Vaughan Trowbridge. 
Mr. Sanborn's attitude is set forth in the quotation from 
Walt Whitman which he places on the back of his 
title-page— " I have no mockings or arguments. I wit- 
ness and wait." All the life of recalcitrant Paris, with 
its stirrings and strivings and protests, with the pic- 
turesque abandon and volatile earnestness of the French 
character when intent on demanding a change of regime, 
fairly radiate from Mr. Sanborn's pages. The revolu- 
tionist, even the anarchist in his worst form, is, after 
all, not a bad sort of fellow, you feel, and you are 
especially grateful to the author for the clear, vivid 
glimpse at the national character and life which he has 
given in this book. The illustrations are excellent. The 
chapters cover the propaganda of anarchy, of socialism, 
the revolutionary traditions of the Latin Quarter, the 
freaks, the fumistes, the cabarets, of Montmartre, and 
the revolutionary spirit in literature, music, and art. 
The book is "reverently inscribed to the proletariat of 

A very useful historical volume which ought to have 
been written years ago is Mr. R. Nisbet Bain's "Scandi- 
navia," issued by the Gambridge University Press in 
England, and imported by the Macmillans. It is one 
of the "Gambridge Historical Series" edited by Dr. G. 
W. Prothero. Mr. Bain, who is author of "Gharles 
XII. and the Gollapse of the Swedish Empire," has 
w^ritten an excellent political history of Denmark, Nor- 
way, and Sweden, from 1513 to 1900. His text proves 
his fundamental thesis that "the political history of 
Scandinavia is the history of the frustration of a great 
Baltic empire." His volume is really an attempt to de- 
scribe the rise of the Scandinavian kingdoms to politi- 
cal eminence, and their influence on European politics 



generally. Scandinavian history, he points out, is large- 
ly a record "of surpassing individual genius which 
seems almost to turn aside, or at least suspend for a 
time, the operation of natural laws." This heroic pro- 
cess of empire-building on flimsy foundations, however, 
exhausted the vital forces of Scandinavia. Mr. Bain 
tells us in his preface that he has studied Scandinavia's 
foreign relations, not only from Scandinavian records, 
but from Polish documents and from the Russian his- 
torian Solovev's great "Istoriya Rossii." A number of 
excellent historic maps complete the volume. At the 
present moment, when Norway and Sweden are at odds, 
this history will be found particularly useful. 

A pleasant little collection of " Historical Tales " (Lip- 
pincott) has been compiled by Charles Morris. These 
are stories of American history illustrating "the ro- 
mance of reality." The collection begins with "Ponce 
de Leon and the Fountain of Youth " and ends with 
" The Home-Coming of General Lee and His Veterans." 
The volume is illustrated. 

The Buttons have brought out the Grant Duflf " Notes 
from a Diary." The Rt. Hon. Sir Mountstuart E. Grant 
Duff had a most interesting and varied career, and his 
diary, extending from 1851 for just half a century (to 
January, 1901), fur- 
nishes some remarka- 
ble comments on con- 
temporary history. 
Politics and adminis- 
tration are omitted 
from general consider- 
ation, as these phases 
of Sir Mountstuart's 
life have already been 
handled in books and 
speeches. These two 
volumes are devoted 
principally to the peri- 
od from 1896 to 1901. A 
man who has been for 
many years secretary of 
state for India, for the 
British colonies in gen- 
eral, and president of the Royal Geographical Society, 
has interesting things to say outside of politics. Sir 
Mountstuart is now in his seventy-fifth year, but is still 
traveling and writing about his travels. 

An incisive study of the part played by Mirabeau in 
the French Revolution has been written by Mr. Charles 
F. Warwick and published by Lippincott. Mr. War- 
wick, who has been mayor of Philadelphia and is a 
prominent lawyer in that city, intends this volume to 
be one of several presenting some of the legal and po- 
litical aspects of the French Revolution, the principal 
events of which he purposes grouping around the terri- 
ble three — Mirabeau, Dan ton, and Robespierre. 

The real romance of Victor Hugo's life was his friend- 
ship and closer relations with Mme. Juliette Drouet, 
existing over more than fifty years. Some years ago, 
Hugo's letters to Juliette were published in France, but 
her love-letters in reply have just been issued for the 
first time, with description and editing by Henry Wel- 
lington Wack (Putnams). Mr. Wack has written quite 
a readable book about these letters, giving a sketch of 
Hugo's life during his exile in Guernsey, with personal 
anecdotes and extracts from correspondence, and Fran- 
•gois Copp6e has written an introduction. The book is 



Mt. Andrew Carnegie has written another book. It 
is a life of James Watt (Doubleday, Page), and is in an 
entirely different vein from his "Empire of Business" 

or "Gospel of Life." 
Mr. Carnegie has writ- 
ten a biography which 
revealed to him as he 
wrote it " one of the fin- 
est characters that ever 
graced the earth." 

In his series "Little 
Journeys to the Homes 
of Great Scientists," 
Elbert Hubbard has is- 
sued paper-bound mon- 
ographs of Copernicus, 
Galileo, Newton, Hum- 
boldt, and Herschel. A 
good, suggestive por- 
trait accompanies each 
Dodd, Mead & Co. have brought out an English trans- 
lation of Rosadi's famous book, "The Trial of Jesus." 
Giovanni Rosadi, a Deputy in the Italian Parliament, 
and a famous criminal lawyer and advocate in the court 
of Tuscany, condemns the trial of Jesus as a miscar- 
riage of justice, judged merely by the standard of Roman 
law. He writes with a fiery, burning earnestness and 
enthusiasm which imparts a religious stimulation to his 
book, which has already been translated into a number 
of different languages. The particular significance of 
the work is perhaps due to the two facts that it treats 
the famous trial as a matter of history and gives it its 
proper legal standing, and also that it portrays the per- 
sonality of the man Christ in a way that appeals to a 
class of readers usually indifferent to religious books. 
The English translation has been edited and prefaced 
by Dr. Emile Reich, author of "Success Among Na- 
tions," "The Foundations of Modern Europe," and 
other works. 


A vivid account of two years spent among the snow 
and ice of the South Pole is given by Dr. Nordenskjold 
in his stirring volume, " Antarctica." This book, writ- 
ten in conjunction 
with Dr. J. Gunnar 
Andersson, is im- 
ported from London 
by the Macmillans. 
D r . Nordenskjold 
tells the story of the 
whole expedition, 
and puts the part 
played by Sweden in 
its proper setting. 
He outlines the gen- 
eral scheme deter- 
mined upon at the 
International Geo- 
graphical Congress 
in London, in 1895, 
by which the entire 
South Polar zone 
was to be explored 
by means of international collaboration between Eng- 
land, Germany, and Sweden. England was given the 
task of investigating the tracts south of the Pacific, 


Frontispiece (reduced). 



Germany that of carrying out similar work south of the 
Indian Ocean, while Sweden had for her field of labor 
the lands and seas lying to the south of South America 
and the Atlantic. It will be remembered that the Nor- 
denksjold expedition, in the vessel Antarctic^ left Eu- 
rope in the summer of 1901, and spent the following 
Antarctic winter in the South Polar regions. It will be 
remembered, also, that the German expedition was the 
only one to succeed, reaching home only with great dif- 
ficulty. The English expedition did not succeed in get- 
ting out of the ice, and was obliged to remain for a year 
longer than had been calculated on. The Antarctic was 
caught in the ice, "nipped" and sunk, and it took two 
relief parties to finally rescue Dr. Nordenskjold and 
his followers. Notwithstanding the loss of the vessel, 
with many of the scientific notes, much of the geograph- 
ical and other scientific results were saved, and, thanks 
to the financial help of the Swedish Government, the 
full report is now being edited. This volume is Dr. 
Nordenskjold's own story (prepared in collaboration 
with Dr. Andersson and Captain Larsen, of the Ant- 
arctic). It is very fully illustrated. 

The first work to deal in an adequate descriptive way 
with our Arctic possession is Mr. J. S. McLain's "Alaska 
and the Klondike" (McClure, Phillips). Mr. McLain 
traveled over all the peninsula as a member of the Sena- 
torial committee of 1903, visiting the American and 
British gold fields, the island districts, Nome, the fish- 
eries, and the Yukon country. His illustrated account 
of the country, with its history, resources, and possi- 
bilities for the future, is a pioneer work, and partakes 
of the nature of a public document. 

Mr. John Foxj Jr., after "Following the Sun-Flag" 
through Manchuria as American newspaper correspond- 
ent with General Oku's army, returned, never having 


seen a battle or gone farther than the field of Liao- 
Yang .several weeks after the conflict. His spoils of 
war after seven months, he declares in this entertain- 
ing volume (published by the Scribners), were " 
mortem battlefields, wounded convalescents in hospi- 
tals, deserted trenches, a few graves, and one Russian 
prisoner in a red shirt." Mr. Fox praises his treatment 
by the Japanese authorities while in Japan, ])ut criti- 
cises those authorities for not informing the newspaper 
men at once that they could not go to the front, rather 
than dallying with them and keeping them dangling 
for months in Tokio awaiting the fulfillment of the 
promise to go to the front. There are .some bits of very 
fine description in this volume, 

A handsome work on Ireland, with illustrations from 
paintings made especially for the book, has been pre- 
pared by Mr. Frank Mathew, who explains and de- 
scribes the scenes painted by Mr. Francis H. Walker, 
R.H.A. The book is published by the Blacks, of Lon- 
don, and imported by the Macmillans. Books about 
Ireland, this artist and author believe, are too much 
given to controversy and too little to description. Their 
endeavor is to deal with the nature of Ireland, and with 
the consequent natures of Irishmen. The text upon 
which they embroider their discourse is the old legend 
that Ireland " was separated from the rest of the known 
world, and, in some way, is always to be distinguished 
as another world." The very handsome illustrations 
are in color. 

" Shakespeare's London," by Henry Thew Stephenson 
(Holt), includes, besides a topographical study of the 
city as it was seen by Shakespeare, some very enter- 
taining chapters on the manners and customs of the 
people. Good use is made of the descriptions left by 
contemporary writers. 

The report of the Bahama expedition sent out by the 
Geographical Society of Baltimore in 1903, edited by 
Prof. George B. Shattuck (Macmillan), contains sixteen 
distinct papers on various subjects pertaining to the 
Bahama Islands, all prepared by specialists, most of 
whom were present on the expedition and directed the 
work of their respective investigations. As the editor 
of this publication remarks in his letter of transmittal 
to President Gilman, the appearance of the book at a 
time when the work on the Panama Canal is drawing 
the attention of the civilized world to the Caribbean 
Sea seems most opportune. All the illustrations have 
been prepared with great care, and the book gives a 
wonderfully complete picture of the resources and the 
physical features of the Bahamas. 

A journey through the Jewish centers of the old 
world, originally taken in the interest of the Council of 
the Holy Land Relief Fund, has furnished Mr. Elkan 
Nathan Adler with some most interesting material, de- 
scriptive and anecdotal, which he has put in running 
story form in a little volume entitled "Jews in Many 
Lands" (Jewish Publication Society of America). Mr, 
Adler, who is a lawyer by profession, searched for every 
historic corner in Europe, Asia, and Africa where his 
coreligionists might be found. He has the journalist's 
instinct, and knows how to describe what he has seen. 

" The Better New York, Its Sights and Insights," is a 
useful little volume issued by the American Institute 
of Social Service, with illustrations, tables, and plans. 
It ought to be useful to large employers of labor, and 
to all strangers in the great city, indicating, as it does, 
the uplifting forms of recreation and entertainment 




It will be remembered that Prof. Edward A. Ross 
was forced, a few years ago, to resign the chair of 
economics and sociology at Stanford University, and 
that he has since occupied a similar chair at the Univer- 
sity of Nebraska. Recalling that incident, the socio- 
logical heresy-hunters will doubtless examine with 
particular care the new book by Professor Ross, en- 
titled "The Foundations of Sociology" (Macmillan). 
Yet the keenest among them will find difficulty, we 
imagine, in singling out any censurable utterance. The 
book is of value to the lay reader in that it clarifies not 
a few of the foggy statements and definitions that have 
been associated with this newly developed science to its 
popular detraction. Professor Ross is a clear and for- 
cible writer. His book is published in "The Citizen's 
Library," under the editorship of Prof. Richard T. Ely. 
A number of the addresses of Prof. Felix Adler be- 
fore the Society for Ethical Culture, in New York, have 
been collected and published in book form, under the 
title " The Religion of 
Duty " (McClure, Phil- 
lips). Among the 
speeches of burning, 
present - day interest 
are : " Changes in the 
Conception of God," 
"The Ethical Attitude 
Toward Pleasure," 
" The Consolation of 
the Religion of Duty," 
and "The Essential 
Difference Between the 
Ethical Societies and 
the Churches." 

Miss Kate Stephens, 
formerly occupying the 
chair of Greek in the University of Kansas, and gen- 
erally well known as club woman, magazine writer, and 
newspaper editor, has written a clever book of essays, 

under the title "Ameri- 
can Thumb - Prints" 
(Lippincott). These es- 
says appeared in the 
Bookman and the At- 
lantic Monthly, and cov- 
er subjects of national 
life calculated to show 
"the metal of our men 
and women." The essay 
on the New England 
woman is, perhaps, the 
most incisive of the col- 

A series of magazine 
articles on Russia and 
the Russian people by 
writers of different na- 
tionalities, among them 
being Alfred Rambaud, Vladimir Simkovitch, Peter 
Roberts, and J. Novicow, have been published in one 
volume by Fox, Duffield & Co., under the general head 
" The Case of Russia." Most of these articles appeared 
originally in the International Quarterly. The writers 
are students of the Slavonic race and its home. There 
is a good deal of psychological interest in the essays, 
particularly in that of Mr. Novicow. 

The first volume of the " Proceedings of the American 



Political Science Association " has just come from the 
press. This association was established less than two 
years ago, for the encouragement of the scientific study 
of politics, public law, administration, and diplomacy. 
It has a membership of more than two hundred, and 
held its first annual meeting in connection with the 
American Historical Association at Chicago last De- 
cember. The present volume of proceedings contains 
papers on "The Beginnings of War," by Theodore S. 
Woolsey ; on "Colonial Policy, with Reference to the 
Philippines," by Bernard Moses; on " Colonial Auton- 
omy," by Paul S. Reinsch : on "The Reorganization of 
Local Government in Cuba," by Leo S. Rowe ; on "The 
Regulation of Railway Rates," by Martin A. Knapp, of 
the Interstate Commerce Commission, and a number of 
other important essays and discussions. 

Prof. John A. Fairlie's book on "The National Ad- 
ministration of the United States of America" (Mac- 
millan) is perhaps the first comprehensive work on this 
subject that has ever been published. No account of 
national government as a whole has been attempted, 
but simply a description of the administrative system, 
the legislative and judicial branches being mentioned 
only in their direct relations to the executive adminis- 
tration. There are chapters on the general and special 
administrative hours of the President, of the Senate 
and House, of the cabinet, and of the several executive 
departments and detached bureaus. The only wonder 
is that this study was not undertaken long ago. 

A very handy and valuable legal work is Prof. F. 
Meili's "International Civil and Commercial Law," 
which has just been translated and edited by Arthur 
K. Kuhn (Macmillan). Dr. Meili is professor of inter- 
national private law in the University of Zurich, and 
was delegate of Switzerland to the Hague international 
conference. He treats the entire subject as it is of 
international law as founded upon thorough legislation 
and practice. Mr. Kuhn, who is a member of the New 
York bar, has not only translated the work, but has 
supplemented it with additions from American and 
English law. Very useful lists, annotations, and bib- 
liographies complete the work. 

A thoughtful essay on "The Japanese Spirit" (James 
Pott & Co.) has been written by Okakura Yoshisaburo, 
and to this volume George Meredith has written an in- 
troduction. The volume consists of reproductions of 
lectures delivered by Mr. Okakura at the University of 
London. The essays take up and discuss most of the 
peculiarly characteristic national traits of the Japa- 
nese people. 

It is a pleasure to note that Miss Katharine E. Dopp's 
book on "The Place of Industries in Elementary Edu- 
cation " (The University of Chicago Press) has passed to 
a third . edition, and that an important new chapter is 
devoted to ways of procuring material equipment for 
industrial training in schools and to suggestions for 
using such equipment so as to enhance the value of 
colonial history. This chapter will be found especially 
helpful to teachers who have neither the equipment 
itself nor a sufficient knowledge of approved methods 
of utilizing it in their school work. 

"Imaginary Obligations" (Dodd, Mead) is the title 
of Mr. Frank Moore Colby's "attempt to encroach on 
the zone of moral indifference." He has written on the 
topics in this volume, he declares, because he enjoys 
their absurdity ; "but incidentally they may show why 
so many of us grow old rigidly or develop an alarming 
spiritual pomposity in our middle age." 




The spirit of revolt that leads men and women in 
our great cities to throw off the shackles that have 
bound them to the conventional routine of city life and 
betake themselves to the joys of the forest and the farm 
is voiced in "The Life Worth Living," by Thomas 
Dixon, Jr. (Doubleday, Page). This little book records 
the author's personal experience. It tells how he 
learned, after years of experimentation, that the coun- 
try offers the ideal environment for the home, and how 
he sought and found his own hearthstone and roof tree 
on the shores of the Chesapeake Bay, in old tidewater 
Virginia, " the most beautiful and least-known spot in 
our continent." Mr. Dixon sets forth the attractions 
of the colonial mansion that he has made his home, and 
compares it with the "nineteen-foot slit in a block of 
scorched mud with a brown-stone veneer " which served 
as his abiding-place in New York, to the manifest dis- 
advantage of the latter. 

All persons who for any reason have made a special 
study of American trees and shrubs have become deeply 
indebted to Prof. Charles S. Sargent, whose monumen- 
tal work, "The Silva of North America," has long been 
a standard authority among botanists. The general 
reading public is now enabled to profit more directly 
from the results of Professor Sargent's studies through 
his "Manual of the Trees of North America" (Hough- 
ton, Mifflin), a work in one volume containing over 
eight hundred pages and six hundred and forty-four 
illustrations from drawings by Charles E. Faxon. In 
this book. Professor Sargent describes American trees 
and their uses in a way which appeals to all who find 
any inspiration at all in outdoor life. It is an excel- 
lent book to put in the hands of all who are interested 
in village and park improvement, while owners of coun- 
try places will find it indeed a vade mecum. 

Mr. Louis Harman Peet's " Trees and Shrubs of Cen- 
tral Park " (New York : Manhattan Press) is an excel- 
lent manual for the assistance of the New York tree- 
lover whose explorations are mainly confined to the 
principal park of his city. The rambler in Central 
Park who makes diligent use of this handbook will 
soon possess himself of a fund of information regarding 
trees and shrubs, both native and exotic, which he 
could hardly hope to attain in so short a time by any 
other method. 

At last a book has appeared which does for the wild 
fruits of the countryside what a dozen modern field 
books do for the wild flowers, — i.e., it serves as a key, 
or guide, for the identification of species. "How to 
Know Wild Fruits " (Macmillan) is the title of this work. 
The author, Maude Gridley Peterson, has tried to pro- 
vide a convenient system by which plants when not in 
flower may be identified by means of fruit and leaf. As 
in the case of many plants this flowerless condition 
prevails for a great part of the year, a system of this 
kind has distinct advantages. 

In "Bird Life and Bird Lore" (Dutton) we have a 
collection of papers by R. Bosworth Smith, which ap- 
peared originally as articles in the Nineteenth Century, 
together with several bird studies which were pub- 
lished several years ago in other periodicals. Although 
written in England and dealing altogether with British 
birds, these essays have a certain charm of style which 
should appeal to nature - lovers the world over. The 
birds particularly treated are the raven, the wild duck, 
and the magpie. 



A sympathetic, suggestive analysis of Japanese paint- 
ing, under the title "Impressions of Ukiyo-Ye," has 
been written by Dora Amsden (Paul Elder & Co.). This 
study treats of the whole school of Japanese color-print 
artists, and is appropriately illustrated with half-tone 
reproductions of famous paintings. The whole is printed 
on Japanese paper, and an appendix shows facsimiles of 
the most famous signatures of color-print artists, pre- 
sented in this volume for the benefit of collectors. The 
art of Ukiyo-Ye, we are told in the first paragraph, is 
" a spiritual rendering of the realism and naturalness 
of the daily life, intercourse with nature, and imagin- 
ings of a lively, impressionable race in the full tide of a 
passionate craving for art." 

A series of articles which appeared originally in the 
Dial, by Edward Everett Hale, Jr., have been revised 
and elaborated, and published (Holt) as studies of 
"Dramatists of To-Day." Mr. Hale presents what he 
calls an informal discussion of the significant work of 
Rostand, Hauptmann, Sudermann, Pinero, Shaw, Phil- 
lips, and Maeterlinck. 

An English version, by Grace E. Polk, of Suder- 
mann's four-act drama, "St. John's Fire," has been is- 
sued by the H. W. Wilson Company, of Minneapolis. 
This strong drama now appears for the first time, we 
believe, in English. 

A collection of "Pictures by George Frederick 
Watts," with an introduction and selections by Julia 
Ellsworth Ford and Thomas W. Lamont, has been is- 
sued by Fox, Duffield & Co. This is very handsomely 
illustrated, with full-page half-tone and photogravure 
reproductions of Mr. Watts' great paintings, each one 
faced by some appropriate poetic selection from prose 
or poetry. The introduction is really a warm tribute 
to the artist. 




The oflBcial catalogue of the German exhibit at the 
St. Louis Exposition has been brought out in English 
translation in elegant typographical form. The work 
has been edited by the imperial commissioner and the 
composition and printing done by the imperial printing 
office from type cast from designs especially made for 
this purpose. Besides being a catalogue of exhibits 
proper, the volume contains a variety of articles on 
trade, industry, and economic conditions in Germany, 
interspersed with statistical and historical data. We 
are informed that there are a limited number of copies 
of this very artistic catalogue and record-book avail- 
able at the German consulate-general's office in New 
York. These will be distributed gratis (express charges 
to be borne by the recipient) on written application. 

In "Modern Advertising," by Earnest Elmo Calkins 
and Ralph Holden, recently published by D. Appleton 
& Co. in their business series, the authors design to 
give the general reader a sane and sensible exposition 
of advertising as it is now understood. The classifica- 
tion of "Modern Advertising" with such subjects as 
The American Railway, Banking, Life Insurance, etc., 
in this business series itself emphasizes the importance 
of the subject. In its modern sense, advertising is said 
to be that subtle but powerful force whereby the adver- 
tiser creates a demand for a given article in the minds 
of a great many people or arouses the demand that is 
already there in latent form. In the chapter on the 

history of advertising, a brief account of its develop- 
ment during the last half-century is given, and refer- 
ence is made to many spectacular examples of success, 
like P. T. Barnum, Robert Bonner, and others. It is 
estimated by the authors that the annual expenditure 
for magazine, newspaper, and billboard advertising is 
something like $600,000,000, and the preparation of suit- 
able plans, including the designing of attractive and 
striking copy for this expenditure, is touched upon as 
an important department of modern advertising. The 
book is written primarily for the general reader, and as 
such it will be found to be a most interesting exposi- 
tion of the subject of advertising and sales-manage- 
ment. In the chapter on the advertising agent, the 
authors rightfully maintain that the agent has, by 
making the initial expenditures of the manufacturers 
effective, built up larger businesses, and thereby in- 
creased their advertising accounts to such an extent 
that magazines have been enabled to purchase superior 
literary productions, and that in a sense, therefore, ad- 
vertising has endowed literature. After perusing this 
work, the reader may not be fully prepared to agree with 
the authors that "advertising modifies the course of a 
people's whole thought, gives them new words and 
phrases, new ideas, new fashions, new prejudices, and 
new customs," yet he will certainly have removed from 
his mind any misapprehension that he may have had 
concerning the importance and dignity of advertising 
itself, and of the profession of the modern successful 
advertising writer. 


Accolade, The, By C. E. D. Phelps. Lippincott. 

After the Divorce. By Grazia Delladea. Holt. 

American Abelard and Heloise, An. By Mary Ives Dodd. 

American Girl in Munich, An. By Mabel W. Daniels. Lit- 
tle, Brown & Co. 

Berlam of Beltana. By W. E. Norris. Longmans, Green 

Beyond Chance or Change. By Sara A. Shafer. Macmillan. 

Bishop's Niece, The. By G. H. Picard. Turner. 

Blockaders, The. By James Barnes. Harpers. 

Boys of Bob's Hile. By C. P. Burton. Holt. 

Clock and Key, The. By A. H. Vesey. Appletons. 

Crimson Blind, The. By F. M. White. Fenno. 

Embarrassing Orphan, An. By W. E. Norris. Winston, 

Forest Drama, A. By Louis Pendleton. Winston, Phila- 

Four Feathers, The. By A. E. W. Nason. Macmillan. 

Freedom of Life, The. By Annie P. Cull. Little, Brown 

Fugitive Blacksmith. By C. D. Stewart. Century. 

Golden Flood, The. By E. Leffevre. McClure, Phillips & Co. 

Heart of Hope, The. By Nerval Richardson. Dodd, Mead. 

Heart of the World, The. By C. M. Sheldon. Revell. 

Heda Sandwith. By E. U. Valentine. Bobbs-Merrill. 

House of the Black Thing, The. By F. L. Pattee. Holt. 

House of Hawley. By E. E. Peake. Appletons. 

House in the Mist. By Anna K. Green. Bobbs-Merrill. 

Human Touch, The. By E. M. Nichol. Lothrop. 

John Van Buren, Politician. Anonymous. Harpers. 

Justin Wingate, Ranchman. By J. H. Whitson. Little, 

Knot of Blue, A. By W. R. A. Wilson. Little, Brown. 

Langbarrow Hall. By Theodora W. Wilson. Appletons. 

Lode-Star, The. By S. R. Kennedy. Macmillan. 

Medal of Honor. By Gen. Charles King. Hobart Co. 

Miss Billy. By E. K. Stokely and M. K. Hurd. Lothrop. 

Modern Legionary, A. By J. P. Le Poer. Dutton. 

Mother and Daughter. By Gabrielle E. Jackson. Harpers. 

Motormaniacs. By Lloyd Osbourne. Bobbs-Merrill. 

My Lady Clancarty. By Mary I. Taylor. Little, Brown. 

Nutbrown Joan. By M. A. Taggart. Holt. 

On the Firing Line. By Ray Fuller. Little, Brown. 

Outlet, The. By Andy Adams. Houghton, Mifflin. 

Partners of the Trade. By J. C. Lincoln. Barnes. 

Pioneer, The. By Geraldine Bonner. Bobbs-Merrill. 

Plum Tree, The. By D. G. Phillips. Bobbs-Merrill. 

Prize to the Hardy, The. By Alice Winter. Bobbs-Merrill. 

Quakeress, The. By C. F. Clark. Winston. 

Return, The. By Alice MacGowan and Grace MacGowan 

Cooke. L. C. Page & Co. 
Sanna. By M. E. Waller. Harpers. 
Serena. By Virginia F. Boyle. Barnes. 
Silence of Mrs. Harrold. By S. M. Gardenshire. Harpers. 
Slanderers. By Warwick Deeping. Harpers. 
Smoke-Eaters. By H. T. O'Higgins. Century. 
Spirit of the Service. By E. E. Wood. Macmillan. 
Sunset Trail. By A. H. Lewis. Barnes. 
Tale of the Kloster. By Brother Jabez. Griffith & Rowland 

Press, Philadelphia. 
Tor : A Street Boy of Jerusalem. By Florence M. Kingsley. 

Henry Altemus. 
Two Captains. By C. T. Brady. Macmillan. 
Tybee Kroll. By J. B. Connolly. Barnes. 
Van Suyden Sapphires, The. By Charles Carey. Dodd, 

Vision of Elijah Berl. By F. L. Nason. Little, Brown. 

The American Monthly Review of Reviews, 
edited by alber t shaav. 


Count Sergius Witte Frontispiece 

The Progress of the World — 

Peace-making at Portsmouth VM 

Count Witte the Central Figure 131 

A Business of Vast Moment Kil 

Will Japan Demand Too Much ? -. 132 

The Death of John Hay 183 

A Gentleman at the Helm of State 133 

Mr. Root Again in the Cabinet 134 

A Master of the Situation 134 

No Politics in It 134 

The Paul Jones Ceremonies 134 

Better Support for Our Foreign Service 136 

Dr. Hill at The Hague 136 

His Magnum Opus 136 

The Executive Government in Summer Days. . 137 

A Word for Secretary Wilson 138 

Mr. Hitchcock's Great Work 138 

Senator Mitchell Found Guilty 138 

A Vast Governmental Department 139 

Is Corruption Increasing ? 139 

The Temptations of a Lavish Age 140 

The President's Sound Moral Leadership 140 

The " Equitable " as a Moral 140 

Business Conditions Favorable 141 

The Business Affairs of Uncle Sam 141 

The Canal and Its Direction 141 

A New Chief Engineer 141 

Exit Wallace, Enter Stevens 142 

Present Canal Problems 143 

Chinese Exclusion 143 

Portland Argues for Chinese Labor 144 

Mr. Bristow on the Panama Railroad 145 

Uncle Sam's Business Projects 145 

A Detail of Post-Office Work 145 

A Gift of $10,000,000 for Colleges 146 

Social Wealth and Its Right Use 148 

The British Parliament 148 

Army Scandals and Immigration 148 

Norway, Sweden, and the Kaiser 149 

Cabinet Changes in Spain and Holland 149 

The Passive Resistance of Hungary 150 

The End of the Concordat 151 

The Pope's Temporal Power 151 

France, Germany, and Morocco 151 

The Mutinous Battleship Potemkin 152 

Collapse of Russia's Navy 153 

Progress of the Russian Revolution 154 

The Czar and His People 154 

The Bureaucracy Intervenes 154 

The Coming Assembly of the People 155 

The Japanese Invade Siberia 155 

Minister Witte on Russia and Peace 156 

The New Australian Ministry 157 

Renascence of Arab Civilization 157 

With portraits, cartoons, and other illustrations. 

Record of Current Events 158 

With portraits and other illustrations. 
Some Cartoons of the Month 162 

John Hay: An American Gentleman 166 

By Walter Wellman. 
With portrait. 

Mr. Hay's Work in Diplomacy 171 

By John Bassett Moore. 

Canada's Canal System 177 

By M. M. Wilner. 
With maps and otlier illustrations. 

Electric Traction on German Rivers and Ca- 
nals t 183 

With illustrations. 

What the People Read in Holland, Belgium, 

and Switzerland 185 

With portraits and other illustrations. 
The Solar Observatory on Mount Wilson 189^ 

By Paul P. Foster. 
With illustrations. 

The Coming Eclipse of the Sun 194 

By P. T. McGrath. 
With map. 

Progress of the Russian Revolution 197 

By E. J. Dillon. 

Hungary's Side in the Crisis with Austria 203 

By Count Albert Apponyi. 
Our Tariff Differences with Germany 205 

By Wolf von Schierbrand. 

The Japanese Merchant Fleet 208 

By Winthrop L. Marvin. 
With illustration. 

The Peace Negotiators at Washington 211 

With portraits of Baron Komura, Baron Rosen, 
and Mr. Takahira. 

Leading Articles of the Month — 

The Separation of Norway and Sweden 21^ 

Delcass6 and German " Weltpolitik " 216 

The Disintegration of Morocco 217 

Is Japan Really Preparing the " Yellow Peril ?" 218 

Japan's Trafalgar 221 

One of the Secrets of Japanese Victories 221 

Russian Bureaucracy and the Labor Problem. . 222 

The Jewish Question in Russia 223 

Is There New Hope for Poland ? 224 

Paid Readers in Cuban Cigar Factories 226 

The World's Most Difficult Mountain-Climbing 227 

The New Railroad Bridge Over the Zambesi 229 

Rider Haggard, " Land Commissioner" 2.^0 

The Econoipic Regeneration of Ireland 231 

A Defense of " Standard Oil " 23§ 

The Supervision of Life Insurance Companies. . 234 

The " School City " in Philadelphia 235 

An Italian Prince's Opinion of New York 236 

Coney Island, the World's Greatest Playground 237 

Ed vard Grieg's First Success 239 

The Theory of Descent 239 

The Russian Defeat and the Moslem World 240 

Some Peculiarities of Chinese Journalism 242 

The Progress of German China 243 

Dane versus German in Schleswig 244 

Some Frank German Views ol England 24d 

English Women Writers on the Woman's Move- 
ment 247 

Harvard's Germanic Museum 24S 

With portraits and other illustrations. 

Briefer Notes on Topics in the Periodicals. .. 249 

The New Books 853 

With portraits of authors. 

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(President of the Imperial Committee of Ministers and Russia's leading peace negotiator at Washington. For an 
outline of Count Witte's career and portraits and sketches of the other peace negotiators, see the article 
" The Peace Negotiators at Washington," on page 211 of this issue of the Review of Reviews.) 

The American Monthly 

Review of Reviews. 

Vol. XXXII. 


No. 2. 


Witli the coming of August days, 

making at tliG world's diplomatic Center shifts 

Portsmouth. .^gg|f ^^ ^^^ ^^-^j. jjarbor of Ports- 

moutb, on tlie coast of New Hampshire. For 
it has been decided that the commissioners who 
are to try to make a treaty of peace between 
Russia and Japan under the hospitality of the 
United States Government will not attempt to 
do their work in the summer heat of Washing- 
ton, but will avail themselves of the comfort and 
comparative seclusion afforded by the United 
States naval station at Portsmouth, which occu- 
pies an island in the harbor, and which boasts a 
substantial new building that has been made 
ready for the distinguished plenipotentiaries. 
The victorious Japanese will be represented by 
their minister of foreign affairs. Baron Komura, 
who arrived at Seattle on July 20, and the Jap- 
anese minister at Washington, Mr. Takahira. 
The Russian Government will be represented 
by the new Russian ambassador at Washington, 
Baron Rosen, and, — what is most notable of all, 
— by Russia's ablest and foremost public man, 
Count Sergius Witte. 

. ...... It is surmised that the chief impor- 

Count Witte ^ . . . -r-. • 

the Central tance 01 the final decision m Russia 
^'^"''^- to send M. Witte lies in the fact that, 
in the first place, he is known to have been op- 
posed to the war and as being in favor of peace, 
while, in the second place, it is asserted that he 
would not accept this responsibility until a much 
more complete power to agree upon terms had 
been granted than the Czar's government had 
intended at first to confer upon the commission- 
•ers. Thus, there were not a few men of expe- 
rience and discernment in Europe who were of 
the opinion that the attempt of the commission- 
•ers to agree upon terms would not result in the 
making of peace, but that the war would go on 
indefinitely. M. Witte's appointment is there- 
fore to be regarded as of favorable omen. It is 
useless to guess how long the commissioners may 

protract their negotiations. Although clothed 
with great powers, they will undoubtedly have 
to refer points almost constantly, by cipher cable 
messages, to their governments at home. 

^ „ . The thino-s they are called upon to 

of Vast decide must affect in a far-reaching 
Moment. way, uot only the two nations now 
at war, but most of the other important powers, 
European, Asiatic, and American. Thus, Ports- 
mouth will be a Mecca of diplomats and journal- 
ists, although the sessions of the commissioners 
will be anything but public and open. It took 
many weeks for our commissioners and those of 
Spain, in session at Paris in 1898—99, to agree 
upon the terms under which Spain withdrew 
from Cuba and ceded to us Porto Rico and the 
Philippines. Ours was a comparatively small 
war, and. its only specific object was to settle 
the future status of Cuba. The present war 
between Japan and Russia is of vastly greater 
consequence, and the responsibilities of the men 
who are to try to fix the terms of a permanent 
peace will be correspondingly heavy. What- 
ever form of agreement may be made, it is not 
likely that there will be any interference on the 
part of other nations. Russia made a settlement 
with Turkey after the war of 1877—78. Eng- 
land and Germany, however, interfered, and the 
Berlin Congress greatly modified the terms that 
Turkey had been compelled to accept from the 
victor. When Japan defeated China, in 1895, 
the terms of peace as arranged between the con- 
tending powers were upset by the interference 
of Russia, Germany, and France. In both in- 
stances, the terms arranged between the com- 
batants themselves were better for the true wel- 
fare of those concerned, and far better for the 
permanent peace of the world, than were the 
modified terms brought about by outside med- 
dling. In the present instance, there will be no 
attack upon the general principle that China 
must be saved from dismemberment ; and, — 




with that principle respected, — there will he no 
disposition in any quarter to dispute the con- 
clusions that the commissioners may reach. 

Will Japan 

Too Much ? 

Although the Japanese have been 
sweepingly victorious, they recognize 
the fact that the latent power of the 
Russian Empire is a stupendous thing, and that 
any attempt at overreaching, and any demands 
that would be generally regarded by neutral 
nations as grossly immoderate, would only harm 
Japan in the long run. It is true that Baron 
Hayashi, at London, is quoted as saying that it 
is a mistake to suppose that the Japanese are 
angels and that they mean to demand less than 
the full measure of a victor's spoil. But, since 
the Japanese have done everything so brilliantly 
since the outbreak of this war, it may be ex- 
pected that their diplomacy 
in this crowning task, of 
making peace will show the 
same qualities of clear vision. 
There will be readiness at all 
points, and there will be 
sense and discernment. The 
skill and precision that the 
leaders of this marvelous na- 
tion have shown in handling 
their armies and fleets, in 
managing their war finances, 
and in maintaining an unex- 
ampled spirit of harmony 
and cooperation throughout 
the entire nation, will be 
shown at Portsmouth. Rus- 
sia's position is a very diffi- 
cult one, because her defeat 

at the hands of Japan was almost as complete a 
surprise to most of the people of Russia, includ- 
ing the official classes, as the pluck and prowess 
and long endurance of the Boers was a surprise 
to the officials and most of the people of Eng- 
land. It is not easy for any nation to accept 
defeat in war, and the circumstances are pecul- 
iarly trying for the very nation that has for so 
many years been looked upon as more powerful 
than any other, from the military standpoint. 
Japan must and will consider these things. 

The Death 

John Hay. 

The coming of this conference to the 
United States, as well as its exist- 
ence through the good offices of our 
own government, is a mark of the greatly in- 
creased regard in which this country's position 
is held by foreign nations. Another mark of 


(To be used as a conference hall by the Russian and Japanese peace cominissioners.> 



ON TO WASHINGTON.— From the Ohio State Journal (Columbus). 

that regard has been seen in the tributes paid 
to the late Secretary of State John Hay, who 
was regarded as typifying in his own person- 
ality and methods the present spirit of the 
United States in relation to other countries. 
For many years Mr. Hay had not known firm 
health, and his public services during the Mc- 
Kinley and Roosevelt administrations were ren- 
dered only with pain and difficulty, through rigid 
care to avoid everything that would produce a 
break-down. In spite of such constant care, 
however, Mr. Hay's health had been declining 
for many months, and he had in April gone to 
Europe in a condition that showed at least very 
serious need of rest and medical treatment. He 
returned in June, and after a brief visit to 
Washington, retired to his country home on 
Lake Sunapee, in New Hampshire. It was 
generally supposed that he was on the high road 
to recovery ; but there was a sudden collapse 
early in the morning of July 1, and the sad 
news of his death was announced in the papers 
of the same day. If he had lived, he would 
probably have lingered on in the condition of an 
invalid. As it was, he passed away at the mo- 
ment of his greatest fame, when all the world 
took note and felt his loss. 

The tributes of respect and esteem 

A Gentleman ^ • t , i • 

at the Helm that were paid to nis memory were 
of state, without a single discordant note ; 
and, indeed, they were undoubtedly more wide- 
spread and sincere than would have been paid 
to any other man at present occupying high 
position in the diplomacy or foreign offices of 
any nation whatsoever. "We publish elsewhere 
in this number, from the pen of Mr. Walter 
Wellman, a personal sketch of Mr. Hay which 
explains very well why he was thus highly re- 
garded at home and abroad. He was a gentle- 
man, not only in all the private relations of life, 
but also in his conduct of public and inter- 
national affairs. He carried fine manners as 
well as high principles into the duties of his 
great office. He brought to his work not so 
much a profound or scholarly mind as one 
highly trained and widely informed, and, above 
all, a mind of rare cultivation and refinement. 
With his coming to the State Department there 
disappeared completely and forever the last ves- 
tiges of the old tradition of American ''shirt 
sleeves " diplomacy. With our enlarged and 
more complicated international position, the 
business of our Secretary of State has become 
a far more delicate thing than it was in times 



gone by, and the changed conditions will re- 
quire altered methods. The character and range 
of this expanded international business of ours 
is well shown in the article that Mr. John Bassett 
Moore writes for this number of the Review 
upon Mr. Hay's career from the standpoint of 
international law and diplomacy. It would be, 
in our opinion, a great mistake to assume that 
Secretary Hay was doing his work in a manner 
that separated him from the temper and spirit of 
the administration in which he belonged. Un- 
questionably, President McKinley was head of 
the executive government during his incum- 
bency ; and in like manner it is true that Pres- 
ident Roosevelt has been in all respects at the 
head of his own administration and the chief mas- 
ter of all its policies, foreign as well as domestic. 

If Mr. Hay was the man for the 
Again in the period in wliicli he served the Gov- 
Cabmet. ernment as Secretary of State, it is 
certainly not less true that Mr. Elihu Root 
proved himself the man for the still more press- 
ing and serious emergencies that confronted 
the "War Department during the five years that 
he spent as War Secretary. It was not merely 
that he brought about the reorganization of the 
army itself, but it fell to his lot to lead in the 
reconstruction of Cuba and the creation of its 
new republic, as well as in the organization of 
government and administration in the Philip- 
pines, and the adjustment of relations between 
the United States and Hawaii in the one ocean 
and Porto Rico in the other. When Mr. Root 
withdrew from President Roosevelt's cabinet, 
in February, 1904, it was because he had ac- 
complished all of the larger tasks which he had 
undertaken ; and after this great work, intense 
as well as protracted, he felt himself entitled to 
the repose as well as to the emoluments of private 
life. He came back at once to the leadership of 
the New York bar, and to a practice great in the 
range of its bearing upon the business affairs of 
the country, and, of course, correspondingly 
lucrative. But when, on Mr. Hay's death, the 
President asked Mr. Root to return to the cabinet 
as Secretary of State, there was prompt accept- 
ance of the new public task. 

J, „ , The very nature of the problems with 


of the which Mr. Root had to deal as Secre- 
Situation. ^^j.y ^^ ^^^ brought him in constant 

relation with foreign affairs, while his eminence 
as a lawyer and his wisdom as an adviser had 
made him all along so close in the confidence 
of the President in all policy-making situations 
that he takes up the work of Secretary of State 
with entire familiarity, and with easy mastery. 

Mr. Hay's great qualities as Secretary of State 
were in the main developed after several years 
of experience in a position which he held longer 
than any of his predecessors during the nearly 
one hundred and twenty years of the existence 
of this government. It is no disparagement, 
therefore, to Mr. Hay to remark that Mr. Root 
brings to the post of Secretary of State more 
complete qualifications than those possessed by 
any other man at the moment of first taking up 
the duties of that particular portfolio. Mr. Hay 
had rounded out his great career, and his work 
was done. He was only sixty-seven, but for a 
good while he had felt himself the victim of de- 
clining years. Mr. Root at sixty is as young- 
looking a man as the entirely new picture 
of him published herewith would indicate. His 
mind is as fresh and elastic as that of a man 
half his age, while it has the added advantage 
that comes from experience and maturity. 

It is wholly a mistake to assume that 
Politics Mr. Root's appointment has had any 
'" '^' intentional political bearing, or that 
it necessarily puts him in the line of nomination 
for the Presidency in 1908. Presidential nom- 
inations somehow take care of themselves, and 
do not come from any man's giving them 
thought. Meanwhile, with Mr. Root at the head 
of the State Department, Mr. Roosevelt has at 
hand the man who has all along, out of office as 
well as in it, been his closest adviser in public 
matters for a good many years past, and the 
people of the United States have secured the 
services in public affairs of great moment of a 
man whose patriotism and devotion to the pub- 
lic good are as great as are his talents and his 
discretion. Mr. Root will naturally take an 
especial interest in the high diplomatic business 
going forward at Portsmouth, in view of his 
past management of the American part of the 
Chinese expedition at the time of the Boxer 
troubles, his part in the history of Philippine 
affairs, and his interest in still other phases of the 
far-Eastern situation and Pacific Ocean affairs. 

It is reported that there will in the 

The PI . . 

Paul Jones near luture be some reorganization 
Ceremonies. ^^ ^j^^ g^^^^ Department, and that 

Mr. Loomis, First Assistant Secretary, will be 
promoted to some diplomatic position, in ac- 
cordance with plans made before the recent in- 
vestigation of charges relating to Mr. Loomis as 
minister to Venezuela. It is rumored, though 
not absolutely confirmed, that Mr. Lloyd Gris- 
com, United States minister to Japan, will suc- 
ceed Mr. Loomis at Washingcon. Meanwhile, 
Mr. Loomis, who had gone abroad for a vaca- 


tion trip, had taken part in the formal ceremo- 
nies at Paris with which the body of our great 
naval hero, Paul Jones, of Revolutionary fame, 
had been placed by the French Government in 
the custody of Admiral Sigsbee. This officer 
had gone with a squadron of war vessels and 
much pomp to bear to the United States the 
leaden casket in which the embalmed body had 
been placed so long ago, as if for transmission 

to this country at that very time. Our retiring 
ambassador, Gen. Horace Porter, and Assistant 
Secretary Loomis had been appointed special 
envoys for this ceremonial occasion in France. 
While abroad, Mr. Loomis is to prepare a report 
upon the business organization of our diplomatic 
service. General Porter comes home with great 
prestige, and he well deserves praise for the suc- 
cessful search to find the burial-place of Jones. 



„ „ , Since American diplomacy has be- 

Better Support i t • 

for Our For- coHie SO mucli respected, and its per- 
eign Service. ^q^t^q\ jg gQ favorably received in 

most foreign lands, it is quite time that the 
service should receive better treatment at the 
hands of Congress than has been accorded it 
hitherto. Tt is not in keeping with the dignity 
of our government that diplomatic salaries 
should be so small that the important ambassa- 
dorships are tending, as a matter of custom, to 
be given only to men of large private wealth. 
It happens that Mr. 
"Whitelaw Reid had the 
experience and the 
qualities which would 
have brought him suc- 
cess as ambassador at 
London, even without 
private means at his 
disposal. But, as a 
matter of fact, Mr. Reid 
pays more for his 
house-rent alone than 
the entire salary of liis 
office. The situation 
would be greatly im- 
proved if our govern- 
ment should acquire or 
build suitable houses 
for the offices and resi- 
dences of American 
ambassadors and min- 
isters in the principal 
capitals of the world. 
With such provision 
made, and some rear- 
rangement of salaries, 
Uncle Sam would not 
have to ask his repre- 
sentatives abroad to 
pay a large part of their 
bills from their own 
pocketbooks. Apropos 
of Mr. Reid's going to 

England, it is worth while to call attention to 
the remarkable character of the reception he has 
received there on all hands, — the friendliness 
shown being in part personal, but chiefly an in- 
dication of good-will toward the country Mr. 
Reid represents. In like manner, the opportu- 
nity afforded by the ceremonies in France to 
which we have alluded brought forth most agree- 
able tokens of friendliness toward this country 
and its representatives on the part of .the great 
French republic. In Russia, where there has 
been a good deal of feeling against the United 
States on account of the prevalence here of 
sympathy with Japan in the war, and also, per- 

haps, on account of the attitude of this country 
toward Russia's Jewish policy, there have been 
many marks of courtesy shown to our present 
ambassador, Mr. Meyer ; and this gentleman has 
rendered unquestioned service in helping to 
bring about the negotiations for peace. 

