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ftogal £wtetg of literature 












I. — The Eastern Pediment of the Parthenon. By Wil- 
liam Watkiss Lloyd. (With Plates.) ... 1 

II. — Observations on the newly-discovered Fragments of the 
Statistical Tablet of Karnak. By Samuel Birch, 
LL.D 50 

III.— Oh Havelok the Dane. By R. G. Latham, M.D., 

F.R.S 71 

IV. — Supplemental Notes on St. George the Martyr, and 
on George the Arian Bishop. By John Hogg, 

F.R.S., Hon. For. Sec. R.S.L., etc 106 

V. — Illustrations of Egyptian History and Chronology, 
from the Cuneiform Inscriptions. By Major-Gen. 
Sir H. C. Rawlinson, K.C.B., F.R.S., V.P.R.S.L. 137 

VI. — On Assyrian Antiquities. By H. F. Talbot, F.R.S., 

V.P.R.S.L 169 

VII. — Preliminary Translations of Assyrian Inscriptions. By 

H. F. Talbot, F.R.S., V.P.R.S.L 183 

VIII.— A Political Poem relating to the Troubles of the 
Reigns of Edward II. and III. ; and an Account of 
the Visit of Charles V. to England, by an Eyewit- 
ness. By Professor Rkinhold Pauli, of Tubin- 
gen, Hon. Mem. R.S.L 201 

IX. — Journal of a Tour in Acarnania, with Account of Ruins 
of New Pleuron, Gyfto Castro, and Petro Vouni. 
By D. E. Colnaghi, Esq., British Vice-Consul, 

Missolonghi. (With Plates.) 219 

X. — On the Supposed Scriptural Names of Baalbec, or the 
Syrian Heliopolis ; and on the Chief Heliopolitan 
Inscriptions, Temples, Deities, and Sun- Worship. 
By John Hogg, F.R.S., Hon. For. Sec. R.S.L., 
etc 247 



XI. — A Slight Mistake of Lord Macaulay. By the Rev. 

Mackenzie £. C. Walcott 335 

XII. — Translation of an Inscription of Nebuchadnezzar. By 

H. F. Talbot, F.R.S., V.P.R.S.L 341 

XIII. — On some Inscriptions from Cyprus copied by 
Commander Leycester, R.N. By John Hogg, 

F.R.S., Hon. For. Sec. R.S.L 376 

XIII*. — Extracts from Letters addressed to C. T. Newton, 
Esq., by M. Demetrius Pierides and F. Calvert, 
Esq. Communicated by W. S. W. Vaux, Hon. 
Sec. R.S.L. (With a Plate,) 391 

XIV.— On Recent Excavations at Cyrene, by Lieut. R. M. 
Smith, R.E. Communicated by W. S. W. Vaux, 

Hon. Sec. R.S.L 399 

XV. — Observations on the * Popol Vuh/ or the Books of 
the National History of Guatemala ; also Remarks 
on the Commentary. By William Bollaert, 
F.R.G.S 421 

XVI.— On the Recent Excavations at Carthage. By Na- 
than Davis, Esq., and M. Beule. Communi- 
cated by W. S. W. Vaux, Hon. Sec. R.S.L., and 

Commander Porcher, R.N 441 

XVII. — On the Combat between Conlach and Cuchullin, in 
Gaelic, compared with that between Hildebrand 
and Hathubrant, in Germari. By R. G. Latham, 

M.D., F.R.S 474 

XVIII. — Me'moire sur l'Origine Scytho-CimmeYienne de la 
Langue Romane. Par M. le Due du Roussil- 
lon 482 

XIX. — On Ancient Ruins in the Neighbourhood of Misso- 
longhi. By D. E. Colnaghi, Esq., H.M. Con- 

sul, Bastia 542 

XX.— The Annals of Esarhaddon, translated from the As- 
syrian. By H. F. Talbot, F.R.S., V.P.R.S.L. 551 






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(Read April, 1860.) 

I turn back, after many years, to review the interpre- 
tation! gave in 1847 (Classical Museum, part xviii.) 
of the sculptured groups in the Western Pediment of 
the Parthenon, and would render an account to myself 
of how it has stood the test of time, in what respect 
re-consideration or remonstrance induce me to modify 
it in general tenor or particular points. 