Dr. Hill 
at The 


(The American minister to The Netherlands.) 

While speaking of our diplomatic 
service, it is worth while to note 
again the fitness of the appointment 
of Dr. David J. Hill to the post of minister at 

The Hague, from which 
Mr. Stanford Newel re- 
tires after a service of 
many years. Dr. Hill, 
who has for the past 
two years been our 
minister to Switzer- 
land, had for five years 
previous been First 
Assistant Secretary of 
State. Earlier than 
that he had by much 
study made himself an 
authority in interna- 
tional law and diplo- 
matic history, and had 
given especial atten- 
tion to the subject of 
international arbitra- 
tion. It so happened 
that at the time of the 
preparations for the 
peace conference at 
The Hague, Secretary 
Hay was much occu- 
pied with other affairs ; 
and Dr. Hill, as First 
Assistant Secretary, 
had full charge of the 
business of arranging 
for American partici- 
pation in that confer- 
ence. When all the 
facts are known, it will appear that to Dr. 
Hill as much as to any other man is due the 
credit for the manner in which the American 
delegates were inspired to turn a futile disarma- 
ment conference into a successful arbitration 
congress. There is, therefore, a peculiar fitness 
in Dr. Hill's going to The Hague, where he will 
become the natural leader in the management of 
the permanent tribunal of arbitration. 

It was a part of Dr. Hill's plan, in 
taking the quiet but dignified post 
of minister to Switzerland, to devote 
himself to the carrying on of his studies in 






diplomatic history and to the writing of an 
elaborate treatise in that field. The first vol- 
ume of Dr. Hill's great work, — five volumes 
more are to follow, — is entitled ''The Struggle 
for Universal Empire," and it deals with the 
early and medieval period down to 'the begin- 
ning of the emergence of nationalities, in the 
fourteenth century. The second volume, which 
is to follow at once, will be upon the establish- 
ment of European territorial sovereignty ; and 
these two volumes together will be regarded by 
their author as indicating the foundations of 
diplomatic history. Four more volumes will 
bring the narration down to the present time ; 
and while each volume is to be complete in 
itself, the six will form a continuous work 
under the general title " A History of Diplo- 

macy in the International Development of 
Europe." The Hague will afford favorable 
conditions for the prosecution of Dr. Hill's 
great work, and it is highly creditable that this 
American scholar and diplomat should so de- 
vote his spare time. Undertakings like this of 
Dr. Hill are in line with the great traditions of 
the Motleys, the Prescotts, the Bancrofts, and 
many others. 

^, ^ ,. The peace negotiations kept Presi- 

The E xccuitvB . 

Government in dent Roosevelt at Washington later 
Summer Days. ^-^^^ j^^ usually stays there during 

the summer time, and he returned to his Oyster 
Bay home on July 29. He went to Cleveland, 
Ohio, on June 5, with the members of the cab- 
inet, to attend the funeral of Secretary Hay. 




(Secretary of the Interior.) 

In Spite of unceasing public labors, he appears 
to be in a state of robust health and vigor 
hardly equaled by any other citizen of the coun- 
try. Administrative affairs have gone forward 
smoothly in spite of some changes in the person- 
nel of the cabinet. Secretary Taft, who had 
started for San Francisco on his way to the Phil- 
ippines when Secretary Hay died, was advised 
by the President to continue his journey without 
interruption. He was accompanied by a consid- 
erable party, including a number of members of 
Congress. Mr. Charles J. Bonaparte, of whose 
appointment as Secretary of the Navy we spoke 
last month, has already been giving much evi- 
dence of great ability and high ideals in adminis- 
trative work. Mr. Cortelyou has now fairly 
taken hold of the business of the Post-Office 
Department, and his quiet but thorough methods 
will doubtless in due time show many good re- 
sults. The Agricultural Department has been 
subjected to some criticism because of the dis- 
covery that an official in the statistical and 
crop-reporting bureau had been furnishing ad- 
vance information regarding the state of the 
cotton crop to certain speculators on the New 
York Cotton Exchange. 

Some of the newspaper comments 
for Secretary would scem to convey the impression 
Wilson. i\^Q^\^ the whole business of the Agri- 
cultural Department is to collect cotton statis- 
tics ; and that the discovery that an under- 

official has made private use of such information 
must bring utter and final condemnation upon 
the whole career of Secretary Wilson as head of 
that department. Nothing, of course, could be 
more absurd. While the development of the 
statistical bureau and its special application to 
cotton-crop reporting are interesting phases of 
the work of the department, they are far from 
being its principal object. Through its experi- 
ment stations, and in many other ways, the de- 
partment is engaged in the development of agri- 
culture, stock - raising, and kindred industries. 
Secretary Wilson has achieved a magnificent 
success during his long incumbency. The statis- 
tical bureau might well enough be turned over 
to the permanent census organization, — so far is 
it from bearing a vital relation to the chief work 
that is being carried on under Mr. Wilson's 
direction for the progress of rural industries. 

The Department of the Interior, 
Hitchcock's under Secretary Hitchcock, has gone 
Great Work. ^iQ^^dHj forward in improving the 
administration of such bureaus as that concerned 
with the Indians, for example ; and it has justi- 
fied itself in its endeavors to improve the methods 
of administering the land laws. In this connec- 
tion may be noted the results of the trial of 
Senator Mitchell, of Oregon, who was charged 
with the improper promotion of the interests of 
certain violators of the land laws in obtaining 
possession of valuable parts of the public do- 
main. Senator Mitchell's trial in the United 
States District Court at Portland, Ore., which 
lasted two weeks, resulted in a verdict of guilty 
on July 3. The Government has been endeavor- 
ing to break up a conspiracy organized by a 
powerful and wealthy Western syndicate which 
had been obtaining through fraudulent processes, 
at a merely nominal price, immense areas of 
public land, often forty times as valuable as the 
sums paid by them. 


The technical charge upon which 
mciieii Senator Mitchell was found guilty 
Found Guilty. ^^^ |.|^^^ ^^ accepting fees for using 

his influence as a United States Senator with 
the executive departments at Washington. 
There is a special law against such conduct, and 
it is in no sense true when Senator Mitchell 
obtained favors from Land Commissioner Her- 
mann for his clients that he was acting as a 
lawyer in the practice of his profession. The 
venerable Mitchell had been elected five times 
to the United States Senate, and knew well the 
responsibilities of his great office. His humili- 
ation is not his alone, but that of his State in 
its exposition year, and that of the country 



wliicli he has for more tliaii a (quarter of a cen- 
tury helped to govern. His fault is a fault of 
the times in which we live. It is a fault for 
which we must as a nation put on sackcloth and 
ashes, with searching of hearts and an earnest 
determination to rid ourselves of this wretched 
greed for gain at the sacrifice of honor and of 
scrupulous integrity. 

A Vast 

The Hon. Ethan Allen Hitchcock, as 
GouenimVntai Secretary of the Interior, has not 
Department, ^^g^^ ^^ ^jj before the public, but he 

has administered the duties of his portfolio with 
a stern and unbending sense of rectitude. Our 
public life is decidedly the better for his having 
come into Mr. McKinley's cabinet and stayed 
faithfully at his post on into the second Roose- 
velt administration. The great bureaus which 
are grouped together under the direction of the 
Secretary of the Interior, — together with the 
other services that pertain to the portfolio, — 
make up an array of public interests so vast that 
in the aggregate they are far greater than the 
administrative work that belongs to all the de- 
partments of some of the smaller countries. A 
highly instructive volume, and one that many 
thousands of people ought to read, is the annual 
report of the Secretary of the Interior. It cov- 
ers descriptively and in a terse and accurate 
way a number of matters of public concern. The 
part of it devoted to the general land office shows 
the wide range of the administrative work that 
has to be carried on, and also sets forth the 
efforts made to protect the public domain, in 
the process of disposing of it under the land 
laws, from the rascals who have in so many in- 
genious ways tried to obtain its best parcels by 
fraudulent and criminal methods. Its informa- 
tion about forest reserves alone would make the 
volume welcome to many people. After the 
affairs of the land office comes the presentation 
of Indian affairs. Next comes the report upon 
the work of the pension office, so immense in 

the volume of money that it involves, and so 
far reaciiing in its relati(jn to millions of people. 
The patent officer, which entei's so importantly 
into the commercial and economic life of the 
American public, ]>elong8 to Mr. Hitchcock's 
department, as also does the geological survey, 
with its curnmt investigations in Alaska, its 
reports on the mineral resources of this country, 
its marvelous scientific work of various soits, 
its relation to the new irrigation and reclama- 
tion service in the arid regions, and its many 
other activities. The work carried on under the 
Hon. William T. Harris as commissioner of edu- 
cation belongs also to the Department of the In- 
terior, as formerly did the Census Bureau, which 
is now a part of the Department of Commerce. 
A large amount of administrative work relating 
to the Territories of Alaska, Arizona, Hawaii, 
New Mexico, Oklahoma, and Porto Rico also 
comes under the direction of Secretary Hitch- 
cock. So, also, belongs to his portfolio the ad- 
ministration of the national parks and reserva- 
tions, including the great Yellowstone Park, the 
Yosemite, and at least half-a-dozen others. Be- 
sides all these large bureaus and services, there 
are many other matters belonging to the De- 
partment of the Interior, including educational 
institutions and the custody and care of public 
buildings and grounds in Washington. 

We mention all these things to re- 
Cori-uption mind our readers of the vast concerns 
Increasing ? ^^^^ ^^^^ ^^ ^^ safeguarded in a de- 
partment of which people in the Eastern part of 
the country hear very little, as a rule, and know 
still less. In some of these great bureaus, nota- 
bly the public -land service, the Indian service, 
and the pension service, there have in times past 
been practised upon the government and people 
of the United States great and widespread frauds 
and wrono:s. It is an entire mistake to believe 
that recent and current abuses in these services 
are greater than in former times. They are, ou 

At his desk. 

For a square deal 

Receiving an Indian 

liis correspondence. 

A great pedestrian. 




the contrary, far less than they were some years 
ago. Such services ramify so greatly, and cover 
so vast an extent of territory, employing so 
many local officers and agents, that the highest " 
principles and ablest talents at the center of 
things cannot always avail to prevent wrong- 
doing at the outlying points. But our public 
administration is growing more business-like 
and efficient than ever before ; and, while con- 
stant vigilance is needed, there is no ground for 
cynicism or for deep discouragement. 

^, ^ ^ We live in an a^e of luxury, when 

The Tetn pta- . . . 

tionsofa public officials see their own friends 
Lauish Age. ^^^ boyhood Companions — who have 
" struck it rich " in trust-promotion or other 
private enterprises — living in fine houses and 
entertaining lavishly, touring in automobiles, 
and cruising in private yachts. Ours is a demo- 
cratic country, with a high average of intelli- 
gence and nothing whatsoever in social talent 
and aptitude to separate those who are lavish in 
expenditure from their friends of small income. 
Official salaries are small when measured by the 
social prominence and the spending needs of 
men in public life and official place. At the 
present time, in the United States, it is hard for 
many of these officials, whose families have so- 
cial ambition, to live the lives of the official 
class in Germany, where there is so much pres- 
tige in the mere holding of public office, — such 
positions being for life, — that most of the officials 
are perfectly content to live modestly and simply, 
to work with zeal, to lead an intellectual life, to 
enjoy the society of people situated like them- 
selves, and to await with certainty the old-age 
pensions that always come with retirement from 
public positions held faithfully and honestly. 
We cannot make our social, official, and economic 
life over upon the German model, or upon any 
other pattern ; and we must work out our own 
salvation, both in public administration and in 
the business and social affairs of private life, 
under the conditions that we find prevailing 
here in the United States. 

^, ^ . , ., It is ffood for us, therefore, on every 

The rfcsiucnts f %/ 

Sound Moral accouut, that WO sliould just now 
Leadership, y^^y^ ^t the head of our government 
so sturdy and incessant a preacher of the gospel 
of sound living for these times as President 
Roosevelt shows himself to be. His example to 
the young men of this country is of priceless 
worth. He is often called a man of luck and a 
man of destiny ; but everything in the world 
that has ever come to him he has squarely 
earned by the hard work and the right living 
which have made him fit for occasions when 

they have presented themselves. He was for- 
tunate, perhaps, in having a modest fortune 
left to him by his father ; but he would have 
made his way just the same without that early 
advantage. The possession of a reasonable 
amount of this world's goods is desirable, and 
that fact is recognized by most people of healthy 
mind and sound observation. But our Ameri- 
can life is developing in such a way that here, 
henceforth, as in Europe, most things really 
worth having are becoming as accessible to 
people of moderate means as to the very rich. 
Let us hope that we are not mistaken in the 
signs that point toward a widespread revival of 
interest in the old-fashioned principles of hon- 
esty, whether in public or in private life. The 
country begins to show an increased degree of 
honor and deference to the public man who has 
served a long time, and has lived on his salary 
and not grown rich. In like manner, in the 
business world the man who has not made haste 
to be rich by questionable methods, but who has 
carried fine principles into his business aifairs, 
reaps a sure and certain reward in the esteem of 
his fellow-men. And since, after all, the prin- 
ciples of honor and integrity lie at the founda- 
tion of our business life, there is no truth what- 
soever in the notion that modern business cannot 
be carried on except by practising and conniv- 
ing at dishonest methods. 


The further revelations in the affairs 
'Equitable" of the Equitable Insurance Company 
as a Moral, -[^^^q been used to advantage by the 
newspapers and all other agencies of public 
opinion in this country as a warning and a moral 
to enforce the principles of business integrity 
and honor. Apropos of this insurance situation, 
we promised our readers last month that in the 
near future we would undertake to publish a 
fair and just statement of the facts thus far 
brought to light in the Equitable investigation 
and the bearing of these facts upon the insur- 
ance business in general. This article will ap- 
pear in the September number of the Review. 
Meanwhile, it is merely to be said that Mr. Cleve- 
land and his associate trustees, who are voting 
the Equitable stock in the interest of the policy- 
holders, have been filling vacancies on the Equi- 
table board with men of good repute not engaged 
in the carrying on of Wall Street enterprises. 
The question of bringing criminal actions against 
men guilty of profiting at the expense of the 
policy-holders of the Equitable was under care- 
ful consideration last month by District Attorney 
Jerome. It was evident that the whole truth 
must come out, and also that the Equitable in 
the end would be run for its policy-holders. 



„ . The Eqiiitablo disclosnros aro so ro- 

Bust HGSS 

Conditions latc'd to othtsi* liiiaiicial ail'airs that 
Favorable. ^^^^ ^ time they seemed considerably 
to disturb business at the financial center ; but 
all this had been seemingly discounted last 
month, and the money markets and the economic 
life of the country were in a normal state. The 
reports of railway earnings were very favorable 
as compared with those of a year ago, every part 
of ihe country showing an increase of gross 
earnings, to an average extent of 6 per cent. 
Following the favorable railroad situation and 
the prosperous state of the iron and steel indus- 
tries came the Government's general crop report, 
of the date of July 1, which was quite as satis- 
factory as there had been reason to expect, and 
which had its reassuring effect upon all lines of 
business. This year's wheat crop will have 
turned out probably more than one hundred 
million l)ushels in excess of that of last year. 
A great corn crop is anticipated. The crop of 
oats, when the record is finally made up, is likely 
to be the largest but one in the country's his- 
tory ; the barley crop will probably have broken 
the record, and the potato crop will also be the 
largest, excepting one, that the country has ever 
produced. The prices of staple products have 
been firm, and thus the farming community 
may well look forward to a favorable outcome 
of their efforts for the year 1905. 

_^ „ . Uncle Sam himself seems not to 

The Business . , , , , . . 

Affairs have had so lucky a year, it one 
of Uncle Sam. t^q^q\j considers the Treasury re 

ports, inasmuch as the government expenses for 
the year ending June 30 exceeded its revenues 
by more than |24,000,000. But these are mere 
matters of adjustment of taxation to the prob- 
able public needs, and the government reserves 
are always ample for such emergencies as a def- 
icit like the present one. No government in 
the world can as easily as ours command all the 
money it requires for its legitimate objects. The 
Panama Canal will need a large outlay, but this 
should be looked upon as an investment rather 
than as an expense, and should be provided for 
by the issue of bonds, with the expectation that 
in the long run the income from the canal will 
pay the interest and provide a sinking fund for 
the paying off of the principal. 

The c ^^ ^^ reported that with the War De- 

andits partment already so much occupied 
irection. ^^^]^ Philippine affairs, as well as 
military matters, the oversight of the Panama 
Canal may be transferred, as a matter of con- 
venience, to the State Department. If that ar- 
rangement should go into effect it would bring 

about a somewhat curious result. It is well 
known that President Jioosevelt, in reorganizing 
the Panama Commission, tried to secure the 
services of Mr. Elihu Root as chairman, and 
offered him a salary of $100,000. Mr. Poot de- 
clined to enter the service of the Government 
in that particular capacity. Now, however, he 
takes office as Secretary of State; at a salary of 
$8,000 ; and if the oversight of the Panama 
Canal be transferred to his department his re- 
lations to the canal work will become direct and 
important, so that all canal affairs will be re- 
ported to the President through the very man 
the President most desired for the direction of 
the undertaking. It will, of course, make no 
difference to Mr. Shonts as chairman, or to the 
other members of the commission, whether the 
affairs of the Isthmus are attached to the Depart- 
ment of War or to the Department of State. 

The most important of recent inci- 

Chief dents connected with the canal has 

Engineer. ^^^^ ^-^^^ retirement of Mr. John F. 

Wallace. This occurred on June 28. Mr. Wal- 
lace had only recently returned to the Isth- 
mus after having been in this country in con- 
sultation with the Government regarding the 
reorganization of the commission and the busi- 
ness of the canal. His wishes had been deferred 
to, and the official importance of his position 
had been enhanced under the new arrangement. 
There came to him, however, just at this time, 
a strong temptation in the form of an offer at a 
large salary to enter the Westinghouse employ 
in the promotion of street - railroad schemes. 
His resignation came at a time regarded by the 
Government as peculiarly inopportune. His 
desire to withdraw in the near future was met 
by a peremptory instruction to resign immedi- 
ately, and there was visited upon him a scathing 
rebuke from Secretary Taft, couched in lan- 
guage of honest indignation, but too much in 
the tone of scolding to be wholly dignified. It 
is the tradition of public service in the United 
States that men retire at just about the moment 
when they feel like doing so. There are so 
many people who want office and who are ever- 
lastingly seeking it that not very many incum- 
bents regard themselves as indispensable, or 
think of the retention of office as a matter of 
conscience and duty. Mr. AVallace went into 
the Panama Canal service chiefly, doubtless, for 
the great fame that would come to him from 
being the chief constructor of the world's great- 
est engineering project. Naturally, all of us 
who make newspapers and periodicals united in 
one grand chorus to give him publicity and 
fame, and forthwith there came a demand for 


Mr. Stevens was born at Gardiner, Maine, fifty-two years ago. At the age of twenty-one lie was assistant engineer of 
the city of Minneapolis. From that position he went into railroad worlc. He was continuously employed in the construc- 
tion of Western roads for nearly a quarter of a century. His chief distinction in his profession was attained while he was 
chief engineer of the Great Northern, in locating the western extension of that road to the Pacific coast. He afterward 
went to the Rock Island system, and resigned the second vice-presidency of that line to undertake special work for the 
Government in connection with Philippine railroad construction. 

his services by great corporation interests, at 
perhaps five times the salary he was drawing 
when Uncle Sam hired him to dig the canal. 
His resignation annoyed Mr. Taft because that 
worthy official was about starting on a long and 
difficult journey to the Philippines, for purposes 
of public duty, and had supposed, with good 
reason, that the Panama situation had at last, 
after much trouble, been so arranged as to run 
smoothly for a good while to come. 

^ . .., .. No one man, however, ever proves 

Exit WullciCB • 

Enter ' indispensable in the service of a great 
Stevens, government like ours, and there are 
plenty of men who can dig the canal just as well 
as Mr. Wallace could, even though it might well 
be a little provoking that the Government was 
not fortunate enough to start in with a man who 
would stay long enough to accomplish something 
as a result of the preliminary experience and 
knowledge gained at the public expense. Mr. 



Jolin P. Rtevons, an excellent en^-ineer, who 
was to have gone with Mr. Taft to the Philip- 
pines to supervise the construction of tlie new 
railroads there, was willing to be diverted to the 
Panama job, and thus the place made vacant by- 
Mr. Wallace has been filled to the satisfaction 
of those who are familiar with Mr. Stevens' 
abilities and cai-eer. General Hains and Mr. 
llarrod went promptly to the Isthmus to obtain 
the information which Mr. Wallace was supposed 
to possess but had not formulated for the bene- 
fit of the Government. 

There was the more urgency for this 
Canal because the international advisory 
Problems, "^oard IS to meet next month, to de- 
liberate upon the larger engineering problems, 
such as the question of locks versus a sea-level 
canal, and so on. It is hoped that the conclu- 
sions of this advisory board may be ready to be 
laid before Congress next December. Certain 
newspapers have confused the public mind by 
stating that canal work is futile until such ques- 
tions are decided. This is by no means true. 
Preliminary excavation can go on for a long 
period without disadvantage while the question 
of locks or no locks remains in suspense. There 
has been much talk of yellow fever on the Isth- 
mus, but in reality the cases have been few. No 
one need fear, in this country, that we shall fail 
in the present effort to bring about a fairly 
healthful condition at the Isthmus through sci- 
entific sanitary methods. 

The labor problem is one that the 

The . . ^. , . , . 

Labor commission IS working upon, and it 
Question. ^^^^ reported last month that it had 
been decided to test the relative capacity for 
work of Chinese, Italians, and Japanese by im- 
porting on a 500-day contract 2,000 laborers of 
each of these nationalities, this number being 
agreed upon as constituting one convenient 
shipload in each case. For these laborers the 
Government will provide housing accommoda- 
tions and free medical attendance and hospitals. 
This plan can be tried at the Isthmus, because 
the immigration and labor laws of the United 
States do not apply there, and it is greatly to be 
hoped that the experiment may go on without 
too much adverse criticism on the part of those 
in the United States who, as representing the 
cause of American labor, would instinctively 
be opposed to the importation of Asiatics, and 
also to the contract system. It is to be remem- 
bered that the conditions on the Isthmus are 
peculiar and anomalous, and that no American 
labor in the proper sense would care to go there, 
with surroundings of life and work so much more 

agr(?eabl(! lu^re at hoiru;. Tliei-e is no use deny- 
ing the fact that the most efficient way to build 
tlie canal would probably be to employ {'AunaaQ 
laborers and let them go back to China when 
the work is done. The Civic Federation has, 
in its so-called "Welfare Department," a happy 
thought which it is proceeding to carry out 
with its accustomed energy, and with the hearty 
approval of the Government. It is sending 
men to Panama to look into the whole question 
of the opportunities for recreation and tliose 
minor facilities that belong to the decencies and 
the comforts of the life of workingmen. Pan- 
ama is devoid of attractions and proper oppor- 
tunities for the employment of leisure time, and 
undoubtedly the work of the Civic Federation 
will be of much benefit. 

^ , . Apropos of the question of Chinese 

Exclusion — ^ ■"• ' 

exclusion 111 • • 

(1) The Higher i&bOT OU the IstlimUS, it IS WOrth 

Class. while to note the great revival of the 
discussion of the exclusion of the Chinese from 
this country. A situation existed which had 
come to be so intolerable to the educated Chinese 
that they had begun to find a way very effec- 
tively to call our attention to the barbarity to 
which we have been subjecting them. The ex- 
clusion of Chinese laborers is one thing, and the 
visiting of indignities upon merchants, scholars, 
students, officials, and well - to - do personages 
who seek to come here for one purpose or an- 
other, — those purposes usually being for our 
own honor and profit, — is a very different thing. 
Yet our immigration and port officials have, as 
a rule, so construed the laws as to subject Ori- 
ental personages, with all their dignity and old- 
world culture, to the sort of treatment that be- 
longed in the worst period before the war to the 
administration of the fugitive-slave laws. We 
have paused at nothing except the branding of 
these Chinese gentlemen with red-hot irons. 
Happily, President Roosevelt had ordered this 
thing stopped with a peremptoriness and a vigor 
that will have a good deal of effect. The boy- 
cotting of American goods in China, however, 
by the educated classes has already gone very 
far. Many of our people think of China as a 
land of ignorant coolies who are so inferior to 
ourselves as to rise scarcely to the plane of hu- 
man beings. The fact is that China contains a 
greater number of educated and cultivated peo- 
ple than any other country in the world. Their 
culture is not like ours, but it is based upon long 
study of literature, ethics, and philosophy, and 
it has been transmitted through many genera- 
tions. The Chinese have not well learned how 
to act together ; otherwise we should never have 
dared to treat them recklessly and unfairly. 



Chinese The exclusion of common Asiatic 

Exclusion — 11/. 1 . 1 T 

(2) The labor irom this country has rested 
aborers. ^pon a totally different principle. 
Such laborers did not come here to remain, or 
to become part and parcel of our body politic. 
Their injection in large numbers into our eco- 
nomic life was at a period when it wrought great 
disturbance of those conditions which were 
making for the well-being of the families of 
American workmen, who had a right to seek the 
maintenance of our customary American stand- 
ards of living. ^ It is now an open question 
whether or not conditions have not so greatly 
changed that it would not be to our advantage 
to permit some, if not a very large number, of 
Chinese laborers to come here to do the hard 
work that must be done if the Western part of 
this country is to go forward rapidly. The 
country as a whole will await the verdict of the 
Pacific coast States upon this question. Until 
the law is changed, there will, of course, be 
strict enforcement of the provisions against the 
immigration of Chinese laborers. But there 
must now be a fair and open discussion of the 
question whether the past reasons for such ex- 
clusion continue to hold good. The Chamber 
of Commerce of Portland, Ore., considers that 
the times have changed, and that "the Pacific 
coast is now no more in favor of exclusion than 
the middle West, the East, and the South." 
President Wheelwright, of that chamber, has 


He has some cards up his sleeve. Will he play them ( 
From the Times (Minneapolis). 

written an important statement of the chamber's 
views to President Roosevelt, which was made 
public on July 12. It is held in this statement 

Vast areas of territory on the Pacific coast are unde- 
veloped at the present time, and will so remain under 
present labor couditions, whereas, with the influx of 
only a tithe of the immigration that is now coming in 
on the Atlantic coast, lands would be cleared and im- 
proved, public highways would be built in regions where 
there is an entire absence of good roads, and railroad 
construction would take on new activity. It cannot 
be fairly claimed that the Chinese would interfere with 
the American laborer in this work, because this work 
is not now performed by American or any other labor, 
save in the most limited way. It remains practically 
undone, and the doing of it would not only fail to 
affect injuriously the present satisfactory status of the 
American laborer, but would open wider and higher 
fields for his activity and improvement, prepared largely 
by those v/ho, under any circumstances, will always 
hold second place to him. 

These Portland gentlemen not only 

Argues for Urge the need of Chinese labor to 

Chinese Labor. ^^^^^^^ the country, but also plead 

that the merchants and business men of the Pa- 
cific coast are in imminent danger of losing their 
growing trade with China through the hostile 
action that the Chinese are now threatening. It 
is held that we have not been fair or reason- 
able toward China in our treaty relations. Mr. 
Wheelwright goes on to say that 'Mt is argued 
by some that China does not wish to encourage 
the emigration of her subjects ; but care should 
be taken to distinguish between the Peking 
government and the commercial guilds, which 
in many respects are more truly representative 
of the Chinese people." Finally, speaking for 
the Portland Chamber of Commerce, Mr. Wheel- 
wright advocates a new treaty with China that 
shall give easy entrance here to the superior 
classes of Chinese, and that shall, further, during 
the next ten years permit the coming of Chinese 
laborers to such an extent that they shall not in 
any one year exceed in number one-tenth of 1 per 
cent, of the population of this country. Since 
we have about eighty millions of people, this 
Portland suggestion would give us about eighty 
thousand Chinese laborers a year, or eight hun- 
dred thousand in the aggregate at tlie end of 
the ten-year period, not allowing, however, for 
those who in tlie meantime would have returned. 
It is possible that arguments against Chinese 
lal)or in the United States may still be found to 
hold good ; but the time seems to have arrived 
for a reconsideration of the subject on its pure 
merits as relating to existing facts and condi- 
tions. Let it be discussed calmly, since there 
is much to be said on both sides. 



Hon. Joseph L. Bristow, wlio con- 
ont'hrr Panama ductod tlio investi<z:ation oi' tlie postal 
Railroad. iYi\\u\^ wheii Fourtli Assistant I'ost- 
master-General, was made a s})ecial Panaina Rail- 
road commissioner wlien he left the Post-Office 
Department, lie was instructed to make a re- 
port upon tlie Panama Railroad and its I'elation 
to steamship companies and to the services 
it might be fairly expected to render to the 
. commercial world. Mr. Bristow has made a 
most interesting and admirable report, which 
has been transmitted to the President by Secre- 
tary Taft with high praise. To start with, our 
readers must remember that the United States 
Government acquired the Panama Railroad, when 
it bought the canal zone, and that our govern- 
ment is in actual ownership and operation of 
this line connecting the ports of Colon on the 
Atlantic side and Panama on the Pacific. Here- 
tofore, this little single-track line of 47 miles 
has ser^'ed exclusively a steamship line from 
New York to Colon, which has been a part of 
its own property. It has not served steamship 
lines from other United States ports on the At- 
lantic and Gulf of Mexico side. On the Pacific 
side, it has maintained an exclusive contract 
with the Pacific Mail Steamship Company, sail- 
ing to San Francisco, and its facilities have not 
been open to other steamship companies serv- 
ing other Pacific Ocean ports. Furthermore, in 
former years the Panama Railroad Company 
was really run in the interest of the pool of 
transcontinental railroads in the United States, 
which is said to have paid that company a large 
sum of money every month for the privilege of 
fixing its rates so that it might not be a disad- 
vantageous competitor. 


Mr. Bristow 's recommendations are 
Pointed Recom- lucid and. important. Inasmuch as 
mendations. ^|^^ United States Government is 
building the canal for the service of national 
and international traffic on equal terms to all 
comers, he holds that the Government must, in 
consistency, operate the railroad upon the same 
principle. He advises, therefore, that the road 
be promptly double-tracked and improved, that 
its facilities be open to steamships from the 
Gulf ports and elsewhere, and that its exclusive 
contract with the Pacific Mail Steamship Com- 
pany be at once abolished. He suggests that if 
this Pacific steamship line should withdraw its 
service, the Panama Railroad ought to operate, 
on the Pacific, a line of its own corresponding to 
the line it now operates on the Atlantic. He 
further calls attention to the fact that the 
Mexican railroad across the Isthmus of Teliuan- 
tepec is almost ready to be opened, running 

from Salina ( -ru/, on the; l*acific, to (Joatzacoal- 
cos, on the Atlantic, at which })lace8 fine harbors 
are being constructed, with wliarves and ware- 
houses, and with the best facilities for liandling 
freight from ship to cars and from cars to ship. 
There seems to be good sense in his proposal 
that instead of our waiting for the comple- 
tion of tlu! canal we should at once begin to 
make the largest possible use of the Isthmus, 
through the development of the railroad, for 
American and foreign traffic. Mr. Bristow's tal- 
ent for investigation, — so well demonstrated in 
his unearthing of the post-office frauds, — has thus 
been applied a second time to the advantage of 
the Government. 

,, , „ . The work of such trained adminis- 

Uncle Sam s ., 

Business trators becomes ever more neediul 
tojects. ^{i\^ w^Q expansion of the Govern- 
ment's functions as well as with its territorial 
growth ; for the acquisition of the Panama strip 
has, perforce, put Uncle Sam into the business 
of operating an important railroad, together 
with an ocean steamship line, while conditions 
in the Philippines have compelled our govern- 
ment to lay out, finance, and promote a railroad 
system in that far - away archipelago. These 
new enterprises, however, will remain small 
affairs when compared with the great business 
Uncle Sam carries on in his transmission of the 
letters, newspapers, and periodicals of the Amer- 
ican people. So immense and complex is the 
postal service that no man understands it alto- 
gether. Thus, it is remarked at AVashington 
that Mr. Madden, the Third Assistant Postmas- 
ter-General, is the only man who understands the 
laws, rules, and regulations relating to the carry- 
ing of second-class mail matter, — that is to say, 
of regularly entered newspapers and periodicals. 
But Mr. Madden himself confesses that there 
are some things he does not understand, so ob- 
scured by technical rulings has the business 
become. The revision of the postal laws is one 
of the most important pieces of work that lies 
before Congress for the early future. Mean- 
while, however, it would be a great mistake 
to disparage carelessly the vast administrative 
machine that Postmaster- General Cortelyou is 
learning how to direct. 

A little side-light upon the problems 
Post-Office of the postal service is contained in 
^°'''^' some correspondence between this 
office and the Postmaster-General last month. 
A subscriber to the Review of • Reviews in 
Nome, Alaska, had written complaining of the 
failure of the postal service to bring periodicals 
to that distant quarter. The editor forwarded 



the letter to Mr. Cortelyou, and within a week 
received from him ^n accurate account, — un- 
commonly interesting as it is, — of the conditions 
under which the Government undertakes to pro- 
vide the scattered settlements in Alaska with 
mail matter from the United States. Omitting 
a preliminary sentence or two, Mr. Cortelyou's 
letter reads as follows : 

In reply, I have to say that during the open season 
of navigation in Alaskan waters the department un- 
dertakes to receive and transport any weight of any 
class of matter to nearly all Alaskan post-offices, and 
the same is true also during the winter time as to those 
post-offices on the southern coast which can be reached 
by steamers at that season. But during the winter 
the difficulties attending transportation to interior 
Alaskan offices are so great that it has been necessary 
to place some limitation on the weight of mail to be 
carried. It must be remembered that in the winter 
time such mails must be carried on sleds drawn almost 
exclusively by dogs, or by reindeer in a few instances, 
and that, too, in a climate where the thermometer goes 
down to fifty degrees below zero, or lower. A few years 
ago, when the department first undertook to send mail 
to Nome and other western Alaskan points in the win- 
ter, the only feasible route was from Seattle, Wash., 
to Skagway, Alaska, by steamer, thence across Cana- 
dian territory, via Dawson, to Eagle, Alaska (a part of 
which was by dog-sled), and thence from Eagle, near 
the eastern boundary line, to Nome, on the western 
coast, by dog -sled. The cost of such transporta- 
tion is very considerable. If we give no consider- 
ation to the cost of carrying mail by railroad from New 
York City to Seattle, 3,235 miles, or by steamer from 
Seattle to Skagway, 1,000 miles, or from Skagway to 
Eagle, most of this across Canadian territory, about 
600 miles, and have regard only to that part of the haul 
which is entirely on Alaskan soil from Eagle to Nome, 
1,163 miles, all of which must be covered by dogs, with 
a limit of about 400 pounds per trip, we find that the 
cost is $3 per pound. Of course, you are aware that the 
revenue which the department receives for carrying 
magazines and newspapers from publishers in New 
York to subscribers in Nome, a distance of about 6,000 
miles, is one cent per pound. 

However, very marked progress has been made in 
the mail facilities for western Alaskan points since the 
service was begun, a few years ago. It was soon found 
that, in addition to the unavoidable difficulties, this 
service was further hampered by the limited amount of 
mail for which transportation could be obtained across 
the Canadian soil, and that an all-American route was 
desirable. When the War Department sent out an ex- 
pedition to determine as to the feasibility of a military 
trail from Valdez, on the southern coast, to Eagle, near 
the eastern boundary, an agent of the Post-Office De- 
partment accompanied the party, and shortly after their 
trip was completed a mail route was established be- 
tween those points, a distance of about 450 miles, which 
brought some relief to the offices in the eastern part of 
Alaska. Later, in the summer of 1903, this department 
sent its agent to explore as to the feasil)ility of a more 
direct route from the Copper River country to Tanana, 
at the confluence of the Yukon and Tanana rivers ; and 
as a result of this investigation a mail route was estab- 
lished for the following winter from Valdez to Tanana, 

620 miles. This service was somewhat experimental, 
but it met with sufficient success to warrant the depart- 
ment — in the following winter, 1904r-05 — in increasing 
the trips and the weight of mail to be carried, so that 
during that winter, for the first time, we were able to 
send, in addition to the letter mail, a limited quantity 
of newspaper mail for Yukon and western Alaskan 
points. The cost of carrying mail from Valdez to 
Nome over this route and connecting routes, a distance 
of about 1,182 miles, entirely by dog-sleds, is $4.07 a 
pound. Contracts have already been arranged for next 
winter, 1905-06, under which provision has been made 
for carrying a still larger quantity of mail, which will 
provide for carrying an increased quantity of news- 
papers, and probably some magazines. 

I think it will thus be seen that we are making some 
progress in this matter, and it is the intention of the 
department to further improve the mail facilities for 
all Alaskan post-offices as rapidly as the unusual con- 
ditions prevailing there shall permit. 

A Gift of 

In many phases, the great business 
$10^600^600 of educating the young people of the 
for Colleges. United States in this summer-vaca- 
tion period has had its due attention by rea- 
son of conventions, public addresses, large gifts, 
and the like. Undoubtedly the most important 
single announcement of recent weeks in the 
sphere of educational effort has been the gift in 
one lump sum of $10,000,000 by Mr. John D. 
Rockefeller to the General Education Board for 
the promotion of education in the United States. 
While no conditions whatsoever are attached 
by Mr. Rockefeller to this gift, — the largest 
single offering ever made at one time for educa- 
tion, with the exception of Mr. Carnegie's equal 
gift to the trustees of the Carnegie Institution 
at "Washington, — it was understood to be the 
policy of the board, with the acquiescence of 
Mr. Rockefeller, in the acceptance of this gift, 
to use it mainly for the advancement of educa- 
tion of college grade in all parts of the country, 
by methods to be systematized and put into 
effect in the early future. This board was or- 
ganized some three years ago, and obtained a 
charter at the hands of Congress. It began its 
existence then with a gift of a million dollars 
from Mr. Rockefeller, to be spent for promoting 
education in the South. The work of the board 
has been highly useful, its first president having 
been the late William H. Baldwin, Jr., who was 
succeeded by Mr. Robert C. Ogden. Dr. Wal- 
lace Buttrick has from the beginning been the 
executive officer of the board, and has main- 
tained an office which now contains an exten- 
sive and accurate collection of data touching the 
conditions of education in almost every portion 
of the South. Mr. Rockefeller's new gift enables 
the board to extend its efforts to all parts of the 
country, and Mr. Starr J. Murphy will share 
with Dr. Buttrick, on the plan of a division of 

Copyrig-ht, 1904, by Ames, New York. 


territory, the responsible work of executing the 
business of this great trust for education. Tlie 
board will endeavor to do its work so usefully 
that Mr. Rockefeller and others may some time 
in the future be inclined to use it as the agency 
through which to make further large gifts to 
the cause of American education. 

. - .. Composed as it is of men having; at 

A Question ^ & 

of heart the welfare of the country, 

thics. ^j^-g ]3Qg^j.(j received Mr. Rockefeller's 
gift with great satisfaction and with high hope 
of using it for profoundly useful ends. As it 
now stands, this sum of $10,000,000 belongs, 
not to Mr. Rockefeller, but to the cause of 
American education. Those who criticise it as 

in some manner not fit to be received for such 
ends, because of its original donor's connection 
with the Standard Oil Company, are not to be 
deprived of their right of opinion, yet they do 
not stand upon tenable ground. There is no 
more reason why Mr. Rockefeller's money should 
not be given to education through the General 
Education Board than why it should not be 
given to the cause of public schools through 
taxes levied against Mr. Rockefeller personally 
or against the widely distributed property of 
the corporations in which he is a stockholder. 
There should be no sense of obligation to the 
donor on the part of the educational institutions 
that receive gifts of money for their work. The 
only obligation that sensible and conscientious 



men can feel when money for schools or for 
benevolent work is placed in their hands is the 
obligation that rests upon them to use such 
money well in doing the work for which they 
have received it. Men who as trustees or other 
officers of a college think they receive a favor 
when they take money for the education of young 
Americans are of confused mind, and in some 
respects unequal to their responsibilities. 

In our opinion, it should be Mr. 
Wealth and Rockefeller's purpose to distribute far 
Its Right Use. gj-^^ter sums than he has yet given 
for purposes of general use. Whether or not 
the business methods of his companies have been 
unfair, it is the wealth produced by the efforts 
of his fellow-citizens all over the country that 
has, through a peculiar combination of economic 
conditions, somehow been poured into his private 
coffers. Under different or wiser conditions, no 
man could possibly have acquired such wealth 
as that which Mr. Rockefeller now possesses. 
The best thing that men so situated can do is 
actively to promote the tendency, — a natural 
and healthful tendency in a country of equality 
such as our country is, — to a more normal dif- 
fusion of benefits and a wider distribution of 
prosperity. Let everybody, therefore, welcome 
great gifts such as this one to the General Edu- 
cation Board, and hope that what Mr. Carnegie 
and Mr. Rockefeller are doing to distribute their 
possessions may go forward in the hands of both 
of them at an accelerated pace, and that many 
other men of wealth may set themselves seriously 
to like tasks. Let them try to distribute a good 
part of their possessions, while also helping to 
bring about conditions in the world of business 
and in tlie realm of law under which it will no 
longer be feasible for so much of the wealth 
created by the united efforts of the whole in- 
dustrial community to be diverted to the private 
coffers of a few. 


Premier Balfour lias announced that 
British there will be no early dissolution of 
Parliament. Parliament, and intimates that the 
close of the session will not occur before Sep- 
tember 1. Tliis postponement of the govern- 
ment's fate is possible, even despite the constant 
losses in the by-elections. A political coup 
which will strengthen the present government 
and correspondingly weaken tlie opposition was 
attempted early in July by the presentation in 
the Commons of a resolution embodying a 
government scheme to redistribute the seats 
in Parliament. Such a redistribution has been 
needed for some time, owing to changes in 
the population. The scheme proposed does not 

alter the total membership of the House ma- 
terially, but redistributes the representation in 
such a manner that England will gain 1 7 seats, 
Scotland 4, and Wales 1, while Ireland will 
lose 22. Of course, the opposition will fight 
the scheme. Meanwhile, British political circles 
are wrought up over the Butler report on the 
South African army scandal and the almost 
certain passage of the aliens bill. The last half 
of the present session of Parliament has been 
under the Speakership of Mr. James William 
Lowther, who succeeds Mr. Gully, the latter 
having been retired with a peerage and a pen- 
sion. Mr. Lowther is the first Conservative 
Speaker the House has known for many years. 
He has been chairman of a vnumber of commit- 
tees, and has always served acceptably. The 
Speaker of the House of Commons, it will be 
remembered, does not retire with the defeat of 
his party, but remains in office as long as his 
inclination and health permit. 

, , An army scandal of large proportions 

AfiYtu Sccitiuci/s 

and in South Africa das been uncovered 
Immigration. -^^ pitiless detail by Sir William But- 
ler's report. Briefly, it consisted of a clever 
scheme on the part of some British officers by 
which, when the Boer war was over, some mil- 
lions of pounds' worth of military stores were 
sold by the government to contractors at a 
nominal price and immediately bought back by 
the government from the same contractors at a 
very high price, there having been no need to 
buy or sell them at all. A number of high 
army officials have been implicated. Some of 
these officials were so high in the war office that 
the present government is accused of having at- 
tempted to hush up the scandal. It is expected, 
however, that prosecution of the offenders will 
follow. This, coming at a time when Field Mar- 
shal Lord Roberts, in a recent speech in the 
House of Lords, deliberately expressed his opin- 
ion as a practical soldier that the military 
force of Great Britain is inadequate, imperfectly 
trained, and totally unfit to uphold Great Britain 
as a first-class power, has made our transatlan- 
tic cousins very uneasy. The aliens bill, which 
is a government measure, will make a radical 
change in the policy of England toward immi- 
gration from Continental Europe. England has 
always been an open country, and she owes her 
preeminence in more than one industry to the 
large number of Flemings and Huguenots who 
came to her from the Continent in the fifteenth 
and sixteenth centuries. Up to the present, an 
immigrant arriving on English shores has been 
subject to no examination and asked no ques- 
tions. The rapid increase in immigration, par- 



ticularlyof Russian and Polish Jews, wlio crowd 
into the cities, particularly the East End of 
London, has recently, however, so complicated 
urban living problems of England that some 
immigration restriction has become necessary. 
Generally speaking, the aliens bill is patterned 
on the American immigration code. New-comers 
who cannot prove that they are self-sustaining, 
mentally capable, and that they have not been 
convicted of any crime, will be deport(Ml under 
much the same conditions as they would be from 
the United States. 

Despite rumors of war based on per- 
den, and the fectly intelligible mobilization orders 
Kaiser. iggned by the Swedish and Norwe- 
gian governments, the situation in the Scandi- 
navian peninsula has cleared considerably during 
the past month, and it is now as certain as any 
future event can ever be that, whatever the 
future relations of the two countries, Norway 
will not be compelled by Sweden to reenter the 
iinion on its old terms. King Oscar has accepted 
the loss of half his realm with philosophic resig- 
nation, and has declared, in words of dignity, 
that " A union to which both parties do not give 
their free and willing consent would be of no 
real advantage to eitlier." Furthermore, the 
dissolution is declared complete in the royal 
address to the Riksdag, which assembled in 
extraordinary session, on June 23, to deal with 
the crisis, in the paragraph which says : 

But Sweden is averse to coercing Norway into its 
maintenance, which could only be done by force of arms 
and by a fratricidal war. Besides, in those conditions 
the union, established in the interests of peace and mu- 
tual support, would lose its very raison d'etre. Sweden 
would, therefore, rather consent to its dissolution than 
have to force Norway to remain in the union against 
her will. 

The offer of the Norwegian crown to Prince 
Charles of Denmark, grandson of the Danish 
King, who married an English princess, made 
early in July, has been accepted so far as the 
Danish ruling family is concerned, and seems 
not likely to meet with opposition by Sweden. 
The international significance of the new status 
in Scandinavia is emphasized by the recent trip 
of Kaiser Wilhelm of Germany to Sweden, dur- 
ing which, it is rumored, the possibility of 
a Swedish-German alliance was discussed. The 
projected visit of the German Emperor to 
Copenhagen is thought, in some quarters, to 
indicate that the Kaiser is endeavoring to de- 
tach Denmark from her old political and dynas- 
tic alliance with England by aiding in the ac- 
cession of a Danish prince to the Norwegian 
throne, the Kaiser's ulterior motive, according 


(Who has been offered the crown of Norway.) 

to the political prophets, being the complete cut- 
ting off of Russia from the Baltic. 

Cabinet Similar political combinations have 
in Spain - been responsible for the fall of the 
and Holland, gpa^ish and Dutch cabinets, although 
the causes in the case of Spain were chiefly eco- 
nomic, while those in Holland were ecclesiastical 
and sociological. In two years, Spain has seen 
six ministries, all Conservative, and differing 
only in minor details of policy. Now the Vil- 
laverde cabinet, which has been in power only 
since last January, is discredited by a large ma- 
jority of the Cortes. Questions of tariff and 
finance and a conciliatory attitude on the Mo- 
roccan question were the causes of Signor Vil- 
laverde's downfall. King Alfonso summoned 
the Liberal leader. Gen. Montero Rios, who suc- 
ceeded in forming a cabinet including General 
Weyler as minister of war. In the latter part 
of June the quadrennial Dutch elections took 
place, and the campaign was a brisk one between 
Liberals and Conservatives, resulting in a vic- 
tory for the former, who had combined with 
the Anti - revolutionists. The latter party in- 
cludes Calvinists, Roman Catholics, and other 
very diverse elements. Dr. Abraham Kuyper, 
Calvinist preacher, head of the State Church, 




("Representing an unparliamentary, unconstitutional situ- 
ation which will be soon ended by the passive resistance 
of the Magyars.") 

professor, scholar, and editor, steps out, charged 
with a do-nothing policy. Dr. Kuyper has won 
praise for his handling of the great strike of 
1901, for holding his country strictly to its 
neutrality during the Boer war, and for the 
nationalization of the free university at Amster- 
dam. In the matter of tariffs and the manage- 
ment of the Java rebellion, he has been criticised. 
Mr. de Beaufort, former minister of foreign 
affairs, is the recognized leader in the second 
chamber, and is likely to become premier. 

^, „ . While not exactly parallel situations, 

Th 6 id $siU6 */ J- 

Resistance of there is sufficient similarity in the 
Hungary, relations o f Austria-Huugary to those 
of Norway and Sweden recently terminated to 
furnish a good deal of speculation in political 
and journalistic circles as to the early possibility 
of Hungary breaking away from Austria. The 
tension in the dual monarchy, while relaxed 
somewhat, is by no means ended. Baron Fe- 
jervary, the new premier, who has announced 
himself as only a temporary official to finish 
routine work before the assembling of the Buda- 
pest parliament in September, has been rebuffed 
by the Hungarian Diet, which in the first week 
of July passed a vote of no confidence. It is a 
strange situation. The Fejervary cabinet is op- 

posed to the coalition majority, it being, accord- 
ing to their idea, both unparliamentary and un- 
constitutional. If the Emperor-King persists in 
his refusal to grant the Hungarian demands and 
orders new elections, he will no doubt find him- 
self in a worse position than he is in at present. 
It is to be regretted that he cannot accept the 
situation frankly, hard as it is, in the way King 
Oscar of Sweden has done. Count Apponyi's 
discussion of the Hungarian demands on another 
page of this issue (203) shows how impossible it 
is to ever completely reconcile the Austrian and 
Magyar conceptions of the union. The differ- 
ence is fundamental. Austria, like Sweden, has 
evolved from the monarchic idea of privileges 
granted to the people from the ruler. Hungary's 
evolution has been from the democratic idea of 
powers conceded to the government by the peo- 
ple. The trouble began when the people of 
Hungary elected the Emperors of Austria, and 
their lineal descendants, Kings of Hungary. 
The Hapsburg dynasty has always aimed at the 
creation of a strong, centralized Austrian power. 
The Hungarian idea, however, will become clear 
to Americans if they can imagine Mexico enact- 
ing a law making the Presidents of the United 
States, in succession, Presidents of Mexico, to 

Francis Joseph: "I am sure I thought, Oscar, that you 
were a much better rider." 

Oscar : '' Look out for yourself ; your horse, Hungary, is 
getting balky." 

From Boland Zatul (Budapest). 



exercise in Mexico only such powers as are con- 
ferred on tlio Mexican Pi-esident by the Mexican 
constitution. The Hungarians believe that their 
policy of passive resistance will win in the end. 

After more than three months' work, 
of the the French Chamber of Deputies has 
Concordat, p^gggj^ amid great excitement, a })ill 
for the separation of Church and State, by a vote 
of 341 to 233. The measure is practically cer- 
tain, to pass the Senate. This measure is a some- 
what more reasonable one than that brought in 
by M, Combes, and which resulted in his resig- 
nation of the premiership. It provides for the 
continued support of the clergy (Roman Catho- 
lic, Protestant, and Hebrew) now receiving sub- 
sidies from the state, but allows no support 
for their successors, so that gradually the sub- 
ventions will disappear. The churches and other 
places of worship are to belong to the state, but 
they are to be leased to congregations consisting 
of the churches or denominations now worship- 
ing in them. This will bring the Catholic Church 
in France into much the same relation to the 
government as it bears to the government of 
this country. In France, however, the govern- 
ment control will be much closer, and the au- 
thorities will have the right to suppress any 
church meetings that they may regard as prejudi- 
cial to public order. This is a practical abroga- 
tion of the Concordat, which has for over a cen- 
tury limited the powers of the Pope in France 
and acted as a powerful influence in opposition 
to the Church. This measure of separation, as 
constituted at present, is satisfactory neither to 
the Roman Catholic reactionaries nor to the 
Socialistic freethinkers, but it will probably sat- 
isfy the majority of the French people, who, 
while not opposed to the Church, are in favor 
of its separation from the state. 

^^ „ , More than one evidence has come 

The Pope s . . . 

Temporal durmg the present summer that rope 
ower. piu^g X. is becoming more and more 
imbued with the modern spirit. Not only has 
the " Prisoner of the Vatican '' expressed his 
desire to take his summer rest outside of Rome, 
in the mountains of the north, but reports from 
the Italian capital on reliable authority announce 
that his Holiness has issued an encyclical per- 
mitting, and even advising, Catholic voters to 
take part in future parliamentary elections, and, 
still more remarkable, has indirectly inquired of 
the Italian Government whether it is inclined to 
pay the arrears of the subsidy offered to the 
Pope by the Guarantee Law of 1871. For 
thirty years, — ever since the occupation of the 
Holy City by the Italian troops, after the for- 

mal establishment of tiie Italian Kingdom, — 
the N^atican has adhenul to t\ui irreconcilable 
position of Pius JX. This pontiff, in his famous 
encyclical " «om expedit^'^ forbade the Catholic 
voters registered in the kingdom of Italy to be 
either '-elected or electors," and, as a further 
expression of Papal refusal to recognize the 
"usurping government's authority," he indig- 
nantly i-efused the annual appropriation ($04 5,- 
000) for the maintenance of the Papal court. 
His successor, Leo XIII., adhered to this policy 
unswervingly. Pius X., however, discerns the 
signs of the times. It has been said that there 
are three great powers in Italy, — the Church, 
the monarchy, and socialism. The Vatican has 
come to the conclusion that the last, which is 
lield responsible for the breaking away from the 
Concordat in France, is a more dangerous en- 
emy of the Church than the monarchy. The 
Quirinal itself fears socialism, which is so strong 
in the Italy of to-day, and desires the Catholic 
voter to support it. At the last general elections, 
many Catholics, despite the Papal prohibition, 
participated in the elections. This encyclical 
simply authorizes what is already a fact. In 
view of the agreement of both Vatican and 
Quirinal, therefore, on the desirability of com- 
bating socialism, it seems probable that not only 
will Catholic citizens hereafter take part in the 
national and local elections, but that the govern- 
ment of Rome will, in the end, hand over to the 
Pope the arrearages (now amounting to some 
$22,000,000) in the annuity which was voted by 
the Law of Guarantees thirty years ago. 

Havinu; been assured that her special 
Germany, 'and interests in Morocco would be safe- 
Mofocco. guarded, and that no attempt would 
be made to discuss the Franco-English and 
Franco-Spanish compacts of last year, France 
consented, early in July, to participate in an 
international conference. Germany, on her part, 
announced that the conference is not direct- 
ed in opposition to any of tlie treaties or en- 
gagements of France. This agreement is re- 
garded as both a German and a French triumph, 
according to the standpoint from which it is 
viewed. M. Delcasse, whose resignation was 
brought about because of his attitude on this 
very Moroccan question, in the course of a 
recent interview published in the Gaidois, strong- 
ly advised his countrymen to adhere to and 
strengthen their agreement with England. Ger- 
many, he intimated, is the irreconcilable enemy 
of the republic, and, since Russia has been 
weakened, a,n alliance of France with Great 
Britain would insure, not only the safety of the 
republic, but the peace of Europe. 

152 *' 


From the New York Tribune. 


^, „ . The story of the mutinous battleship 

The Mutinous . ^'' . ^ . r\ -t 

Battleship Jr^rince Fotemkiii lavritcliesky, at (Jdes- 
"Potemkin. ^^^ reads like some melodrama of the 
sea. For more than a week the Potemkin^ a fine 
battleship of 12,000 tons, a speed of 17-J- knots, 
with twelve guns and a crew of more than 800 
men, — perhaps the finest warship remaining to 
Russia, — held the entire Black Sea fleet in a state 
of terror and roamed at will from Russian to 
Roumanian and Turkish ports. On June 28, 
while the city of Odessa was in a state of open 
revolt, with the troops fighting rioters behind 
barricades in the streets, the Potemkin sailed into 
the harbor flying the red flag. A body of ma- 
rines with field guns landed and placed on the 
dock the corpse of one of their fellow-sailors who, 
they declared, had been shot by the captain be- 
cause he had protested against the quality of 
food served to the crew. Under penalty of 
bombarding the city, the sailors demanded that 
their dead comrade should have the honors of a 
military funeral. The revolutionists on shore 
joined with the mutineers, and an imposing pub- 
lic funeral was actually granted, including a 
procession. As there were no warships in the 
harbor and the troops were engaged in quelling 
the riots, the authorities were unable to deal 
with the situation. The soldiers fired on and 
killed hundreds of the mob, who were revolting 
against general economic conditions, but partic 
ularly against the mobilization. In retaliation, 
many ships lying at anchor in the harbor, and 

many buildings, including government struc- 
tures, were burned. The loss to the city during 
the riots is estimated at $10,000,000. Odessa 
is Russia's chief seaport, an.d the fourth city, 
in size, in the empire, with a population of half 
a million. It is the center of the grain trade 
for southern Russia, and in its harbor are trad- 
ing ships of all nations. 

_ . - After firing a few shots, because of 

Spread of ^ , , . . 

the an attempt by the authorities to 
utmi^. gei^e the mutineers on shore, the 
Potemkin left tb.e docks, but remained with her 
guns trained on the city. Admiral Chouknin, 
commander of the Black Sea fleet, then in St. 
Petersburg, at once telegraphed to Admiral 
Kriiger, who was at Sebastopol, to proceed at 
once to Odessa with warships. The report that 
the Potemkin had surrendered was followed by 
the announcement that the crew of another bat- 
tleship, the Georcji Pohyedonosetz, had joined in 
the mutiny, declining to obey Admiral Kriiger's 
orders to proceed to Sebastopol. The Russian 
commander, finding all his crews mutinous, de- 
cided to dismantle the entire fleet, and some of 
the men were actually sent asliore and the ves- 
sels temporarily put out of commission. Mean- 
while, the Potemkin was at large, and had pro- 
ceeded to Kustenji, a port in Roumania, where 
she coaled and revictualed. The entire avail- 
able naval force of the Black Sea had been sent 
in pursuit of her, one torpedo-boat destroyer 



following the mutinous bat- 
tleship into the Roumanian 
harbor. Orders had becni 
given to sink her without 
parley, but tlie spirit of dis- 
affection among the entire 
naval force in Russia's 
southern waters had ren- 
dered this impossible. 
While in Kustenji, the au- 
thorities on the Potemkin 
(reported to be a commit- 
tee, under the command of 
one Matuchenko, appoint- 
ed by the revolutionists) 
handed to the prefect a 
proclamation to the powers, 
declaring war on all Rus- 
sian vessels refusing to join 
them, and announcing that 

they intended to respect neutral territory and 
shipping. The proclamation further declared : 
" The decisive struggle against the Russian Gov- 
ernment has begun. 
We consider it t6 
be our duty to de- 
clare that we guar- 
antee the complete 
inviolability of for- 
eign ships navigat- 
ing the Black Sea, 
as well as the in- 
violability of for- 
eign ports." No at- 
tempt was made to 
interfere with for- 
eign shipping, al- 
though one Italian 
collier was seized 
and her cargo im- 
mediately appro- 



(Who succeeds Admiral Avellan 
as Russian minister of marine) . 

Collapse of 



The Potemkin then left Roumanian 
waters and sailed into the Crimean 
port of Theodosia, where she received 
more supplies. It was then learned that a tor- 
pedo boat had also mutinied with her and was 
following her fortunes. Several days later, the 
Potemkin, having successfully eluded all the na- 
val force that Russia could muster in the Black 
Sea, again returned to Kustenji. There she sur- 
rendered to the Roumanian authorities and was 
by them handed over to Admiral Kriiger (not, 
however, before the mutinous crew had opened 
her sea-cocks and sunk her in shallow water), the 
seamen delivering themselves over to the Rou- 
manian Government as foreign deserters. Ac- 

(Showing the points touched at by the Potemkin in lier "pirate" cruise.) 

cording to reports in London papers, thirty of 
the crew of the battleship who surrendered to 
the Russian authorities were shot as muti- 
neers. Technically, these men are pirates, but 
as they refrained from depredations upon any 
but Russian vessels and commerce, and, more- 
over, as the mutiny has spread to Reval, Cron- 
stadt, Libau, and Riga, and was the result of 
the workings of a secret revolutionary or- 
ganization, it may be doubted whether they 
were not waging legitimate warfare. The sec- 
ond vessel, the Georgi Pohyedonosetz, soon after- 
ward surrendered to the authorities, and, so far 
as the naval force in the Black Sea was con- 
cerned, the mutiny was over. Russia's power 
in the Black Sea, however, is utterly destroyed, 
and, while something like quiet has been re- 
stored in Odessa, the situation in the middle of 
July was still critical, and bloodshed, pillage, 
and plunder had not ceased. The entire dis- 
trict had been declared under martial law. 
There could be little doubt that the whole agita- 
tion in the Black Sea and Baltic ports was or- 
ganized by the revolutionists, as were also the 
riots among the reservists at Kiev and other 
points. It is beginning to look as though, af- 
ter all, Russian bayonets could not be trusted. 
The autocracy now relies upon the troops, and 
the troops alone. It can no longer trust the 
slender remnants of its navy. How much longer 
will it be able to trust the troops ? The navy 
has practically gone over to the enemy, and the 
insurrectionary chiefs are devoting all their en- 
ergies to seducing the army. All this while the 
government dallies with paper reform schemes, 
and the bureaucracy calmly proceeds to deny 
the application of any of the Czar's promises of 
reform. Dr. Dillon's article on the progress 



of the revolution (on page 197) is a graphic pres- 
entation of the Czar's attitude toward his Lib- 
eral subjects, — •' the tinsel of promise, not the 
gold of achievement." 

^ Riot and mutiny, bloodshed and dis- 
the Russian order, have become so much the order 
Revolution. ^^ ^j^^ ^^y throughout Russia that the 

killing of three thousand people in Lodz and two 
thousand in Warsaw by the Cossacks has come 
to be referred to in official reports as a minor 
affair. All Poland and the Caucasus are aflame 
with industrial war, which may at any moment 
become political revolt. Rioters have been fight- 
ing behind barricades in the streets of Warsaw 
and Lodz, and meanwhile the mobilization of 
troops goes on. Again, says the Slovo, the 
popular St. Petersburg daily — "again the- tears 
of our wives and children ; again mobilization, 
passive, mechanical obedience to orders which 
are not understood and not explained ; again 
fields abandoned just before the harvests ; again 
fresh burdens for the impoverished, — and so our 
mute discontent grows apace ! " The jails of 
Warsaw and Odessa are reported to be filled to 
the bursting, while starving peasants roam the 
fields of western and southern Russia, pillaging 

and destroying. The majority of the landed 
proprietors of the south are reported to be vol- 
untarily conceding to the revolutionary peasants 
one-third of their harvests, and in many in- 
stances of their live stock, also. Reports of 
widespread mutiny in the army are frequent, 
and an examination of the Russian journals 
shows that the murder of small police officials is 
so frequent that the Associated Press has ceased 
to record them. Early in July, Count Shuvalov^ 
prefect of the Moscow police, was assassinated^ 
and several days later a large quantity of dyna- 
mite was discovered near the palace m Moscow, 
in which the Czar, it was reported, was planning 
to stay during his visit. 

Tiie Czar 

At the presentation of the delegation 
of Moscow zemstvoists to the Czar, 
His People, j^^^ -^^ j^^^^^ Prince Troubetskoi, of 

Moscow University, denounced the bureaucracy, 
and appealed to the Czar in these words : 

Cease to give heed to their intrigues ; summon the 
people's elect ; listen to them ; therein lies our only 
hope of escape from civil war and a shameful peace. 
You alone can unite Russia again. 

Instead of taking offense at such plain-spoken 
sentiments, the Emperor replied, in a strain 
which shows his native goodness of heart, as 
follows : 

I am firmly convinced that Russia will emerge 
strengthened from the trials she is undergoing, and 
that there will be established soon, as formerly, a union 
between the Czar and all Russia, a communion between 
myself and the men of Russian soil. This union and 
communion must serve as a basis for the order of 
things — stand for the original principles of Russia. I 
have faith in your sincere desire to help me in the task. 

" My will," the Czar continued, " is the sovereign 
and unalterable will, and the admission of elected 
representatives to works of state will be regu- 
larly accomplished. I watch every day and de- 
vote myself to this work." 



(He has made a sanguinary record in " repressing disorder.") 

A few days later, however, while the 
zemstvoists were rejoicing over the 
Emperor's words, the minister of the 
interior issued a statement denying the infer- 
ences of several of the journals that the Czar 
had promised a constitutional assembly like 
those of other nations, 

whereas it was clearly shown by the Emperor's words 
that the conditions of such a convocation were to be 
based on an order of things responding to Russian au- 
tocratic principles, and his majesty's words contain ab 
solutely not the least indication of the possibility of 
modifying the fundamental laws of the empire. 

Newspapers are prohibited from publishing any 
but the official version, and from drawing from 



it any unwarranted deductions. This is in linc^ 
with the regular procedure of the bureaucracy, 
which admits the trutli of his majesty's promises 
but denies their application in any special case. 
Not a single reform mentioned in the ukase of 
December 25, last, has as yet become a law. The 
Committee of Ministers lias decided, according to 
the Official Messenger, that the rescript of March 3, 
declaring the Czar's intention to convoke repre- 
sentatives of the nation, does not affect the ques- 
tion of legislative unity, which remains, as now, 
dependent entirely upon the Czar's will. As Dr. 
Dillon points out, in his review of the situation 
in another portion of this Review, the bureau- 
cracy is identical with the autocracy, and it is 
not bent on suicide. 

Owing to an alleged plot among the 
Assembly of Liberal leaders to depose the Czar 
the People. ^^^ substitute a regency for the little 
Czarevitch by four grand dukes, the long-looked- 
for zemstvo congress of all Russia, set for July 
19, was forbidden. Even the reactionaries are 
beginning to distrust the Emperor, whom they 
reproach for excessive weakness and incompe- 
tence. They demand a stronger ruler, who will 
be able to keep the reformers in check. The 
congress met, however, and without police inter- 
ference. It had been hoped that the Czar would 
go to Moscow himself to open the congress and 
proclaim a representative assembly. Yielding 
to the fears of the reactionaries, however, at 
the last moment Emperor Nicholas declined. 
The congress was fairly representative, as it 
contained delegates, not only from the zemstvos 
themselves, but from the dumas, or municipal 
assemblies, scattered all over the empire. Count 
Heyden, the eminent Liberal, presided, and 284 
elected delegates attended, besides more than 50 
prominent reformers and half-a-dozen reporters. 
The suggested municipal assembly of Minister of 
the Interior Bulyghin was voted unsatisfactory, 
and, according to the correspondent of the Lon- 
don Standard, the discussion of a constitution 
was begun. This instrument, the correspondent 
declares further, is based on the British con- 
stitution, with occasional suggestions from the 
French. In substance it is as follows : 

It leaves the Czar in command of the armed forces, 
the right of veto without any expressed limitation on 
the prerogatives of a sovereign. It proposes the for- 
mation of a cabinet on the British model, the Czar 
summoning a kanzler, or prime minister, and appoint- 
ing the other ministers according to the premier's selec- 
tion. The national finances are placed under the con- 
trol of the chambers, whose members will have the right 
to impeach the ministers. The legislature is to fix the 
succession to the throne, and foreign treaties are to be 
controlled by the chambers. The right of legislation 




rests with the chambers alone, and all men are equally 
.subject to the law of the land. Special paragraphs 
abolish the passport system, the scrutiny of correspond- 
ence, and the censorship. The budget is to be passed, 
first in the national assembly, and then accepted by the 
zemski sobor before it is presented to the Czar. The 
election regulations provide for 840 members, repre- 
senting the whole empire, without distinction of creed 
or race. There will be, roughly, one representative for 
each 150,000 of the population. 

.^, , Despite General Linevich's cheerful 

The Japanese ^ r-< -r> -i i i 

inuade assurances to bt. retersburg that he 
Siberia. -^^(jy ^q advance, and the reported 

protests of his generals against peace negotia- 
tions, even such a chauvinistic journal as the 
Russky Invalid, the organ of the Russian army, 
has admitted that there is little hope for a 
Russian victory. While Linevich is estimat- 
ed to have not more than 400,000 men with 
him, the six combined Japanese armies under 
Marshal Oyama (those of Kuroki, Oku, Nodzu, 
Nogi, Kawamura, and Hasegawa) are estimated 
to number at least 550,000, and probably more 



than 600,000. Many reports liad been circu- 
lated in the newspapers to the effect that the 
Japanese enveloping movement had progressed 
sufficiently to isolate and cut off Vladivostok, 
but, up to the middle of July, this was not clear. 
Two points, however, were certain. -A small 
force, assisted by the cruisers and gunboats of 
Admiral Kataoka, on July 7 landed on the 
island of Saghalien, at the chief town and 
fortified post of Korsakovsk. After a brief en- 
counter, the Russians fled, leaving the entire 
south of the island in the hands of the Japa- 
nese. This marks the first entry upon Russian 
territory proper. On July 1 7, General Linevich 
reported that the Japanese had landed troops 
on the shores of Olga Bay, one hundred and 
fifty miles north of Vladivostok, thus invading 
Russian territory on the mainland. Saghalien 
is for the most part a barren, rugged island, 
with an extremely severe climate. It is some 
six hundred miles long, and from twenty to 
ninety miles wide, and is really part of the 
Japanese chain of islands. Up to the middle of 
the past century, it was part of the island em- 
pire, but by sharp diplomacy Russia obtained it 
in return for some of the Kurile Islands. It 
has always been regarded, however, as a part of 
Japan, and, for sentimental reasons if for no 
other, the Mikado's empire has felt that she 
must have Saghalien. There are some valuable 
mineral deposits on the island, and the Sea of 
Okhotsk, to the north and east, teems with fish. 
It has a population of about twenty thousand, 
chiefly criminals, for Saghalien has been used 
as a penal settlement of Russia since the begin- 
ning of 1900, when banishment to Siberia for 
political purposes was abandoned. The cession 
of Saghalien Island has always been emphatically 
insisted upon as a necessary condition of peace 


President Roosevelt : "I don't feel quite certain that 
I can separate those fellows with this branch."— From the 
Borsszem JanTio (Budapest). 

A new great power in the council, of the nations. 

(Japan forces her way to a seat at the international hoard, 
and so all the others must sit closer.)— From Ulk (Berlin). 

on the part of Japan. Its actual possession be- 
'fore peace negotiations have begun will undoubt- 
edly be an advantage to Japan in her negotiations. 

Although an agreement for an ar- 
on Russia mistice in Manchuria did not follow 
and Peace, immediately upon the decision of the 
belligerents to appoint peace commissioners, 
and in spite of the fact that the Japanese ad- 
vance had, by the middle of July, brought Mar- 
shal Oyama's armies across the border into 
Siberia and had given them practical possession 
of the island of Saghalien, preparations for the 
coming treaty of Washington had, nevertheless, 
gone steadily forward. An outline of the ca- 
reers of the chief negotiators on both sides is 
found on another page of this issue. The legal 
and secretarial assistants to the negotiators rep- 
resent some of the best diplomatic talent of 
both countries. The full Russian commission is 
made up as follows : The two chief negotiators ; 
then Professor de Martens, professor of inter- 
national law at the University of St. Petersburg ; 
Mr. Shipov, director of the treasury depart- 
ment ; Major-G-eneral Yermolov, military attache 
at London ; Mr. Samoilov, of the Russian for- 
eign office ; Mr. Plangon, formerly Russian 
charge d'affaires at Peking ; and Mr. Naboukov, 
of the foreign office. Mr. Pokotilov, now Rus- 
sian minister to China, will join the commission 
later. Besides the chief negotiators, the Jap- 
anese commission includes : Colonel Tachibana, 
the newly appointed military attaclie at Wash- 
ington ; Mr. Adachi, first secretary of legation 
(unattached) ; Mr. Sato, of the foreign office ; 
Mr. Yamaza, director of the Japanese bureau of 
political affairs ; and Mr. H. W. Denison, the 



American who has been legal adviser to tlie 
Japanese foreign office for the past quarter of a 
century. Just before sailing for this country, 
Mr. Witte granted an interview to a represent- 
ative of the Associated Press, in which he de- 
clared that Russia is not for peace at any price. 
Mr. Witte said, further, that he feared the Jap- 
anese demands would be too severe for Russia's 
acceptance. As to the internal condition of the 
empire, this statesman denied most positively 
that Russia is on the verge of dissolution as a 
great power. In spite of the military reverses 
she has sustained, he said, the empire is not 
obliged to accept any conditions offered. 

Russia has little resemblance to Western countries. 
To know Russia, to understand the soul of the Russian 
people, it is necessary that one should have been born 
here or lived many years in Russia. The customs, his- 
tory, and mental psychology of the people are entirely 
different from those of Western nations, and Russia 
cannot be judged by Western standards. It is an im- 
mense country, composed of divers elements and inter- 
ests, yet the Russian people are like a great family. . . . 
We are passing through an internal crisis which has 
been marked by many grave events, and which may 
have others still in store ; but the crisis will pass, and 
in a few years Russia will again take her place as a 
preponderant power in the European concert. 

After the so-called Labor ministry 
Australian in the Commonwealth of Australia 
Ministry, j^^^ passed its much-discussed meas- 
ure for the building of a new capital city, a year 
or so ago, Australian politics remained unsettled 
and full of change. In the first week of last 
month, on a vote moving an amendment to the 
address, the Reid free-trade ministry was forced 
to resign, owing principally to a combination of 
the Labor party and the " Deakinites," or Mod- 
erate Protectionists. Mr. Alfred Deakin, a man 
of character and unusual energy, has already 
been premier of the Commonwealth. His first 
cabinet, ending in April, 1904, was succeeded by 
a complete Labor cabinet, headed by Mr. Wat- 
son, the Labor leader. The Watson ministry 
was twice defeated, and finally gave way to the 
Reid administration. Mr. Deakin is prominent 
because of his views on the tariff, irrigation, and 
the question of a white Australia, and also be- 
cause of his arguments for an Australian navy. 
The world will watch the new cabinet chiefly in 
regard to its course regarding Mr. Joseph Cham- 
berlain's fiscal policy. Labor leader Watson 
declares that the Labor party will remain dis- 
tinct from the Protectionist ranks, and will sup- 
port Mr. Deakin on a definite programme, in- 
cluding a white Australia, preferential trade, 
the tariff commission's report, old-age pensions, 
an anti-trust programme, and the assumption of 

the state debts by the Commonwealth. 'I'he n;v- 
enue of the Cominonwealth during the; past finan- 
cial year shows a decrease of more than thr(;e hun- 
drcnl thousand pounds from that (;f the [)receding 
year, owing chiefly to the drought and conse- 
quent bad harvests. Australia's sister colony, 
New Zealand, however, shows great prosperity, 
and in a recent state paper by the Earl of Ran- 
furly, ex-governor -general, there are some in- 
teresting statistics about the progress of New 
Zealand. These show that bank deposits are 
increasing, that industry is thriving, and that in 
twelve years New Zealand has paid off its debts 
to outside investors. 

Russia's wanino; prestige in Asia lias 

of Arab permitted more than one Oriental 

Civilization. pgQpjg ^q raise its head and reassert 

its national consciousness. At Constantinople, 
the lessening fear of the Muscovite has suggested 
the increased oppression of the tribes subject to 
Turkish rule. Unfortunately for the Sultan, 
however, just as he has added to the weight of 
his hand there has burst out a long-smoldering 
Arab revolution which has already cost him 
several of the important towns in the peninsula. 
The Porte believes that British and German in- 
fluence is behind the uprising. A recently pub- 
lished address of the Arab National party, how- 
ever, indicates a real racial renascence of much 
significance among the Arabs. The Turks of 
the Arabian peninsula, it must be remembered, 
are in the great minority. Their government is 
oppressive, ineffective, and bloody. They are 
soon to be cast out by a most thorough revolu- 
tion, this address says. The National Arab party 
announces its intention of separating completely 
from Turkey and founding an Arab empire com- 
posed of all the countries of Asiatic Arabs in- 
closed within natural boundaries, from the valley 
of the Tigris and Euphrates even to the Isthmus 
of Suez, and from the Mediterranean to the- Sea 
of Oman. The plan contemplates a form of gov- 
ernment under an Arabian Mussulman which 
''shall be a liberal, progressive, constitutional 
sultanate." It is asserted that " to accomplish 
this magnificent project it will not be necessary 
to shed any blood." What can the Turks in the 
Arab country, who number only five or six hun- 
dred, do in the face of twelve millions ? This 
has all been thought out, and the Arabian people 
are ready. The address is signed by " The Su- 
preme Committee of the National Arab Party." 
A number of economic and industrial projects 
are also contemplated by this party, including 
the reclamation of Syria and Mesopotamia by 
means of irrigation, making these ancient lands 
a second route to India. 


{From June 21 to July 19, 1905.) 


June 22. — The Pennsylvania Supreme Court perma- 
nently enjoins the proposed consolidation of Pittsburg, 
Allegheny, and other municipalities. 

June 23. — Gov. George R. Carter, of the Territory of 
Hawaii, resigns office. 


(Special coramissioner to Venezuela.) 

June 26. — President Roosevelt appoints former Sena- 
tor McComas, of Maryland, a justice of the Court of 
Appeals of the District of Columbia. 

June 27.— Chief Engineer John F. Wallace, of the 
Panama Canal Commission, resigns his position. 

June 28. — The New York State Senate adopts the re- 
port of its Judiciary Committee on the trial of Justice 
Hooker, of the State Supreme Court, and adjourns to 
July 10. 

June 30. — John F. Stevens, of Chicago, is appointed 
chief engineer of the Panama Canal, to succeed John 
F. Wallace, resigned Indictments are found at Mil- 
waukee, Wis., against twenty-one county officials and 
business men, on charges of offering and accepting 

July 1. — Five corporations and seventeen individu- 
als engaged in the meat-packing industry are indicted 
by the federal grand jury in Chicago for alleged viola- 
tion of the Sherman anti-trust law Charles J. Bona- 
parte becomes Secretary of the Navj^, succeeding Paul 

Morton* Israel W. Durham, the former Republican 

"boss "of Philadelphia, resigns the office of Pennsyl- 
vania State insurance commissioner. 

July 2. — President Roosevelt issues a proclamation 

on the death of Secretary Hay Charles E. Magoon, 

governor of the Panama Canal zone, is appointed 
United States minister to Panama. 

July 4. — It is announced that the Secretarj'^ of Agri- 
culture has caused twelve hundred suits to be begun 
against railroad companies for violation of the law 
regarding the transportation of live stock. ...United 
States Senator John H. Mitchell, of Oregon, is found 
guilty and recommended to leniency in the land-fraud 
cases before the federal court. 

July 5. — Funeral ceremonies over the remains of Sec- 
retary Hay are held at Cleveland, the President, Vice- 
President, and members of the cabinet attending. 

July 7. — The Kansas Supreme Court declares uncon- 
stitutional the law for the establishment of a State oil 
refinery President Roosevelt announces the accept- 
ance of the office of Secretary of State by Elihu Root, 

of New York The case of Caleb Powers, four times 

tried for the murder of Governor Goebel, of Kentucky, 
is transferred to the federal court. 

July 8. — The report of Secretary Wilson, of the 
United States Department of Agriculture, on the cot- 
ton report "leak" is made public; Assistant Statis- 
tician Edwin S. Holmes is dismissed from the ser- 

July 10. — The trial of Justice Warren B. Hooker by 
the New York Legislature is begun. 

July 11. — William J. Calhoun, of Illinois, is ap- 
pointed by President Roosevelt a special commissioner 
to Venezuela. 

July 18. — John Hyde, chief of the Bureau of Statis- 
tics of the Department of Agriculture at Washington, 
resigns office. 

July 19. — Elihu Root, of New York, takes the oath of 
office as Secretary of State. 


June 21.— The Swedish Riksdag is opened by King 
Oscar, who sanctions the recommendation of the 
Swedish Government to negotiate with the Norwegian 
Sorthing for the peaceful dissolution of the union.... 
A vote of want of confidence in the new Hungarian 
cabinet is carried both in the upper chamber and in the 

June 22. — The Swedish Riksdag decides to refer the 
government's proposals of settlement with Norway to 

a special committee of both chambers The Czar of 

Russia appoints Grand Duke Nicholas president of the 
Council of National Defense. 

June 23. — The Russian minister of the interior issues 




(New president of the National Educational Association.) 

a, circular asserting that the Czar's language to the 

zemstvo delegates is incorrectly interpreted The 

new Liberal Spanish ministry, under the premiership 

of Signor Montero Rios, is sworn in The town of 

liodz, in Poland, is in a state of revolt ; troops kill 50 
persons and wound 200 Premier Ramstedt, of Swe- 
den, tenders his resignation, but the King and the cabi- 
net request its withdrawal. 

June 24. — M. Ralli forms a new cabinet in Greece. 

June 25. — The French Chamber practically finishes 
the discussion of the separation bill. 

June 26. — The British House of Commons rejects a 
Tote of censure of the Balfour ministry on the army 

stores scandal The advisers of Prince George of Crete 

tender their resignation, which is not accepted. 

June 27. — The Swedish Riksdag elects committees 
to consider the cabinet's proposals to treat with Nor- 
way The Czar of Russia issues a ukase investing the 

governor-general of Warsaw with supreme military 

June 28. — The crew of the Russian battleship Kniaz 
Potemkin, of the Black Sea squadron, mutinies at sea, 
killing the principal officers, seizing the ship, and put- 
ting into Odessa harbor, where the entire populace is 

in revolt The Cuban House of Representatives passes 

the Rice bill, opening the Havana market to Ameri- 
can products. .. .The Australian Commonwealth Par- 
liament is opened at Melbourne. 

June 29. — The Russian rebel battleship shells the city 
of Odessa ; the water-front is gutted, and several vessels 
-are burned ; 1,000 persons are believed to have been 
JilUed in street fighting ; sailors at Libau mutiny, at- 

tack the government .stores, and fire into officers' quar- 

July 2. — The Russian Black Sea squadron, liaving 
failed to capture or sink the rebel battleship at Odessa, 
returns to Sebastopol, wliere the sliijjs are disarmed, 
the engines ungeared, and the crews sent asliore. 

July 3. — The French Chainl)er of Deputies, by a vote 
of 341 to 233, passes the l)ill for the separation of Churdi 
and State. 

July 4. — The lower house of the Austrian Reichsrath 
rejects the motion looking to the .separation of Austria 

and Hungary Orders for the mobilization of the 

Swedish army are issued. 

July 5. — A new ministry, headed bj' Alfred Deakin, 
takes office in the Australian Commonwealth. 

July 8. — The rebel Russian battleship and the tor- 
pedo boat surrender to the Roumanian authorities at 

July 10. — In the British House of Lords, Field Mar- 
.slial Lord Roberts declares the British army inadequate 
and totally unfit for war. 

July 11. — There is further fighting at Warsaw be- 
tween the strikers and the troops, twenty persons being 

killed or wounded Major-General Count Shuvalov, 

prefect of police at Moscow, is assassinated while re- 
ceiving petitions. 

July 13. — In the British House of Commons, Premier 
Balfour declares himself opposed to conscription for 
filling the ranks of the army. 

July 17. — Tramway and underground railroad lines 
in London to cost $120,000,000 are proposed in the report 
of the royal commission appointed to investigate the 

July 18. — The Hungarian opposition issues a mani- 


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(New Speaker of the British House of Commons, and 
his family.) 



festo urging the people to refuse to obey all orders of 
the present government. 

July 19. — The congress of Russian zenistvos meets at 


June 21. — Premier Rouvier, of France, asks Germany 

to explain her intentions regarding Morocco Russia 

notifies Germany of her intention to mobilize troops in 

the frontier districts The Venezuelan Government's 

arrangement for the settlement of its external debt is 
approved by Venezuelan bondholders in London. 

June 25. — President Roosevelt directs that Chinamen 
of the exempt classes under the exclusion laws be 
treated as citizens of most favored nations. 

June 26. — President Roosevelt receives notice from 
Russia and Japan that the peace plenipotentiaries will 
meet at Washington within the first ten days of August 
(see page 211). 

June 27. — The German reply to the French note on 
Morocco is delivered by Prince Radolin to Premier 

June 30. — Ex- Ambassador Porter is appointed special 
United States commissioner to receive the remains of 

Paul Jones from the French Government Sweden 

proclaims the harbors of Stockholm, Karlskrona, Goth- 
enberg, and Farosund war ports, and excludes all 
foreign warships. 

July 1. — The Chinese Government orders the viceroys 
and provincial governors to put an end to anti-Ameri- 
can agitation. 

July 6. — The Emperor of Japan sends his peace pleni- 

4V ^ ,. _ • ■ ^ 


1 -^^ :^..j"^^ 

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From a stereograph. Copyright, 1905, by Underwood & Underwood, N. Y. 


A great part of this town of 70,000 people was swept away by a flood on July 1, 1905.) 

potentiaries a farewell greeting urging the need of last- 
ing peace. 

July 8. — France accepts Germany's terms and will 
take part in the Moroccan conference to be held at 

.Inly 9. — The rebel battleship is turned over to Rus- 
sia by the Roumanian authorities. 

July 10. — The United States navy yard at Ports- 
mouth, N. H., is selected as a convenient place for the 
meetings of the Russo-Japanese peace plenipotentiaries 
Russia asks Roumania for the surrender of mu- 
tineers The Franco-German agreement on Morocco 

is made public. 

July 11. — France sends a messenger to Morocco to 
formally notify the Sultan of her acceptance of the pro- 
posal for a conference. 

July 13. — Count Sergius Witte is appointed Russian 
peace plenipotentiary in place of M, Muraviev, re- 
signed, the other plenipotentiaries being Ambassador 
Rosen, for Russia, and Baron Komura and Minister 
Takahira, for Japan Baron Rosen, the new Rus- 
sian ambassador, presents his credentials to President 

July 18. — liord Lansdowne says that the powers will 
insist on international financial control in Macedonia, 
notwithstanding the Sultan's refusal to agree to the 

July 19. — A joint committee of the Swedish Riksdag 
begins work on a bill to settle the dispute with Norway. 

June 23. — Count Lamsdorff hands to Sir C. Hardinge 
instructions to the captains of Russian cruisers to ab- 
stain from fc'nking neutral 
ships, these orders to be deliv- 
ered by British warships. The 
Dnieper is ordered to furnish 
a report on the sinking of the 
St. Kilda. 

June 24. — The Dnieper ar- 
rives at Jibuti, having on board 

the crew of the St. 'Kilda 

News arrives tliat the Russian 
cruiser Terek sank the British 
steamer IkJiona on June 5, one 
hundred and fifty miles north 

of Hongkong The sunken 

Russian cruiser Bayan is float- 
ed at Port Arthur The Jap- 
anese defeat the Russians 
northwest of Nan-shan-chen- 

June 27.— A Singapore tele- 
gram gives details regarding 
the sinking of the Ikhond by 
the Terek. 

June 30. — The Russian cruis- 
er Terek, reported to have 
sunk British and Danish steam- 
ships, is interned at Bata^da, 

July 8.— a' Japanese expe- 
dition takes possession of the 
island of Saghalien, used by 
Russia as a penal settlement, 
after a slight engagement ; the 



Russian commander blows up the coast-defense y;xius 
and burns the government buildings before retiring. 

July 10. — The Russians burn Korsakovsk, the capital 
of Saghalien, and retreat north. 

July 11.— Admiral Kataoka reports that Cape No- 
toro, on Saghalien, has been occupied by the Japanese 
after a short bombardment. 


June 21, — The new eighteen-hour train of the New 
York Central Railroad from Chicago to New York is 
wrecked by an open switch and destroyed by fire at 
Mentor, Ohio ; 21 lives are lost, and many are injured. 

June 22.— The centenary of the birth of Mazzini is 
celebrated throughout Italy. 

June 28. — At the commencement of Yale University, 
a gift of $1,000,000 from John D. Rockefeller, and others 

aggregating an additional $1,000,000, are announced 

The Ryan stock trustees of the Equitable Society name 
nine new directors. 

June 29. — The New York State Insurance Depart- 
ment begins an investigation of the Mutual Life In- 
surance Company of New York, at the request of its 
own officers. 

June 30.— John D. Rockefeller gives $10,000,000 to the 
General Education Board. 

July 1. — A flood at Guanajuato, Mexico, causes the 
loss of hundreds of lives and property to the value of 

July 2. — The Philadelphia police raid gambling- 
houses and disorderly resorts, arresting about two 
thousand persons. 

July 3. — The National Educational Association be- 
gins its meeting at Asbury Park, N. J. 

July 4. — A flood visits Pierre, S. D., depriving half 
the people of their homes and doing much damage in 

the surrounding country An heroic bronza statue of 

President McKinley is unveiled at Chicago. 

July 5. — The International Christian Endeavor Con- 
vention opens at Baltimore, Md., and the convention of 
the Epworth League at Denver, Colo. 

July 6. — The remains of John Paul Jones are for- 
mally received by United States officials at Paris. 

July 7. — President Roosevelt addresses 60,000 persons 
at the National Educational Association convention at 
Asbury Park, N. J. 

July 8. — The United States squadron bearing the re- 
mains of John Paul Jones sails from Cherbourg for 

July 9. — The International Socialist Congress opens 
at Constance, but adjourns to a Swiss town, the Baden 
government having forbidden speeches by foreign dele 

July 11. — More than one hundred miners are killed 
by an explosion in the pits of the United National Col- 
liers Company, at Wattstown, Wales. 

July 18. — The temperature rises to 96 degrees in New 
York City ; 22 deaths and more than 200 hundred pros- 
trations result from the heat. 

July 19. — More than 75 deaths from the heat are re- 
ported in New York City. 


June 21— John R. Bennett, a noted New York imtent 
lawyer, 54. 

June 22.— Ex-Gov. Francis R. Lu})lK)ck, of Texas, the 

last of the war governors, 90 Gen. Charles William 

Darling, of Utica, N. Y., 75. 

June 23.— Rev. Samuel M. Woodbridge, D.D., for 
many years dean of New Brunswick Theological Sem- 
inary, 86 Rev. Orello Cone, D.D., professor of the- 
ology at St. Lawrence University, 66. 

June 24. — Joseph Miller, inventor, 95. 

June 26.— George E. Macklin, general manager of 
the Pressed Steel Car Company, 42. 

June 27. — Graeme Stewart, a leading citizen of Chi- 
cago, 52. 

June 28.— Admiral Sir Baldwin Walker, 81 Sur- 
geon-General Cunningham, C.S.L., M.D., LL.D., 76. 

June 29, — Rear-Admiral Louis J. Allen, U.S.N, (re- 
tired), 65, 

June 30, — Gen. Hugh B. Ewing, formerly minister to 
Holland, 85. 

July 1,— John Hay, Secretary of State of the United 
States, 67 (see pages 166-176). 

July 2. — Prof. George Edward Day, of Yale Univer- 
sity, 72 Prof. Marcus Willson, author of popular 

text-books, 91. 

July 4, — Prof. Jean Jacques Elis^e R^clus, the well- 
known French geographer, 75. 

July 5. — Gen. Amasa Cobb, of Nebraska, 82. 

July 7.— Ex-United States Senator Wilbur F. San- 
ders, of Montana, 71 Prof, Hermann Nothnagel, the 

well-known clinical authority of Vienna, 64, 

July 8,— Walter Kittredge, composer of " Tenting on 

the Old Camp Ground " and other war songs, 71 T. 

Henry Randall, a well-known New York architect. 

July 9, — Arthur Latham Perry, for many years a 
professor in Williams College, 75. 

July 10.— Henry M, Mendell, of Milwaukee, Wis,, 
for many years president of the North American San- 

gerbund, 66 Albert Edward Lancaster, literary and 

dramatic critic of the New York Evening Telegram, 64. 

July 13, — Rev, Charles Pearson, D.D,, formerly pro- 
fessor of literature at Northwestern University, 60 

Theodore C Weeks, a well-known Boston banker, 65 

Benjamin Webb Williams, a pioneer in conducting 

lecturing tours, 91. 

July 15.— Brig.-Gen. Napoleon J. T. Dana, U.S.A. 
(retired), said to have been the oldest West Point grad- 
uate, 83 Mrs. Laura Hyde Stedman, wife of Edmund 

Clarence Stedman, 70 The Marquis Villa verde, for- 
mer premier of Spain. 

July 16. — Gen. W. W. Blackmar, commander-in-chief 
of the Grand Army of the Republic, 64. 

July 17. — Gen. Francis Effington Pinto, a veteran of 
the Mexican and Civil wars, 82 Mrs. Caroline Eliza- 
beth Monell, a granddaughter of John Adams, second 
President of the United States, 90. 

July 18. — Joseph E. Bender, chief of the Indian di- 
vision of the Department of the Interior, 69. 

July 19, — Earl Cowper, formerly Lord Lieutenant of 
Ireland, 71, 


It is 
on a long 

GETTING THE WARM* END OP iT.-From the HeraU (New York). 
^oZgt to\\^e PhTlipphLt' '^""""'^'^ °^ ^^^*^' ^^^^ t^ke charge of the Panama Canal while Secretary Taft is off 



From the Tribune (Chicago) . 

Thv V vvTniT« n«c^o.rx, ..T^ '^^^^' '"^" ^^'^^^ measure everything by the money standard 

thcM-^H^n nfVw.^ f^^ ^"^ '''^ ^^"^ double, or are do not see why Mr. Root gives up an income of mmu) a 
luti t two ot them now ? -^From the Journal (Minneapolis). year to become Secretary of State at a salary of $8,000. 




From the Ohio State Jour)ial (Columbus). 

" Yon rising moon that looks for us again— 
How oft hereafter will she wax and wane ; 
How oft hereafter rising look for us 
Through this same garden— and for one in vain ! " 

From the Herald (Boston) . 



From the Tribune (Chicago) . 


From the Constitution (Atlanta). 




John D. Rockkb bller : " Now, if Ida would just get writ- 
er's cramp, I might get a little much-needed rest." 

From the Journal (Minneapolis) . 


China: ''Uncle." 

U. S.: "Well?" 

China : " I can spell boycott I " 

From the Herald (Boston) . 


" And so you bear him home. . . . And who shall say that 
the Bonhomme Richard^ the ship he loved, does not, too, bear 
him in spirit ? "—General Porter, on surrendering the body 
of John Paul Jones. — From the Inter-Ocean (Chicago). 


The hot wave in Philadelphia shows no sign of abating. 
From the North-American (Philadelphia). 




From, the Post (Washington). 


From the World (New York). 

John Bull (to Japan) : "Soak him once more, and close the eye looking in this direction," 

From the JoumaZ (Detroit) . 




PERHAPS the best and truest thing that can 
be said of John Hay the man is that every 
one who had the good fortune to get really close 
to him loved him. His was one of those rare 
natures that win, without conscious effort, the 
deep and abiding affection pf all who draw near. 
John Hay's ''sweetness and light," of which 
Secretary Taft spoke so feelingly and fittingly 
the day after the death of the great Secretary of 
State, were not reserved for his family, nor for 
his equals in station, but were shed generously 
and habitually upon all, high or low, who came 
in contact with him. Three Presidents of the 
United States basked in their warm rays and 
felt spiritually refreshed ; most of the notable 
Americans of the last fifteen years fell under 
their charm ; scores of eminent diplomatists 
have been lured by them into passing forgetfui- 
ness of professional thrust and parry and have 
lingered within the spell of delight. But so it 
was also with the humblest. Mr. Hay's official 
subordinates love.d the man even more than they 
respected and admired the superior. His house- 
hold servants gave him, not only their service, 
but their hearts. Doubtless it is true that few 
men are heroes to their valets, but John Hay's 
skillful Swedish masseur, after years of attention 
to the high and mighty of this and other na- 
tional capitals, declared, " Mr. Hay is the finest 
gentleman I ever knew." Newspaper men, at 
Hay's elbow night and day, in hours of stress, 
of trial, of disappointment, of the most delicate 
relations and situations, of triumph and suc- 
cess, — catching all the moods and reactions of a 
highly sensitive nature amid the vicissitudes of 
a strenuous career, — are profound in their ad- 
miration for his serenity, his dignity, his kindly 
helpfulness, his courtesy, his wit and humor. 
Often they were conscious that they tried his 
patience to the full, but the " sweetness and 
light" never failed. Never hero - worshipers, 
ever inclined to cynicism, these newspaper writ- 
ers at Washington, a dozen or so of whom 
have been by Hay's side almost daily during 
the last six or seven years, felt his death as some- 
thing more than the passing away of a great 
diplomatist and public servant ; to them it came 
as a personal grief. As one of these writers for 
the press who year after year were honored 
with Mr. Hay's confidence, it is in my heart to 

say : He was like father, brother, philosopher, 
guide, and friend rolled into one. 


When Mr. Hay became Secretary of State, 
nearly seven years ago, the American people 
did not know him. He had not yet made a deep 
impress upon the national consciousness. He 
was regarded almost with suspicion ; there was 
a widespread impression that the new Secretary 
was simply a man of wealth who had won pre- 
ferment by making liberal subscriptions to the 
campaign funds of his party ; that he had been 
rewarded beyond his deserts by President 
McKinley with the English ambassadorship ; 
that as envoy to the court of St. James he had 
become an Anglomaniac, an aristocrat, and a 
lover of aristocracy ; that he was exclusive, un- 
American, and of doubtful fitness for so great 
a task. In the light of the facts and subse- 
quent events it seems strange that any consider- 
able number of .intelligent persons could have 
entertained this view, or anything like it. But 
they did. Mr. Hay had a public to win. Con- 
sciously or unconsciously, he went about doing 
it. He did it, not with any posing or theatric- 
als, not with the slightest bid for popularity by 
any of the devices so well known to cheaper 
men, but with conscientious work at his desk. 
Gradually it dawned upon the American people 
that they had a big man in the State Depart- 
ment. His work told. Little by little suspi- 
cions were removed and faith won. The public 
knew little of the man himself, — he never had 
the knack of attracting the popular eye to his 
personality, — but it knew of his achievements. 
By the time President McKinley fell at Buffalo, 
Mr. Hay had come into his own. He had found 
his place. He had won the hearts of the Amer- 
ican people, as he had long before won the affec- 
tions of all who really knew him. He had be- 
come one of the most popular, most trusted, of 
American public men. 

Not long before his death, in conversation 
with the writer, Mr. McKinley paid a tribute to 
his Secretary of State which is worthy of preser- 
vation in the records. " To my mind," said the 
President, " John Hay is the fairest flower of 
our civilization. Cultured, wealthy, with a love 
of travel, of leisure, of scholarly pursuits, with 

Copyright, 1904, by Pach Bros., New York. 


(Born, October 8, 1838; died, July 1, 19()5.) 



money enough, to go where he likes and do what 
he likes, he is yet patriotic enough to give his 
great talents to his country." 


When Mr. McKinley fell, Mr. Hay had no 
other expectation than that he would be released 
from official cares. He wished it to be so. He 
wanted to travel, to write. He had some liter- 
ary plans which recent busy years had never 
given him the .opportunity to carry out. Great 
was his surprise when the new President, on ar- 
riving at the national capital from Buffalo, drove 
"straight to Mr. Hay's house and begged the 
Secretary to retain his office. Mr. Roosevelt 
never regretted that act. More than once, later, 
he found it necessary to implore Mr. Hay to re- 
main at his post, and more than once Mr. Hay 
yielded. It is well known at Washington that 
Mr. Hay ardently wished to seek rest and rec- 
reation in travel and the society of his friends 
and his welMoved books. Had he done so, — 
had he put duty, behind him and consulted only 
his personal inclination and comfort, — it is mo]-e 
than probable that he would be alive and well 
to-day. It was of Jim Bludso that Mr. Hay 
himself wrote in his college days : 

"And Christ ain't a-going to be too hard 
On a man that died for men." 

Mr. Hay held the office of Secretary of State 
longer than any of his predecessors. It is safe 
to say that he did more work in that post than 
any other man had ever done, — made more of it. 
Other famous Secretaries were famous before 
they took the office ; Mr. Hay's life-work was 
there ; there he made his reputation. He had 
no other political ambition. He had never cared 
for politics from the view-point of personal par- 
ticipation. Even the Presidency was not alluring 
to him, — he never aspired to it. If McKinley 
had died eight months earlier, Mr. Hay would 
have become President. He was ever mindful 
of the responsibility which the fates might thrust 
upon him. Though he dreaded the possibility 
of being called to the higher office, he held it to 
be his duty to govern himself according to the 
decree of chance and the laws of his country. 
Hence, he was careful to remain nearly always 
in AVashington while the President was away on 
trips. It was impossible for him, with his ideas 
of duty, to make a foreign voyage till the coun- 
try should secure a constitutional Vice-President. 


Between President Roosevelt and Secretary 
Hay there was a close and intimate friend- 
ship. Each was sincerely fond of the other, 

though their characters differed so widely. Mr. 
Roosevelt may have depended more upon the 
judgment of a Root or a Taft or a Knox in all 
matters not of international bearing, but no 
other member of his cabinet enjoyed more of 
the President's personal affection than Mr. Hay. 
Each was the complement of the other, each a 
constant source of delight to his friend. Roose- 
velt's buoyant, almost boyish, high spirits and 
rapid-fire comment upon men and matters and 
Hay's quiet, incisive, dry humor and facility for 
making pertinent quotations from the whole 
range of literature and anecdote formed a com- 
bination which gave unalloyed pleasure to both. 
It was President Roosevelt's habit to walk to 
church every Sunday afternoon, in Washington, 
and on his way home to stop at the house of 
Secretary Hay, on Lafayette Square, just oppo- 
site the White House, for a chat of an hour or 
two. -He rarely went to the houses of other 
cabinet officers, but to miss the Sunday after- 
noon visit with John Hay, the President has 
confessed, was a distinct deprivation. " Mr. 
Hay was the most charming man and delightful 
companion I have ever known," said the Presi- 
dent, a day or two ago, to a friend. " Those 
Sunday talks of ours nearly always ended in a 
discussion of Abraham Lincoln." 


Mr. Hay had the rare distinction of working 
side by side with three of our great Presidents. 
The salient facts of his career are well known. 
He was born in 1838, at Salem, Ind. His father 
was a physician whose ancestors had been Scot- 
tish, — fighting men in the Revolution and set- 
tlers in Virginia, Kentucky, Indiana, and Illinois. 
John Hay, a fourth son, was graduated from 
Brown University in 1858, taking high rank in 
English composition, having already attracted 
much attention with his poems <' Jim Bludso," 
'' Little Breeches," and others. For three years 
he studied law at Springfield, 111., in the ofiQce 
of an uncle, Malcolm Hay, an intimate friend of 
Abraham Lincoln, and was admitted to the bar. 
When Mr. Lincoln entered the White House he 
took Hay with him as one of his secretaries. 
For more than four years the relations between 
the President and the young man were of the 
most intimate character, almost those of father 
and son. For some months Hay served in the 
army on staif duty, and won the title of col- 
onel, which stuck to him throughout his career. 
After Lincoln's death, he entered the diplomatic 
service, and was successively secretary of lega- 
tion at Paris, Madrid, and Vienna. For five 
years he was an editorial writer on the New 
York Tribune. In 1874 he married a daughter 



of Amasa Stone, of Cleveland, who had been 
one of Mr. Lincoln's stanch and rugged friends. 
For two years he was Assistant Secretary of 
State, in the Hayes administration. Mr. and 
Mrs. Ilay built a fine house in Washington and 
reared their children there. Their home was a 
social center, but Mr. Hay did not reenter the 
public service till President McKinley made 
him ambassador to England in 1897. In Sep- 
tember, the next year, he was appointed Secre- 
tary of State. 


There is no doubt that the character of Lin- 
coln left its impress upon his young associate. 
Mr. Hay's deep but silent love for his country 
was like his first master's. So was his fondness 
for anecdote, for jest, for quaint sayings. The 
right-hand man of three Presidents, Mr. Hay 
was loyal to each in turn. But the Liberator 
was his first love. Once I made bold to ask Mr. 
Hay for his estimate of the three chief magis- 
trates he had known so intimately. 

" Experience has taught me the unwisdom of 
personal comparisons," he replied, meditatively. 
And after a pause he added : 

" But Abraham Lincoln was the greatest man 
I have ever known or shall ever know." 

Loyalty was an essential, almost a predomi- 
nant, quality of Mr. Hay's character. Even 
with his most intimate friends he rarely used 
the first personal pronoun in speaking of his 
work. It was almost invariably "The Presi- 
dent has done thus," or "The President's policy 
is to do so-and-so." Once in a great while, dur- 
ing his absence or illness, some action might be 
taken by the President's order of which, at heart, 
Mr. Hay did not approve. But one could never 
learn of his disapproval from Mr. Hay's lips. 
"With right hearty loyalty and most excellent 
dissimulation, if needs be, he defended, ex- 
plained, or even took responsibility upon him- 
self. He was loyal to his associates and subor- 
dinates, too. If one did a good piece of work, 
the Secretary praised it. If one blundered, he 
kept his lips closed to all outsiders ; it was the 
department's mistake, not the individual's. He 
was too kind of heart to be a first-class executive. 
Rather than dismiss an incompetent he would 
invent excuses for him, and when worse came to 
worst secure him a transfer to some other post, 


Mr. Hay was as modest a great man as nature 
ever made. Because of his instinctive disin- 
clination to speak of himself, he was rarely 
reminiscent, and then only by dint of thrusting 
his own personality into the background. 

Mr. Hay's inodesty was such an essential part 
of his character that in cabinet meetings he never 
took part in discussions unless international af- 
fairs were under consideration. The same quality 
led him to shrink from appearance as a speaker 
in public. On the rare occasions when he could 
be induced to make an address he spent weeks of 
fretful, nervous apprehension and preparation, 
wishing with all his heart he were well out of it, 
yet determined to go through with it and to do 
his best. When he did speak, it was with the 
confidence and poise of the man who is his own 
master ; and the country usually had a new 
classic k) add to its political and biographical 
literature, as in his noteworthy oration on Mc- 
Kinley, delivered in the Capitol at Washington, 
and his still finer review of the Republican party's 
first half-century, delivered last year. 


Though his characteristic mental attitude was 
that of placidity and serenity, he never degen- 
erated to the level of the cynic. He was never 
the man who concludes that nothing matters — 
never the disciple of Talleyrand who took to his 
heart the maxim, "Above all, no zeal." Mr. 
Hay's modesty would not permit him to make a 
parade of his earnestness or sound 'his zeal from 
the housetops ; but he was zealous and earnest 
as to all vital things, just the same. He had a 
fine scorn for all that is petty, mean, contempt- 
ible. He detested all unnecessary and wanton 
falsehood. For the sort of diplomacy that rests 
essentially upon tergiversation he had a most 
hearty contempt. One of his sayings is famous 
in the diplomatic world. It was used of a cer- 
tain titled European, not now a member of the 
corps at Washington. 

"When the count comes to talk to me," said 
Mr. Hay, "I do not use my wits trying to ascer- 
tain whether or not the man is lying. I know 
he is lying. What I try to find out is why he 
is telling that particular lie." 


It was not all sweetness with Mr. Hay. He 
could turn sour enough when his sensibilities 
were touched. They were rarely touched through 
his personal relations or the personal equation 
in any form, direct or indirect. But they could 
be quickly roused on the score of public duty. 
He despised men who juggle with the public 
interests to serve their own petty and selfish 
political purposes, — as, for instance. Senators 
who emasculate and burke a treaty, designed for 
the common good of all the people, in the inter- 
ests of their States, or even of certain industries 
in their States, for the sake of strengthening 



their political status at home and improving 
their prospects for reelection. At times, his de- 
nunciation of such men was fierce. The bitterest 
excoriation of well-known Senators by name I 
ever heard from the lips of mortal man came 
from John Hay's tongue when with righteous in- 
dignation he spoke of their discreditable thrusts 
at the life of a most meritorious treaty. Mr. 
Hay did not, as a rule, get on well with the 
Senate. He was working for the country at 
large ; too many Senators were working sim- 
ply for themselves. There were Senators who 
were determined to drive him into private life. 
They could not have succeeded so long as Mr. 
Hay kept his health and Mr. Roosevelt was still 
in the White House. 


Mr. Hay was a wide reader. Of late years 
he spent only the mornings at his desk in the 
State Department. At 1 o'clock he walked 
across the park to his home, carrying a well- 
stuffed portfolio of dispatches and memoranda. 
His best work he did at home, in the after- 
noons. Before dinner, he almost invariably took 
a stroll with his chum of a lifetime, Henry 
Adams, the historian, whose house stands next 
to Mr. Hay's, the two being so alike and so well 
blended, like the natures and tastes of their 
owners, that they appear the same structure. 
On these walks Mr. Hay invariably wore a top 
hat and a frock coat. He was punctilious in all 
matters of dress and deportment. Returning 
from his walk, which till recently was that of a 
man in robust health, with the swing of strength 
in the stride, he donned evening clothes for 
dinner. He cared little for society, and since 
the death of his elder and exceedingly promis- 
ing son Adelbert, through an accident at New 
Haven, Mr. and Mrs. Hay eschewed society al- 
most entirely, save for the formal functions in- 
cident to Mr. Hay's official station. Callers at 
Mr. Hay's home in the evenings usually found 
him ensconced in a snug corner of his library, 
book in hand. He read much, and marveled 
somewhat enviously because President Roosevelt, 
with more work to do, ten times as many peo- 
ple to see, and much more time spent in the open 
air, could read twice as much as he. 

Far from being the aristocrat many believed 
him, Mr. Hay was distinctively democratic. He 
was one of the most accessible of Secretaries of 
State. It was easier to get audience with him 
than with many of his subordinates- For- 
eigners visiting the American capital were as- 
tonished at the simple code which ruled the 
office of the great American diplomatist, — his 
open door, his readiness to receive and listen. 


It has long been suspected of Mr. Hay that 
he was pro-British and anti-Russian. There was 
ground for the suspicion, so far as his personal 
feelings were concerned. He had faith in Eng- 
lish character, English justice, English institu- 
tions. He sought no alliance, but he did seek 
a closer understanding, a drawing together of 
the two English-speaking peoples which should 
make war between them an utter impossibility. 
Despite criticism, and even bitter attacks, he 
held to his task ; and he lived long enough to 
see the work done, — to see Anglo-American 
friendship so firmly knitted that nothing less 
than an earthquake would suffice to upset it. If 
Mr. Hay had done nothing else, this one achieve- 
ment would redound to his fame, — he more than 
any other one man swept away the foolish cult 
which till recently made it necessary for an am- 
bitious American politician to proclaim his hos- 
tility to England. 

As for Russia, Mr. Hay doubted Russian good 
faith in international relations on general prin- 
ciples. Even more he doubted Russian racial 
efficiency. He was not surprised at the outcome 
of the war between Russia and Japan. Indeed, 
he foresaw it all clearer than any other man 
with whom I have come in contact. Officially, 
Mr. Hay maintained a correct attitude as be- 
tween the combatants ; but there was no mis- 
taking the direction of his private sympathies. 
They oozed out, careful as he was of the pro- 
prieties. Perhaps his aptitude for quotation as 
a convenient expression of opinion at delicate 
moments, and his love for the vivid and imagina- 
tive in literature, never had better illustration 
than on the occasion of the firing upon the 
trawlers in the North Sea by Rozhestvenski's 
fleet. I asked Mr. Hay what he thought of it. 
For answer, he inquired if I remembered Kip- 
ling's lines from " The Destroyers," and himself 
quoted them : 

" Panic that shells the drifting spar- 
Loud waste with none to check ; 
Mad fear that rakes a scornful star 
Or sweeps a consort's deck." 

The answer was all-sufficient. And when I 
looked to the future, and inquired what, in the 
Secretary's opinion, would be the fate of the 
Russian fleet in the far East, Mr. Hay's reply 
was characteristic : 

'' The true poet is also a prophet ; and Kipling 
is a true poet." 


The critics agree that if John Hay had kept 
to the paths of literature he would have made 




fame for himself with his pen. It is too much 
to say that he was a literary genius ; it is pei-- 
fectly true that he gave promise of the ])ossession 
of genius of the first magnitude. His best-known 
poems of the Bret Ilarte order were composed 
while he was still at college. His " Castilian 
Days," a study of Spain, took higher rank. Of 
all his poems, "The Stirrup Cup," recently re- 
printed throughout the world with added pathos 
on account of the dc^ath of the wi-iter, was the 
best. There is little doubt that Mr. Hay was 
the author of that popular and in some respects 
striking novel of American life, "The Bread- 
winners," though he would never acknowledge 
it. I have myself quizzed him about it, and 
invariably received evasive replies. To one 
friend who sent him a note pinning the author- 
ship upon him by the process of exclusion Mr. 
Hay replied, characteristically : " Run the rascal 
down. Let no guilty man escape." And Mr. 
Hay underscored the concluding sentence. A 
labor of love and of notably good workmanship 
was Mr. Hay's collaboration with Mr. Nicolay in 
" The Life of Lincoln." As an editorial writer on 
the New York Tribune, Mr. Hay was in a field well 

ada[)ted to liis skill, and Mr. (ire(;ley once said 
that thougli he had read a million editorials, one' 
of John Hay's was the best he ever saw. 

Mr. Hay was neither ashamed nor pr(jud (;f 
his literary efforts. He judged them as harslily 
as any critic ; but he knew their worth, and 
their promise, too. Throughout his life he had 
the feeling that if opportunity were to present 
itself, — the leisure and the inspiration, — he could 
do something really worth while. 

In John Hay "sweetness and light" and 
strength and modesty were strangely blended 
with wit and humor and taste and dignity. 
There were moods, too. Of late years he suf- 
fered spells of spiritual depression, inexplicable, 
and mastered only by his strong will. He joked 
of what he thought, though no one else dis- 
covered, were evidences of failing powers. And 
one of his favorite replies to friends who asked 
after his health was, "I am suffering from an 
incurable disease." After the inquirer had ex- 
pressed his doubt and sympathy in sufficient 
and proper solemnity, Mr. Hay explained, "And 
the disease is old age." His friends smiled at 
the quip then. But it is a jest no more. 


(Professor of International Law and Diplomacy at Columbia University ; formerly Assistant Secretary of State.) 

NO man will ever make a great diplomatist, 
any more than a great scientist, a great 
soldier, or a great orator, solely by reason of 
training. Self-possession, quickness and depth 
of understanding, and shrewd and balanced 
judgment, are qualities that cannot be created 
out of elements which are by nature defective. 
Nevertheless, education and experience are as 
essential to the development of the highest pro- 
fessional efficiency in the man of large, as in the 
man of small, capacity. 

In assuming the office of Secretary of State, 
Mr. Hay had the inestimable advantage of prac- 
tical familiarity with all the duties of the posi- 
tion, — technical, political, and social. His close 
personal association with the head of the na- 
tional administration during the Civil War had 
given him an intimate knowledge of how public 
affairs are conducted, together with a wide ac- 
quaintance with men and breadth of view. And 
it is not strange that, with a mind so ardent and 
acquisitive as his and an imagination so active, 
his intimate acquantance with domestic affairs 
should have inspired him with a desire for ser- 

vice abroad. On March 22, 1865, he was com- 
missioned as secretary of legation at Paris. He 
resigned the post in the spring of 1867, only to 
be appointed to a similar position at Vienna ; 
and in June, 1869, he was transferred to Madrid, 
where he remained till the autumn of 1870. In 
the discharge of his secretarial duties, he was 
from time to time called upon to act as charge 
d'affaires ad interim, thus becoming familiar with 
the responsibilities of the head of the mission. 
From 1879 till 1881, he served as Assistant 
Secretary of State, under Mr. Evarts. In this 
position he had little opportunity to gain dis- 
tinction, since the time was a peculiarly quiet 
and uneventful one in the history of our foreign 
affairs. In 1881, however, he was chosen to 
represent the United States at the International 
Sanitary Conference, and was honored with the 
presidency of that body. 


When, in 1897, after the inauguration of 
President McKinley, Mr. Hay was sent as am- 
bassador to London, he was not as a stranger 



going to a strange land. Not only his frequent 
journeys abroad, but also his fortunate position 
in the social life of Washington, had brought 
him into contact with many of England's fore- 
most men both in politics and in letters. It is 
not strange that his reception as ambassador 
was cordial ; and he constantly increased the 
circle of his friends. He also won the confidence 
of his government at home, as. well as esteem 
abroad, by his unfailing tact and good judgment 
on all occasions. This was especially the case 
during the many confidential interchanges of 
opinion and suggestion that came from all 
quarters during the war with Spain. At Lon- 
don, as one of the few great centers of the world's 
diplomatic activity, it was important that the 
American ambassador should be both alert and 
wise. Mr. Hay was both ; and in the autumn 
of 1898, when Judge Day resigned the Secretary- 
ship of State in order to go to Paris as head of 
the peace commission, President McKinley, with 
that rare discernment which so often character- 
ized his acts, called him to the vacant post, in 
which he was soon to achieve world-wide renown. 


It is often remarked, as a circumstance for- 
tunate for his fame, that Mr. Hay entered the 
Department of State just as the United States 
was entering on its career as a "world power." 
Such statements, as they are commonly made 
and understood, betray a want of information 
as to what the international position of the 
United States has been ; but it is, nevertheless, 
true that Mr. Hay's lot was cast in a time when 
there were impending great events, in which the 
United States was destined to play a conspicu- 
ous part, and in which his genius was to shine 
forth with peculiar splendor. 

As the first, but not the least, of his duties 
as Secretary of State there fell to Mr. Hay the 
delicate task of restoring diplomatic relations 
with Spain, and of adjusting the various ques- 
tions with other powers as well as with Spain 
that necessarily arose out of the new conditions 
which existed after the conclusion of peace. 
For the most part, new treaties with Spain had 
to be made, the registration of Spanish subjects 
in the territory ceded and relinquished by Spain 
had to be carried out, and the return of Spanish 
prisoners in the hands of the Filipinos had to be 
dealt with as a diplomatic as well as a practical 


But, in spite of his preoccupation with these 
and other current matters, Mr. Hay almost im- 
mediately applied himself to the great work of 

solving the difficulties that stood in the way of 
the construction of the interoceanic canal by the 
United States. As the result of circumstances 
which it is unnecessary here to narrate, public 
opinion had centered upon the Nicaragua route. 
By the convention between the United States 
and Great Britain of April 19, 1850, commonly 
called the Clayton-Bulwer treaty, it was pro- 
vided that neither contracting party should ever 
acquire or maintain any exclusive control over 
the canal then in contemplation by way of Lake 
Nicaragua, nor occupy, colonize, or fortify any 
part of Central America, but that they should, 
on the contrary, extend their joint protection to 
the proposed waterway both during its con- 
struction and after its completion. As these 
stipulations were conceived to stand in the way 
of the construction and protection of the canal by 
the United States alone," Mr. Hay sought to re- 
place them with a new treaty ; and he at length 
signed with Lord Pauncefote, at Washington, 
on February 5, 1900, a convention the object of 
which was declared to be to remove any objec- 
tion arising out of the Clayton-Bulwer treaty 
to the construction of the canal '^ under the 
auspices of the Government of the United 
States," without impairing the "general prin- 
ciple " of " neutralization " established by Ar- 
ticle YIII. of that treaty. 

This convention was duly submitted to the 
Senate ; but no sooner had it been published 
than it became the subject of violent attacks, 
which went so far as to impeach Mr. Hay's 
capacity. He was assailed as a blundering ama- 
teur, incompetent to conduct the foreign rela- 
tions of the country, and was charged with be- 
ing too friendly to England. The principal points 
of the convention at which criticism was aimed 
were the stipulation that the canal should not 
be fortified and the provision that the contract- 
ing parties should bring the convention to the 
notice of other powers and invite them to adhere 
to it. In the end the Senate amended the con- 
vention by striking out this provision, and by 
inserting clauses by which the Clayton-Bulwer 
treaty was expressly superseded and the United 
States was allowed a greater freedom with regard 
to defensive measures. 

It is understood that Mr. Hay was deeply 
wounded by the harsh criticism visited upon 
him on this occasion. He undoubtedly believed 
the original convention to be a good one ; and, 
as he had no incentive whatever to public ser- 
vice but the desire for honest fame, it is probable 
that many men in his predicament might have 
yielded to a sense of injury, real or fancied, to 
say nothing of pride or petulance. But Mr. Hay 
took a higher view of his duty and was patient. 



He renewed the negotiations with the Britisli 
Government, and on November 18, 1901, signed 
with Lord Pauncefote a new convention, into 
which the Senate's amendments were skillfully 
wrought, and which promptly received the ap- 
proval of that body. It is not always the most 
meritorious acts of one's life that are most wide- 
ly appreciated and most loudly applauded. Mr. 
Hay's greatest celebrity to-day rests, no doubt, 
upon his diplomacy in China, but I venture to 
think that in his negotiations with regard to the 
canal, his character as a public man underwent 
the severest test to which it was ever subjected. 


When Mr. Hay became Secretary of State, 
the situation in China was visibly tending to- 
ward the critical stage which was soon to attract . 
to the Celestial Empire the interest of the whole 
civilized world. In connection with the killing, 
in November, 1897, of two German missionaries 
in the province of Shantung, the German Gov- 
ernment seized Kiao-chau, and subsequently ob- 
tained of that place and of a stretch of inland 
territory a "lease" for ninety-nine years, by 
which the jurisdiction of China was practically 
excluded and reduced to a nominal remnant 
of sovereignty. Russia promptly obtained a 
" lease " of Port Arthur and Talienwan ; France, 
of Kwang-chau Bay ; Great Britain, of Wei-hai- 
wei and Mirs Bay and certain territory adjacent 
to Hongkong. It looked as if the scramble for 
the final partition of China had begun, and it is 
not strange that the Chinese thought so. Symp- 
toms of native unrest steadily grew, and soon 
the society of Boxers appeared on the scene. 
The anti-foreign movement became formidable. 
The native authorities were unable to suppress 
disturbers of the peace, and often were sympa- 
thetic with them. A state of practical anarchy 
supervened. The attitude of the government 
at Peking became uncertain, and then visibly 
hostile. Peking was cut off, and the legations, 
to which many foreigners had flocked, were be- 
sieged. An international relief force was or- 
ganized, but a distressing apprehension was 
ever present that the next hour might bring the 
dreadful news of the fall of the legations and 
the massacre of their inmates. 



The policy which the United States was to 
pursue at this momentous juncture had already 
been foreshadowed. On September 6, 1899, Mr. 
Hay, as Secretary of State, inclosed to the em- 
bassy of the United States in Paris, for its con- 
fidential information, copies of instructions sent 
on that day to the American ambassadors in 

London, Berlin, and St. Petersburg, in relation 
to the desire of the United States that Great 
Britain, Germany, and Russia should each make 
a formal declaration of an "open-door" policy 
in the territories held by it in China, the pur- 
port of this policy being that the Chinese tariff 
should continue to be applied to all persons of 
every nationality within the so-called leased 
territories and spheres of interest, and that 
there should be equality of commercial oppor- 
tunity, without any discrimination, for persons 
of all nationalities. On March 20, 1900, Mr. 
Hay was able to announce that all the powers 
had accepted the American proposals, and the 
first great step in the development of his policy 
was accomplished. Grave perils, however, 
awaited it. The introduction of foreign armed 
forces into China, although required for tlie re- 
lief of the legations and the protection of life 
and property, opened up the possibility of an 
eventual state of war, with its attendant dis- 
orders and unknown demands. But, even if a 
state of war should be avoided, claims for in- 
demnity would have to be dealt with ; and, worst 
of all, if the legations should succumb, the 
universal and overwhelming popular demand 
for vengeance. 


Keenly alive to the dangers of the situation, 
Mr. Hay, on July 3, 1900, in the midst of grav- 
est apprehensions as to the fate of the legations, 
addressed a circular telegram to the diplomatic 
representatives of the United States in the va- 
rious European countries and Japan, with an 
instruction to communicate the purport of it 
to the governments to which they were re- 
spectively accredited. In this telegram the at- 
titude of the United States was defined, as far 
as circumstances permitted. The United States, 
it was declared, adhered to the policy initiated 
by it in 1857, "of peace with the Chinese na- 
tion, of furtherance of lawful commerce, and 
of protection of lives and property of our citi- 
zens by all means guaranteed under extra- 
territorial treaty rights and by the law of 
nations." If wrong was done to American citi- 
zens, it was proposed "to hold the responsible 
authors to the uttermost accountability." The 
condition of Peking was regarded as one of " vir- 
tual anarchy," whereby power and responsi- 
bility were practically devolved on the local 
authorities, who, so long as they were not in 
overt collusion with rebellion and used their 
power to protect foreign life and property, 
would be regarded as representing the Chinese 
people, with whom the United States sought " to 
remain in peace and friendship." The specific 



objects of the United States were then set forth 
as follows : 

The purpose of the President is, as it has been here- 
tofore, to act concurrently with the other powers : 
First, in opening up communication with Peking and 
rescuing American oflBcials, missionaries, and other 
Americans who are in danger ; secondly, in affording 
all possible protection everywhere in China to Amer- 
ican life and property ; thirdly, in guarding and pro- 
tecting all legitimate American interests ; and fourth- 
ly, in aiding to prevent a spread of the disorders to the 
other provinces of the empire and a recurrence of such 
disasters. It is, of course, too early to forecast the 
means of attaining this last result ; but the policy of 
the Government of the United States is to seek a solu- 
tion which may bring about permanent safety and 
peace to China, preserve Chinese territorial and ad- 
ministrative entity, protect all rights guaranteed to 
friendly powers by treaty and international law, and 
safeguard for the world the principle of equal and im- 
partial trade with all parts of the Chinese Empire. 

This circular was at once received and ac- 
claimed in the United States as the exposition 
of an enlightened and generous policy. In a 
spirit of extravagant panegyric, it has some- 
times been represented as a measure which 
embarrassed and forestalled the governments 
of Europe in the pursuit of other and sinister 
designs. In reality, there were few cabinets in 
which it was not sincerely welcomed. It is a 
coincidence that, on the very day on which the 
telegram was sent, M. Delcasse declared, in the 
Chamber of Deputies, that France did not desire 
"the break-up of China," which was spoken of 
" without sufficient reflection ; " that she had "no 
wish for war with China," but could not "evade 
the duty of protecting her citizens and obtain- 
ings for her merchants the guarantees obtained 
by others ; " that she was " anxious for the main- 
tenance of the equilibrium in the far East," and 
that the " common peril " demanded a " common 
aim." His sentiments were in striking accord 
with those of Mr. Hay. Lord Salisbury ex- 
pressed himself as "most emphatically" concur- 
ring in the policy of the United States. This 
was, indeed, the sense of most of the interested 
governments ; and there could be no better evi- 
dence of Mr. Hay's diplomatic capacity than the 
judgment and skill with which he seized the 
critical moment to blazon to the world a definite 
expression of policy and to commit all the allies 
to its execution and observance. 


The telegram of July 3 Mr. Hay ever after- 
ward kept before the powers as the charter of 
China's prosperity and salvation. In the long- 
negotiations that resulted in the signature of 
the international protocol of September 6, 1901. 
at Peking he figured as the apostle of mercy 

and humanity. He sought to bring to an end 
punitive expeditions. He pleaded for modera- 
tion in demands for pecuniary indemnity. And 
when he came to negotiate with China a new 
commercial treaty, he persistently labored for 
the insertion of stipulations which would secure 
an " open door " to the world's commerce even 
in Manchuria. 

After long and patient negotiation, character- 
ized on his part by the utmost candor and good 
temper, he obtained from Russia a positive prom- 
ise to evacuate Manchuria on October 8, 1903 ; 
but whenever he pressed China for the signa- 
ture of a treaty by which ports in Manchuria 
were to be opened to American commerce, he 
encountered a secret but persistent obstruction. 
He invited China to state her objections ; but 
she was silent, as it was understood, in the pres- 
ence of the threats of the Russian charge d'affaires 
at Peking. He then appealed directly to the 
Russian Government. Count Lamsdorff dis- 
claimed on the part of that government any wish 
to oppose the demands of the United States ; 
and Mr. Hay, with singular candor, or, perhaps 
we may say, with delightful audacity, then di- 
rected the American minister at Peking not only 
so to advise the Chinese Government, but also 
to invoke the " cooperation " of M. Lessar, the 
new Russian minister, on his arrival at Peking. 
M. Lessar, however, when he appeared, declared 
that he had no instructions as to the attitude of 
his government, and declined to make any state- 
ment concerning it ; and the old obstruction, in- 
stead of being removed, seemed to have been 
renewed even with increased activity. In spite 
of this disappointment, Mr. Hay persisted ; and 
he won his point when, on October 8, 1903, the 
day on which Manchuria was to have been evac- 
uated, he secured the signature of the treaty by 
China in the form in which he desired it, and 
placed our commercial relations with that empire 
on a more satisfactory basis than ever before. 



On February 10, 1904, Mr. Hay, after con- 
sultation with the representatives of various 
interested powers, sent to the governments of 
Russia, Japan, and China an expression of the 
desire of the United States that in the course of 
the military operations which had begun be- 
tween Russia and Japan, "the neutrality of 
China, and in all practicable ways her adminis- 
trative entity," should be respected by both 
parties, and that the area of hostilities should 
be "localized and limited," so that disturbance 
of the Chinese people might be prevented, and 
the least possible loss to the commerce and 
peaceful intercourse of the world might be oc- 



casioned. Responses in a favorable sense were 
received both from Russia and from Japan, and 
were communicated to tlie powers. When the 
correspondence was i)ublis]ied, various conjec- 
tures were made in the press as to the precise 
significance of the plirase " adminictrative en- 
tity "and the reason for its employment. Mr. 
Hay was, in reality, merely repeating the words 
of his fundamental circular of July 3, 1900, and 
his use of it there may be readily explained. 
Tn that paper he spoke of China's "territorial 
and administrative entity." What he sought to 
prevent was the dismemberment of China either 
by avowed cessions of territory, or by arrange- 
ments which, under the guise of leases or other- 
wise, left her a nominal title to her domain, 
without administrative power or control. When 
we wish to convey the antithesis of territorial 
dismemberment, we usually speak of '^ terri- 
torial integrity;" but the word "integrity," 
when used in connection with public adminis- 
tration, suggests rather a correct standard of 
official conduct. Mr. Hay, before he achieved 
distinction as a statesman, was, as a man of 
letters, famous for his wit and humor and for a 
nice discrimination in the use of words. He 
evidently had no wish to pose as a diplomatic 
knight, anxious to break a lance in the cause of 
China's " administrative integrity." He, there- 
fore, said "territorial and administrative entity." 


I have spoken of Mr. Hay's sagacious pa- 
tience, — his serene and tenacious confidence that 
pressure steadily applied in a just and righteous 
cause would in the end bring the desired result. 
This quality was signally manifested in his con- 
duct of the negotiations with Turkey for the 
settlement of claims for the value of American 
property destroyed during the Armenian dis- 
turbances in 1895. Early in December, 1898, 
Mr. Straus, then American minister at Con- 
stantinople, telegraphed that he had had a satis- 
factory audience with the Sultan, who had "di- 
rected the indemnity to be arranged," and had 
sent his "compliments to the President." In 
the following April, we find Mr. Hay inquiring 
as to what progress had been made in the per- 
formance of his majesty's promise, and urging a 
speedy conclusion. Still the settlement was de- 
layed, and in January, 1900, strong representa- 
tions were authorized. Mr. Straus came to the 
United States on leave, and did not return. 
The legation was permitted to remain in the 
care of its secretary, Mr. Griscom, as charge 
d'affaires ad interim^ who, in April and again in 
May, was directed to remind the government of 
the Sultan's promise, with an expression of con- 

fidence that it would be kept. In June, Mr. 
Griscom reported that he had been assured by 
the secretary of the Sultan that the claims would 
be settled within three or four months. Yet, in 
February, 1901, we find Mr. Hay again return- 
ing to the charge, expressing the President's 
expectation that the Sultan's oft-repoated prom- 
ises would be fulfilled, and insisting upon im- 
mediate payment. At last, in the following 
June, Mr. Leishman, the new American minis- 
ter, reported that £19,000 had been deposited 
to his credit in the Imperial Ottoman Bank. 


Mr. Hay undoubtedly possessed the gift of 
settling controversies. Since the cession of 
Alaska to the United States in 1867, the bound- 
ary between that territory and the Dominion of 
Canada had remained undetermined, and the 
adjustment of it had become imperative. An 
important step in that direction was the modus 
vivendi which was effected at Washington, on 
October 20, 1899, by an exchange of notes be- 
tween Mr. Hay and the British charge d'affaires 
ad interim^ by which a provisional line was fixed 
about the head of Lynn Canal. In replying to 
local criticisms upon his action, Mr. Hay de- 
clared that the rights of the United States re- 
mained "absolutely intact," and that their as- 
sertion in due time would be "earnest and 
thorough." These declarations were afterward 
abundantly justified. By the convention signed 
at Washington on January 24, 1903, and the 
decision rendered thereunder, the claims of the 
United States were completely established. 

His course in this as well as in other matters 
shows how groundless was the accusation now 
and then made that he was " too friendly to 
England." There are in every country persons 
who, by reason of special prepossessions, demand 
that its policy shall be governed, not by consid- 
eration for the interests of its own people, but 
by partiality for or hostility toward the interests 
of some other people. Mr. Hay certainly was 
not one of these. He no doubt believed, and 
acted upon the belief, that the maintenance of 
friendly relations between the United States and 
Great Britain, on the basis of mutual respect, 
was a sound and advantageous policy, especially 
with reference to the "open-door" rule for 
which England had always stood in the far 
East. He also exhibited a wise friendliness to- 
ward Germany, when, by the treaty of Decem- 
ber 2, 1899, he finally settled to her satisfaction 
the Samoan question, without abandoning the 
particular interests of the United States. In 
these things he acted simply as an "American." 
He wished for no other title for himself, and 



insisted upon its being used by our legations 
and consulates even at the cost of some legal 
and practical inconvenience. 


Mr. Hay once declared, in a speech before the 
New York Chamber of Commerce, that the car- 
dinal principles of the foreign policy of the 
United States were '^the Monroe Doctrine and 
the Golden Rule." For the application of the 
latter there is opportunity in the diplomacy of 
all nations ; of the former, the United States is 
the special champion, and it found a careful 
guardian in Mr. Hay. Its exposition, as made 
in President Roosevelt's annual message of De- 
cember 3, 1901, no doubt had his full concur- 
rence. ''The Monroe Doctrine," said President 
Roosevelt, ''is a declaration that there must be 
no territorial aggrandizement by a non-American 
power at the expense of any American power on 
American soil ; " it is "in no wise intended as 
hostile to any nation in the old world ; " it "has 
nothing to do with the commercial relations of 
any American power, save that it in truth allows 
each of them to form such as it desires ; " nor 
does it " guarantee any state against punishment 
if it misconducts itself, provided that punishment 
does not take the form of the acquisition of ter- 
ritory by any non- American power." In this 
sense the Monroe Doctrine was observed in 1902 
and 1903, when Germany, Great Britain, and 
Italy joined in a blockade of Venezuelan ports. 
The most explicit pledges were given to the 
United States of an intention to respect the 
American policy as it had been defined. No at- 
tempt was made forcibly to interfere with the 
execution by the powers of the particular meas- 
ure of redress which they had adopted ; but the 
good offices of the United States were, neverthe- 
less, actively employed, with the result that the 
blockade was lifted and the adjustment of claims 
committed to tribunals of arbitration. 


Mr. Hay was a warm and consistent advocate 
of international arbitration. In his instructions 
to the American delegates to the peace confer- 
ence at The Hague, he declared that the duty of 
sovereign states to promote international justice 
by all wise and effective means was second only 
to the fundamental necessity of preserving their 
own existence. On at least nine separate occa- 
sions he was concerned in the employment of in- 
ternational arbitration as the means of securing 
a just result. But he was not content with special 
applications ; he sought to create a general and 
obligatory practice ; and it may be said that his 

last diplomatic work was his eif ort to bring about 
treaty relations under which arbitration should 
in certain classes of cases be systematically used. 
This work remains to be carried to a conclusion. 


AYith the vast growth of the country in all 
things, there is an inevitable and steady increase 
in the business of the departments at Washing- 
ton. This increase adds to the already heavy 
burdens of the Secretary of State, to whose de- 
partment Congress has seldom been generous. 
During Mr. Hay's administration of its affairs 
at least fifty-eight formal international agree- 
ments were concluded and put into force, most 
of them in the form of treaties. Of extradition 
treaties alone not less than fourteen were made. 
And as each treaty, or agreement, represents the 
result of a negotiation which, perhaps, was long 
and intricate, these examples may serve to illus- 
trate the vast amount of current business for 
the transaction of which the Secretary of State 
must be responsible, most of it performed quietly 
and unobtrusively and without attracting gen- 
eral attention. It is needless to say that the 
hands of the Secretary of State should be 
strengthened by the provision of a force and 
equipment adequate to all his needs. 


This sketch of Mr. Hay's diplomatic career 
would be incomplete without mention of the cir- 
cumstance that it has now and then been opined 
by some persons, who failed to approve certain 
diplomatic transactions, that there was a lack of 
coincidence of views between him and President 
Roosevelt in matters of foreign policy. It is 
hardly probable that any President and Secre- 
tary of State ever perfectly agreed on all ques- 
tions ; but, apart from such minor differences of 
opinion as must always exist between men of 
independent thought and character, there is 
every reason to believe that President Roose- 
velt and Mr. Hay worked in entire harmony. 
Some of those who had spoken the praises of 
Mr. Hay wished to believe that he was not in 
sympathy with the President's course in the 
recognition of the republic of Panama, but of 
such a variance not the slightest evidence has 
ever been produced. There is certainly none 
in his able correspondence with General Reyes, 
in answer to the complaints of Colombia ; and 
he no doubt spoke from conviction when he de- 
clared, in his address at Jackson, Mich., that the 
President, in his conduct of the Panama affair, 
" forged as perfect a bit of honest statecraft as 
this generation has seen." 




PROBABLY no one ever has looked thought- 
fully at a map of North America without 
noting tlie commercial possibilities offered by the 
wonderful chain of waterways that reach from 
the Atlantic coast into the very heart of the con- 
tinent. Aside from the great fall at Niagara, 
nature has interposed only half-a-dozen rapids 
to interfere with tlie navigation of this remark- 
able system. Projects for overcoming these ob- 
stacles have been entertained ever since the oc- 
cupation of the country by white men. The 
first canals built were designed to accommodate 
only batteaux, which were flat - bottomed and 
drew less than one foot of water. The locks 
were 6 feet wide and 30 feet long, with 2-J- feet 
of water on the sills. The remains of one of 
these canals may still be seen on the south bank 
of the St. Lawrence, at Point au Buisson. In 
1804, they were enlarged to 2:ive a depth of 4 
feet of water in the locks. They then admitted 
boats of 35 tons' cargo, which was their capacity 
during the AVar of 1812. Military necessities 
gave an impetus to canal-building at that time, 
but the work languished after the return of 
peace, and it was not until Canada had become 
a self-ruling province that the enterprise of open- 
ing the St. Lawrence was prosecuted with energy 
and carried to completion. 

To-day it is possible for a vessel drawing not 
more than 14 feet of water to steam from any 

ocean port in the world direct to Duluth or Chi- 
cago. In order to utilize the entire 2.384 miles 
of this water route it has been necessary to 
build only 73^ miles of canal. The difference 
in level between Lake Superior and tide-water, 
which is 602 feet, is overcome by 48 locks, hav- 
ing a total lift of 551 feet. Nearly |90,000,000 
has been spent in the construction and improve- 
ment of these canals, and about $20,000,000 
more in their maintenance. 


Few people who have not traveled upon it 
realize the great length of the St. Lawrence 
River. Its mouth, commercially speaking, is the 
Strait of Belle Isle, between Newfoundland and 
Labrador, that being the channel commonly used 
by vessels sailing to and from Europe. It is 826 
miles from this strait to Quebec, and 986 miles 
to Montreal. Montreal is therefore nearly as 
far fi'om the ocean as the mouth of the Ohio 
River is from the Gulf of Mexico. Yet it is 
classed as an ocean port. Not only is it accessi- 
ble to any ordinary ocean vessel, but the tides of 
the Atlantic come to within a few miles of the 
city. This long channel always has been navi- 
gable for vessels drawing not more than 10 feet 
of water. Since 1888 the shoals between Mont- 
real and Quebec have been dredged to a minimum 
depth of 2 74- feet, making a submerged canal 



391 miles long, wliicli may 
properly be considered the 
first section of the Canadian 
canal system. 

Just above Montreal are 
the famous Lachine rapids, 
tlie most turbulent in the 
river. Here begins the first 
of the canals proper. It is 
called the Lachine. It cuts 
across a bend in the river for 
a distance of 8|- miles, over- 
coming a fall of 45 feet with 
five locks. It was originally 
planned by Sir George Pre- 
vost in 1815 as a military 
work, but was not completed 
till 1825. At that time the 
depth of water in the locks 
was only 4-1- feet. It has 
been twice enlarged since 
then. Two of the locks now 
have 16 feet of water on the 
sills, and the others 14 feet, 
wliicli is the governing depth 
of the entire water route to 
the Great Lakes. 

Above the Lachine rapids 
the river broadens out into 
what is called Lake St. Louis. 
Sixteen miles farther up is a 
succession of rapids called 
the Coteau, the Cedar, and 
the Cascade. To overcome 
these the Beauharnois Canal 

was built in 1845. It runs for 12 miles along the 
south bank of the river, and has 9 feet of water 
in the locks. This canal, however, has given 
way to the march of improvement. In 1892, the 
Canadian government began the building of the 
Soulanges Canal, on the north side of the river, 
and since its completion, seven years later, tiie 
old Beauharnois has been practically abandoned 
for navigation purposes, though it is still main- 
tained as a power canal. The Soulanges is the 
newest and embodies the latest engineering 
ideas of any of the Canadian canals. It has 
been called the best modern canal in the world. 
It has cost nearly $7,000,000, which is at the 
rate of about $500,000 a mile, since the channel 
is 14 miles long. In this reach there are only 
two slight curves. The fall of 84 feet, which in 
the old Beauharnois required nine locks, is over- 
come in the Soulanges by four locks, each hav- 
ing a lift of 23^ feet. These are operated by 
electricity, which is generated by the power de- 
veloped at the locks themselves. The same 
power furnishes electric light, which piakes the 


channel navigable at night. The canal is 100 
feet wide on the bottom and 164 on the surface, 
and has 1 5 feet of water on the lock sills. A 
fine macadam highway runs along its bank. 
Highway bridges swing from the shore, dis- 
pensing with piers in the center of the channel. 
One of the difficulties encountered by the en- 
gineers was the crossing of three small streams 
which discharge into the St. Lawrence along 
the canal route. Tliese have been depressed, 
and are carried under tlie channel through sev- 
eral 10 -foot tubes. 

A stretch of 33 miles of open water through 
Lake St. Francis leads to the entrance of the 
Cornwall Canal, which overcomes the Long 
Sault rapids, the most difficult of any in the 
river except the Lachine. Tliis canal was origi- 
nally built, in 1843, to accommodate boats of 
9-feet draught. It has been practically I'ebuilt 
since 1890, bringing it up to the 14-foot stand- 
ard. The old 9-foot locks are still maintained, 
however, and can be used by the smaller class 
of vessels. The new locks are 270 feet long and 



45 foet \vid(\ Six of thein aro ]-e(juirc(l in a 
(•liaiinel 1 1 iniU's long. 

The three remaining artificial waterways along 
tlic^ St. ijawrence are collectivc^ly known as the 
Williamsl)urg canals, though there are several 
miles of river channel between them and each 
has its individual name. The first of these is 
the Farran's Point Canal, 1 mile long. Here a 
new lock, 800 feet long, has been built. It is 
capable of taking an entire tow at a time. Ten 
miles farther up the stream is tlie Rapido Plat 
Canal, 3|- miles long, with two locks of the 
standard type, and 4 miles farther on is the 
Galops Canal, with one guai'd and two lift locks, 
one of which has been cari'ied out to a length of 
800 feet. This canal is in two sections — the 
Iroquois and the Cardinal. They are really two 
separate canals, but are connected by an em- 
bankment which makes a channel known as the 
junction Canal. The total length is 7^ miles. 
The Cardinal section has been cut through a 
high bluff, on which stands the village of Car- 
dinal. The government bought a part of the 
town and moved it out of the way. This cut is 
68 feet deep at its highest point, and is 5,900 


(A thrilling 100-foot downhill ride on a raft. 

f(!('t long. its slojxis are protected by mas(Hiry, 
making it one of the; most interesting points 
along the (entire route. 

The wliole St. Lawrence system has 4.'» miles 
of artificial channel and 26 locks, the total 
distance from Monti-eal to Kingston b(nng 188 
miles. There is one canal along th(3 north shore 
of Lake Ontario, the Murray, giving a passage 
5 miles long between the western end of the 
Bay of Quinte and the lake. This is used, how- 
ever, only for local traffic. 


By far the most famous of the Canadian canals 
is the Welland, though it is really of less im- 
portance to Canada than those along the St. 
Lawrence. This is shown by the fact that the 
quantity of freight passing up and down the St. 
Lawrence is a third greater each year than the 
quantity going through the Welland. Moreover, 
two-thirds of the vessels that use the Welland 
are under the flag of the United States, while on 
the vSt. Lawrence canals three-fourths of the ves- 
sels are Canadian. The Canadians, however, 
had connected Lake Erie and Lake Ontario with 

a canal of sufficient dimen- 
sions to accommodate the 
lake vessels of that day, 
while the St. Lawrence was 
still closed to everything but 
batteaux, and this canal had 
reached the. 14-foot depth 
twelve years before the St. 
Lawrence channels had been 
opened to vessels drawing 
more than 9 feet. The Wel- 
land now extends in a nearly 
straight line from Port Dal- 
housie, on Lake Ontario, to 
Port Colborne, on Lake Erie, 
a distance of 2 Of miles. In 
this short channel there are 
25 lift locks and one guard 
lock. The total fall over- 
come is 326|- feet. More 
than half the entire differ- 
ence in elevation between 
Lake Superior and the lower 
St. Lawrence is encountered 
in this Welland peninsula. 
The locks are still of the 
standard 14-foot depth, to 
which they were enlarged in 
1887, and are 270 feet long 
and 45 feet wide. 

In addition to the main 
line of the canal, the govern- 
ment maintains the old chan- 




nel for llf miles, from Port Dalhousie south- 
ward, with a depth of 10^ feet. At Port Robin- 
son a junction is formed with the Chippewa or 
"Welland River, which flows eastward into the 
Niagara just above the Canadian rapids. With 
only two locks, overcoming a fall of but 10 feet, 
a navigable channel, 9 feet 10 inches deep, is 
maintained by way of this river to the Niagara, 
but it is little used. Another 9-foot branch 
runs to Port Maitland, a few miles up the lake 
from Port Colborne, connecting with the Grand 

River, which thus becomes the principal feeder 
for the main canal. 


The Welland Canal completes the water route 
from the ocean to the interior lakes, but there 
is one other important link in the chain, which 
was built, not because of an actual necessity, but 
to satisfy the desire of Canadians to have a 
through channel from Lake Superior in their 
own territory. This is the Sault Sainte Marie 




Canal, connecting Lake Superior and Laki! Hu- 
ron, 'riie canal is only 1^ miles long, and con- 
sists practically of a single great lock {)()() feet 
long and (50 fcn^t wide, with 20 feet 'A inches of 
water on the sill. It has cost more than |4,- 
000,000. It is a trifle longer than the lock on 
the American side, but is of less width, and the 
vVmerican lock takes vessels of 21 feet draught. 
The American lock is the largest in the world. 
The two locks pass more tonnage each year than 
any other canal in the world. The proportion 
of the Canadian lock is from one-fifth to o^e- 
fourth of the total each season. 


The only remaining ship canal in Canada is a 
stretch about half a mile long, at Cape Breton, 
Nova Scotia, connecting St. Peter's Bay with the 
Bras d'Or lakes. There are three barge systems, 
however, which deserve some attention. One of 
these has a special interest for Americans be- 
cause it forms part of a complete water route, 
over 400 miles long, from Montreal or Quebec 
to New York. This is the Richelieu and Lake 
Champlain system. It extends from Sorel, at 
the confluence of the Richelieu and St. Law- 
rence rivers, to the international boundary. The 
distance is 81 miles. The natural channel of the 
Richelieu River is used for the greater part of 
the way. There are a dam and a lock at St. Ours, 
14 miles south of Sorel, and 20 miles farther 
south the Chambly Canal begins, running for 12 
miles along the river-bank. There are nine locks 
in this canal. The governing depth is 7 feet, 
which corresponds with that of the present 
Champlain Canal from Whitehall to Troy, though 
the Champlain will be deepened to 12 feet in a 
few years. 

A more important system, commercially, fol- 
lows the Ottawa River from its mouth, a few 
miles above Montreal, to Ottawa, 119 miles. 
This is all-river navigation except the Ste. Anne 
lock, at the head of Montreal Island, and the 
Carillon & Grenville Canal, 7|- miles long, which 
contains 9-foot locks. At Ottawa, connection is 
made with the Rideau Canal, stretching south- 
westward 126 miles to Kingston, at the foot of 
Lake Ontario. About half of this waterway is 
artificial, the Rideau and Cataraqui rivers fur- 
nishing the remainder. There are 35 locks, 
but only 14 of them are used on the down trip. 
The governing navigation depth is 4^ feet. 


There is a remarkable chain of natural water- 
ways forming almost a complete connection be- 
tween Georgian Bay, the eastern projection of 
Lake Huron, and the Bay of Quinte, which is 

iIh; nortii(;rn j)roj(!ction of Jjake Ontario. Jt ex- 
t(!nds up the Trent Jiiver and througli a succes- 
sion of small lakes to Lake Balsam, thence to 
Lake Sinuioe, and down the Sevcjrn River to 
Georgian l^ay. The distance is 21G miles, and 
the only gap is the 19 miles between Lake Bal- 
sam and Lake Simcoe. This is called tlie Trent 
navigation system. About GG miles of it are 
now unnavigable. Only about 20 miles of actual 
canal would be needed to open the whole route. 
Work now under way will make a continuous 
channel, IGO miles long, from Heely's Falls, 4.'> 


miles above Trenton, to Lake Simcoe. Only the 
terminal reaches will then have to be improved 
to change the Trent system from an interior to 
an interlake waterway, which, the Canadians 
hope, will prove a strong rival to the Erie Canal. 
The distance from Lake Huron to the St. Law- 
rence River by way of Lake Erie and the Wel- 
land Canal is over 500 miles, so there will be a 
saving of about 300 miles by the new channel. 
The Trent system will not be a ship canal, as has 
been erroneously represented by some American 
newspapers. The governing depth of water in 
the locks is only 6^ feet. Moreover, the dififi- 
culties to be overcome are such that it is im- 
probable that a ship canal ever will be attempted 
by this route. 

The Trent system has become famous among 
engineers for the lock at Peterborough, about 
100 miles northwest of Trenton. This lock, 
which is of the hydraulic type, makes a direct 
vertical lift of 65 feet. It is the only one of 
the kind on the continent, and the largest in 
the world. Two water-tight steel boxes, each 
holding 1,300 tons of water, ascend and descend 



between three great guide 
towers, 100 feet high, built 
of solid masonry. When 
one chamber is up the other 
is always down. A boat en- 
ters a chamber ; the gates are 
closed ; a little additional 
weight of water is introduced 
into the other chamber and 
the boat rises swiftly and 
steadily to the higher level, 
the operation being almost 
automatic. Only three min- 
utes are required to make the 
lift, and the entire lockage 
is accomplished in about 
twelve minutes. The lock 
will accommodate a barge of 
800 tons. It was completed 
in 1903, at a cost of $500,- 
000. A similar lock, with a 
lift of 55 feet, is to be begun 
this year at Kirkfield, between Lake Balsam and 
Lake Simcoe. 

There is another possible water connection be- 
tween Lake Huron and the St. Lawrence which 
is said to a:fford a practicable route for a ship 
canal. This is by way of Lake Nipissing and 
the Mattawa and Ottawa rivers. The total dis- 


tance from Georgian Bay to Montreal by this 
route is 430 miles, which would be some 300 
miles less than the present route by way of Lake 
Erie. A survey and favorable report were made 
as long ago as 1856. G. Y. Wisner, a Detroit en- 
gineer, stated before the United States Merchant 
Marine Commission that a 30-foot canal along 

V Y o R K \ 

\ \ 

\. \ 

\ ^^____ Constructed \ 

\ - - - - Under Contract \ 




r^A^Jo Trent Navigation and Murray Canal 

Mupn/r Canal u-wwx ".'i. snifs 




this line could bo built for |80, 000, ()()(), with 
only 40 miles of actual canal and 7 1 miles of im- 
proved river navigation, the remainder being 
natural channel. In practice, however, it would 
not pay to send costly lake or ocean vessels 
through such a long and narrow inland waterway. 
Another project which has been discussed is 
to build a ship canal from Georgian Bay direct- 
ly to Toronto. The distance is about 70 miles, 
which is nearly the length of the course now 
used by lake vessels from Lake Huron to Lake 
Erie through the St. Clair River and lake and the 
Detroit River. The work, however, would be 
expensive, and the commercial results doubtful. 


Taken as a whole, the Canadian canals repre- 
sent a very creditable degree of enterprise. As 
commercial competitors with other trade routes, 
they claim their share of commerce, and they 
must always have a healthful, regulating effect 
on freight rates. They transport about one third 
more through freight each season to Montreal 
than is carried from Buffalo to New York by the 

present Erio Canal. Montreal's grain I'eceipts 
by both lake and rail in 11)04 were about one- 
fifth those of Buifalo by lal^e alone. Tin; ty{)i- 
cal boat using the AVelhind and the St. Law- 
rence canals is 247 l)y 4'2.G feet. Such a l^oat 
can carry 68,000 bushels of grain or .'i,000 tons 
of iron ore. The newest lake boats run as high 
as 5G9 feet in length and oG feet beam. The 
trip down the; St. Lawrence has some advantage 
over tlie return voyage, inasmuch as vessels 
have to use only the Cornwall, Soulanges, and 
Lachine canals. The rapids opposite the other 
canals can be run easily. All the rapids are run 
by passenger steamers built especially for the 
purpose, but this is done only to make the trip 
more interesting to tourists. A great disadvan- 
tage of the route is the high insurance charged 
on vessels traversing the lower St. Lawrence. 
Through voyages from the ocean to the upper 
lakes have not generally proved profitable. 

But while the expectations of visionary people 
have not been, and probably never will be, real- 
ized, the Canadian canals amply repay the cost 
of building and maintaining them. 



AN interesting solution of the river and canal 
traction problem has been attempted on 
the Feltow Canal, in Germany. The question 
to be decided was that of some rapid and cheap 
means of traction. Tugs could not be used, as 
the canal is too narrow. The engineers, there- 
fore, had recourse to electric traction upon the 
towing-path ; but there was the difficulty, how 
not to hamper work on the banks in any way. 

This canal, which traverses an industrial re- 
gion, forms a kind of port throughout the whole 
of its length. Pinnaces are always lying along 
its banks, in order to take in or discharge cargo, 
and it is essential that the cable serving to di^aw 
the boats should always pass above the masts 
(about four meters in height) of the pinnaces or 
barges arranged along the banks of the canal or 
traveling in the opposite direction. 

A competitive exhibition was organized, in 
which the chief German electrical firms partici- 
pated. The victory was carried o£f by Siemens 
& Schuckert with an electric locomotive of a 
special type, which was first tested for a period 
of two months. A small generating station was 
put up, and supplied continuous current of 550 
volts to the motors of the locomotive by means 

of a double-conductor trolley line. The engine 
weighs 6.5 tons, including two 8-horse-power 
motors driving the axles, of which there are 
three, by means of double gearing. 

The two live axles are mounted on a bogie. 
Lnmediately behind the engine driver's cab, — 
which is, of course, in front of the vehicle and 
entirely closed in by glass, — there is the towing- 
winch, which is not rigidly fixed to its shaft, 
but connected therewith by means of a friction 
coupling which commences to slide at a fixed 
strain. On leaving the winch the towing-cord 
passes through an eye made at the end of an 
iron rod situated upon the rear axle of the loco- 
motive. This rod is adapted to pivot on its 
base, and can be raised or lowered by the aid of 
a 1 -horse-power motor. The cord is then at- 
tached to the vessel to be towed. To enable 
tlie machine to withstand the strain put upon it 
by the towing-cord, its weight is not symmetric- 
ally distributed. 

The rail on the land side carries 85 per cent, 
of the weight of the locomotive, while the rail 
on the bank side carries 15 per cent. The tow- 
ing tests were made with barges, one of which 
measured 53 meters in length, 7.80 meters in 



widtli, and having a drauglit 
of 1.70 meters with a load of 
400 tons. The second was 48 
meters in length, 6.50 meters 
in width, witli a drauglit of 
1.30 meters under a load of 
320 tons ; the third was 45 
meters in length, 4.60 meters 
in width, with a draught of 
1.50 meters under a load of 
190 tons ; and, finally, the 
fourth was 45 meters in 
length, 4.50 meters in width, 
with a draught of 140 meters 
under a load of 154 tons. 
When running empty, the 
locomotive consumes 4.5 am- 
peres at a speed of 5 kilo- 
meters per hour, and 8.5 
amperes at a speed of 10 kil- 
ometers. The tension is al- 
ways 550 volts. In some of 
the tests the towing - rope 
measured 78 meters in length, 
and the iron rod support- 
ing it was 3.90 meters above the water. First, 
one of the barges was towed, and then groups 
of two, three, and four barges. At a mean 
speed of 4.02 kilometers per hour the trac- 
tion resistance was about 0.954 kilograms per 
ton-load, with a consumption of 0.014 kilowatts 
per ton ; in this case, 5.6 watts-hours were 


required per each ton-mile of load. It was 
found that the traction resistance increased about 
15 per cent, when the barges were near the bank 
of the canal, while it decreased by nearly 10 
per cent, directly two boats passed or crossed 
each other. For short towing lengths the re- 
sistance increased very rapidly. 


err' CM UA ADn I "^ amstekdammkr '• 



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A*. 1905. 




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MANY of the most highly prized of our 
national American characteristics have 
come to ns from the Dutch ancestors of our 
oldest families. No more clearly is this shown 
than in the independence of our thought, par- 
ticularly in the press. The Dutch press has al- 
ways been noted for its independence and for 
the extent of its field. There are a dozen or 
more high-class illustrated monthly reviews and 
popular magazines which have the world for 
their field. 

The sturdy moral, religious, and mental quali- 
ties of the Dutch people are shown strikingly by 
the fact that the premier of the kingdom up to 
a few weeks ago was Dr. Kuyper, head of the 
Conservative Church and editor of the Standaard, 
a great daily, which is counted the chief of the 
clerical organs, besides being a fine progressive 
journal. The first editor, head of a great church, 
and prime minister, — in no country of the world 
except Holland would this be possible. 

The literary an:l mechanical finish of the 

Dutch monthlies is unsurpassed. De Gids (The 
Guide), of Amsterdam, devotes itself to literary 
and descriptive articles, and to political discus- 
sion of a very advanced tone. Onze Eeuiu (Our 
Century), of Haarlem, is more conservative, but 
fully as influential. Elsevier' s {Elsevier s Geillus- 
treerd Maandschrift — Elsevier's Illustrated ]\[onth- 
ly), published in Amsterdam, is perhaps the best 
illustrated monthly published in The Nether- 
lands. In make-up it resembles the Century or 
Harper\s. Boon's Magazyii (Amsterdam) is some- 
what cheaper in form, but well illustrated and 
of immense circulation. De Tlolhindsche Revue 
(Haarlem) is conducted in much the same way 
as the English and American Review of Reviews. 
It has original features, and reviews and trans- 
lations. It is well illustrated. The editor, Frans 
Netscher, is a well-known writer, belonging to 
the younger school of Dutch literary men, and 
a follower of Zola. 

The Dutch have an influential and extensive 
weekly press. The Amsterdammer (Weekblad voor 




(Editor of the HoUandsche Rcvuc. 


(Editor of the Algemeen HandehJAad.) 


(Editor of the Standaard.) 

Nedeiiand — "Weekly for The Netherlands) is very 
advanced politically, and a finely edited review 
of the week. It is generally known as Dc Groene 
(The Green), on account of its green cover, and 
is exceedingly popular tlirough the fine cartoon 
work of Joh. Braakensiek, whose* cartoons are 
often reproduced in this Review. De Prins 
(The Prince), of Amsterdam, is another popular 
and progressive weekly. Eigen Haard (Our (3wn 
Hearth), also of Amsterdam, is old-fashioned, 
but solid, while Aarde en liaer Volken (the EartlT 
and Its Peoples), of Amsterdam, is especially 
known for its descriptions of different countries. 
It is well illustrated, and is to the Dutch what 
Autour du Monde is to the French. 

Daily journalism among the Dutch is digni- 
fied, progressive, and highly influential. In po- 
litical character, the principal Dutch newspapers 
are divided between the two great parties, — the 
Liberal and Conservative. The two great Lib- 
eral supporters are Het Algemeen Handelsblad {The 
General Trade Journal), of Amsterdam, and the 
Nieuive Rotter damsche Courant (New Rotterdam 
Newspaper), of Rotterdam. The editor of the 
former is Charles Boissevain, a well-known po- 
litical and economic writer. The Conservative, 
anti - revolutionary, and clerical organ is De 
Standaard (Amsterdam), edited by Dr. A. Kuy- 
per, a remarkably clever man and a writer of 
many books. Another newspaper which sup- 
ports the clericals is Het Nieuius van den Dag 
(The News of the Day), published in Amster- 
dam, perhaps the most popular journal in the 
country. It is read in every town and hamlet. 
It has a circulation of forty thousand, which 
for a population of five and one-half millions 
is a good deal. 


Although a great quantity of French and Ger- 
man printed matter is read in Belgium and all 
the large French and German periodicals (partic- 
ularly the French) are largely patronized, the Bel- 
gians have an extensive periodical literature of 
their own in the French and Flemish languages, 
and some in the Walloon language. There are 
comparatively few Belgian monthlies or week- 
lies, but many strong and influential dailies. 

The Belgian daily press may be said to be al- 
most exclusively partisan. Politics enters largely 
into the daily life of the Belgians. There are 
three great parties, — Conservative, Liberal, and 
Socialist, — the first two dividing the country. 
The best-known and most influential journals 
are, of course, published in Brussels. At pres- 
ent, the Conservative, or Catholic, party is in 
power, and its principal organs are the Journal 
de Bruxelles^ the organ of the present ministry, 
the Patriote, and the Vingtieme Steele (Twentieth 
Century). Outside of the capital, the best- 
known Conservative papers are the Bten Public 
(Public Good), of Ghent, a purely clerical organ, 
and the 3fetropole, of Antwerp, a Catholic com- 
mercial journal. The Liberal party in the capi- 
ital numbers among its supporters the veteran 
and world-famous Independance Belge^ the Etoile 
BeJge^ and the Chronique. The Indej^eiidance Beige 
is one of the best-edited and most influential 
daily newspapers of Europe, — indeed, of the 
world. Its news service is excellent, and its 
editorial page far-famed, particularly for its 
opinions on international topics. The editor is, 
perhaps, the best-known Belgian journalist, Ro- 
land de Mares, who, though an opponent of the 



party in power, supports the government's policy 
in the Congo. The Independance Beige is a very 
old journal, and formerly, when France was an 
empire, it had considerable influence among the 
French people generally. This journal _ has a 
wide circulation throughout the Continent. 

The two minor parties, the Progressive and 
Socialistic, also have their organs, the Reforme 
and tlie PeupJe, of 
Brussels. All these 
journals are printed 
in French, which is 
the dominant lan- 
guage of the king- 
dom. There are, 
however, many in- 
fluential and popu- 
lar journals in the 
Flemish language. 
Among these, the 
best-known and 
longest - established 
are He t L a at s t e 
Nieuius (The Last 
News), in Brussels, 
and Het Handclshlad (The Business Journal), 
published in Antwerp. 

Among the reviews and weeklies are the Re- 
vue Generale, the Revue de Belgique, and the two 
illustrated weeklies, the Belgique Tllustre and the 
National lllastre. Then there is the important, 
influential sheet, the Moiiiteur des Interets Mate- 
riels (Monitor of Material Interests), and also 
the authoritative official pul)lication of the gov- 
ernment, the Moniteur llvigc. 


(Editor U Independance Beige.) 


The daily press of Switzerland, particularly 
that in the German and French languages, is 
among the oldest in Europe. The Ordindre 
JVoche72zettang, founded in Basle in 1610, but 
which suspended publication one year later, is 
claimed to have been the first newspaper pub- 
lished beyond the Alps. About 1633, Zurich 
received her first newspaper, the Wochentliche 
Ordindre _und Extraordindre Zeitung. The oldest 
newspaper published in Switzerland to-day is the 
Zurcliische Freitagszeituiig, in Zurich, founded in 
1683. This journal was published by a family 
named Biirkli for over one hundred and eighty 
years. There are fourteen Swiss dailies existing 
to-day which were founded between 1758 and 
1799. The Swiss people, while they patronize 
largely the periodical press of Germany, France, 
and Italy, have an excellent and influential daily 
press of their own. It is only in the monthlies 
and weeklies that they depend on other European 
countries for their reading. At present there 
are, in round numbers, about 1,000 journals, 584 
of these being in German, 326 in French, 36 in 
Italian, 6 in English, 3 in Romanish, and 45 in 
various other languages. The oldest are pub- 
lished in Basle and Geneva. Among the best- 
known of the Swiss journals, at home or abroad, 
are : In German, the Bund,, of Berne ; the An- 
zeiger ^ of Basle ; the Tagblatt, the Post, and the 
Neue Zurcher Zeitung, of Zurich ; the Vaterland, 
of Lucerne, and the Oberland, of Interlaken. In 
French, the Journal de Geneve, of Geneva, and the 
Gazette de Lausanne and the Suisse Liberate, of 




Ncufcliatel. And in Italian, the Dovere, of Bellin- 
zona, and the Gazzetta Ticinese^ of Lugano. These 
dailies are of the same general typographical 
form, and contain the same general contents, as 
the German and French dailies. In the dailies 
of the smaller towns there is a great deal of 
commercial news about the local district. The 
Bund., of Berne, is in many respects the most in- 
fluential Swiss daily. Its editor, Dr. M. Biihler, 
is a well-known Sw4ss politician. The Kational 
Zeitung, of Basle, was up to a few months ago 
edited by a well-known Swiss public man, Dr. 
Emile Frey, formerly Swiss minister to the 
United States. The Zurcher Taghlatt is also a 
very old and influential Zurich daily. Other 
Swiss papers in German of age and influence 
are : Aargauer Taghlatt., of Aarau ; Appenzeller 
Zeitung, of Herisau ; the Busier Naclirichten, of 
Basle ; the Lucerner Tagllatt, of Lucerne ; the 
Intelligenzhlatt, of Berne ; the Solothurner Tag- 
hlatt and the Ohwaldner Volksfreund, of Unterwal- 
den ; the Zager Volkshlatt, of Zug, and the Gutt- 
hard Post and the Freie Rhdtter, of Glarus. 

The Journal de Geneve is the most influential 
journal in French. Its political articles are 
considered particularly strong, and at present 

it reflects the proceedings of the Swiss federal 
council. Other well-known French dailies are : 
the JSfational Suisse, of Chaux de Fonds ; the 
Jura Bernois, of St. Imier ; the Nouvellisie Vau- 
dois, of Lausanne ; and the Liherte, of Fribourg. 
Papers of particular interest in commercial mat- 
ters are : the InteUigenzhlatt., of Schaffhausen, 
and tlie Ilandels Ivurier., of Biel. In Samaden is 
published the Fogl d^Engiadina, in the Romanish 
language. Among the weeklies, the ones best 
known are the A argawiscJies V^^oclicnhlatt., of Aarau, 
and the cartoon journal, N eh elsj) alter., of Zurich. 
There is also an illustrated descriptive fort- 
nightly entitled Die Scliweiz, The best-known 
monthly is the Bihliotheque Universelle et Revue 
Suisse, of Lausanne. 

Thanks to the absolute freedom of the press 
in Switzerland, no government censorship exist- 
ing, there is perhaps a larger number of refugee 
and anarchist organs published in Switzerland 
than in any other country. The Iskra, organ of 
the Russian Socialist (Democratic Revolutionary) 
Labor party, is published in Geneva, and so is 
the Razsviet, another Russian revolutionary or- 
gan. In Geneva, also, is published the Italian 
anarchist revolutionist sheet, the Risveglio. 


(II Dovere and the Gazzetta Ticiiiese are printed in Italian ; the Gazette de Lausanne, the NouvelUste Vaudois, the Suisse 
Liberals and the Journal de Geneve are printed in French ; and the Bund., the Ncbelspalter, and the Neue ZUrcher Zeitung 
are printed in German.) 




THE Solar Observatory of the Carnegie Insti- 
tution is the newest and loftiest astronom- 
ical observatory in the United States. It is situ- 
ated on the summit of Mount Wilson, in southern 
California, nearly 6,000 feet above the sea, wliich 
is thirty miles away, and is not far distant from 
the cities of Pasadena and Los Angeles. 

The observatory has been established for the 
special purpose of studying the sun and the prob- 
lems of stellar evolution. Its instruments will 
be employed in making daily computations of the 
volume of solar radiation, to determine whether 
changes are taking place in the amount of heat 
which the earth receives from the sun ; while 
the stars and nebulae will be constantly observed 
by the most highly developed instruments of 
modern times. Under the very favorable con- 
ditions existing at Mount Wilson, and by the 
aid of the new and wonderful instruments which 
modern astronomy is developing, it is expected 
that great advances will be made in our knowl- 
edge of the heavenly bodies. 

The importance of the study of solar condi- 
tions has long been recognized by astronomers. 
The sun is the star nearest the earth, the next 

nearest of whicli we have knowledge being 300,- 
000 times more distant. AVhile great improve- 
ments have been made in the instruments adapt- 
ed for solar study, the unfavorable conditions 
existing at all the older observatories have seri- 
ously interfered with the study of the sun, and 
only one of the twenty-two great refracting tele- 
scopes has been regularly employed in solar work. 

After long and careful investigation of pos- 
sible sites, it was found that almost ideal condi- 
tions existed at Mount Wilson. Its summit is 
covered with trees, thus preventing the radia- 
tion from the slopes of the mountain present at 
other elevated observatories ; the prevailing at- 
mosphere is clear and calm, and a cloudy or 
stormy day is a rarity. These considerations 
led the management of the Carnegie Institution 
to make a large grant of funds for the establish- 
ment of an observatory at Mount Wilson for the 
study of solar conditions, with adequate provi- 
sion for its maintenance during at least ten 
years, the usual length of what is termed "a 
sun-spot period." 

Within the past few months two important 
telescopes have been located upon Mount Wil- 




son, a permanent building for the astronomers 
and staff called '' The Monastery " has been 
erected, and the complete equipment of a mod- 
ern observatory is rapidly being installed. 

The two large telescopes now employed are 

widely different in their construction and pur- 
pose. The larger is the Snow telescope, a re- 
flector very unlike the ordinary refracting 
telescope so familiar to all. This remarkable 
instrument consists of a series of mirrors ar- 
ranged on a succession of granite pedestals and 
housed in a steel framework, over two hundred 
feet in length, with canvas walls. Steel guy 
ropes, anchored to large masses of concrete, pre- 



(For photographic work on nebulae and stars.) 

vent the structure from being blown over in the 
gales of winter. The coelostat pier, which is 
the end containing the plane mirrors, stands on 
a slope of the mountain, its focal axis being 
thirty-five feet from the ground. Two plane 
inirrors receive the sun's rays and reflect them 
the entire length of the framework upon two 
great concave mirrors, each two feet in diame- 
ter and of different focal lengths, which focus 
the rays upon screens, producing images of 
the sun seven and sixteen inches in diameter. 
In studying those images an instrument called 
the spectroheliograph is employed, by which 



the sun's image can bo ex- 
ainin(Ml in a selected li^lit 
and information may be 
gained regai'ding tlie chem- 
ical composition of the sun. 
A five-foot niiiTor is already- 
being prepared, and will 
eventually 1)0 mounted, 
when the observatory will 
be provided with the lar- 
gest and finest reflector in 
the world for solar observa- 

The other important in- 
strument now in active use 
is the Bruce photographic 
telescope, an instrument de- 
signed exclusively for the 
purpose of photographing 
stars and nebulae. It has a 
short focus and a w^ide field, 
and by its means remarka- 
ble photographs of the vast 
star clouds of the Milky 
Way have been obtained, 
which picture those stupen- 
dous regions on a relatively 
large scale and with exqui- 
site definition. The Bruce 
telescope was completed and 

erected at the Yerkes Observatory, at Williams 
Bay, Wis., in 1904, and late in that year was 
transferred to Mount Wilson, from the lower 


latitude of which it is expected to reach portions 
of the j\Iilky Way unattainable from the lati- 
tude of Wisconsin. The more transparent at- 









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mospliere of Mount Wilson will also make it 
possible to pLotograpli some of the great dif- 
fused nebulosities which are obscured by the 
denser air at lower levels. ' 

"The Monastery," which contains the offices 
and quarters of the staff of astronomers and assist- 
ants, is an adaptation of the ancient Mission style 








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of architecture of California to twentieth-century 
needs. Each member of the staff has a small 
bedroom, with a tiny private office or "cell'' ad- 
joining, and a large, attractive room whose cen- 
tral feature is a great stone fireplace serves as 
office, library, and living-room. "The Monas- 
tery" commands an extended view of the neigh- 
boring mountains and the cities of Pasadena and 
Los Angeles, with the Pacific Ocean in the dis- 
tant background. 


To transport building materials and equip- 
ment up the steep, roadless sides of the moun- 
tain w^as no easy task. It is a fifteen-mile trip 
to Pasadena, the nearest city, nine miles of this 
up a steep and narrow trail impassable for or- 
dinary teams. The lighter materials were car- 
ried on mule-back, and the heavier portions on 
a truck, facetiously termed the "mountain au- 
tomobile," which was designed especially for 
the purpose. It is constructed of four automo- 
bile wheels, twenty-eight inches in diameter, w4tli 
heavy rubber tires. The wheels are but two 
feet apart, on account of the narrow trail, and 
the bed of the truck hangs within six inches of 
the ground. The truck is provided with steer- 



I \)?> 


ing-gear for each pair of wheels ; one man leads 
the single large horse, another manipulates the 
forward steering-gear, while a third, walking 
behind, handles the tiller which steers the rear 
wheels. A thousand pounds can be hauled at 
a load, and over three hundred tons of ma- 
terials have been carried up the mountain in 
this unique manner. 

It is the confident opinion of experienced as- 
tronomers that the location of this magnificently 
equipped solar observatory at Mount AVilson, 
where the prevailing conditions are more favor- 
able than at any other known site, is certain to 
yield many important results, and to add great- 
ly to our knowledge of the great luminary upon 
which our earth is so dependent. 






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JUST now Labrador is the Mecca of the sci- 
entist and the tourist ; for several astro- 
nomical expeditions are located there from the 
United States and Canada, to observe the eclipse 
of the sun which occurs on the morning of Au- 
gust 30, and to secure all the scientific data 
obtainable of this stupendous phenomenon, 
while shiploads of amateur astronomers and 
sightseeing tourists have been conveyed to the 
coast, — the former to devote attention to the 
picturesque rather than the technical details of 
the affair, and the latter to enjoy a spectacle 
which is one of the rarest and most sublime 
that nature vouchsafes to man's astonished gaze. 

It is true that the eclipse will also be visible 
in sections of Europe and Africa, but for the 
American public the greatest interest will center 
in Labrador, because- of the -comparative prox- 
imity of the peninsula, the concentration of 
American scientific effort there, and the develop- 
ment of the tourist-spectator appendage to a 
purely scientific function, there probably being 
more non-professional Americans in a position 
to witness this marvel at a small cost and with 
little inconvenience than usually happens, par- 
ticularly as a most interesting country is being 
seen besides. 

The accompanying map shows the path of the 
eclipse across Labrador, the interior of which 
being unsettled and the conveyance of equip- 
ments there impossible, astronomers have been 
obliged to establish themselves on the seaboard, 
though by proceeding up the heads of the inlets 
the liability to fog or mist is greatly minimized. 
The shadow-track begins at sunrise near Lake 
Winnipeg, traverses Labrador south of Hudson 
Bay — as the map indicates — enters the Atlantic 
Ocean north of Newfoundland, and crosses the 
seas to Spain, where it is visible about noon, 
thence striking across the Mediterranean to Al- 
geria and Tunis, and extending to Egypt and 
Arabia, where it ends at sunset. The duration 
of totality in Labrador is two and one-half min- 
utes ; in Spain, three and three-quarters minutes ; 
and in Egypt, two and three-fifths minutes. The 
width of the belt of total ^eclipse on the earth's 
surface is 167 miles, the width of the penumbra 
(partial eclipse) 4,000 miles, and the velocity of 
the moon's shadow per hour 4,200 miles. Pas- 
sengers on Atlantic steamers will, according to 
their position, see the eclipse as total or nearly 

total, and the period the eclipse will be in prog- 
ress, from the time the shadow begins till it 
ends, will be about two and one-half hours. 


A total eclipse of the sun is perhaps the most 
majestic sight in nature, and one that if seen 
can never be forgotten. It is so rarely that it 
occurs under circumstances and in regions favor- 
able to its minute observation by experts that 
when the conditions promise to be satisfactory 
astronomers are content to journey to even the 
most remote parts of the world where the small 
round black surface of the moon creeps across 
the surface of the earth. Thus it arose that in 
1860 an astronomical party proceeded to the 
then virtually unknown and unpeopled coast of 
Labrador to observe a solar eclipse under con- 
ditions somewhat similar to those that exist now, 
having to be transported there by schooner, and 
having to endure hardships which are, fortu- 
nately, not to be feared in the present instance. 
The last total eclipse in the British Isles oc- 
curred as long ago as 1724, and there will not 
be another till 1927. 

In these days of popular astronomy for the 
million it seems scarcely necessary to describe 
at length what a solar eclipse means. Suffice it 
to say that it is a temporary blanketing of the 
sun by the moon coming between it and the 
earth. Both the sun and the moon are of the 
same apparent size, but at times the moon, in 
her orbit, seems to be decidedly the larger, and 
if then the moon passes exactly between the 
earth and the sun a total solar eclipse ensues 
and is visible as such at those portions of the 
earth within the shadow-track, and as a partial 
eclipse along a broad strip on either side of this. 

The shadow thrown on a blank wall by any 
globular body held between a lighted lamp and 
the wall is a simple and homely illustration of 
an eclipse. The shadow will be seen to be much 
darker in the middle than at the edges, and the 
former is known scientifically as the umbra, 
while the lesser haze is termed the penumbra. 
If the observer now so stations himself that his 
eye views the globular body from the center of 
the umbra, the lamp is seen to be entirely hid- 
den, but when viewed from the penumbra part 
of the lamp, is visible. Such is precisely what 
happens in a solar eclipse. For two or three 



minutes the moon completely 
hides the sun, and the light 
of the latter is shut off from 
the observers on this earth ; 
but because of the distance 
the three planets are from one 
another, the shadow of the 
moon is cast on only a small 
portion of the earth's surface. 
Where the eclipse is total, or 
almost so. the light enjoyed 
at the greatest phase, or mid- 
dle of the eclipse, will be 
similar to that of a bright 
moonlit night. 

The scientific interest in a 
solar eclipse is not due to the 
obscuration of the sun, but 
to the opportunity which this 
affords of observing the 
other phenomena to which 
such an occurrence gives rise 
during the few minutes that 
the eclipse lasts, this being 
the only chance for such ob- 
servations to be carried on until another eclipse 
ensues. Although the sun when viewed with 
the naked eye or through smoked glasses ap- 
pears as a clear disk of light, and a telescope 
exhibits a mottled surface known as " sun spots," 
yet when a total eclipse takes place there is re- 
vealed to the observer a glorious halo or corona 
which forms the outer atmosphere of the sun 
and which is wholly invisible at ordinary times 
because the tremendous glare from the central 
part of the sun overpowers and absorbs this 
lesser radiance. When the moon totally shuts 
out the sun there is seen around the black body 
of the moon this halo or glory of light, bright- 
est near the place of the concealed sun, but fad- 
ing away outward until lost in the general tint 
of the sky. 

It is the visibility of this corona and the rev- 
elation of the details of the chromosphere, as 
the outer atmosphere is called, that make solar 
eclipses of such supreme consequence in the 
eyes of astronomers, and in the eyes of specta- 
tors one of the grandest and most striking of 
astronomical phenomena. The body of the sun 
under normal conditions presents a brilliant sur- 
face known as the photosphere, which radiates 
to us our light and heat. Above this is a layer 
of gases known as the reversing layer, which 
absorbs portions of the sun's light and produces 
the well-known dark lines in the solar spectrum. 
At total eclipses, when the disk of the sun is cut 
off, this layer has been seen to produce a bright 
line spectrum, showing it to be glowing gas. 


Above this is a gaseous envelope known as the 
chromosphere, through which burst great flames 
.of hydrogen and metallic vapors. Then come 
the remarkable streamers of the corona, fre- 
quently extending out three or four million 
miles from the sun's disk. Too faint to be seen 
in sunlight, yet as soon as the sun's disk is cov- 
ered this pale yet striking halo springs into 
view. Partly shining with its own light, and 
partly with reflected light, its exact nature is 
not yet entirely settled. It is remarkable as 
containing an element not yet found on earth. 


The most important astronomical expedition 
from the United States is that dispatched by the 
Lick Observatory, of California. It is headed 
by Dr. Heber Curtis and Prof. Joel Stebbins, 
who have an adequate force of assistants. Its 
location is Cartwright, a Hudson Bay Company's 
post, in Sandwich Bay, Labrador, about one 
hundred and fifty miles north of Belle Isle 
Strait. One of the most important tasks which 
this expedition undertakes is that of discovering, 
if possible, the intramercurial planet Yulcan, 
the existence of which within the solar region 
has been asserted by some astronomers, though 
it has never been positively determined. The 
solar corona is to be photographed by means of 
four cameras of five inches' aperture and forty 
feet focus, fed from a coelostat, with a mirror 
fourteen inches in diameter, and it is hoped 
that the supposed planet may show itself during 



some of these exposures, wliile spectrographs 
will be used to obtain a continuous record of 
changes in the spectrum of the sun's edge at 
the time of the second and third contacts. 

Eight or ten smaller parties of American 
scientists, operating on their own account, have 
established themselves at other points along 
Labrador, that region being regarded as the 
most likely to give the best results, because of 
the eclipse occurring at sunrise, the improba- 
bility of fog hampering them at the points up 
the inlets with which the coast is seamed, and 
the remoteness of the region assuring the observ- 
ers against interference from any other cause. 
Abbe Moreau, a famous astronomer of Paris, in 
a recent magazine article on the subject, ex- 
pressed a strong preference for Labrador be- 
cause of these facts, and hence the number of 
minor expeditions there, though several contin- 
gents of European, and two or three of Ameri- 
can, astronomers are located in Spain and Egypt. 


The Canadian government has sent out on this 
occasion the first astronomical expedition it has 
ever equipped. It is in charge of Prof. "VV. H. 
King, chief astronomer, with Mr. J. S. Plaskett 
as his assistant and six members of the Royal 
Astronomical Society of Canada as observers, 
while four members of the Greenwich Observa- 
tory staff, invited by the Dominion cabinet to 
participate, have accepted the invitation, the 
combined party leaving Quebec on the steamer 
King Edward on August 3 for Northwest River, 
a Hudson Bay Company post in Hamilton Inlet, 
60 miles north of Cartwright. Their equipment 
is very complete, consisting of a three-thousand- 
dollar coelostat and four cameras for photo- 
graphic work, and, in addition to these, for spec- 
trographic work, there will be a Brashear three- 
prism train spectroscope, and also a number of 
telescopes to be used for visual observations. 

The coelostat consists essentially of a plane 
mirror moved by clockwork at such a rate that 
the direction of the beam of sunlight reflected 
from its silvered surface is stationary. The 
mirror the Canadian observers will use is twenty 
inches in diameter, and the nearly circular beam 
from it is to be sent in a horizontal direction 
into four cameras and three spectroscopes. The 
cameras, which are chiefly to be used for photo- 
graphing the corona, have focal lengths of about 
6|-, 10, 10, and 44 feet, respectively, and they 
will produce images of the sun of about -J, 1-J, 
1-J, and .5 inches, respectively. 

The sublime spectacle of a total solar eclipse 
is constituted by the gradual mysterious blotting 
out of the orb oi day, the increasing gloom, the 

weird atmospheric effects, the darkening of the 
sky until the planets and stars appear, and then 
the sun vanishes absolutely, while at the same 
moment the corona is revealed in all its splendor, 
its dazzling fires streaming outward for a brief 
space like the aurora borealis magnified and 
intensified a thousandfold, and then vanishing 
again as suddenly. The non-professional ob- 
server, who is free to watch the general effects 
that attend a solar eclipse, obtains a far better 
idea of it as a spectacle than does the astronomer, 
who has to devote his whole attention to one 
particular feature and misses the grandeur of 
the display as a whole. However, in view of 
the fact that complete sets of cinematograph 
views of the eclipse are to be taken in the pres- 
ent instance, it will probably be possible for 
everybody to witness a reproduction of the 
phenomena in a few months in music halls and 


Availing himself of the scientific interest thus 
developed with regard to Labrador this summer, 
Sir William MacGregor, the distinguished ex- 
plorer of New Guinea, who won the Founders' 
Medal of the Royal Geographical Society for 
^his researches in the interior of that previously 
untraveled region, and who is now governor of 
Newfoundland, has organized an independent 
expedition to determine the longitude of the 
principal points on that coast, fixing the position 
of the stations occupied by scientific parties ob- 
serving the eclipse, and himself carrying on im- 
portant astronomical, meteorological, and tidal 

Between the mass of scientific data accumu- 
lated by the observers of the eclipse, who will 
be there for some weeks before that special phe- 
nomenon occurs and will be devoting themselves 
to other subjects in the meantime, and the com- 
prehensive investigations of Sir William Mac- 
Gregor's party, the world's knowledge of Labra- 
dor is likely to be substantially enlarged and a 
number of scientific problems arising with re- 
spect to it disposed of for all time. 

As regards the eclipse, the only disappoint- 
ment for the astronomers and other watchers 
will be if the sky be veiled by fog, cloud, or 
storm. In such a case, the observing of the 
corona would not be possible with any pros- 
pects of success, but remarkable atmospheric ef- 
fects are always observable. People in northern 
areas, where it will appear as a partial eclipse, 
will see the sun in the curious form of a cres- 
cent, varying in size according to the locality 
where it is observed being near to or remote 
from the path of l^e totorl eclipse. 


[Dr. Dillon writes from first-hand knowledge and after several years' residence in the Russian capital.] 

THE other day a prominent American citi- 
zen inquired of a Russian friend wliom he 
unexpectedly came across in Paris how the Czar- 
dom was progressing after the reforms. "What 
reforms ? " asked the Muscovite, brusquely. 
•' Wliy, all the improvements announced by Nich- 
olas II. about which we have been reading dur- 
ing the past twelvemonth or more. They were 
ushered in by a public stat(^m:iit from the throne 
to the effect that the whole system of govern- 
ment was rotten, that the administration must 
at all costs be transformed, and that the Czar 
had a plan for regenerating it. That was the 
promise, and unless the press of the United 
States and Europe was greatly mistaken, the ful- 
fillment began soon afterward. I certainly read 
of one imperial commission appointed to give to 
labor what is due to labor, of another to satisfy 
the pressing needs of the peasants, of a third to 
curtail the arbitrary power wielded by officials ; 
and it is matter of common knowledge that soon 
afterward his majesty himself proclaimed liberty 
of conscience in his dominions and promised to 
convoke a representative assembly. Are not 
these measures worthy to be called reforms ? If 
not, what do you term them ? " The Czar's sub- 
ject made answer : " They are words, not deeds ; 
the tinsel of promise, not the gold of achieve- 

, And he then went on to say : " I am re- 
minded of a curious conversation which took 
place many years ago between a foreigner and 
one of our provincial governors, — a most ca- 
pricious tyrant, wont to flog, imprison, and banish 
his peasants without rhyme or reason, ruth or 
fear. The Frenchman whom he had invited to 
spend a fortnight with him was horrified on 
the very first day of his sojourn by the utter 
contempt of justice and humanity which the 
official displayed vaingloriously. ' But am I to 
understand, then, that you have no laws at all 
in the empire ? ' the republican asked, in amaze- 
ment. 'Laws, indeed,' the governor repeated, 
contemptuously. ' Why, man, we have over 
eighty folio volumes of them ! You won't easily 
beat that record, mon ami. Believe me, we take 
the lead of the world in the matter of laws.' 
Well, the reforms of which you speak thus feel- 
ingly are not even in so advanced a stage as 
were the contents of those eighty-odd volumes. 

As yet they are not entered in any statute book, 
but only written — as our people picturesquely put 
it — with a pitchfork on the waters of the ocean." 


Six paces forward and half-a-dozen backward 
would seem to be the rule followed by Russian 
officials in the work of administrative regenera- 
tion. They cannot with truth be accused of 
idleness, for they are all the time moving ; but 
neither have they made any progress. Every 
measure that comes to them to be fashioned into 
an instrument of reform is cast in^o their mill 
and rendered blunt and useless. And the Czar, 
who probably knows that this is so and that 
they cannot act otherwise, sees no way to 
charge any but them with the execution of his 
reforms. The consequences are what we behold. 
Naturally, the people, who see through this jug- 
glery, have lost hope. They feel that they are 
confronted with a system which has gone wrong 
so radically that it can only be ended, not mended. 
Most of the concessions announced by Nicholas 
II. are at bottom orders issued to the bureaucracy 
to lay down part of their own power and abolish 
their own prerogatives. But as these preroga- 
tives are also of the essence of the autocracy, 
and as the Emperor puts the maintenance of the 
autocracy above everything else, his officials 
calmly proceed to strangle these innovations in 
the germ. In every case, moreover, they are 
sure of the approval of their imperial master. 
It is in this duality of promise and achievement 
that we shall find the clue to the present internal 
condition of Russia. For the autocracy is in 
reality the bureaucracy, and the bureaucracy is 
synonymous with corruption, injustice, igno- 
rance. Hence, when Nicholas II. recently ad- 
dressed his people, acknowledging the truth of 
their complaints and the justice of their demands, 
and solacing them with the prospect of reforms, 
he was virtually asking his chinovniks (officials) 
who are responsible for the abuses complained 
of to divest themselves of their power, — to com- 
mit political hara-kiri. And even they are human. 

The story of imperial concessions is for these 
reasons puzzling to foreigners, irritating to Rus- 
sian Liberals, and comforting to Russian bureau- 
crats. It is a record of misleading statements, of 
broken promises, and of the triumph of use and 



wont over progress and efficiency. Thus, the 
Czar solemnly agreed to give his people a repre- 
sentative assembly ; but his ministers, with his 
consent, refused to say when or how they would 
carry out this promise, and they even punished 
the simple-minded who took it seriously. More 
depressing still is the circumstance that almost 
every step taken by the authorities since then 
betokens a tendency bitterly hostile to represent- 
ative government. Recently, for example, the 
Czar called upon his subjects to assist him with 
their advice, and for this purpose expressly per- 
mitted them, in his ukase of March 3 to the 
Senate, to discuss the ways and means of con- 
vening a representative chamber. Yet in his 
majesty's name the authorities are now prose- 
cuting communal bodies and individual peas- 
ants for having availed themselves of that per- 
mission. In like manner, the Emperor undertook 
to widen the basis of national education. A 
few days later, however, his minister narrowed 
it considerably, and deprived the national school- 
teachers of some of the scanty rights which they 
had theretofore enjoyed. Again, Nicholas II. 
adjured the Russian press to defend the cause 
of truth and to help him with fiank advice. Yet 
the newspapers have ever since been forbidden 
to publish facts about workmen's strikes, about 
troubles in rural districts, about most of the 
burning topics of the day, while every number 
of the organ of the zemstvos has been confis- 
cated by the police. All this was done by way 
of preparing the nation for a constitutional 
regime. And on the very eve of introducing 
popular representative institutions into the 
country his majesty appointed General Trepov 
to be dictator, with power to disregard statutes 
and override the law. 


The most welcome of all the concessions em- 
anating from the throne was that which Nicholas 
II. bestowed upon his subjects last Easter Sun- 
day. Inspired and drafted by M. Witte, it was 
at first spoken of as liberty of conscience, but 
was soon afterward seen to amount to nothing 
more than religious toleration. And since then 
the bureaucracy has touched and killed it. For 
instance, the Czar had authorized his Orthodox 
subjects to leave the State Church with impunity 
if their conscience prompt them. His bureau- 
crats, however, resolved to nullify this right, 
while appearing to respect it. Taking a leaf 
from the book of Portia^ who circumvented Shy- 
lock, they have allowed Orthodox Russians to 
preserve this right on condition that they do 
not really exercise it. "You may leave Ortho- 
doxy, but you must not conspire with the clergy- 

men of any other church in order to do so," is 
what they virtually say. And this is how it 
works out : A member of the Russian State 
Church can, if he will, become a Protestant. 
But if the Lutheran pastor help him, — and with- 
out such help he cannot effect his purpose, — the 
clergyman will be prosecuted and punished, and 
the would-be convert will be severely dealt with 
as a witness, a status which in Russia mav be 
rendered quite as bad as that of prisoner. 
Priest and convert, therefore, are both in dan- 
ger. It is like telling a man that he may travel 
from New York to Buffalo on condition that he 
do not pass through all the intermediate space. 
And that is the tenor of a circular which has 
been issued on the subject by the governor-gen- 
eral of Warsaw, Maximovitch, to his subordi- 
nates. No person may induce or abet a mem- 
ber of the Orthodox Church to enter any other 
fold, for that is a crime. 

The head of the Holy Synod, M. Pobyedo- 
nostzev, is alarmed at the exodus of Christian 
men and women from the true fold and is eager 
to check it. For the movement will inflict ma- 
terial as well as spiritual damage on the State 
Church. Hitherto, for example, the Orthodox 
clergy were well paid in hush-money for not 
denouncing the Old Believers, whose every act 
of worship was in certain districts a misde- 
meanor. Now, the new edict, if loyally carried 
out, would render their religious worship legal, 
and would free them from the necessity of buy- 
ing the connivance of priests of the Established 
Church. And the priests would, in consequence, 
lose that source of income. That is an addi- 
tional reason why the operation of the imperial 
ukase should be secretly counteracted. 

Or take another instance : The Old Believers' 
temples, shut up for years by orders of the au- 
thorities, were solemnly opened after the edict 
of Easter Sunday. The government was repre- 
sented at the ceremony by Prince Galitzin and 
Count Sheremetiev, who gave the Old Believers 
the " friendly counsel " not to allow their bishops 
to officiate the first time. That advice was fol- 
lowed. A few days later, the curators of the 
" emancif)ated " Church were summoned to the 
police prefecture and compelled to sign a writ- 
ten undertaking which is believed to be a "vol- 
untary " renunciation of certain of the rights 
conceded by tlie Czar. Quite " voluntary," of 
course, for the Czar may not be accused of tak- 
ing away what he spontaneously gave. At any 
rate, the bishops of the Old Believers have never 
yet discharged their functions in public, although 
their congregations ardently desire them to do 
so. They have the right, but they dare not ex- 
ercise it. 




A number of Stundists, or evangelical Chris- 
tians, have been prosecuted for singing hymns 
and offering up prayers since the promulgation 
of the Czar's ukaso, which permits them to do 
this. Naturally, tlicy pleaded the authorization 
granted them by his majesty. But their supe- 
rior, the Zemski Nachalnik, forbade them to 
make any allusion to that document in their 
pleadings, — because " officially it has not been 
received."* Therefore, they have committed a 
crime for which there is no excuse ! 

It seems as though religious toleration were 
meant merely to look well on paper, like the 
eighty-odd volumes of Russian laws and so 
much else in Muscovy. It has not formally 
been rejected by the bureaucrats, but only post- 
poned sine die. The officials concerned explain 
the matter in this ingenious way : " The people 
misunderstood the imperial ukase, which really 
did not frame any new law. It only stated 
generally that recommendations on the subject 
must be made by the ministers of the Council 
of the Empire without delay. It does not add 
that the Council of the Empire must indorse 
those recommendations. Nor could it mean 
any such thing, for otherwise it would have 
been superfluous to make recommendations. 
The whole question has now been handed over 
to a new commission, under the chairmanship 
of Count Ignatieif, and next autumn or winter 
the views of this body will be duly laid before 
the ministerial departments . . ."j- Meanwhile, 
things are as they were. 

All these reform conferences and commissions, 
which are so generally misunderstood, are work- 
ing, but they never manage to carry any meas- 
ure of reform beyond the stage of a council 
chamber. Twenty of them now meet and talk 
and print and publish their views, and will then 
vanish into space, leaving things as they were. 
Meanwhile, the grip of the police on the people 
is gradually tightening. This may possibly be 
the government's way of ushering in a liberal 
regime, but the masses cannot see it in that light. 


The aim of the autocracy is one and the 
same, — self-preservation. But its tactics have 
varied of late. At first it relied upon the army 
and navy to divert by their victories the atten- 
tion of the masses and to curb the presumption 
of the few. Kuropatkin's successes would thus 
have been the Autocrat's triumph. But the 
Czar's admirals and generals proving broken 
reeds, the autocracy had to face the nation and 

fight its battle at home. And the methods by 
which the struggle is now being waged make 
one regret that there is no human code binding 
on both parties in this civil war. Devices and 
deeds which would provoke an outburst of 
indignation if resorted to by one belligerent 
against another are approved or connived at 
when employed in the duel between an absolute 
government and its unarmed subjects. 

The opposition in Russia may be roughly di- 
vided into two classes : the elements of the pop- 
ulation who take a real interest in reform, — 
mostly "intellectuals," whose mind is their for- 
tune, — and the people of means who indulge in 
political principles by fits and starts. Of these, 
the former are suppressed without superfluous 
ruth by the police or the soldiers, while the lat- 
ter are harassed and attacked by organized '' hoo- 
ligans " in the hope that, stricken with fear, they 
may beseech the authorities to protect them by 
force. For the rulers of Russia fancy that if one 
section of the population were arrayed against 
the other the problem of how to preserve the 
autocracy would be solved. Hence, a mysteri- 
ous force is constantly and methodically at work 
egging on one element of the nation against an- 
other, instigating to robbery, arson, and mur- 
der in leaflets and proclamations printed by gov- 
ernment institutions and spread by paid servants 
of the autocracy. 

The existence of this secret conclave was first 
clearly revealed when the bureaucracy shifted 
the blame for disasters of its own making to the 
shoulders of the friends of reform, when high 
dignitaries of Church and State accused the 
"intellectuals" and the workingmen of having 
sold their country to Japan. It is noteworthy 
that this cruel and cowardly accusation was 
countenanced by the imperial government and 
indorsed by the Most Holy Synod. But it dam- 
aged only those who invented it. After that a 
secret committee of reactionaries was organized 
to thwart the reforms outlined by the Czar. It 
issued instructions to governors, general gov- 
ernors, and police prefects, inspired influential 
press organs, and generally kindled the consum- 
ing zeal of the police. Thus, the Government 
Gazette, of Kazan, published inflammatory arti- 
cles and proclamations asking its readers to 
make short work of the domestic foe, — that is, 
of all that is most honest, intelligent, and pro- 
gressive in 'Russian society.* Here is a sample 
of these proclamations to peasants, workingmen, 
and tradesmen : 

An attempt to upset our empire is being made by 
lawyers, professors, students, schoolmasters, bankrupt 

* Cf . Naslia Zhizu, June 21, 1905. 

+ Peterburgskaya Oazeta, June 17, 1905. 

*Ru88Mya Vyedomosti, June 16, 1905. 



landlords, rich merchants, and other gentlemen who 
term themselves " the intelligence." These persons want 
to oust the Czar and wield his power, and for this pur- 
pose they are fomenting disorder and troubles. The 
professors have agreed neither to teach nor to learn ; 
the lawyers — useless chatterboxes — impudently demand 
a constitution ; the school children of various towns, 
egged on by their parents, instead of learning their les- 
sons march with banners through the streets and cry, 
" Away with the Czar ! " Hand-in-hand with the squires 
are the Jewish, Polish, and Armenian "intellectuals," 
who also clamor for a constitution, that they may lord 
it over us Russians. Allied with the Jews and other 
foreign peoples, the "intellectuals" hope to weaken the 
Emperor and seize the state treasury. Yielding to these 
^Hntellectuals,^^ the Czar has already resolved to sum- 
mon elected representatives, but the gentlefolk insist 
on being themselves chosen in lieu of peasants and petty 
tradesmen. ... If the gentlefolk, thanks to their wiles 
and violence, should succeed, do not recognize them, 
brothers, as the governing power, hut tear them to pieces 
and show that it is you who are the power in the em- 

A clear and simple behest, but of questionable 
efficacy. Even if the autocracy were the noblest 
institution known to man, its maintenance would 
be dear at the price of such wanton mischief- 
making. Already these deeds have borne bitter 
fruit, and in the shape of mutiny and massacre 
are recoiling upon those who countenanced them. 


One result of this system was that in the Cau- 
casus the Tatars and the Armenians, — two na- 
tionalities which had lived for ages in peace and 
friendship and were linked together by innu- 
merable bonds, — suddenly became sworn foes 
and sought to blow each other's brains out. There 
was no economic struggle, no religious feud, to 
account for this curious outburst. According 
to the Russian press, the blood-bath of Baku was 
carefully organized beforehand. " At present, 
nobody has any doubt that the deeds done in 
Baku were prearranged, and that the late Gov- 
ernor Nakashidze was aware of the impending 
mass-murders there."* 

The police are said to have hired Tatar cut- 
throats in the outlying villages and to have in- 
flamed their fanaticism with promises of loot. 
The butchery then perpetrated at Baku was fol- 
fowed by sickening scenes of blood in Nakhi- 
chevan and Erivan. And here, too, the author- 
ities winked at the murders when they did 
not actually incite them. No troops were em- 
ployed until a large number of Armenians had 
been killed, their property looted, and their 
houses burned down. And when it became 
necessary to stop the killing in the Nakhichevan 
District, troops were summoned, not from Kars 

or Alexandropol (the nearest places), but from 
Tiflis (which was very much farther off), and 
even then they were not forwarded by rail. 
The only occasion when the troops interfered 
was when in Erivan it had become clear that 
the Armenians were so well able to defend 
themselves that if the skirmish continued the 
Tatars would suffer serious losses ! * Then the 
Christians were violently disarmed. Yet Erivan 
is in Russia, not in Turkey. 

The power which thus wantonly sheds innocent 
blood cannot, Russian Liberals argue, have any 
hold on the people. What puzzles the foreign 
friends of the autocracy is that for robbery, riot, 
arson, and murder committed under the influence 
of this hidden committee there is no punishment, 
no responsibility. A word from the Autocrat 
would, they say, put an end to the iniquitous 
system. It would chill the malignant ardor of 
governors and police prefects, deter the reac- 
tionary press from fomenting civil war, and 
keep the priests from preaching race hatred to 
the masses. Probably it would. But that ear- 
nest word has not been uttered. Far from it, 
some of the men who were prominent in organ- 
izing the carnage of Armenians, Jews, and "in- 
tellectuals '' have been ostentatiously honored 
or substantially rewarded. 

The recent ordeals of the Jews in Kishinev, 
Jitomir, and other towns were worse than those 
through which the Armenians passed. And 
they, too, appear to have been prearranged. Some 
of the cutthroats of Jitomir arrested by a band 
of armed Jews pleaded that they had been hired 
by the police in Moscow and sent off to the 
scene of action. They were therefore promot- 
ing the cause of the Czar ; and that was enough 
for them and their likes. They knew not what 
they did. One of the chief instigators of the 
massacre of the Jews in Kishinev was Krushevan, 
the editor of the journal Bessarahetz. It was 
hoped, when his complicity was proven, that the 
authorities would seriously punish him, but 
what they did was to induce the Czar to receive 
him in audience. . And his horn was exalted 

Why, it is asked, are the governors not 
reprimanded, not warned, not interfered with 
in any way ? Obviously because they are doing 
the will of their imperial master, answer the 
Liberals. Only in one case, — that of the Kishi- 
nev butchery, — was the governor transferred to 
another province. Not punished ; only removed, 
and even that for his own safety. The governor 
of Jitomir kept out of sight while the slaughter 
was going on, and after it was over he told a 

* Russkiya VyedomostU June 16, 190.1. 

Russkiya Vyedomosti, June 16, 1905. 



deputation of Jews that they had themselves to 
blame for their sufferings because they had 
treasonal)ly used the Czar's portrait as a target. 
This was a cruel calumny, and the Jews forced 
the governor to admit it. But it was lost labor. 
The whole system of governing by means of 
dissensions, the Liberals affirm, might be sum- 
marily ended by the Emperor. • Peter the Great 
had no hesitation about punishing provincial 
satraps. Once, when he convinced himself that 
the governor of a Siberian province was guilty 
of peculation, he had him hanged before the 
Senate house as a warning to others. 

But not only has Peter the Great been dead 
for ages, but his spirit, too, has vanished. Cer- 
tainly, he would have given short shrift to the 
autocratic senior doctor of the asylum of Kre- 
menchug, who, stamping angrily, a few days 
ago, shouted, '' Let every Jew in this hospital 
begone at once ! " '' Whereupon," says the local 
journal,* "the hospital attendants set about ex- 
ecuting the order. In a twinkling, in the court 
of the hospital appeared the pallets on which 
lay the Jewish patients, their features distorted 
with fear and horror. They were the sufferers 
who could not rise from their beds. As for the 
convalescents, they had already been driven out 
of the hospital with nothing on but their linen. 
To some of them the attendants gave an old 
garment to enable them to get home. Among 
the patients were many women." j- Yet the co- 
I'eligionists of that fiery physician have missions 
in Japan where the yellowskins are taught to 
love their enemies. 

This sowing of race hatred, it should be noted, 
followed upon the Czar's express desire that 
legality should be substituted for injustice. Bet- 
ter treatment for the non-Russian races and re- 
ligions was announced by the monarch, after 
which they were incited to cut one another's 
throats by the monarch's trusty servants. It is 
to these servants that his majesty still continues 
to refer all men of noble thought and humane 
feeling who ask that the Augean stable may at 
last be thoroughly cleansed. A Russian friend 
of mine recently commented upon this aspect of 
the situation in some such words as these : " It 
is as though a gambling hell were to be turned 
into an ecclesiastical seminary. The change is, 
of course, feasible if you drive out the gam- 
blers and usher in divines. But not if you beg 
the card-sharpers to stay and transform the 
haunt of vice into a seed-plot of virtue. Well, 
that is a fair picture of the position of our gov- 
ernment and the bureaucracy. Can the people 


* The Dnieper District Gazette. 
+ Syn Oteehestva, June 25, 1905. 

be blamed for putting their hopes in other meth- 
ods ? The revolution from above is inconceiv- 

There are no grounds for assuming that tlie 
promise of a representative chamber will fare 
better than the other reforms, and there are 
many for believing that it will be speedily (ex- 
plained away. In sooth, it was doomed from 
the first. Its birth was the result of a painful 
Caesarean operation, and its nurse, M. Bulyghin, 
is a man who, honest enough in his way, is dis- 
posed to strangle all popular institutions with- 
out exception. The scheme he devised for deal- 
ing with popular representation was in harmony 
with his convictions. The delegates to the as- 
sembly are to be chosen by each class apart ; the 
chamber will have no authority to discuss the 
affairs of the imperial family, the civil list, the 
imperial domains, the army, the navy, or mat- 
ters of diplomacy, and it will be split into a 
number of petty committees. A river losing it- 
self in the sand of a vast desert is the image 
that comes to one's mind. The ministers will 
be answerable to the Czar, and only to him. But 
more decisive still is the right which the mon- 
arch will retain of making laws by ukases inde- 
pendently of everybody, even of his professional 
advisers. He draws up a ukase, publishes it, 
and his will becomes law forthwith to one hun- 
dred and forty millions. Appeal is impossil)le, 
and criticism punishable. All the crying abuses, 
therefore, which provoked and justified the de- 
mand for representative institutions could go on 
as before, unchecked and irrepressible. Cer- 
tainly, the assembly would be powerless to stop 

All this was foreseen and resented by the 
leaders of the popular party. They conse- 
quently summoned a zemsky congress in Mos- 
cow and drew up an urgent address to the Czar 
warning him that the empire and his throne 
were in danger. Nicholas II. graciously agreed 
to receive them in his palace and have a friendly 
talk with them. And he listened attentively to 
the speech of Prince Troubetskoi, who at that 
very moment was a "criminal," as crime is de- 
fined in the 'autocracy. Curiously enough, the 
prince's crime was that he had written what the 
Czar thanked him for saying. 

In the nation's name, Prince Troubetskoi in- 
formed the monarch of the people's misgivings. 
" They fear," he said, " that the national chamber 
might be split into classes, might represent one 
nationality only, might be an ornament of the 
old fabric instead of the groundw^ork of a new 
one." To which the Emperor cheerily replied : 
" Cast away your misgivings," and then went on 
to promise that the scheme should be carried out 



properly. He would be true to the spirit as well 
as to the letter of his undertaking. Great was 
the joy of the Russian press when these tidings 
were brought. Some journals called June 19 
the most memorable date in Russian history. 
Even Prince Troubetskoi himself thought he 
could catch a glimpse of the new era of which it 
was the gray dawn. 

Within forty-eight hours the Czar's trusty 
ministers, in their imperial master's name and 
with his hearty assent, told the Russian people 
that the words of Nicholas II. had been misin- 
terpreted. The Czar and his people have thus 
ceased to understand each other. They speak 
different tongues, live on different planes. Noth- 
ing that he had said betokened a change in the 
autocracy. That God-given institution shall not 
and cannot be modified. When his majesty ex- 
horted the nation to cast away its doubts he did 
not mean the doubts expressed by the spokes- 
man of the nation. He meant something else. 
Therefore, it behooves the nation to cherish no 
dangerous illusions founded on a misunderstand- 
ing. That was the gist of the explanation given 
by the bureaucrats. What it amounts to is that 
reform as the nation understands it is not to 
be expected from above. Wrested it may be ; it 
will not be bestowed. 


That Nicholas II. and his people no longer 
understand each other is now become distress- 
ingly clear in Russia, — is, indeed, one of the 
central facts of the situation there. And the 
practical consequences emanating from it are in 
sober truth alarming. Anarchy and violence 
have usurped the place of law and order ; re- 
spect for property and for life has largely disap- 
peared ; class is turned against class, race against 
race, and civil war in its worst aspects appears 
to have broken out in various districts simulta- 
neously. The mutiny of the crew of the battle- 
ship Kniaz Potemkin ; the revolt of the blue- 
jackets in Libau ; the barricades in L6dz, with 
their hillocks of dead and dying, — are symptoms 
which he who runs may read. The beginnings 
of this social avalanche can be traced to the de- 
liberate action of mischief-making government 

The zemstvo delegates now intend, it is said, 
respectfully to request his majesty to convoke a 
representative assembly within the next five or 
six weeks, and if their request be not complied 
with to form provisional boards of government 
for the provinces. That move would probably 
turn the scales by giving the Liberals of all 
Russia a living center around which to rally. 
The resolution in question is alleged to have 

been provoked by an attempt at further mobi- 
lization. That the autocracy is still ready to 
sacrifice Russian lives, if not for the control of 
the Pacific, at least for a partial victory over the 
Japanese, is an open secret. It is but a few 
days since the official financial paper demon- 
strated to its own satisfaction that in a few 
months Japan will be bankrupt. Why not carry 
on the war until then ? The nation's answer is 
audible in the crackling of rifles, the bursting 
of explosives, the din of civil war. The pity of 
it all is that the autocracy, which is compro- 
mised, gibbeted, and held up to universal op- 
probrium for upholding the regime by fomenting 
civil war, can win nothing by success, while it 
stands to lose all in case of failure. It is really 
risking its existence for the bureaucracy. 


Were it not the essence of rashness to fore- 
cast the upshot of the struggle between the 
autocracy and the nation, I should confess to a 
belief that absolutism will disappear before a 
coalition of all the intelligent classes at home 
and of the two great island powers abroad. 
Coercion in Russia and expansion in Asia are 
the characteristic accompaniments of the autoc- 
racy. Now the joint effort of all the articulate 
classes of the Czardom, employing strikes and 
other forms of passive, and, unhappily, also ac- 
tive, resistance as weapons, may ultimately suc- 
ceed in substituting constitutional government 
for one-man rule. But how and at what cost, 
one prefers not to think. But if it fail, foreign 
powers will achieve the feat indirectly. 

For, turning to the policy of aggrandizement, 
which hitherto kept the civilized world in a 
state of almost continuous alarm, I have little 
hesitation in affirming that that element of peri- 
odic disorder will be entirely got rid of by the 
coming treaty between Japan and Great Britain, 
which must, and therefore will, guarantee the 
peace of all Asia. Any attempted modification 
of the status quo in that continent — as it will have 
shaped itself after the Washington treaty be- 
tween the two belligerents — will be regarded 
by England and Japan as a casus helU, and will 
be hindered by the joint action of the allies. 
And this consummation, now quite certain, will, 
I believe, give such an impetus to the endeavors 
of the reform party in Russia that the autocracy 
cannot long withstand them. For absolutism 
at home is inconceivable without a forward 
policy abroad. As the one is doomed to go 
within the year, — soon after the Anglo- Japanese 
alliance has been extended, — the other will 
surely follow at no great interval, unless, in- 
deed, it have gone before. 



(Member of the Hague Court, and for over thirty years an elected member of the Hungarian Parliament.) 

THE April issue of the Review of Reviews 
contained an article on the Austro-Hun- 
garian crisis by Dr. Baumfeld, whom I have the 
pleasure of knowing as a gentleman of high 
culture and animated by the best intentions. 
He approaches this problem, however, blinded by 
a conception which makes it impossible for him 
truly to understand or explain it to others. 

In Dr. Baumfeld's article, in his mind, in the 
mind of almost all Austrians, the dominating 
idea is that of an '< Austrian " empire (which 
they are kind enough to call an " Austro-Hun- 
garian " empire), of which Hungary is a part, 
endowed with a large amount of home rule, but 
still a part. To this territorial idea corresponds 
an Austrian emperor, or, — as Dr. Baumfeld calls 
him, — an " Austro-Hungarian emperor," who 
rules all his domains, Hungary included, by this 
imperial sovereignty, which is understood to 
contain the sovereignty of the King of Hun- 
gary, the time-hallowed holy crown of St. Stephen 
being degraded into one of the gems adorning 
that comparatively modern imperial diadem. 

Now, this is the very idea to which Hungary 
will never become reconciled ; against which 
she has struggled — in the main, successfully — 
through four eventful centuries, the solemn de- 
nial of which is inserted in many of our fun- 
damental laws, — laws which are part of that 
constitution which every king binds himself by 
his coronation oath to observe and to maintain. 

The writer had the honor of delivering at St. 
Louis, at the Arts and Science Congress of last 
year, a short historical account of our relation 
with the Austrian dynasty. There are to be 
found the chief facts, which show : (1) That our 
forefathers called that dynasty to the Hungarian 
throne, not in order to get Hungary absorbed 
into an Austrian or any other sort of empire, 
but, on the contrary, under the express condi- 
tion of keeping the independence and the con- 
stitution of the Hungarian kingdom unimpaired ; 
(2) that this condition has been accepted and 
sworn to by all those members of the dynasty 
(Joseph II. alone excepted) who ascended the 
Hungarian throne ; (3) that, nevertheless, prac- 
tical encroachments on our independence, fol- 
lowed by conflicts and reconciliations, have been 
at all epochs frequent ; (4) but that a juridical 

fact never occurred which could be construed 
into a modification of that fundamental condi- 
tion of the dynasty's title in Hungary. 

The famous Pragmatic Sanction of 1723, while 
reasserting in the strongest terms the independ- 
ence of Hungary, created an identical order of 
succession to the Austrian and to the Hungarian 
thrones. It stated at the same time tlie duty of 
mutual defense against foreign aggression for 
both countries. The so-called Compromise {Aus- 
gleich) of 1867 created new forms for the fulfill- 
ment of that duty by confiding some foreign 
and some military matters to common executive 
agents under the control of select committees 
elected by both parliaments. But by neither of 
these transactions, both emanating from Hun- 
gary's sovereign free will, did we abdicate any 
portion of our independence and sovereignty as 
a free nation. If the Compromise of 1867 seems 
to be on the eve of breaking down ; if many 
Hungarian politicians who held by it for nearly 
forty years have now, like myself, thrown over 
allegiance to it ; if its crisis is at present shak- 
ing the dual monarchy to its very foundations ; 
all this comes about precisely because that before- 
mentioned bias of the Austrian mind exerted 
itself during this whole epoch to distort the en- 
actments of that compromise into some sort of 
realization of the unified Austrian empire (the 
idea of which is not rendered more palatable by 
calling it " Austro-Hungarian "), because " com- 
mon " institutions, the idea of which is quite 
compatible with the independence of the par- 
ties concerned, were distorted into "imperial" 
institutions, which means a flat denial of that 
same independence. 

Dr. Baumfeld astonishes me when he states 
that Austria and Hungary together are called 
the " Austro-Hungarian Empire." Does he con- 
sider such an error of nomenclature as a mere 
trifle which may do for American readers, as it 
makes things shorter to explain in the Austri- 
an sense ? In truth, not even diplomatic lan- 
guage, though not yet brought into perfect con- 
formity with our public law, blunders so severely 
as that. It never uses the term "Austro- 
Hungarian Empire," but only "Austro-Hunga- 
rian monarchy." The difference is plain. " Em- 
pire " means an objective unity ; " monarchy " 



implies only the fact that the two countries are 
ruled by one monarch. But even this term, 
though less offensive, is to some extent mislead- 
ing. The physical person of the ruler is, in 
truth, the same in both countries, but the juridi- 
cal personality of the King of Hungary is dis- 
tinct and, as to the contents of its prerogative, 
widely different from the juridical personality of 
the Emperor of Austria. Hungary is the oldest 
constitutional country on the European Conti- 
nent. The royal prerogative in her case is an 
emanation of the constitution, — not prior to it, — 
and consists in such rights as the nation has 
thought fit to vest in her king. In Austria, on 
the other hand, the existing constitution is a 
free gift of the Emperor, and has conferred on the 
people of Austria such rights as the Emperor 
has thought fit to grant to them. The title of 
"Emperor of Austria - Hungary," which Dr. 
Baumfeld once uses in his text, is — he will ex- 
cuse my saying so — simply nonsense. The time- 
hallowed old Hungarian crown has not been 
melted into the brand-new Austrian imperial 
diadem. That imperial title does not contain, 
to any extent, the Hungarian royal title. The 
Emperor of Austria, as such, has just as much 
legal power in Hungary as the President of the 
United States has. He is, juridically speaking, 
a foreign potentate to us. 

On these fundamental truths, no Hungarian 
— to whatever party he may belong — admits 
discussion. It is because the opposite erroneous 
views, so clearly apparent in Dr. Baumfeld 's 
article, have been constantly smuggled into the 
daily practice of our common institutions that 
the country has lost its faith in the Compromise 
of 1867, and no state of constant tranquillity can 
prevail in the dual monarchy. 

The Liberal party, vanquished at the last elec- 
tions, does not in the least differ from the victo- 
rious opposition as to the principles laid down 
in these pages ; it only advocated a greater 
amount of forbearance against the petty en- 
croachments which practically obscured them. 
That policy of forbeai-ance became gradually 
distasteful to the country ; seeing it shaken in 
the public mind, the recent prime minister. 
Count Tisza, formed the unhappy idea of gain- 
ing a new lease of power on its behalf by a par- 
liamentary coup d'etat. The rules of the House 
were broken, in order to prevent future ob- 
struction, chiefly against military bills. Tliis 
brought matters to an acute crisis. The parlia- 
ment in which that breach of the rules had taken 
place became unfit for work of any sort, the 
country had to be consulted, and down went 
the Liberal party and the half-hearted policy it 
represented with no hope for revival. 

The army question, with its ever-recurring 
difficulties, is a highly characteristic feature of 
the chronic latent conflict between the Austrian 
and the Hungarian mentality. It amounts to 
this, that, as we are a nation, we mean to have 
an armed force corresponding to our national 
individuality, commanded in our language, and 
serving under our flags and eml)lems. It would 
be unnatural for any nation, and would be, in 
fact, an abdication of the title of "nation," to 
renounce such a national claim. The Austrians, 
on the other hand, — and, unhappily, their influ- 
ence is still prevalent in this question, — not yet 
having abandoned the idea of a pan- Austrian 
empire, uncompromisingly adhere to the present 
military organization, which makes the German 
language and the imperial emblems prevalent 
throughout the whole army, its Hungarian por- 
tion included. Behind a thin veil of argument 
drawn from considerations of military expedi- 
ency, which Dr. Baumfeld seems to think un- 
answerable, but which to us appear rather child- 
ish, it is the last stronghold of pan-Austrian 
imperialism which we have before us in that 
military statu quo^ which, for that very reason, 
is as unacceptable to us as it is hard to conquer. 
The present majority in the Hungarian Parlia- 
ment insists, therefore, on a thoroughgoing mili- 
tary reform in a national sense. The King, on 
the other hand, inspired by the traditions of his 
dynasty, is averse to any serious change in 
military matters. Tin's is the reason why the 
crisis is still pending, and why no ministry taken 
from the majority has yet been formed. 

The Hungarian people feel confident of the 
future. We must prevail, because we only want 
our rights without infringing on the rights of 
any one else ; while our opponents in Austria, 
whether consciously or not, are invaders of the 
domain of their neighbors. "What we contend 
for is simply the loyal fulfillment of those fun- 
damental compacts which made Hungary secure 
of her national independence when she called 
the present dynasty to the throne. On that 
ground, — Dr. Baumfeld quite correctly quotes 
my St. Louis address to that effect, — we shall 
keep faith with the dynasty and with our Aus- 
trian allies. On that ground only can the pres- 
ent crisis be ended, and the constant recurrence 
of similar ones be prevented. And it is because 
I heartily agree with Dr. Baumfeld in every- 
thing he says concerning the wisdom and exalted 
sense of duty wliich adorn emperor and king, 
Francis Joseph, that I feel quite confident that, 
in conformity with the programme of our par- 
liamentary majority, a solution on such grounds 
will ultimately prevail. 

Budapest, June, 1905. 




(Author of "Germany : The Welding of a World Power.") 

A TARIFF war between this country and 
Germany has been threatening for some 
time, but it is only since tlie announcement by 
the German Government, a couple of months 
ago, that it had been decided to terminate the 
tariff arrangement now existing with the United 
States that the situation has assumed an aspect 
warranting serious discussion of such a contin- 
gency. It may be worth while to look this dan- 
ger in the face, and to examine the causes lead- 
ing up to it as well as the defensive (and offensive) 
armor with which each of the two opponents 
would enter the lists. It will then be seen that 
there is something to be said on both sides. It 
will, perhaps, be still more profitable to indicate 
a way whereby a tariff war may probably be 
avoided without yielding on either side essen- 
tial advantages. 

In the main, it has been the commercial treaty 
of 1828 between the United States and Prussia 
(and the Hansa towns, etc.) under the terms of 
which trade relations between the German Em- 
pire and this republic have developed. These 
terms have been, broadly speaking, those of the 
''most favored nation." Germany, on her part, 
has adhered, so far, unswervingly to these terms, 
although in Bismarck's time, and several times 
since, Germany has used the weapon of sanitary 
regulations to hamper American imports of cer- 
tain kinds in answer to measures employed here 
which diminished German trade with us. The 
American hog, it will be remembered, was boy- 
cotted by Bismarck for years, and more lately 
American dried fruit, preserved meats, etc., were 
tabooed for a time on the pretext of their " un- 
hygienic qualities." These, however, were but 
needle - pricks, irritating, but not sensibly de- 
creasing the volume of our trade with tlie em- 
pire. And the principle of the " most favored 
nation " was ostensibly lived up to on both sides. 
The first slight breach in this was made by us 
through reciprocity treaties (though to Germany 
they were not of great practical importance), 
the benefits of which were denied to Germany 
in Washington. 

On the other hand, Germany, after making, 
herself, a whole series of highly important com- 
mercial (or reciprocity) treaties with Russia, 
Austria-Hungaryj Italy, Switzerl^^id, Rouma^iia, 

Belgium, Servia, and a number of vSouth and 
Central American states, admitted the United 
States to the benefits of these treaties without 
receiving any equivalent whatever, merely on 
the strength of the old treaty of 1828, men- 
tioned above, and its " most favored nation " 
clause. There have been a few special agree- 
ments between the two countries, however, and 
the most important of them was the one of 1900, 
the so-called Saratoga convention, concluded on 
the German side by Mumm von Schwarzenstein, 
then charge d'affaires at Washington, by virtue 
of which Germany withdrew all her objections 
to our meats and pork and we admitted German 
sugar on favorable terms. The eifect of this 
treaty became manifest at once, for American 
exports to Germany during the ensuing twelve 
months bounded up to $250,000,000, an increase 
of about 170,000,000, and German sugar flooded 
our own market, rising many millions in value. 


There has been for a number of years deep 
dissatisfaction in Germany with these conditions. 
In support of it, facts and allegations were cited, 
as follows : To admit the United States to the 
same special (and far lower) tariff rates as those 
provided for in reciprocity treaties with a score 
of countries yielding Germany likewise special 
tariff rates without getting anything in return 
from the American Congress in the shape of re- 
duced customs duties naturally placed American 
export to Germany on a better footing than tha^ 
of any other competing nation, and led to ; 
steadily increasing trade balance in America'^ 
favor. This fact is best shown by the official 
statistics. Germany's commercial-treaty policy 
dates from 1891. In that year American ex- 
ports to Germany amounted to 456,000,000 
marks (about $113,000,000), and constituted 
10.4 per cent, of Germany's total foreign trade ; 
by 1900 they amounted to 1,020,000,000 marks 
(about $250,000,000), and constituted 17 per 
cent, of Germany's total foreign trade. In the 
same period, though Germany's total exports 
grew 85 per cent., her exports to the United 
States increased but from 357,000,000 marks to 
439,000,000 marks (about $108,000,000), and in 
percentage there was a positive decrease, — f-rom 




10.7 per cent, to 9.3 per cent.* Since 1900, 
things in this respect have not vitally changed, 
although German exports to this country have 
slightly increased. That in itself, however, 
would not trouble Germany so much ; there is 
another side to this question. For with the 
American exporter (though unaided by a special 
reciprocity treaty) forcing his way in, to the 
great disadvantage of Germany's commercial- 
treaty friends, Germany does not form for the 
latter as valuable a field for exploitation as it 
otherwise would, and Germany's treaty terms 
with these countries suffer correspondingly. 
That, indeed, is the gravest detriment to Ger- 
many from her own point of view. 

Again, American tariff laws have changed so 
greatly and within so short a period that Ger- 
many's exporters have all alon^ been unable to 
properly gauge their commercial chances here 
and to introduce such changes in manufacturing 
methods, etc., as would best conduce to a steady 
trade, since the element of stability has been 
lacking on this side. Again, Germany com- 
plains of underhanded methods employed by the 
United States consular corps and by the United 
States customs service for the purpose, on the 
one hand, of obtaining trade and manufacturing 
secrets from German competitors, and, on the 
other hand, of unfairly hampering German ex- 
port trade to this country. 


Now, a couple of years ago a new German 
tariff law was adopted, partly to facilitate re- 
newal of the lapsing reciprocity treaties or the 
concluding of new ones, but also, in part, to put 
Germany on a better footing as regards this 
country if a tariff war should be unavoidable, or, 
on the other hand, if a reciprocity treaty with 
the United States should be concluded. This 
new tariff law increases considerably duties on 
cereals, foodstuffs, and rawstuffs of every kind 
(these constituting, it must be remembered, 75 
per cent, of the American imports in Germany) 
for all countries with which the empire has no 
special tariff treaty or other similar agreement. 
In the case of cereals, this increase varies be- 
tween 250 and 120 per cent. ; in the case of 
canned and preserved goods, it is between 50 
and 360 per cent. ; in the case of many manu- 
factures (especially those in which America ex- 
cels, such as sewing-machines, agricultural ma- 

*I am quoting here German official statistics, for the 
reason that they take into due account the "Ursprungs- 
land,"— i.e., the country whence imports are derived, thus 
including as American imports those which reach Germany 
uia Belgian and Dutch ports, a thing which American official 
statistics fail to do, to the frequent misleading of students 
of tariff conditions. 

chinery, etc.) it is between 60 and 110 per cent. ; 
even in petroleum, copper wire, and other arti- 
cles which cannot easily be obtained of equal 
quality elsewhere than from the United States, 
there are large increases in duty. The tariff is, 
to put it plainly, a war measure, or, at least, a 
measure intended to exert hard pressure on the 
United States to come to a friendly understand- 
ing with Germany before it is too late.* 

But what about the old treaty of 1828 and its 
"most favored nation" clause? That treaty is 
still in existence, it is true enough. But Germany 
has indicated her intention to denounce it in 
time to abrogate it before the new reciprocity 
treaties she has recently concluded go into 
effect. The date of their going into effect is 
March, 1906, and if Germany carries out her 
intention of denouncing her old treaty with the 
United States, she has still a number of months 
to do it in. That she was to denounce this 
treaty was, it is said, one of the silent stipula- 
tions of her new commercial treaties. If no 
reciprocity or other special commercial treaty 
with the United States takes the place of the 
old one, Germany will then be within her rights 
in applying to American imports her new "au- 
tonomous " tariff, placing the latter on several 

♦Tariff duties of Germany: under present law, 
reductions by treaty, autonomous duties to go into effect 
in 19C^, and reductions granted to certain European coun- 
tries on articles of import, expressed in American cur- 
rency per 100 kilograms (220.4 pounds) . 


Present tariff 
(adopted in 1879) . 

New tariff law of 

1902 (to go into 

effect in 1906). 





















































Wheat flour 








Dried apples, pears, 

apricots,and peaches 

Dried prunes 


Fresh apples in barrels 




















Salted meats 










Wood alcohol 


Cows and oxen, per 


Horses, per head 

Hogs, per head 

Shoes, coarse 





Shoes, medium 

Shoes, fine 


Lumber, rough 


Lumber, dressed 


Sewing-mach's, power 







hundreds of articles (including some of the 
most important) at such a disadvantage that 
the prospective loss to American trade is vari- 
ously estimated at between $40,000,000 and 

This, it must be understood, is the German 
idea of the matter. It is, on the whole, the idea 
of the Agrarian party in Germany, the party 
which hates in the United States its keenest and 
most successful rival in the home market for food- 
stuffs, etc. This party, too, it is which has driven 
the present German Government to pursue its 
new course. But while Prince von Biilow and 
the Kaiser have so far yielded to the Agrarian 
party, and also to the peculiar force of circum- 
stances, it is not the German Government which 
is anxious to enter on a " merry tariff war " with 
this country, as Count Kanitz, the Agrarian 
leader, once put it in the Reichstag. Such a war 
forms no part of their policy, and both the gov- 
ernment and the bulk of the German nation 
would deplore it if it should get that far. They 
would vastly prefer a reciprocity treaty with this 
country. They are perfectly aware of the fact 
that a tariff war is a double-edged sword, inva- 
riably cutting both ways, and that it is ques- 
tionable indeed which of the two opponents 
would suffer most. 


For a tariff war with this country Germany 
is, indeed, poorly prepared. And this for the 
well-known reason that while the articles she 
imports from America are very largely indis- 
pensables (like cereals, meats, hams, bacon, dried, 
canned, and preserved foodstuffs), which she can- 
not obtain elsewhere as cheaply and of as good 
quality ; rawstuffs required for her own varied 
industries (like cotton, lumber, leather, copper), 
which she would likewise find it extremely diffi- 
cult, if not impossible, to get in sufficient quan- 
tity from any other source ; industrial articles 
(like agricultural machinery and tool machines), 
in which this country stands unrivaled, Ger- 
many's exports to this country are, with rela- 
tively few and unimportant exceptions, not in- 
dispensables at all, and for the most part easily 
replaced, such as beet sugar, chemicals and dyes, 
porcelains and stoneware, toys, cloths, hosiery, 
etc. It is not necessary to enter in detail into 
this argument, for its force is self-evident. 

Unfortunately, slight hope exists of the feasi- 
bility of a reciprocity treaty between the two 
countries. Germany has urged such a treaty 
for many years, and again and again (and, to 
confine myself to very recent times, both dur- 
ing Cleveland's and McKinley's terms) negotia- 
tions have been diplomatically conducted to that 

end in Berlin as well as in Washington. These 
negotiations were always vigorously pushed by 
Germany, but they never led to anything tan- 
gible, and this for the very good reason that the 
United States had every reason in the world to 
be quite satisfied with the existing treaty. Even 
now, if Germany should terminate the old treaty, 
there seems to be slight chance of a reciprocity 
treaty. Weighty reasons speak against it. Re- 
cent public utterances by Secretary Shaw appear 
to show that for the present, at least. President 
Roosevelt and his advisers have dropped reci- 
procity. The country as a whole, as well as the 
administration, are engrossed with the railroad- 
rebate question, the trust problem, and other 
matters, and the tariff issue is somnolent. But 
aside from this, no reciprocity treaty of any de- 
scription could pass the present Senate, even if 
the lower house had sanctioned it. 

However, even without such a new and formal 
treaty, I believe it possible to avoid a tariff war 
between the United States and Germany, for 
half the grievances of which Germany complains 
can easily be remedied on this side without in 
the least infringing on the policy or practice of 
protectionism. German manufacturers and ex- 
porters allege that in many recent instances 
American consuls, under cover of their ofiicial 
status, have spied out their trade secrets and 
manufacturing processes, or else have aided 
American emissaries to do so. Again, they claim 
that the United States Government, through its 
customs officials here, has unduly annoyed, finan- 
cially injured, and hampered them by varying 
interpretations of the Dingley law, by arbitrary 
and unfair appraisements, and by other means. 
Of these things, in fact, they complain more 
loudly and bitterly than of the present high tar- 
iff on German goods itself, and the German press 
constantly rings with new instances of this kind. 
That there is a fair measure of truth in these 
complaints admits scarcely of doubt. The ad- 
ministration in Washington is perfectly aware 
of it. Personally, I could mention a number of 
cases which bear out this contention, — cases 
which occurred, in the course of the past few 
years, in industrial centers like Glauchau (cloths), 
Chemnitz (hosiery), Plauen (laces), Sonnefeld 
(toys), Berlin (notions, dry goods, etc.), and El- 
berfeld (silk ribbons). 

If, therefore, these official abuses were rigidly 
eliminated by our Treasury and State depart- 
ments, the Germans would be deprived of half 
their reasons for just complaint, and the spirit 
of bitterness which now adds so much to the 
chances of a tariff war with this country would 
quickly die away. It is a method worth trying, 
at any rate. 


(Secretary of the United States Merchant Marine Commission.) 

THERE are four nations which within a dozen 
years, by dint of lavish expenditure, have 
rapidly created great war fleet sand joined the 
proud company of the world's sea powers. These, 
in the order of their strength as it existed a year 
ago, are Russia, Germany, the United States, and 
Japan. Two of these four nations, realizing 
that a war fleet must not be a mere mushroom 
growth, but must have the indispensable reserve 
of a large merchant fleet behind it, have simul- 
taneously developed a fine, prosperous, commer- 
cial shipping. These prudent and enlightened 
nations are Germany and Japan. Two nations 
have been content to build armor-clads and guns, 
and have fatuously neglected the problem of 
properly manning and supplying their squadrons 
in the shock of war. These blind governments 
are Russia and America. 

The Japanese merchant marine has increased 
from 151,000 tons in 1890 to 830,000 in 1904 ; 
the Russian merchant tonnage, on the other 
hand, is chiefly local, confined to the Baltic or 
the Black Sea. Only one company, the so-called 
'' volunteer fleet " — really a government concern 
— has engaged to any extent in distant voyages. 
Russia's ocean shipping in general is even fee- 
bler than that of the United States, which has 
been shrinking for forty years and now scarcely 
suffices to convey one-tenth of our commercial 

With few Russian ocean ships, there are, of 
course, few Russian officers and seamen. Richard 
Cobden, visiting Russia years ago, pointed un- 
erringly to the hidden weakness which has just 
brought such terrible humiliation in the sea bat- 
tles with Japan : 

People confuse in their minds the defensive and the 
aggressive power of Russia. She is invulnerable against 
foreign attack by land, because no large army can be 
concentrated within her borders (unless it be in Moscow 
or St. Petersburg), for want of accumulated store of 
food, etc. . . . She has, it is true, a large force of ships 
of war, but they are manned by serfs taken from the 
villages of the interior, who are undeserving the name 
of sailors, and it is pretty certain they would never 
venture into an engagement with an English or Ameri- 
can fleet ; and if they did, it is quite certain they would 
be taken or destroyed. 

Ship for ship and gun for gun, there was not 
much to choose between the Port Arthur or the 
BMtic fleiet and the vix^tbrions fbrc'e of Admiral 

Togo. But there was this vital difference, — 
that while the Japanese crews were good sea- 
men, and therefore, of course, good fighting 
men, the Russian crews were chiefly the raw 
and seasick sons of Cobden's <' serfs from the 

For Japan had profited by the lesson of her 
conflict with China eleven years ago. In -the 
words of Baron Kaneko : "We had too small a 
fleet in the time of the China-Japanese war even 
to carry our own soldiers. Therefore, we ordered 
a subsidy paid for all ships of a certain tonnage 
trading in foreign waters, and for iron boats of 
1,000 tons or over built either in Japan or 
abroad." This new, comprehensive, and bril- 
liantly successful expedient was put into force 
in 1896, for a period of fifteen years. Japan in 
1896 had no native shipyards capable of heavy 
steel construction. All of her few large merchant 
steamers, and, indeed, all of the important cruis- 
ers that had just won for her the glorious tri- 
umph of the Yalu, were foreign-built. It was 
necessary to procure abroad the powerful ves- 
sels required for the first increase of Japan's 
merchant marine, for they could not be fabri- 
cated within the empire. 

But the statesmen of Tokio were both shrewd 
and patriotic enough to realize that no sea power 
worthy of the name could afford to depend upon 
its competitors in trade for the ships to convey 
its commerce. So, though Japanese registry 
was necessarily kept open to foreign-built ves- 
sels, a new and significant departure was now 
taken toward developing strong home shipyards, 
by a grant of a bounty of from $6 to $12 per 
ton and of $5 per indicated horse-power to all 
seagoing steamers constructed in Japan. Under 
the same act, all Japanese steamers, of native or 
foreign origin, owned exclusively by Japanese 
subjects, were given a navigation or maintenance 
bounty of from I'i-J- to 30 cents per ton for every 
1,000 miles sailed in foreign commerce, — this 
bounty being paid in full for the first five years, 
and then decreasing 5 per cent, every year until 
the fifteenth year, when it ceases altogether. 


Before the Chinese war of 1894, Japan, under 
a " free ship " policy but without national as- 
sistance, hud ha^ a ptTor and languishing mer 




chant marine. The total Japanese tonnage, steam 
and sail, in 1890, was only 151,000. In 1891, 
it was 146,000 ; in 1892, 148,000 ; in 1893, 179,- 
000, — a petty increase of only 28,000 tons, or 
the equivalent of four or five steamers, in three 
or four years. The conflict of 1894 in Korea 
and Manchuria, compelling the Japanese Gov- 
ernment to purchase anything which it could 
get for transport purposes, brought the empire's 
merchant tonnage up to 312,000 tons in 1895. 
But the real growth of the Japanese merchant 
marine as the world now knows it may be said 
to date from the general subsidy act of 1896. 
Every year since then has witnessed a steady 
gain, to the handsome tonnage of 830,000 in 
1904. The Japanese fleet, including vessels 
built, purchased, and captured, is now not far 
from 1,000,000 tons. 

In 1872, the Japanese commercial navy con- 
sisted chiefly of ancient and unwieldy junks. 
There were only 96 small steamers, of an ag- 
gregate tonnage of 24,000, in the empire. By 
1900, Japan possessed 846 steamers, of 528,000 
tons. A considerable part of this great fleet, 
including nearly all of the large steamers first 
acquired, was built in Europe, because — as has 
already been explained — Japan in 1896 had 
none of the modern shipyards which we already 
possess in the United States. But the liberal 

bounty offered by the Japanese Government for 
home-built vessels has developed native ship- 
building almost as swiftly as the navigation 
bounties have developed native ship-owning. 

The principal yard of the empire is that of 
the Mitsubishi Company, of Nagasaki, which in 
1900 launched a steel steamer of 7,000 tons. 
Many vessels of a similar type have since been 
constructed in Japan. Ten lar^e vessels are 
now on the stocks at Nagasaki. Nor has the 
effect of this national assistance to Japanese 
shipbuilding ceased with the merchant marine. 
Success in constructing ocean liners has now en- 
couraged Japan to lay the keels of a 16,000-ton 
battleship and a 12, 000- ton cruiser, and has thus 
relieved the empire of the cost and peril of de- 
pending upon Europe for her heavy men-of-war. 


Not even Germany, which invokes other forms 
of state aid besides direct subsidy or bounty, has 
been so successful in the swift creation of sea 
power as Japan. But it must not be assumed 
that therefore subsidy as applied to shipping is 
all-potent and all-sufficient, and that a nation 
need only give help from the treasury to see its 
ocean shipping grow as Jonah's gourd. There 
must be also the essential quality of native apti- 
tude, and this Japan has in abundant measure, 



At first she was forced to employ Europeans to 
officer her ocean ships, but she began at once to 
train her own sons, and though a dozen years 
ago she possessed few sailors of experience in 
distant voyaging, she now boasts of thousands 
of brave and skillful mariners, — a naval reserve 
which has just proved its inestimable value. 

Japan's regular navy has not been a large one, 
but when war came it was quickly and efficiently 
recruited from the merchant service. The best 
and fastest of the Japanese liners, armed and 
equipped as cruisers, have given a good account 
of themselves in Admiral Togo's operations. The 
main use of the large Japanese merchant ton- 
nage, however, has been in the indispensable 
work, first, of carrying several hundred thousand 
soldiers, with their artillery and equipment, over- 
seas, and then in maintaining communication 
with the victorious armies in Korea and Man- 
churia. All observers agree that this transport 
service has been wonderful in its precision, and 
there can be no doubt that the subsidized mer- 
chant ships, plying ceaselessly to and fro from 
the Japanese ports to the mainland, and keeping 
food ever in the haversacks and cartridges in the 
belts of the soldiers of Oyama and Nogi, have 
repaid manifold all that they have cost the Jap- 
anese people and their government. 

There is certainly an eloquent contrast be- 
tween Japan's preparedness and our own des- 
perate hunt for a transport shipping in the war 
with Spain. Indeed, it is fair to say that but 
for the Japanese subsidy legislation and its fruit 
in a large, modern, efficient of merchant marine 
the triumphs of the Japanese armies in the 
war of 1904-05 would have been absolutely 


This truth is so clearly realized by the Japa- 
nese statesmen that a still more notable expan- 
sion of Japanese commercial shipping is sure to 
follow the return of peace. Already the Japa- 
nese merchant flag holds a formidable place on 
the Pacific Ocean. Until the war drafted them 
into the national service, Japanese steamers ran 
in regular lines to Puget Sound, to San Fran- 
cisco via Hawaii, and to Australia via the Philip- 
pines. Under a revision of the Japanese ship- 
ping laws, adopted in 1900, these lines are 
receiving large annual subsidies. It ought to 
be instructive to Americans to know that three 
Japanese steamers. running from the Orient to 
San Francisco are given by their government 
$517,000 a year, while the five American steam- 
ers of the Pacific Mail Company, carrying much 

more mail and performing a more frequent ser- 
vice, receive $64,000 from the United States. 

Moreover, the three Japanese ships which come 
to Puget Sound enjoy a subsidy of $333,500 a 
year, while the five American vessels operated 
by the Boston Steamship Company on the same 
route receive $4,935 from our government. It 
is not necessary to look beyond such amazing 
facts as these to understand why Japan expects 
to drive the merchant flag of the United States 
from the Pacific as completely as she has driven 
off the naval flag of Eussia. 


The Nippon Yusen Kaisha, the chief steam- 
ship company of Japan, though only a few years 
old, is far larger and more powerful, and pos- 
sesses more tonnage, than any ocean steamship 
company in America. It has 70 steamers, of 
236,000 tons, and has recently declared a 12 per 
cent, dividend. Besides the lines to Australia 
and Puget Sound, the Nippon Yusen Kaisha 
operates a line of twelve fourteen-knot steamers 
to Europe, for which it receives a subsidy of 
$1,364,000 annually, or as much as the United 
States gives in mail and naval subventions to 
all the ocean lines beneath the American flag. 

It is said that the shipping laws which have 
wrought this swift expansion of the Japanese 
merchant marine, — the act of 1896 and the 
amendatory act of 1900, — passed the Diet by 
unanimous vote. Regularly for years our Ameri- 
can Presidents have urged in their formal mes- 
sages that steps be taken for the rehabilitation 
of the American merchant marine. This has 
been repeatedly demanded by the commercial 
interests of the United States, and it has been 
promised in successive national party platforms. 
Until now, however, Congress has neglected to 
adopt any comprehensive measure of relief or 
encouragement. Meanwhile, our European com- 
petitors have destroyed American shipping on 
the steam routes of the North Atlantic, as the 
Japanese are preparing to do on the Pacific. 
Trained American officers and seamen, available 
for a naval reserve, will soon become as few 
as Russia has just found her own officers and 
men in the awful hour of her trial and humilia- 

The maintenance of an adequate merchant 
shipping has thus far been regarded in America 
as mainly a commercial question. But the ex- 
perience of Japan and the fate of Russia sharply 
suggest whether this is not even more impera- 
tively a question of naval preparedness, of na- 
tional defense. 


WITH the announcement of the appoint- 
ment of the peace plenipotentiaries and 
the agreement of Russia and Japan upon Ports- 
mouth, N. H., as an adjourned place of meeting 
during the hot weather, all the details prelimi- 
nary to the conference between the two bel- 
ligerents have been practically arranged. The 
negotiators finally chosen are : For Russia, 
Count Sergius Witte (lie is a count, although he 
seldom uses his title) and Baron Roman Roman- 
ovitch Rosen ; for Japan, Baron Jutaro Komura 
and Mr. Kogoro Takahira. Each commission 
will bring with it a corps of secretaries and legal 
advisers, including some of the most eminent 
diplomatic and legal talent obtainable. 

Baron Rosen and Mr. Takahira are already 
in this country, and Count Witte and Baron 
Komura will have arrived before this number 
of the Review reaches most of its readers. 
There were several changes in the original an- 
nouncement of names for the commission, — M. 
Nelidov, Russian ambassador to France, and 
Ambassador Muraviev having been successively 
named and declining to serve on the Russian 
side ; while Count Ito, prominently mentioned 
as Japan's chief negotiator, but never officially 
appointed, had been generally regarded as un- 
able to serve because of advanced age. 

The names of all these commissioners are such 
as to indicate the sincerity and high intentions 
of both contending powers, and the announce- 
ment of their appointment has been received 
with satisfaction throughout the world. They 
are all plenipotentiary, — that is, clothed with 
full power to negotiate terms of peace, subject 
only in matters of the most vital importance to 
the revision of their home governments. 

The commission will sit in the government 
building in the navy yard at Portsmouth, and 
will be the guest of the United States Govern- 
ment during its stay. 

That Czar Nicholas is earnestly and sincerely 
desirous of peace is plainly evident from his 
appointment of Sergius Witte as Russia's chief 
negotiator. This statesman's eminent services 
to his country, and his high native ability, as 
well as his known desire for peace and his con- 
siderate attitude toward the Tokio government, 
are a guarantee that Russia will obtain the most 
favorable terms compatible with the vital inter- 
ests of Japan. Mr. Witte is thoroughly imbued 
with the modern spirit. An aristocrat by tem- 
perament and naturally inclined to favor the 
autocracy, he is yet far-sighted and truly patri- 

otic enough to see that the days of despotism in 
Russia are over, and that an industrial, com- 
mercial nation, such as the Russians are rapidly 
becoming, is impossible unless the arbitrary in- 
terferences of the autocracy and the bureau- 
cracy be removed. 

Mr. Witte, who comes of old Dutch stock, is 
now in his fifty-seventh year. Born the son 
of a poor tradesman at Tiflis, Witte began 
life as a railroad clerk, who also performed the 
functions of porter. He has been a railroad man 
all his life, and it is in railroad service that he 
sees a large feature of his country's future pros- 
perity. In the war with Turkey, in 1878, Rus- 
sia's military communications were in a terrible 
condition, and it was Witte who, having risen 
steadily from his provincial position to one of 
national import, brought order out of chaos and 
did more than any one civilian to bring victory 
to Russia. Promotion came swiftly. He was 
successively director and administrator of a num- 
ber of important railway systems, wrote a num- 
ber of volumes on railway administration, and 
prepared the first statute of Russian railways. 
Finally, as minister of ways and communications 
(a post to which he was appointed in 1892), Mr. 
Witte was able to introduce a finely organized 
system into all the Russian railways and convert 
many of them from liabilities into assets. Barely 
half a year after his appointment as minister of 
ways and communications, he was elevated to 
the important position of minister of finance. 

Mr. Witte found Russia practically a medie- 
val, largely Oriental, country. By his energy, 
and with the aid of his practical experience, he 
succeeded in leaving her well advanced on the 
way toward a truly modern commonwealth, com- 
mercially and industrially. He championed 
Russian manufacturing interests ; used the vast 
enterprises and resources of the state to build 
up manufactures in many ways ; discouraged 
investment in speculative schemes ; brought 
about the adoption of the gold standard by the 
Russian Government ; created the Siberian 
Railway ; prevailed upon the state to assume a 
monopoly of the manufacture and sale of whis- 
key, improving the quality of this production 
and restricting its sale so that drunkenness has 
been largely decreased ; established a govern- 
ment reserve fund, from which distressed agri- 
culturists have been able to borrow millions of 
rubles annually ; and, while refraining from 
increasing the burden of direct taxation, al- 
most doubled the government revenue from 


Copyright, 1905, by the Globe Company, N. Y. 


(New Russian ambassador to the United States and Russia's second peace negotiator with Japan. A portrait of Russia's 
leading negotiator, Count Sergius Witte, is frontispiece to this number of the Review or Reviews.) 

indirect taxation. But he was too progressive 
and too thoroughly imbued with the modern 
spirit for the reactionaries, and after acting for 
some years as secretary of state and privy coun- 
cilor he was shelved by being made president of 
the Committee of Ministers. 

Russia's other commissioner, Baron Rosen, 
who is also the new ambassador to Washington, 

succeeding Count Cassini, has a long-standing 
acquaintance with the United States and Ameri- 
can life. Baron Rosen was for eight years first 
secretary of the Russian embassy in Washing- 
ton, and for years consul-general in New York. 
Baron Rosen is eminently a peace man. He 
served his country for many years as secretary 
of legation, and then as minister, in Tokio, and 

(Japan's minister of foreign affairs and her leading peace negotiator.) 

was emphatic in his denunciation of the war 
policy of Alexiev and others. He has never 
forfeited the respect and admiration of the Jap- 
anese people, and his appointment as one of the 
commissioners has already brightened the chances 
of a permanent and honorable peace. 

Baron Jutaro Komura is one of the most re- 
markable of the younger statesmen of Japan. 
He comes from the ministry of foreign affairs, a 

post wliich he has filled with dignity and success 
since 1900. He conducted the Manchurian ne- 
gotiations which led up to the war in a manner 
highly satisfactory to the Emperor and the entire 
people. Baron Komura is a Harvard man, and 
speaks English with a strong Boston accent. He 
won his spurs in Korea, in 1895, when Japanese 
diplomacy was so discredited. Five years later, 
he went to Peking, and participated in the peace 

I'lioto^fraph by I'rince, Washington. 

(Japanese minister to the United States and second peace negotiator.) 

conference there, as a result of the Boxer rebel- 
lion and the expedition of the allied powers. 
During his stay at the Chinese capital he won 
the confidence of China so largely that there has 
existed an unpublished but effective alliance be- 
tween Japan and China, which has been very 
helpful to the former during her war with Russia. 
Baron Komura was Japanese minister to Wash- 
ington preceding Mr. Takahira. His greatest 

triumph may be said to be the long and delicate 
negotiations which he, as foreign minister, con- 
ducted with Baron Rosen, then Russian min- 
ister, which culminated in the great struggle 
between the two powers. 

The second Japanese commissioner is Mr. 
Takahira, present Japanese minister to the United 
States, whose career and diplomatic accomplish- 
ments were outlined in this Review for June. 



WRITING in the Montldy Review on "Scan- 
dinavia in the Scales of the b'uture," 
Mr. E. John Solano lays stress upon the danger 
that Germany, by way of creating bad blood 
between Briton and Slav, may encourage Russia 
to seize the northern seaports of Norway. The 
Norwegian littoral, he points out, is more than 

■■-,■, V • 1 \ 

/ • 







■ 1/ 


"In biting off Sweden's nose, be careful you do not lose 
your own teeth ! "—From Ulk (Berlin). 

ever tempting to Russia now that she has been 
driven out of the Pacific. He hopes that Nor- 
way will not sever all union with Sweden. 

If the Norwegian people have finally decided on sep- 
aration, the situation is indeed hopeless. But if they 
are truly desirous of maintaining the principle of the 
union, — which their ministers have stated to be the 
case, — and, at the same time, determined to vindicate, 
peacefully, their right to stand as an independent sov- » 

ereign state, there is one practical way for the attain- 
ment of })oth of these ends. They have now dec lured 
that the issues with Sweden are international— not do- 
mestic. Then, through the present admirable- and con- 
ciliatory attitude of Sweden, tliey may, without loss of 
dignity or prestige, follow the precedent of other inde- 
pendent states and propose to seek final arbitration upon 
the issues with Sweden — from a friendly and trusted 
foreign ruler, with a view to preserving the principle of 
the union in whatever form it may be both possible and 
acceptable. For such an office King P^dward VII. of 
Greater Britain may well be preferred, both by reason 
of his relationship to the future Queen of Sweden, — who 
would have been the joint queen of Sweden and Norway, 
— and his reputation as an advocate of peace. Such an 
arbitrament would further set the seal of Britain upon 
the essential condition of the future safety of Scandi- 
navia — the union, to which she gave her sanction wiien, 
through her fleets and armies, she gave peace to Europe 
a century ago. This suggestion — if all others fail — is at 
least worth the attention of Scandinavian statesmen. 

Sweden's National Parliament, the Riksdag*. 

The only real opposition to the peaceful, quiet 
settlement of the Norwegian-Swedish difficulty 
has so far come from the landed class of Sweden 
and the Swedish upper house. In the Danish 
review Det Nye Aarhundrede, of Copenhagen, a 
writer who signs himself Spanberg sketches the 
history and general attitude of this body. It 
was established, he tells us, by legislation of the 
same aristocratic character as the Danish house. 
This upper chamber of the Riksdag is composed 
of one hundred and fifty members, or about one- 
half the number of the lower house. They are 
chosen by electors. The voters have votes in 
proportion to their income, with the only limit 
that no single voter may cast more than five 
hundred ballots. Thus, the predominance of the 
wealthy is secured. In addition, this is further 
secured by the regulation that no one is eligible 
to membership in the upper house unless he pos- 
sess 80,000 kroner (approximately, |20,000), or 
a yearly income of 4,000 kroner (approximately, 
$1,000). According to Mr. Spanberg, the his- 
tory of this house has been a very discreditable 
one. He asserts that it has always been opposed 
to progress and liberalism. It has always been 
bitterly opposed to the Norwegian demands. It 
has always demanded a larger army and navy, 
and has invariably stood for more kingly power. 
The upper chamber has also brought about the 



passage of a higli protective tariff for industry 
and agriculture. Tliis policy, which Mr. Span- 
berg insists was brought, about through political 
fraud, has, he believes, impoverished the work- 
ingman and the common people in the interest 

of the manufacturers and landlords. In regard 
to religious liberty, education, and other ques- 
tions, this writer finds the upper house of the 
Swedish parliament always considering its own 
privileges before the interests of the people. 


WHAT the French cannot forgive M. Del- 
casse, says M. de Pressense, writing in 
the Nineteenth Century^ is "not to have known 
his mind, not to have chosen between a policy 
of friendly talk and a policy of silent indiffer- 
ence, and to have maladroitly given pretext and 

delcasse's nest disturbed. 

(One of the chickens. Morocco, is represented as trying to 
break away from the protection of the mother bird, and the 
Russian Baltic fleet is enjoying the sheltering protection 
of French "neutrality," while Germany, England, and 
Japan look on threateningly.)— From Le Grelot (Paris). 

occasion to what we call, in France, a querelle 
cV Allemand. When the crisis came, when Wil- 
helm the Second went to Fez and talked big, it 
was not too late to put him in the wrong, to take 
back the interrupted method of negotiations, and 
to free the way t(? peaceful action in Morocco." 
Conp:ratulating the nation on the accession of 
M. Kouvier, this writer continues : 

M. Rouvier promised, — first, the immediate return to 
neutrality in Indo-Chinese waters, and we got it ; 
secondly, the Immediate opening of friendly conversa- 
tion with Germany ; but here he was, and we were, too, 
balked by the obstinacy of his colleague. I do not 
think English opinion would have tolerated for an 
hour a minister who, without offering any denial, any 
explanation, any answer, before the only legitimate in- 
stance. Parliament, after having left the head of the 
government to save him by making specific promises in 
his name, should have immediately taken up his in- 
trigues, should have put into use in a most dangerous 
crisis the force of inertia, and should have secretly got 
the tribe of officious journalists and of sympathetic 
correspondents to trumpet his greatness, to traduce 
the policy of his critics, and to serve his obstinacy. 
Time v>ent by. No progress was made. The advocates 
of M. Belcass6 proclaimed that it w^as all the fault of 
Wilhelm the Second, and everybody was tempted to 
believe it. All at once it was discovered that while 
Germany without doubt brought "no milk of human 
kindness" to sweeten the negotiations, it was M. Del- 
cass6 who deliberately persisted in keeping silent. A 
question was threatened in the House : it was put to 
him in the cabinet. Brought to bay, he let the secret 
out. This small man was mad enough to look serenely, 
even joyfully, on the fearful prospect of a great Con- 
tinental war on such a pretext. Facts came out. It 
was proved that, not satisfied with imperiling the 
peace of the world by putting under his feet the orders 
of Parliament and the instructions of his colleagues, he 
negotiated secretly with the Vatican at the time when 
relations were broken and when France was engaged 
in divorcing Church and State. Such unforgivable mis- 
takes are surely sufficient reason for the dismissal of a 

How the Germans Regard Delcasse's Fall. 

Mr. Austen Harrison, the son of Mr. Frederic 
Harrison, who is Renter's agent at Berlin, sends 
to the same review the German view of the 
French minister's fall. He says : 

M. Delcass6 had ended by flouting Germany ; Mo- 
rocco was about to become a French colony, America 
was pro-English, and the Spanish plans had proved abor- 
tive. England had quite recovered her position in the 
world. This was the plight of Germany when sudden- 
ly the collapse of Russia was revealed to Europe. With 
consummate skill the Emperor William gauged the 
situation, and acted accordingly. He went to Morocco. 
In one day he completely changed the whole military 
situation. For the plain fact is, German military opin- 
ion no longer fears France. Moreover, from the most 
martial people in Europe the French have become emi- 



nently industrious and peace-loving. Their lighting 
zest has gone. All this the German Emperor was fully 
aware of. He immediately began to browbeat France, 
which, it must be admitted, was in a very delicate posi- 
tion. Gradually the situation grew worse. Germany 
continued silently arming, but still M. I)elcass6 showed 
no sign of relenting, and things rapidly drifted into a 
dangerous state of tension. The crisis came suddenly. 
About the time that the bride of the crown prince was 
making her state entry into Berlin, the German Gov- 
ernment was officially informed of certain movements 
of French troops near the frontier ; regiments had been 
brought up to their full strength, and officers' leave had 
been stopped. The reply of Germany was practically 
an ultimatum. For a couple of days the situation was 
really critical. Germany demanded that the massing 
of troops on the frontier should cease, or it would be 
regarded as an unfriendly act ; and to her great relief 
the long-wished-for reply was ultimately flashed across 
the wires. M. Delcass6 was to retire. All immediate 
danger was averted. Count Biilow w^s elevated to the 
dignity of prince, and by sacrificing M. Delcass6 France 
proclaimed to the world her peaceful proclivities. 

For the continuance of M. Delcasse in office, 
concludes this writer, would have forced France 
to face the eventuality of war with Germany, 
who, whether bluffing (as some suppose) or not, 
gave France clearly to understand that further 
evasion on her part to enter into negotiations 
with Germany regarding Morocco would jeopar- 
dize the peace of Europe. And so France de- 
cided to meet Germany half-way. That is the 
reason and the meaning of M. Delcasse's fall. 

The Overlordship of Germany. 

That the effacement of Russia means the as- 
cendency of Germany has been rudely brought 
home to many European statesmen by the dis- 
missal of M. Delcasse at the bidding of the 

Kaiser. \)\\ K. .1. Dillon, in tin; Contevijwrary, 
inoi-ali/es upon the consecjuenccjs of the para- 
inountcy of Germany, lie tells us quite frankly .• 

The effective barrier to Germany's policy of aggres- 
sion has been swept away, and with it one of the main- 
stays of the world's peace. And to remedy that state of 
things ought to be the primary aim of our foreign pol- 
icy in the present and in the future. The Holienzollern 
world-empire is no longer a mere dream. Politicians 
note with amazement how suddenly tliat ambitious aim, 
long scoffed at as chiiuerical, has come to be reckoned 
with as one of the contingencies of the near future. 
Europe will henceforward be policed and watched over 
by Germany, and the only contribution she will expect 
from her protege-s is that they shall adjust their foreign 
policy to her interests, which are, of course, those of 
peace. But what they must be prepared for is the in- 
termeddling in every international, and even purely 
national, question, not merely of the German Kaiser or 
his government, whom we are wont to look upon as 
lovers of peace, but also of the Prussian war party, 
whose aims the Kaiser and his government are said to 
disavow, deprecate, and act upon. If one may judge 
by the present temper of the French Chamber, hence- 
forth no secretary of state for foreign affairs will be tol- 
erated in France whose policy or person is disagreeable 
to the German Kaiser, the German chancellor, or the 
German war party. Whenever the differences between 
France and Germany are settled, and they will prob- 
ably be solved diplomatically by the representatives of 
the two interested powers, southern Morocco will, it is 
alleged, be earmarked for the Fatherland. 

It is more difficult to remove Germany's 
grievance against England. For " the main 
interest of Germany was, is, and will be, the 
perpetuation of the immemorial feud between 
England and France. To end that once for all 
would be to do Germany a permanent and a 
vital injury. That, it is affirmed, is the stand- 
point of the Kaiser's government." 


AN elaborate and keen analysis of the present 
status of Morocco and the future possibili- 
ties of that country is contributed to the Lnter- 
national ^wa?'^er?i/ by Ion Perdicaris, whose first- 
hand knowledge of Morocco and conditions of 
life in that empire are certainly not excelled. 
Mr. Perdicaris believes that, after the evolution 
of Japan, the development of China will come, 
and then, "ultimately, poor Morocco, very limp 
and lame, will begin to move into line, though 
slowly and most unwillingly, despite the physic 
held so insistently to her lips by her would-be 
foster-mother, Madame France, who has so al- 
luringly labeled the unwelcome drug ' Pacific 
Penetration.' " For centuries, he continues, 
" this woe-begone child of sorrow, Morocco, has 
lain like a misshapen incubus along the north- 

western shore of Africa, a nest of pirates, a 
constant menace to the mariner, an abode of 
unmitigated cruelty and oppression, a curse to 
its own inhabitants and a terror to the rest of 
the world." 

A detailed recapitulation of the history of 
Morocco for the past century follows, and the 
reign of the former Sultan, Mulai-el-Hassan, is 
treated exhaustively. Coming to the reign of 
the present Sultan, Abd-el-Aziz, Mr. Perdicaris 
describes the political and economic condition 
of the country as hopelessly bad, compelling 
the interference of foreign powers to preserve 
order and peace. England and France had 
worked together in comparative harmony, and 
matters were on the way to a peaceful settle- 
ment, says Mr. Perdicaris, when, ''last and 



greatest of all the trials to wliich the French had 
been exposed, came the dramatic announcement 
of the approaching arrival at Tangier of the 
Emperor "William in person, an ominous pres- 
ence, boding ill to penetration, pacific or other- 
wise." Despite the possibilities for trouble in 
the German Emperor's visit, Mr. Perdicaris be- 
lieves that there is "indisputable justification of 
the Kaiser's intervention in the evident deter- 
mination of the French to reserve for them- 
selves all government concessions, in spite of 
their enforced inability to assure the mainte- 
nance of order in the Moorish sultanate or to pro- 
tect the inhabitants even of the coast towns 
against aggressions.'' In further justification of 
the Kaiser's visit Mr. Perdicaris says : 

What critics who are ignorant of trade conditions 
in Morocco do not realize is that the entire trade, both 
imports and exports, only amounts to about fifteen mil- 
lion dollars per annum, and that the fulfillment of 
government orders for public works required to develop 
transport and other resources indispensably needed to 
render any serious expansion of trade possible consti- 
tutes the only important financial operation of the im- 
mediate future. If France were willing to assume the 
responsibility or expense of maintaining order, she 
might have been entitled to reserve for French syndi- 
cates alone such advantages ; but as it is, the Kaiser is 
amply justified in insisting that German merchants 
shall have a share in placing tenders for these Moorish 
orders, tenders or bids which, unless thus especially 
protected, would be defeated by the predominant in- 
fiuence which the French profess the right to assert by 
virtue of the Anglo-French agreement of April, 1904, 
and the subsequent Franco-Spanish agreement. The 
only way to secure this right to a share in such enter- 
prises is for the various governments represented at the 
Madrid conference of 1880 to hold the Sultan to that 
agreement, and to refuse to recognize any right on the 
part of France, England, or Spain to guarantee to 
France or to any power an exclusive or jiredominating 
influence in Morocco. 

Should the conference actually take place, he 
continues, " it might be advisable, in the inter- 
ests of an amicable solution, to suggest a divi- 
sion of these Moorish government concessions," 
classified under some of the following heads, 
each class to be awarded to syndicates of the 
respective powers interested in the settlement 
of this thorny question : 

1. Austria-Hungary, Concessions for uniforms and 

small arms, with other simi- 
lar equipments. 

Electric appliances. 

Execution of works for ports 
and harbors. 

Artillery and ammunition. 


Vessels and naval material. 

Mining concessions. 

Sectional steel bridges. 

2. Belgium, 

3. France, 

4. Germany, 

5. Great Britain, 

6. Spain, 

7. Italy, 

8. United States, 

While admitting the purity of motive of the 
French foreign office and the French minister 
to Morocco, Mr. Perdicaris says, in concluding 
his interesting article : 

The contention that because France possesses a co- 
terminous frontier along the Algerian border she has a 
right to claim absolute and exclusive control, even 
while she declines all outlay or the assumption of any 
obligation to maintain law or order, conditions upon 
whose successful fulfillment the ordinary ti-ade inter- 
ests of every nation and of the country itself absolutely 
depend, — such a contention is not worthy a moment's 
consideration. And we take it that, however incon- 
venient either to M. Delcass6 or to other French states- 
men, or even to simple residents in the Sultan's domin- 
ions, like the writer, such an incident as the Emperor 
William's dramatic intervention may have proved, yet 
it should be realized that the sovereign who controls 
the German legions was fully justified in asking where 
he and his merchants were to "come in "under this 
new process of diplomatic legerdemain favored by M. 
Declass6 and by Lord Lansdowne. 


TO a "French diplomat" who writes in the 
DeutscJie Revue, the "yellow peril" is a 
reality of dire proportions. The Japanese, he 
believes, are intent upon aggrandizement, 
achieved by no matter what means. They will 
find some cause or pretext, he maintains, to 
wrest from the French, the Dutch, and the 
Americans their Asiatic possessions. Fanatical, 
bound by no traditions, either as regards their 
own self-respect or the interests of other na- 
tions, their increase of power bodes evil to the 
hard-earned progress of Western civilization. 
"Their advance is a borrowed one, — not like 
the A¥estern, reached by slow, painful stages. 

They are at bottom barbarians whose spiritual 
growth has not kept pace with their material 

All the Asiatic peoples now recognize that the axis 
of the Asiatic world has been shifted. They had re- 
signed themselves to their fate, submitted themselves 
to the civilizing process, had given up the hope of re-, 
gaining the lost freedom of the state of nature, and 
even India, which once had firm faih in Russia, had 
ceased to hope anything from her ; the British nation 
seemed to be the world-power to which all nations 
would become tributary. The Japanese successes, first 
at sea, then by land, struck this enervated world like a 
cannon-stroke, and Siam, which is led by British senti- 
ment ; India, which is under England's dominion ; the 




Malay Islands, Java and Sumatra, the Anamites of 
Anam, Tonquin, and Cochin China, pricked up their 
ears. Five hundred East Indians at once set out to attend 
the lectures at the Japanese universities ; Siani con- 
cluded a compact of amity, of whose provisions Europe 
has remained ignorant, with Japan ; in Singapore, Ba- 
tavia, Surabaya, Saigon, Hanoi, and Hai-phong the 
Chinese secret societies have redoubled their precau- 
tionary measures and their activity ; China has opened 
its doors to Japanese traders, Japanese officials, and 
Japanese military instructors ; in French Indo-China 
it was found necessary to prohibit Chinese newspapers 
and to order the imprisonment of Chinese and Japanese 

The eyes of the nations of Asia are now turned upon 
Japan ; upon her they set their hopes. Is not that a 
sufficiently earnest signal, which the nations of Europe 
are henceforth bound to notice, and which must make 
England pause in her course, impelled as she has been 
by the secret thought that she has become the chosen 
people of God, the people to whom the entire earth has 
been promised, and who will one day rule over all races ? 
Japan is not alone, as I have before observed, a strong 
and organized nation ; it is more than that. The Jap- 
anese nation, like the English, believes in its mission, 
and feels called to liberate all the races of Asia, to 
snatch from the hands of the Europeans all the domin- 
ions which they have taken from the natives. This is 
an exalted mission, and this belief in their destiny is a 

fruitful, inspiring idea which is capable of producing 
heroes and imbuing a whole nation with the fanaticism 
which constituted the strength of France in the Revo- 
lution. Now, a people like the Japanese, which is still 
near enough to barbarism to be possessed of its brutal 
energy, its muscles independent of nerves, its frugality, 
and is at the same time civilized enough to have all 
those means at its disposal which the other races have 
in a long course of progress achieved, — a people like 
that is dangerous ; yes, more dangerous than a nation 
with hundreds of years of civilization behind it, for 
this people, which has contributed nothing to the great 
work of humanity, which has received everything from 
the other races, need have no regard for what has con- 
duced to make it great. It does not harbor in its soul 
that certain something which creates a feeling of soli- 
darity among all nations that have worked in unison 
for progress ; it does not feel called upon to respect the 
things that are, has not the human ideals of the old 
races. If it is impelled by a great idea, it has regard 
only .for what will further that idea, and for nothing 
beyond it. In a word, it is above all destructive, not 
conservative ; it is a civilized Attila, but nevertheless 
an Attila. 

If Japan should infuse a little of the spirit 
which now animates her into China, if she should 
instill into her a feeling of self-confidence, elec- 
trify that inert mass, unconscious of its strength, 



and hurl it upon India, rising up against Eng- 
land ; upon the Sunda Islands, Java and Suma- 
tra, on the brink of revolt against Holland ; 
upon Europe, so divided by the interests of the 
moment, where nations which are constituted to 
agree with each other, to arrive at an under- 
standing, dream of acquiring dominions contain- 
ing a few million people, — what will the future 
of the white race be ? 

Of Western civilization they have the arms, the garb, 
the equipments, but their spirit has remained Japanese, 
and the civilization which they are capable of founding 
will not be a daughter of ours, which has educated 
them, — it will be a disfigurement, a bastard form of it, 
an adaptation of a sort whereby the moral and intel- 
lectual fate of mankind will be changed. 

What China Is Learning from the War. 

The new attitude of China toward Western 
civilization, due largely to the Russo-Japanese 
war, is intelligently analyzed and described by 
L. N. di Giura, of Peking, in the Nuova An- 
tologia (Rome). He thinks that the events of 
the Boxer revolution showed the Chinese people 
that they must become a power respected, if not 
feared, by other nations if they wished to main- 
tain their independence, but the government, 
willfully blind, has been slow to change the ex- 
isting order. The same events convinced the 
people that the Japanese troops conducted them- 
selves best at Tientsin and Peking. Instead of 
pillaging shops, desecrating temples, and vexing 
the populace, they devoted themselves to main- 
taining order, and their quarter was a secure 
haven for returning fugitives. The Chinese had 
called the Japanese ^^ vjo-jai,^^ or ''dwarfs," but 
they learned to admire their valor and sturdi- 
ness. Two years ago, Japanese were called to 
China to organize the gendarmerie! After Na- 
Tung, of the Peking ministry of foreign affairs, 
had made a voyage to Japan, many Chinese stu- 
dents were sent there, though the government 
rather followed than led in the pro-Japanese 
movement. Then came the Russian occupation 
of the ancestral home of the Manchus, which, 
threatening to be permanent, rendered the Chi- 
nese furious, though they would perhaps have 
patiently endured it if the Japanese had not un- 
dertaken to oust the intruders, and thus vastly 
increased Chinese sympathy for them, and also 
suggested that China might do as much if only 

The writer says that the highest functionaries 
in China are ignoramuses who are simply satu- 
rated with Confucianism and the ancient preju- 
dices ; but those who have traveled, especially 
the younger element, realize what China might 
be if organized after European fashion. Study 

in Japan and the founding of modern schools 
in China have created a young reform party, not 
favorable to foreigners, but anxious that China 
should take her proper place among nations. 
The government gropes its way and establishes 
new organisms without destroying the old. For 
instance, the Lien-ping-cliu, or committee of na- 
tional defense, has been founded side by side 
with the Ping-pu^ or decadent ministry of war, 
as a result of the lessons of the present war. 
Hence, Japanese officers have been called to re- 
form the Chinese army. Military students at 
the Military School of the South have been or- 
dered to cut off their queues, and European uni- 
forms have been planned. A loan of about three 
million dollars, at high interest (12 per cent.), 
has been arranged by the viceroy of Pe-chi-li for 
making over the army of that province. Only 
the best European arms and equipment are now 

The awakening of a national spirit is quite 
largely due to the students in Japan, who are 
spectators of the joyous self-sacrifice of patriotic 
young soldiers and the rejoicings over victories. 
For. instance, they have issued a proclamation 
to the inhabitants of the province of Szechuen, 
saying that if they do not cease giving conces- 
sions for mines and railroads to foreigners some 
fine day the Russians will quietly make them- 
selves masters of the region. To prevent the 
possibility of the railroad from Chung-ching-fu 
to Hankow passing from the hands of the Bel- 
gian promoters to the Russians, the studcits 
organized a syndicate to buy up all the bonds 
and keep it under Chinese control, — a signifi- 
cant sign of a new spirit. The Chinese news- 
papers continually report the refusal of conces- 
sions to foreign applicants. 

Another significant event is the calling of a 
diet of all the mandarins down to the fifth grade 
to discuss affairs of state. Opposition to this 
was promptly overruled by the Emperor him- 
self. In the eyes of the government, China will 
not change, but only modify herself sufficiently 
to carry out more successfully the same old pro- 
gramme, — China for the Chinese, and away 
with the foreigners. Signor di Giura believes, 
however, that, unwittingly, the government is 
preparing the way for revolution when the 
Dowager-Empress dies. When the students re- 
turn home from Japan, America, and Europe 
and find that the government can only give 
them the task of lighting the pipe of some fat 
official or carrying in visiting cards, they will 
feel themselves superior to the governing func- 
tionaries and will form a nucleus of discontent 
which may overturn the old governmental 




THE European reviews are publisliing analyt- 
ical articles on Admiral Togo's triumph in 
the battle of the Sea of Japan. These articles 
do not add much to what has already been writ- 
ten and presented in this magazine, but one 
study, from the standpoint of a British naval 
authority, appearing in the United Service Maga- 
zine, of London, is noteworthy. It is Admiral 
Sir E. R. Fremantle, G.C.B., who writes. He 
points out that by some curious psychological 
turn public attention has always been engrossed 
with the decisive results obtained in battles on 
shore, — Tours, Hastings, Waterloo, and Sedan, — 
while in reality the more decisive battles in the 
history of the world have been those on sea. The 
admiral mentions Actium, Lepanto, the defeat 
of the Armada, Trafalgar, and Navarino. The 
battle of the Sea of Japan, he declares, has been 
a victory more complete than Trafalgar. It is 
not only a victory, — it is a conquest. After a 
brief consideration of the principal sea fights 
since Trafalgar (Navarino, Lissa, the Yalu, and 
Santiago), Admiral Fremantle proceeds to dis- 
cuss the battle of the Sea of Japan from the 
standpoint of a naval tactician. He commends 
Admiral Rozhestvenski for his considerable skill 
and seamanship in bringing his armada to the 
far East in such comparatively good shape, con- 

sidering his lack of support and supplies. He 
condemns the Russian commander, however, for 
so dividing up his ships that none of his units 
were homogeneous. Turning his attention to 
Admiral Togo and his tactics, this British naval 
writer cannot admire too much the Japanese 
commander's self-restraint in awaiting battle in 
his own waters. The Japanese admiral's maneu- 
vers are characterized as " sheep-dog tactics," 
which were certainly justified by the results. 
On this point, Admiral Fremantle compliments 
Admiral Togo highly. He says : 

It is doubtful whether any other course of action 
would have achieved such complete success, but they 
could not have been safely adopted without the advan- 
tage of speed, and with a less perfectly trained fleet. 
Rozhestvenski's formation, on the other hand, was es- 
sentially faulty, and he had set himself an impossible 
task in endeavoring to force his way north in the face 
of Togo's superior fleet, encumbered with non-fighting 
ships. These he should have got rid of, either leaving 
them behind till he had disposed of Togo or sending 
them around Japan to endeavor to reach Vladivostok by 
the Tsugaru or P^rouse straits. The mere mention of 
these alternatives shows how desperate was Rozhest- 
venski's position. As it was, he fought in an order of 
sailing unsuitable for action in the endeavor to protect 
his non-fighting ships, while comparatively weak -pro- 
tected cruisers appear to have been mixed up with the 


A WELL -KNOWN author and journalist, 
and former member of the Japanese House 
of Representatives, Mr. S. Shiga, contributes to 
the Keizai Zasshi an article in which he gives 
an analysis of the Japanese soldier, stating his 
opinion that all of Japan's success is not due to 
the spiritual and moral education founded upon 
the system of hushido, or Japanese chivalry. He 
points out the fact that in the early stages of 
the siege of Port Arthur the Japanese were un- 
successful. They were not combating animate 
beings called Russians, he says, but '' a huge, in- 
animate matter, consisting of enormous works 
of iron and steel, and of an appalling mass of 
rocks and stones." While the importance of 
the Japanese system of warlike training is very 
great, it has been overestimated, Mr. Shiga be- 
lieves. It has been permitted to overshadow 
the yet greater importance of the application of 
scientific knowledge and invention to the attack 
of strongly fortified garrisons. Mr. Shiga gives 
an account of the barbed wires, the entangling 
nets of electric wires, the numberless mines, the 

explosives spreading nauseating odors, the moats 
often fifteen meters deep, and the appalling 
batteries, all of which conspired to baffle the as- 
sault of "the Japanese. To cope with this stu- 
pendous work of defense the attacking force 
was obliged to seek for the help of the new in- 
struments and machines, the devising of which 
taxed licavily upon the brains of the Japanese 
inventors and scientists. As the destruction of 
the Port Arthur batteries was mainly due to the 
application of science, so was the sinking of 
most Russian warships that sought refuge in the 
harbor of the port. Were it not for their ac- 
curate knowledge of mathematics, how could 
the Japanese gunners shell those ships of the 
enemy of which they could not get the slightest 
glimpse from behind the hills at Port Arthur 
that sheltered them against the shells of the 
besieging force ? Indeed, the accuracy of their 
marks was so marvelous that many a Chinese in 
the invested town declared that the Japanese 
shells had eyes which seemed to see exactly 
what they were after. For all these results, Mr. 



Shiga believes, the Japanese army is indebted 
to the power of science. 

Even if she have to sacrifice hushido, declares 
Mr. Shiga, Japan is bound to foster the develop- 
ment of science. It is fortunate for Japan that 
in the present struggle her adversary is Russia, 
^' the most backward of the civilized countries 
of Europe." If, however, Japan should find 
herself confronted by an enemy far more ad- 
vanced in scientific attainments, " she will have 
nothing but regret if she reverences hushido as 
all the soul of Japan." 

After praising the generosity of the Russians 
in many instances of which he was an eye-wit- 
ness at Port Arthur, Mr. Shiga goes on to say 
that the Japanese people are not essentially 

Pluck and spirit are the basic elements of Japa- 
nese character to which Japan is mainly indebted for 
her invariable successes in the warfares with foreign 
countries. It is feared that the encouragement of 
broad-mindedness and equanimity, which are essential 
to a really great nation, would cause the decay of the 
militant spirit and the indomitableness of the nation. 


ONE of the most clear-thinking and modern 
of the Russian economic writers, Mr. Vic- 
tor Portugalov, in a recent issue of the St. Peters- 
burg weekly Nedyelya^ reviews the second edi- 
tion of a rather famous book on the labor 
question in Russia, written some years ago by 
Litvinov-Falinski. This is practically the only 
work in Russian containing even an attempt at 
a systematic review of the imperial legislation 

on the labor question. As Mr. Portugalov points 
out, the author, in giving an account of Russian 
factory legislation, has endeavored to hold fast 
to the opinions which have guided the bureau- 
cracy in its enactment of laws. The author him- 
self is a factory inspector, and he has really 
given a digest (sometimes a verbal reproduction) 
of the official rulings on the relations of labor 
and capital. In his comment on the work, Mr. 



(Beginning at the top and reading to the right, following .ire the members : N. N. Zvov. of Saratov ; F. I. Rodichev, of Tver ; 
Count Zvov, of Tula ; F. A. Grolovine, of Moscow ; Kovalevsky, of Kharkov ; Count Dolgoroukov, of Rossisk ; Count Trou- 
betskoi, of Moscow [who spoke for the delegates] ; Novossiltzev, of Temnikovsk ; and Count Chakovski, of Yaroslav. The 
bottom row, beginning from the left, are Baron P. Z. Korv, of St. Petersburg ; Count Heyden, of Pskov [the president of 
the delegation] ; J. J. Petrunkevitch, of Tver ; M. P. Federov, of St. Petersburg ; and A. N. Nikotlne, of St. Petersburg.) 



Portugalov says : " Tt is, of course, well known 
that our bureaucracy denies the existence of 
every useful phenomenon when it first manifests 
itself." The very existence of tlio labor problem 
was not recognized by the Russian bureaucracy 
until last year, the chinovniks having insisted 
until that time that only patriarchal relations 
existed between Russian employers and their 
workmen, and that the entire '' labor ques- 
tion " in Russia was invented by evil - minded 

As early as 1870, the review writer points out, 
a labor commission, known as the Ignatyev com- 
mission, was apointed for the elaboration of rules 
relating to the hiring of workmen and servants. 
After several years of sitting, however, no agree- 
ment could be reached, and the decision was, 
therefore, that it was premature to form general 
enactments on the hiring of labor. That is, '' the 
legislation imperatively demanded by the events 
of 1870 turned out to be premature in 1880." 
Several other commissions were appointed, but 
did nothing. The first one to accomplish any 
real results was the one under the chairmanship 
of the late minister of the interior, Plehve. The 
work of this comm.ission Mr. Litvinov-Falinski 
declares to have been ''noble and timely." 
Whatever good there was in it, however, the re- 

viewer insists, was forced froin the bureaucracy 
in order to avoid a recurrence of labor agitation 
which might prove a menace to the "established 
order." Indeed, its entire point of view was that 
of the policeman. 

Tt thus becomes clear that to the bureaucracy 
the labor question is, first of all, a question of 
"order," in the police sense of the word ; and 
in the adjustment of the various conflicts be- 
tween labor and capital the bureaucracy endeav- 
ors, in the first place, to protect its own interests, 
and it is because of this that our entire labor 
legislation is permeated with the spirit of pater- 
nalism and surveillance, with the attempt to de- 
prive the groups interested of any opportunity 
for independent, active participation in the grati- 
fication of their needs. The entire treatment of 
labor legislation by the bureaucracy is little more 
than juggling. 

With a great flourish of trumpets (the trumpeting 
is usually done by the Novoye Vremya and its kin), it 
enacts a law for the ostensible protection of labor, but 
really aiming at the "establishment of order." Im- 
mediately afterward it hands over the workmen to the 
tender mercies of the exploiters, through the previously 
established loopholes in the law. It thus satisfies the 
class and police point of view. It may be assumed that 
after the recent occurrences among our workingmen 
the bureaucracy will not try to enforce this system. 



THE Czar's rescript granting freedom of 
worship and conscience to thirteen million 
dissenters, sectarians, and others has been criti- 
cised even in Russian papers as falling short 
of the ideal of religious freedom and toleration 
as understood in Europe and America. It has 
been pointed out that, for one thing, the reform 
" does nothing for the Jews." The political 
writer for the leading radical monthly, the 
Russkoye Bogatsvo, discusses the political and 
economic aspects of the Jewish question in con- 
nection with the religious reforms. The Jews, 
he says, do get something under the rescript, 
but they do not get what they are primarily en- 
titled to, and what the country must grant them 
at once if it is to turn its face in the direction 
of culture, progress, and freedom at all. In- 
deed, of all problems pressing for solution in 
Russia, the Jewish one, says this advanced 
monthly, the organ of the "Left," as the con- 
servative papers call it, is the most vital and 
burning. The Jews, it is true, may worship in 
their own way, and certain restrictions as to the 
building of synagogues and the formation of 

religious societies have been removed. Besides, 
many thousands of " converted " Jews are now 
permitted to return to their real faith. But these 
are mere trifles. The great sin and blunder of 
Russia, says this magazine, with regard to her 
Jewish population is found in the denial of 
equal rights of citizenship to millions whose 
religion is not proscribed or persecuted. Here 
is the anomaly, the crying contradiction, — it is 
lawful to profess Judaism, but he who does pro- 
fess it is yet treated as an outlaw and deprived 
of the essential attributes of citizenship. He is 
confined within a " pale ;" he is prohibited from 
engaging in certain occupations or from prac- 
tising the liberal professions. He may not own 
land or cultivate it in large areas ; his children 
are excluded from educational institutions. 

On what ground are all these restrictions 
imposed upon the Jewish subjects of the Czar ? 
They are not aliens ; they have been in the 
country ever since Russia acquired the prov- 
inces they inhabit. They have not forfeited 
their rights through rebellion. Whatever in- 
justice and oppression Russia has been guilty 



of toward Poland, Finland, and other subject 
populations (and slie has been guilty of much 
injustice) may be attributed to political error ; 
in the case of the Jew, the injustice is morally 
as well as politically reprehensible. 

Anti-Semitic organs affect to believe, con- 
tinues the writer, that the anti- Jewish measures 
are economic, not racial or religious. The Jew 
is accused of plundering and "exploiting" the 
peasant and monopolizing the wealth of the 
country ; but what are the facts ? The millions 
of Jews in the pale are impoverished, and re- 
duced to a state of wretchedness bordering on 
pauperism. In spite of the severest and most 
exhausting toil, they cannot make a decent liv- 
ing. An elaborate investigation covering twenty- 
five provinces and over seven hundred thousand 
families showed that in recent years nearly 19 
per cent, of the Jews have been compelled to 
apply for charitable relief. That is, one man in 
five is a pauper; as against one man in twenty 
of the Christian population. In some govern- 
ments the percentage of destitution or pauper- 
ism among the Jews rises to 25. 

In view of these figures, asks the writer, what 
a mockery it is to charge the Jews of Russia 

with robbing the peasants of their substance, 
and how absurd it is to say that they must be 
denied ordinary rights of industry, property, 
and residence in order to prevent their absorp- 
tion of the wealth and resources of the em- 
pire ! 

The conclusion reached by the writer is that 
without any further delay Russia must grant the 
Jews full equality of rights. This alone will 
realize true religious toleration. But mere neg- 
ative emancipation, — the withdrawal of galling 
restrictions, — will not answer the requirements 
of a situation produced by a long period of dis- 
crimination, persecution, and cruelty. "When 
the serfs were liberated, the government gave 
them land ; without economic opportunity, eman- 
cipation would have been a sham and a delusion. 
The Jews, likewise, must be provided with means 
of subsistence. 

It is understood that the commission now con- 
sidering economic reform has passed over the 
Jewish question as too involved and difficult, and 
has decided to refer it in its entirety to the na- 
tional assembly which is shortly to be convoked. 
Liberal Russia is ready to grant the Jews equal 
rights and opportunities. 


RECALLING- the fact that the last Polish 
uprising was coincident with the central 
year of the American Civil War, Mr. David Bell 
Macgowan, in a very instructive article in the 
July Century^ draws a comparison which is very 
graphic. He asks us to assume that the Con- 
federate States are still under martial law. Then 
imagine such a state of affairs as the following : 

All Southerners excluded from offices with salaries 
exceeding five hundred dollars a year, and the entire 
South run by corrupt "carpet-baggers" animated by 
racial hatred. Scarcely a new school or post-office 
opened since the inauguration of Lincoln. The States 
without Legislatures ; counties and cities handed over to 
Washington appointees ; the courts intrusted to aliens 
ignorant of the laws of the land. The press under a 
censorship as capricious as it is severe, — the newspapers 
forbidden even to copy sympathetic articles from North- 
ern journals ; the theaters controlled by the police. 
Railway tariffs discriminating against home products, 
and taxes in some instances eight times as high as in 
the North, and devoted mainly to the support of the 
national government, w^hich makes no concealment of 
its policy of encouraging racial and class discord. Then 
imagine Maryland, Kentucky, Missouri, southern Indi- 
ana, and southern Illinois ruled in the same manner, 
with a view to the suppression of "Copperheads ; " sup- 
pose persons of Southern descent denied the right of 
buying, leasing, or farming land in these States, or of 
bequeathing it except in direct succession, and you will 

have a faint notion of the restrictions still imposed, af- 
ter the lapse of forty years, upon the former grand 
duchy of Lithuania and Ukraine, which were united to 
Poland for four hundred years and still have a large 
Polish-speaking population. 


This imperfect comparison takes no account 
of religious differences felt by those concerned 
to be as great as between Protestantism and 
Catholicism, and differences. of language as wide 
as between English and French. Consider, there- 
fore, the following situation : 

The Russian language used exclusively in the courts 
and in public buildings, and in such schools as exist 
even in teaching Polish, which is forbidden altogether 
in Lithuania and the Ukraine ; Roman Catholic priests, 
like ticket- of-leave men, forbidden to leave their par- 
ishes without i)olice permission, and subject to fine, 
imprisonment, and deportation if, for instance, they 
obey their consciences instead of the constables and 
heed a death-bed call while on a visit away from home, 
or if some one reports that they read the prayers for 
the safety of the imperial family with less than due 
care. A large number of the people having been dra- 
gooned into nominal orthodoxy eighty years ago, their 
descendants are denied the privilege of the religious 
offices of Catholic clergymen, and therefore those that 
cannot afford to go abroad for ceremonial purposes 
prefer to live out of wedlock and to die unshriven. 




" The Czai" promises to all his subjects the same freedom 
that he enjoys himself. Thanks, awfully ! " 
From Kladderadatscli (Berlin) . 

One would naturally suppose that such con- 
ditions could not be endured for more than a 
generation. One would expect to find the Poles 
engaging in repeated rebellions. It has not been 
so. The Poles, continues Mr. Macgowan, have 
had their schooling of a hard master. 

Not only do they not rebel,— they have become mod- 
est in their demands. The Finlanders are struggling 
with fair prospects of success for the restoration of' 
their hereditary constitutional liberties ; the Poles 
would be grateful for such crumbs of freedom as the 
Russians already enjoy. They ask mainly for teaching 
that their children can understand, for zemstvo and 
municipal institutions, for the right to exist as a sep- 
arate race, and the right to worship God,— I would 
add the usual phrase, "according to their own con- 
sciences," if there were any other way to worship. 


Mr. Macgowan quotes the following statement 
of the Polish case from the mouth of a professional 
man, an influential member of the National De- 
mocracy. Why should Poles be loyal ? he asked. 

Though only one-twelfth of the population of the 
empire, we are now, December, 1904, supplying 40 per 
cent, of the troops in Manchuria, Our land taxes are 
eight times as high as in Russia. The railway tariff on 
grain is seventy-five kopecks from Odessa to Warsaw ; 
it is ninety-two kopecks from Lublin, a Polish town on 
the same line of railway, and only a fifth as far as 
Odessa. This is to give the Russian grain- producers a 
market at our expense. Here is the report of the de- 
partment of control for 1899. Any other year would 
serve as well. The revenues derived from the ten prov- 
inces of Poland are stated as 135,000,000 rubles. Of this 
sum, 37,000,000 was transferred to the imperial treasury, 
48,000,000 was expended for the army and the public 
debt, and only 47,000,000 was allotted to the support of 
the civil government and for civilizing agencies in Po- 
land. The National Democracy refuses to recognize the 
obligations of tripartite loyalty. We want future inde- 
pendence, like Hungary. For the present, we demand 
the recognition of national rights, while remaining in 
the Russian Empire. This is the programme of the im- 
mense majority of the Polish people. The National 
Democracy is the chief agency for the instruction of the 
people, particularly the peasants and artisans, in his- 
tory and geography. It circulates immense numbers 
of newspapers printed in Galicia. There are special 
organs for the educated classes, the peasants, the school 

''Everything m Poland that is worth while is 
an evasion," Mr. Macgowan was told by a lead- 
ing barrister. 

Everything is done by stealth or bribery, everything 
takes a side turn. The educational energies of the 
people are wholly directed in illegal channels. There 
are educational institutions whose existence is unknown 
to the government. Inspectors are employed on regular 
salaries. Young ladies who do not teach are frowned 
upon in good society. 

Last year the Poles were invited to state what 
they wished to obtain from the government of 

A delegate meeting of one hundred and five persons 
assembled in the home of a nobleman, under the chair- 
manship of the Catholic Bishop of Warsaw, and adopted 
a long memorial for presentation to Prince Mirski. It 
closed by making the following demands : 

1. The use of the Polish language in the schools, 
courts, and public offices. 

2. The appointment of Poles to all public offices. 

3. Self-government on an elective basis in town and 
country, with the retention of the existing commune, 
or ''gmina." 

4. Freedom of conscience. 

Such were the minimum demands of all the parties, 
excepting the Social Democrats, the "Bund," and the 
"Proletariat," as another radical labor party is called. 
Many of the Liberals and National Democrats were 
disposed to add a fifth clause, — a national diet and an 
autonomous government subordinate merely in matters 
of imperial concern to the authorities at St. Petersburg. 


The editor of the Century appends to Mr. 
Macgowan's article the following note : 



Since the above article was made ready for the press, 
the Czar, in a rescript issued May 16, 1905, removed 
many of the restrictive ordinances from which Poland 
has suffered. Permission to introduce the Polish and 
Lithuanian languages into the primary and secondary 
schools is granted ; the assemblies of Polish nobles are 
reestablished ; the purchase of land by Catholic peas- 
ants is permitted ; and these measures, it is understood, 
are to be followed by local self-government through the 
zemstvo. Should these reforms be put in force, the re- 
sult will mark a complete reversal of Russian policy in 

Will Prussia Also Grant Concessions? 

Commenting on the Czar's recent ukase grant- 
ing certain important concessions to the Poles, 

the Hilfe^ of Berlin (in an article by Herr F. 
Naumann), declares that the sacrifices of the 
Russian revolutionist have not, after all, been 
in vain. If the spirit of the ukase be carried 
out, says this writer, the Poles in Russia will re- 
gain much that they lost after their revolution 
of 1863. This has so encouraged the Poles, says 
this writer, that hope of a free Poland in the 
future has been strengthened. Another signifi- 
cant phase of the situation is the fact that now 
it will become increasingly difficult for Berlin 
to continue the forced Germanization of the 
Poles. If Russia accords more liberty than 
Prussia, the latter will be compelled to keep pace. 


LITERATURE and cigar-making are associ- 
ated in a striking way by a practice which 
prevails in many of the Havana cigar factories. 
The employment of paid readers, at good sal- 
aries, in these establishments has become a 
settled custom, interference with which would 
result only in strikes. The duties of tliese read- 
ers are described in the July Bookman by James 
H. Collins. 

The reading occupies three hours daily, com- 
monly in the afternoon. Half of this time is 

given to the newspapers (occasionally including 
American papers, which are translated by the 
reader as he goes along), and half to novels. 
The choice of reading is controlled by the 
workers, or tahaqueros, themselves, who elect for 
the purpose a president, secretary, and treasurer. 
Each cigarmaker pays into the common fund the 
sum of fifteen cents a week. In factories where 
from three hundred to five hundred cigarmakers 
are employed, this assessment creates a revenue 
of from $50 to $75 a week, from which is paid 




the reader's weekly salary of from $30 to $60, 
as well as the cost of books and newspapers. 
Each day the president and secretary go over 
daily papers with the reader, marking what is to 
be read aloud. 


The selection of novels is determined by pop- 
ular vote. 

The reading of a book like "Quo Vadis" takes 
about three weeks, while shorter works may be fin- 
ished in two weeks or ten days. The reader judges 
the period required for a given book with great nicety, 
and a few days before he is to finish one the secretary 
holds an election to determine what novel shall be 
taken up next. Not all of the tahaqucros can read 
themselves. But each learns of certain books through 
friends, or sees them in one of the bookshops, so that 
upon the day of election each has a preference. As 
many as fifty different novels may be proposed at one 
of the elections, but the choice usually centers on three 
or four of wide note. " Quo Vadis" was elected by 180 
votes in one of the Cabanas factory's galeras recently, 
defeating " P6re Goriot " by 30 ballots. The choice falls 
oftenest on modern novels, and those of Spain are pre- 
ferred because a wider range is possible. Perez Gald6s 
is a favorite author, and each new Spanish celebrity in 
fiction quickly gets his hearing in the Havana factories. 

Among English novels read are "Vanity Fair," 
" Oliver Twist," "A Tale of Two Cities," and others of 
greater melodramatic interest, as the books of Wilkie 
Collins and Hugh Conway. Senor Munoz, chief reader 
in the Cabanas factory, had never heard of Hall Caine 
or Marie Corelli, and said that only such English works 
as are to be had in Spanish come up for choice. Some 
of the English poets are favorites, Byron in particular 
being read repeatedly. Poetry is a staple in the read- 
ing, long poems frequently being chosen instead of 
novels. Shakespeare is not unknown. Only one Ameri- 
can book has ever had the honor of repeated reading in 
Havana cigar factories, the readers say, and that fell 
into disuse about ten years ago. It was "^^nrCTeTom's 
Cabin." Some books are elected and reelected, just as 
favorite plays are revived. Victor Hugo is an unfailing 

favorite, while no year passes in any Havana cigar fac- 
tory, it is said, without a reading of " Don Quixote." 

THE candidate's ORDEAL. 

Men who seek positions as readers are tested 
by methods not unlike those of the Civil Service 

When it becomes known that a certain galera is 
without a reader, all the men of that calling seeking a 
place come and occupy the reader's box for a short test 
period, usually an hour. The trial period lasts a week, 
and as each candidate presents himself the president 
gives him a novel marked at the place where the last 
aspirant left off. At the stroke of a bell he ceases and 
steps down, to be replaced by another candidate. Many 
of the Havana readers are men of note in their singular 
profession, and have been identified with one galera 
for years, gaining reputation for their superior rendi- 
tion. Others rise out of the ranks of the tabaqueros, 
first as candidates, then as readers, often sinking back 
again ignominiously. At the end of the week's test a 
reader is chosen by general ballot from all the candi- 
dates. When the tabaqueros are dissatisfied with their 
reader, a petition signed by at least ten men may be 
handed to the president, who then causes the box to be 
vacated and a new reader chosen. The outgoing reader 
is never told that his rendition has been unsatisfactory, 
however. With Spanish delicacy the president informs 
him that it has been decided to have no more reading 
for a time, and thus his feelings are spared. All books 
and newspapers purchased are subsequently sold at 
half-price to tabaqueros who may want them. No 
library is maintained. 

The custom of reading in the cigar factories 
was established about 1878 by the distinguished 
Cuban poet, Martinez, who was at that time a 
tahaquero. Secretary Morna, of the Cuban Sen- 
ate, was formerly a reader, and so was Seiior 
Ambrosio Berges, who is one of the orators of 
the Cuban House. Senor Victor Munoz, editor 
of El Mundo, one of the Havana daily papers, has 
been a reader for many years, both in Cabanas 
and Havana. 


WHAT is the most difficult peak known to 
mountain-climbers? Not the Matter- 
horn, says George D. Abraham in the August 
Cosmopolitan. That mountain has a record of 
tragedy, but there are other heights which moun- 
taineers regard as far more perilous. Such are 
the "aiguilles " of Mont Blanc, which only expe- 
rienced mountain-climbers have attempted, and 
then after careful preparation. Mr. Abraham, 
who is a member of the English Climbers' Club 
and the Swiss and German Alpine clubs, tells 
the story of a climb that he made in late autumn 
to the pinnacle of the famous Aiguille de Grepon. 

After narrating a start up the mountain-side 
made long before dawn by himself, a guide, and 
a porter, Mr. Abraham proceeds to describe the 
first of the real difficulties that confronted these 
intrepid mountaineers : 

The huge bastion of the North Peak looked abso- 
lutely impossible to direct assault, but across the 
couloir to our right an almost vertical crack, some 
seventy feet high, led up between a large detached 
slab of rock and the face of the cliff. It actually over- 
hung in its lower portion, and the hand-holds in its 
inner recesses were insidiously covered with flaky ice. 
This was the well-known "Chemin^e Mummery." 

There being proverbial authority that " many han^s 



make labor light," we assumed 
that this applied also to heads 
and shoulders. Acting on this 
deduction, we crossed to tho 
foot of the crack, where Amand 
skillfully acted as a sort of fly- 
ing buttress and held me 
against the rocks while Simond 
mounted on my shoulders, and 
by a final kick-off from the top 
of my head was able to hoist 
himself half-way up the diffi- 
cult part. Struggling carefully 
up for some ten feet, until a 
shelving ledge conveniently 
placed as hold for the left foot 
served as a resting-place, he re- 
couped his strength for the 
upper portion. This proved 
easier than expected, for by this 
time the warm sun had dis- 
pelled the mist and its welcome 
rays had thawed the ice from 
the tiny ledges which serve as 
hand and foot holds. 

From this point on the 
route led up steep cliffs, 
now in the shade and again 
in b r ig h t sunlight, five 
thousand feet above the Mer 
de Glace. Finally, a broad 
pinnacle seemed to bar far- 
ther passage, but the guide 
was able to lead the way up 
its smooth front. A ledge 
on the other side afforded a 
pathway to the base of the 
last peak to be ascended. 
There a series of narrow 
chimneys led up to a di- 
minutive ledge, where the 
climbers were forced out on 

to an upright nose of granite. Two small ver- 
tical cracks, an inch or two wide and rising 
parallel about a yard apart, supplied the only 
available holds. The culmination of this haz- 
ardous climb may best be told in Mr. Abraham's 
own words : 

With the right foot jammed in one crack and the 
hands gripping the other firmly, I scrambled cautiously 
up until a slab could be reached, where the hand-holds 
were just sufficient to make one feel the desperate na- 
ture of the situation. To leave the friendly cracks and 
allow one's body to swing steadily out between earth 
and sky on those holds was the crux of this portion. 
How*^^"«»r, a steady movement to the left brought a 
satisfying knob of rock within reach, and by severe 
muscular effort the body could be raised to the top of 
the buttress. It was a mystery to me how Simond led 
up this portion. Truly, there is much to learn in the 
art of rock-climbing. 

The main difficulties were now over, and a struggle 
up another chimney landed us safely at the summit, 



As we stood on its apex and gazed across at the glori- 
ous array of Alpine giants which crouched all around 
on their glacier beds we appreciated to the full the feel- 
ings described by Tennyson i 

"The joy of life in steepness overcome 
And victories of ascent, and looking down 
On all that had looked down on ns, 
In breathing nearer heaven." 

The route of descent lay down the south face 
of the peak, and consisted mainly of a series of 
climbs down hitclied ropes. A number oi jntons 
driven into cracks in the rocks enabled the 
climbers to secure the rope and pull it down 
after them, as they had done previously in the 
Great Gap. They became tired of this process, 
and found it a great relief to gain the snow- 
covered rocks below the peak. After a scramble 
over the soft snow of the glacier, they stood 
once more on the loose rocks of the moraine. 




Breadth, 5,526 feet. 


A STUDY of the entire Rliodesian railroad 
system, with special attention to the engi- 
neering work, is contributed to the German 
magazine Umscliau (Frankfort-on-the-Main) by 
Dr. Faerg. A glance at this system will readily 
demonstrate, says this writer, in what a wonder- 
ful way the English engineer has solved the 
problem of building a railroad at once economi- 
cal and attractive to the tourist. The line begun 
at Kimberley in 1890 was constructed to Bulu- 
wayo in 1897. After the close of the Boer war, 
the railroad made 
great strides, until the Victoria, 

line was completed to 
Beira, a port on the 
sea, and had already 
begun to tap that won- 
derful country with its 
enormous mineral and 
other resources. The 
scenery along this line 
is magnificent. 

With a connection 
made over the Victo- 
ria Falls of the Zam- 
besi River an impor- 
tant link would be established in the Cape to 
Cairo railroad. On the completion of this con- 
nection between the Victoria Falls and Lake 
Tanganyika the Mediterranean Sea will at 
last be in direct railroad communication with 
Cape Town. 


The wonderful bridge over the Zambesi River 
at Victoria Falls, already under construction 
(and which is promised to be open for traffic 
this month), will have a total length of 660 feet, 
and will cross the river at an altitude of 520 
feet. This bridge is therefore the highest in 

the world, — much higher than the Brooklyn 
Bridge, the Lansdowne Bridge, or that over the 
Firth of Forth. St. Paul's Cathedral, the high- 
est church building in the world, might be built 
under the bridge and there would still be plenty 


. Breadth, 
"S 2,625 feet. 




(Showing the country through which the new railroad runs 
to the sea.— From a map printed in the Umschau.) 

of room between its dome and the roadway, 
which has been so chosen that the traveler may 
look from the train-window and see the entire 
fall in all its beauty. As to the size of this fall, 
it is sufficient, perhaps, to say that it is three 
times as high as Niagara and twenty times as 
broad. The construction of the bridge is an 
engineering triumph. It was built by the aid 
of electrical cable wagons, which delivered the 
material ten tons at a time All this material 
had to be transported by sea from England, and 
then overland from Cape Town. 





AN extended character sketch of Mr. H. 
Rider Haggard is one of Mr. William T. 
Stead's personal contributions to the English 
Review of Reviews. Upon Mr. Haggard's return 
to England after his recent tour of the United 
States investigating the Salvation Army colo- 
nies in this country, an extended account of his 
work was presented to the British Government. 


Mr. Haggard visited many portions of this coun- 
try and Canada, and was especially interested in 
the vacant-lot cultivation in Philadelphia, and 
in the Salvation Army farm colonies in Cali- 
fornia and Colorado. He was promised by the 
Canadian premier a land grant in Canada for 
experiments. Mr. Stead traces the novelist- 
economist's career in all its phases. He points 
out that Mr. Haggard, while British-born, began 
his life in South Africa, and that he comes of 
Scandinavian stock. In 1875, while still in his 
teens, he went to Natal as secretary to Sir Henry 
Bulwer. He did some fighting in Africa, and 
after the disaster at Majuba Hill the Transvaal 
abandonment convention was signed in his 
house. He then left South Africa and began to 
publish his books on life in that part of the 
world, his first book being " Cetewayo and His 
White Neighbors" (1882). Mr. Haggard's en- 
trance into the field of literature was with a 

purely imaginary description of an operation in 
a hospital, written when a child. He had never 
witnessed an operation, or been in a hospital, 
but he won the prize. His fii'st novel, " Dawn," 
was published in 1884, and five hundred copies 
were sold. Then followed " The Witch's Head," 
and then ''King Solomon's Mines." His great 
success was " She," which he wrote in six weeks. 
Very close to a million copies of this novel 
were sold. 

The story grew, like Topsy, under his pen. On its 
appearance it was hailed with enthusiasm. It shares 
with Sherlock Holmes the first place in popularity, and 
like Sir Conan Doyle, who had to resuscitate Sherlock 
Holmes, so in response to the impatient calls of in- 
numerable readers, more imperious even than "She 
who must be obeyed," the immortal queen is now with 
us once more in the story of "Ayesha," which is now 
running through the Windsor Magazine. 

It has been only during the past fifteen years 
that Mr. Haggard has become an agricultural 
economist. He is devoted to the land, and he 
is probably now one of the most intelligent and 
lucid writers on agriculture. His two books, 
"The Farmer's Year" and "The Gardener's 
Year," are "full of the fascination, the flavor, 
and the fragrance of rural life." In his garden 
at Ditchingham, between Norwich and Bungay, 
Mr. Haggard grows everything from cabbages 
to orchids. The work of which he is most proud, 
and to which he has devoted four years of in- 
cessant labor, is his survey of " rural England." 
He traveled all over the United Kingdom, in- 
terviewing farmers everywhere, and embodied 
the result of his observations in "two of. the 
most interesting, fact-crammed surveys of con- 
temporary England that have ever been pub- 
lished." With the help of fifteen hundred dol- 
lars subscribed by the Rhodes trustees, he set 
out, on behalf of the British Government, as a 
special commissioner " to inspect and report upon 
the conditions and character of the agricultural 
and industrial settlements which have been es- 
tablished there by the Salvation Army with a 
view to the transmigration of suitable persons 
from the great cities of the United States to the 
land and the formation of agricultural communi- 
ties." The net result of his interviews and in- 
vestigations are embodied in a scheme which he 
has drawn up, the adoption of which is strongly 
urged upon the British Government. He sum- 
marizes his suggestions as follows : 

1. That the interest of a loan, or loans, of an amount 
to be fixed hereafter, should be guaranteed by the im- 
perial government, or by the imperial and certain colo- 



nial governments jointly, if that is thought desirable 
and can be arranged. 

2. That the poor-law authorities in the large cities 
of Great Britain should be approached in order to as- 
certain whether they would be prepared to make a per 
capita contribution for every selected family of which 
the burden was taken off the local rates. 

3. That a permanent officer should be appointed by 
the imperial government, to be known as the superin- 
tendent of land settlements, whose duties and responsi- 
bilities I have sketched out above. 

4. That the Salvation Army, or any other well-estab- 
lished and approved social, charitable, or religious or- 
ganization, should be deputed to carry out the work of 
selecting, distributing, and organizing the settlers on 
land colonies anywhere within the boundaries of the 
British Empire, who should remain in charge of such 
organization until all liabilities were paid. 

5. That no title to land should be given to any colo- 
nist until he had discharged these liabilities, on which 
he should pay 5 per cent, interest and 1 per cent, sink- 
ing fund, recoverable in an agreed period of years. 

(5. That the possibility of establishing similar colo- 
nies in the United Kingdom should be carefully con- 

7. That, if these suggestions are approved, a bill, to 
be designated the "National Land Settlements Act," 
embodying and giving life to them, should be laid be- 
fore Parliament. 

In elaborating these suggestions he proposes 
that 7,500 persons should be sent out — or 1,500 
families — to occupy the 360 square miles of 
fertile Canadian land promised as a free grant 
by the Canadian government. He thinks that 
they could be planted out at a cost of £200 per 
family. This would require a loan of £300,000, 
which the state could raise at 3 per cent, and 
make a profit by charging them 5 per cent, plus 
1 per cent, sinking fund, which would enable 
them to become owners of an unencumbered 
freehold in thirty three-years. 


EVIDENCES are not wanting that a slow but 
thorough economic and industrial evolu- 
tion is taking place in Ireland. One of the very 
iiopeful signs is the increasing frequency of local 
industrial exhibitions. The leading manufac- 
turers and merchants of Limerick at a recent 
meeting decided to hold such a display in the 
summer of each year, designed to embrace all 
the industries of Munster and Connaught. Lim- 
erick is the natural center of the two provinces, 
situated as it is on a splendid waterway, and is 
the junction of five railroad systems connecting 
the south and the west. Limerick's industries, 
though still consideraV)le, have greatly declined, 
but would be bound to benefit by such an ex- 
hibition, which would tend to revive some of the 
decayed manufactures and stimulate the exist- 
ing ones toward increased enterprise and greater 

The agricultural and technical progress of the 
Emerald Isle during the past five years, since 
the creation of the department of agricultural 
and technical instruction, is discussed statistic- 
ally in the latest annual report of the depart- 
ment, which has just been issued. A digest of 
this report is given by United States Consul 
Knabenshue, in a recent Consular Daily. It 
shows that the fundamental idea of helping self- 
help has taken a firm grasp upon the local county 
committees of the board, and that satisfactory 
progress is being made, especially in technical 
instruction at Belfast. The agricultural work 
is divided into the betterment of methods and 
the improvement of breeds of live stock. The 

most effective of the plans thus far introduced 
for agricultural improvement is the employment 
of traveling instructors, — the equivalent of the 
American Farmers' Institute. In certain places 
there has grown an increased demand for a 
more regular and fixed course of instruction, for 
the benefit of young farmers, and at seven 
centers, five of them in Ulster, what is practi- 
cally a winter school of agriculture has been 
established in which a regular course of instruc- 
tion is given in tillage, stock-breeding, veteri- 
nary hygiene, poultry-keeping, and elementary 
agricultural science. There are now 30 poultry 
instructresses at work, and the department dis- 
tributed 40,875 dozen eggs of pure-bred fowls 
from 392 stations during the year. There are 
14 instructors in horticulture, an increase of 5 
since the previous year. Under their direction 
170,000 young fruit trees were distributed with- 
in the year, and 8,000 kitchen gardens '-im- 
proved beyond recognition," as the board states. 
Energetic work has been done in arousing the 
farmers to the commercial value of fruit-grow- 
ing. The report shows great progress in tech- 
nical instruction in cities and towns. There 
were 40,000 pupils in attendance during the year 
1903-04. In addition. 8,600 pupils received 
instruction in experimental science, etc., in sec- 
ondary day schools supported by the science and 
art grants. In centers where three or four years 
ago no instruction of the kind existed there are 
now largely and regularly attended schools. 
Even British journals are publishing hearty 
praise for the work of the local Irish authorities. 



Ireland's Salvation at Last: In Her Bogs! 

In the World's Work and Play, Mr. R. J. Lynn 
describes a recent invention which may at last 
make it possible to utilize the wealth in Irish 
bogs, — in other words, to produce peat fuel as a 
paying commercial undertaking. This, it is pro- 
posed, can be done by an invention using elec- 
tricity for releasing the water from the peat. 

The discovery of a substitute for coal in abundance 
cannot fail to have a widespread effect. Experts calcu- 
late that Irish bogs are capable of turning out 50,000,- 
000 tons of fuel per year for a thousand years, and if 
this were sold at the moderate figure of five shillings 
per ton it would bring in £12,500,000 a year. When this 
sum is multiplied by a thousand it will be seen that 
Ireland is richer in undeveloped resources than is some- 
times imagined. At present, Ireland pays to Great 
Britain something like £1,000,000 a year for coal, but 
with the utilization of the bogs it will be possible to 
keep this money at home, and, in addition, to add con- 
siderably to the national income. 

Already, at Athy, a peat fuel-producing plant 
is being erected with which it is hoped that 
fuel as good as the best Welsh coal may be put 
on the market at a third the cost. 

Quite a number of advantages are claimed for this 

fuel. In the first place, it is practically smokeless, and 
its use should help to lessen the smoke nuisance which 
has now become so serious in many cities. The impor- 
tance of a fuel in the navy which would take up less 
space than coal and produce no smoke cannot be over- 
estimated. It makes no clinker or cinder, deteriorates 
but little by keeping, does not crumble by handling, 
and has a high calorific value. Another important 
consideration is the amount of space that will be re- 
quired for the storing of this fuel in railway trucks, 
ships' holds, or bunkers. Ordinary coal takes, on an 
average, 40 cubic feet for a ton and weighs 55 pounds per 
cubic foot. The electro peat coal takes about 34 cubic 
feet to the ton and weighs 66 pounds per cubic foot. 

The extent of the Irish bogs is almost as great 
as that of those in the German Empire ; and the 
prospect of exhausting them seems very remote. 
Moreover, it is thought by a great authority that 
they will reproduce themselves in fifty to a hun- 
dred years. And, again, peat bogs do not yield 
fuel only. 

The use of peat powder as a disinfectant is on the 
increase in Germany and other Continental countries. 
It is used for packing fruit, preserving ice, and it also 
makes a splendid covering for hot-water pipes. Peat 
molasses as a food for cattle is another industry which 
is coming to the front. 


AMERICAN magazines are not devoting 
much space just now to the ethical justifi- 
cation of the oil monopoly. Much has been 
printed in recent issues concerning the personal 
character of Mr. Rockefeller, and a recent car- 
toon represents that gentleman as inquiring, 
wearily, of his newsdealer, '' Is there anything 
on this stand that isn't about me ? " The mass 
of these articles are frankly hostile, and it gives 
the magazine reader a new sensation to come 
upon a serious defense of " Standard " ethics in 
the current number of one of the most dignified 
and respected of our theological quarterlies, — 
the Bihliotheca Sacra. 

The writer of the article in question, Prof. G. 
Frederick Wright, from his study of the means 
by which the oil business has been developed, 
arrives at the conclusion that, in the main, the 
methods employed '' are the only ones possible 
in the service of the public good, and such as 
are fully justified by all the ethical principles 
upon which the system of competition is per- 
mitted to work out its beneficial results." 


Professor "Wright sums up the transportation 
question under the following three heads : 

1. An economical factor in the problem which is 

little appreciated by the general public is found in the 
skillful selection of points most convenient for the col- 

Mr. Rockefeller: "Is there any reading matter here that 
isn't about me ? "—From the Record-Herald (Chicago). 



lection of the crude oil and the distril)ution of the re- 
fined. With the means of conununication available in 
the early days of the oil industry, Cleveland, Ohio, 
combined the greatest number of facilities for such col- 
lection and distribution. From this point competing 
railroads ran both east and west, while through the 
larger part of the year water communication was open 
both to New York and Chicago. 

2. One of the leading advantages arising from the 
choice of such a center existed in the cheapness of trans- 
portation to distant points secured by competing rail- 
roads and waterways. If the railroads obtained any of 
the business of transporting oil between Cleveland and 
New York, they must do it at rates closely approaching 
those which were offered by the waterways. Not only 
was it perfectly fair that the Standard Oil Company at 
Cleveland should take advantage of these rates, but in 
the service of the public good they were bound to do it, 
while the railroads were justified in hauling the product 
as through freight at cheaper rates than they could 
make for shorter hauls of way freight. If they had put 
up their through freights to match their way freights, 
they would have lost the traffic, and deprived them- 
selves of the relatively small profits derived therefrom, 
and to that extent burdened themselves with the duty 
of making their whole earnings from the way freight, 
which would add still more to the expenses of all the 
industries of the interior towns. 

3. By furnishing a large amount of freight regularly, 
the actual cost of transportation was greatly reduced, 
and it was but fair that the organization which secured 
this should derive advantage from it. 

The statement of Mr. Rockefeller that the dis- 
criminations which he has received from the 
transportation lines have been amply paid for, 
and that equal discriminations were open to any- 
body else who should select equally favorable 
points of distribution and carry on a business of 
the same magnitude, is declared to be fully justi- 
fied by the evidence. The system of railroad 
rebates in vogue between 1872 and 1882 is ex- 
plained as a system introduced by the railroads 
themselves, so that every shipper who did busi- 
ness with them had to make a special bargain. 
The Standard Oil Company, of course, had great 
advantag(^s in driving a bargain of this kind. 

One instance that seems on its face indefen- 
sible is the rebate of 22-i- cents a barrel paid by 
the Pennsylvania Railroad in 1879 to the Amer- 
ican Transfer Company (an adjunct of the Stand- 
ard Oil Company) on oil shipped by other par- 
ties. This, however, is explained as being not 
a rebate, but a " sum paid, out of the total 
freight rate, to the Transfer Company, for the 
service of gathering the oil and bringing it to 
the Pennsylvania Railroad rather than to some 
other transporting line." 


Professor Wright points out that the public 
has been greatly benefited by the success of the 
Standard Oil Company, both in improving the 

(juality of the marketaljle produ(;t and in bring- 
ing the price down to a very narrow margin of 

While it is true that the production of many of the 
main staples of commerce is monopolized by large com- 
binations of capital so as to shut off individual compe- 
tition, it is not true that the career of the individual is 
thereby greatly circumscribed, for the very success of 
these so-called monopolies in excluding competition by 
lowering the margin of profit and cheapening the prod- 
uct opens innumerable other channels of effort into 
which the individual may freely enter with hope of 
success. In the oil business, for example, the greatest 
evils existed in connection with the waste of that "cut- 
throat competition" which was practised in the first 
decade of its existence. When five competing pipe lines 
were built to Pit Hole City where only one was neces- 
sary, four-fifths of the capital was wasted, and became 
a dead loss, not only to the individuals expending it, 
but to the community, which was compelled in the 
long run to pay higher prices for oil on account of the 
great waste attending such unwise competition. 

Those extreme fluctuations of prices inevitable in 
handling such a product by small capitalists were pro- 
ductive of the worst classes of evils connected with the 
gambling mania. The elimination of those evils by the 
growth of the Standard Oil Company is an incalculable 
service to the whole public, and especially to the great 
crowds of young men who are freed from the tempta- 
tions incident to the former condition of things. The 
men engaged in those two hundred and forty oil re- 
fineries, more or less, which failed before the Standard 
Oil Company originated were free to go about safer 
and more profitable business to themselves, and to bless 
the world by activities less connected with hazards 
than those through which their original failure was 
brought about. 

In Professor Wright's opinion, it is a mistake 
to assume that the Standard Oil Company is or 
can be beyond the reach of competition. In the 
first place, oil is not the only commodity which 
provides light and heat. It has to compete with 
wood, gas, coal, and the water power of Niagara, 
and of all the cataracts by which electricity is 
being generated and distributed to an increas- 
ing extent. It also has to compete with other 
large organizations which deal in petroleum. 
At the present time, the percentage of business 
controlled by the Standard Oil Company is con- 
siderably less than it was a few years ago. Its 
chief rival, the Pure Oil Company, has a capital of 
$10,000,000 and an independent pipe-line to the 
Atlantic coast. In foreign trade, the Standard 
is in competition with the oil interests of Russia, 
which are greater than those of America, and 
are owned by the Rothschilds and the Nobel 
Brothers. Furthermore, one of the most power- 
ful influences in reducing the selling price of oil 
to consumers is the latent competition of prob- 
able or possible competitors. It is profitable 
for the Standard to keep prices at so low a rate 
that capital will not be tempted to compete. 




RECENT sensational disclosures in the busi- 
ness of life insurance have served to focus 
public attention on the methods of supervision 
employed by the insurance departments of our 
State governments. In this connection an arti- 
cle contributed to the North American Review 
for July by S. Herbert Wolfe, an actuary who 
has conducted examinations of insurance com- 
panies for various of these State departments, 
or bureaus, has a timely interest. 

A great defect of the system of insurance 
supervision in this country is that in each State 
the supervising officer is part of the State's 
political machinery. In most cases, the office 
of insurance commissioner is handed out as a 
reward for political services. So it comes about 
that men with no technical equipment are placed 
in charge of investigations which demand special 
training and experience. They are then com- 
pelled to employ trained actuaries to do the real 
work of conducting examinations. Mr. Wolfe 
intimates that the insurance laws of most of the 
States, having been enacted when life insurance 
companies were practically in their infancy, are 
inadequate to meet the needs of present condi- 
tions. The chief points of regulation to be aimed 
at in insurance laws are : The establishment of 
a standard of solvency by which the financial 
condition of the organization may be tested ; 
the designation of the investments in which a 
company may invest its funds ; the prescription 
of adequate forms under which the companies 
shall render their annual accounts ; and provid- 
ing for the verification of these accounts and re- 
ports by a personal examination of the affairs of 
the company on the part of the supervisor. 


The second point mentioned by Mr. Wolfe, — 
the prescribing of investments, — must be rec- 
ognized as one of the most important features of 
supervision. This has been clearly illustrated 
in the Equitable exposures. Mr. Wolfe's discus- 
sion of this point is worthy of the attention of 
all policy-holders : 

The laws of nearly all the States permit companies 
to purchase sufficient real estate for the conduct of 
their own business. This has been, by practice, con- 
strued to permit a company to erect a large office build- 
ing but a small part of which is occupied for its own 
operations. It goes without saying, of course, that 
companies are permitted to take title to such real estate 
as they are compelled to acquire under foreclosure, al- 
though the laws of many of the States require such 
property to be sold within a given time, usually five 
years, unless the necessary certificate is secured from 
some State officer setting forth that a forced sale would 

result injuriously to the interests of the policy-holders. 
A large part of the funds of insurance companies is in- 
vested in bond and mortgage on real estate, and the 
laws usually prescribe that such real property shall be 
improved, unencumbered, and worth 50 per cent, more 
than the amount loaned thereon. The weak part of 
this requiremeut is that it makes no provision for ascer- 
taining the actual worth of the property. The restric- 
tion is, therefore, valueless. 

The next broad subdivision of investments is the 
bonds and stocks. The statutes of a State in which are 
located large insurance interests provide that, after 
making the deposit with the superintendent of insur- 
ance, the residue of the capital and the surplus money 
and funds " maybe invested in, or loaned on the pledge 
of, any of the securities in which deposits are required 
to be invested, or in the public stocks and bonds of any 
one of the United States, or, except as herein provided, 
in the stocks, bonds, or other evidence of indebtedness 
of any solvent institution incorporated under the laws 
of the United States, or of any State thereof." Com- 
panies are not permitted to loan upon or own the stock 
of any other insurance corporation transacting the same 
kind of business. 

It will be seen at once that the field of investment 
permitted under this act is so broad as to contain, prac- 
tically, no restrictions. It is responsible for many of 
the evils which have crept into the business, and which 
must, in the very near future, be remedied, in order 
that the institution of life insurance shall occupy its 
legitimate field. It was never intended that the funds 
of any corporation of this kind should be used for the 
purpose of controlling subsidiary corporations, engaged 
in the transaction of other forms of commercial enter- 
prises. The spectacle of insurance companies owning 
the controlling interest in the stock of banks, trust 
companies, trolley roads, and industrial corporations of 
various kinds is neither a pleasant nor a reassuring 
one. The evils to which such a condition of affairs can 
lead have been given great prominence in recent public 

If the supervision of insurance companies is to be 
worth anything, it must, in the very near future, de- 
vote its serious consideration to the establishment of 
more rigorous standards, preventing the use (or mis- 
use) of the policy-holders' contributions for personal 
gain or aggrandizement. In addition to the foregoing, 
companies are permitted to loan to their policy-holders 
an amount not exceeding the reserve which is main- 
tained on their policies. This constitutes one of the 
safest and most desirable investments which a company 
can make. It is hard to imagine a more thoroughly 
secured loan than one of this character. Should the 
policy-holder die, the loan, by its terms, immediately 
becomes due and payable and is deducted from any 
proceeds which are turned over to the beneficiary. It 
is dependent for its security upon the progress of no 
outside institution. It can never be repudiated, as 
have been the bonds of some municipalities. If the 
policy-holder permits his policy to lapse, the company 
is amply protected ; for it has in its possession the 
man's reserve, which, it will be borne in mind, is the 
excess payments which he has made to provide for the 
maintenance of a level premium throughout his con- 




PUPIL self-government in the form known 
as tlie school city, as originated by Mr. 
Wilson L. Gill and described at length in the 
Review of Reviews for December, 1899, has 
been introduced in the public schools of Phila- 
delphia, and is meeting, apparently, with much 
success there. In the current number of Social 
Service (New York), Mr. Gill outlines the pur- 
poses of the movement and suggests some of its 
possibilities. In a brief statement which heads 
the article. President Roosevelt expresses his 
appreciation of Mr. Gill's work both in this coun 
try and in Cuba, where he inaugurated this form 
of instruction upon the invitation of General 

Mr. Gill's contention is that our public schools, 
as commonly administered, teach by example, if 
not by precept, the principles of monarchical 
government rather than of republicanism. 

In the olden time, the government of a school was a 
monarchy. But it did not make very much difference ; 
it was only for a little while. If it were a bad tyranny, 
it simply made children hate it. 

That same sort of government has been continued 
in the schools of the republic, and now we have the 
child being trained by the schools for monarchy. The 
only government that an educated American comes in 
contact with while his character is being established, 
while he is forming the habits of his life, is that of a 
monarchy. He is being made intelligent ; perhaps he 
is being made to understand a good many questions in 
relation to government and citizenship, but while he is 
being made intelligent in regard to these things he is 
being compelled to form the habit of being a subject 
and of accepting a government in which he has no part 
whatever, except to obey. 

Philadelphia's ills the result of 
monarchical teachings. 

It is possible to find in Philadelphia as good 
an illustration of the bad results of this kind of 
instruction as any American municipality can 
furnish. Mr. Gill describes the situation in the 
following paragraphs : 

In the city of Philadelphia, at the last two muni- 
cipal elections, 45 per cent, of the people who were 
registered to vote did vote. Fifty-five per cent, of those 
who had the right did not vote. This 45 per cent, who 
did vote, and who go to the primaries, is made up 
largely of the men who work in factories and shops and 
on the streets, under the orders of foremen. Their 
whole business life is spent in taking orders and in carry- 
ing them into execution. They belong to political 
clubs, and there they are governed as in the shop. 
They are told what they shall do at the primary meet- 
ings, and they do it. They are told what they shall do 
at the polls, and they do that. They do not go to the 
primaries and to the polls as independent American citi- 
zens, but simply as parts of a machine, under the orders 
of the officers of the bosses. 

When we see who those 55 per cent, are who do not 
vote in the primaries, and do not go to tlie polls, we find 
they are practically the entire body of those who have 
graduated from the colleges and universities ; not al>- 
solutely, but practically the whole body of men who 
are at the heads of business, includiiig professional men, 
and those who take the initiative in their daily busi- 
ness. All of these have been eliminated from municipal 
citizenship in the city of Philadelphia ; so that the 
bosses are left to use the machine exactly as they see 
fit. Thus, we have in Philadelphia, — we do not call 
him King Durham, we call him "the easy boss," — but 
he is a king, just as much as any man in any country 
in the world was ever king. That same condition ex- 
ists, to a less extent, perhaps, in almost every city of 
the Union. 


Mr. Gill declares that a method has been found 
which is actually making " citizens, instead of 
subjects," out of thousands and thousands of 
children in that same city of Philadelphia. 

Every school that organizes the "School City" gov- 
ernment receives a charter from the Board of Educa- 
tion, under which they form a complete municipal gov- 
ernment, a room corre