For the general tenor — the chief matter of interest, I 
remain contented. I set forth, on the authority of a 
hymn to Athene by Proclus, and relying also on the 
analogy of parallel Greek legends, that the contest be- 
tween Athene and Poseidon for Attica was related and 
popularly known, not only in the form of rivalry in 
beneficial creation of the olive and the horse, and of 
reference to Cecrops as arbiter, but furthermore as a 
struggle between the powers of land and sea, in which 
Athene made good her claim to the chief worship of the 
Cecropidae, by staying the progress of angry Poseidon 
and his inundating waves. Single, late, or indirect, as 
the proof might appear, I argued and convinced those I 
chiefly sought to convince, that this form of the mythus 



had a true archaic root and alone and admirably ex- 
plained the expression of the groups, in this grandest 
of all the sculptured compositions of antiquity of which 
we have sufficient remains or records. 

These views were immediately and vehemently con- 
tested by Professor Welcker, in a paper which will be 
found in the ' Classical Museum/ and also in the Ger- 
man collection of his works ; but I find nothing in 
his arguments that affect my confidence in my views. 
I have even to thank him for an additional illustra- 
tion of the prevalence of the tradition I relied on, and 
I am furnished by an opponent who was at the time 
an excited opponent, with the very arm which I could 
most have wished for, — a corroborative authority ; the 
passage is from Statius, — 

"Jpse quoque in puguas vacuatur 0011184 ubi ingens 
Lis Supertim, dubiis donee nova surgeret arbor 
Rupibus, et longa refugnm mare frangeret umbra." 

Thebais, xii. 632. 

As regards secondary points I have one modification 
to admit. I am now satisfied that a figure is lost from 
the composition in the space between the river-god 
Cephisus and Cecrops. Among the drawings of Pars 
presented to the British Museum by the Dilettanti So- 
ciety, is a very careful and detailed sketch of this angle 
of the pediment and its sculptures. It shows a large 
fragment of the raking cornice dropped from its po- 
sition, and fallen between Cecrops and Cephisus, where 
it is lodged angularly, its corner having broken away 
some portion of the horizontal cornice immediately 
below it. There can be little doubt that together with 
the cornice, it damaged and sent down a figure that 
had its place upon this portion. The drawing shows a 


vacancy between the two preserved figures that could 
not have been left blank, and that the interval is truly 
represented seems clear, from the escape of the leg of 
Cecrops and the shoulder of Cephisus from damage 
by the stone that ruined the cornice between them. 

Photographs of the cornice as it exists, with the 
group of Cecrops and his wife still remaining, confirm 
the distribution now contended for. 

Respecting the character of the figure which I am 
thus prepared to admit, I have no hesitation, and claim 
it at once for a daughter of Cecrops. I rest still 
on the interpretation of my former essay, that the 
figure grouped immediately with this hero, can only be 
his wife, and as tradition rigorously demands that he 
should have three daughters, I was formerly enforced 
to make up the tale by claiming as one the charioteer 
of Athene. The latter figure is therefore released, 
and the preferential claims of genealogical mythus 
being now otherwise satisfied, she may fairly be re- 
stored, though wingless, to the current title Nike ; and 
because wingless, all the more probably as the Nike 
Apteros of the adjacent temple on the rock. 

To the male figure beyond the horses, who is in a cer- 
tain sense of expression her companion, I assigned in 
my former argument the title of Ares, — Ares who had 
a certain legendary alliance with the daughter of Ce- 
crops. But the daughter and the charioteer being no 
longer identified, the argument, only forlornly hopeful 
at first, now halts without hope, and I confess it would 
be agreeable to me to be fairly free of the war-god in 
a scene where Athene was properly the sole and the 
sufficing protecting power. Arguments not unplau- 
sible may now urge us to recognize the figure as 

b 2 


Erysichthon the Cecropid, brother of Agraulos, Herse, 
and Pandrosos, who, according to the records of Apol- 
lodorus and Pausanias, dies childless and fails to con- 
tinue the royal line. Legend at least distinguishes him 
constantly and consistently from Erichthonius, equi- 
vocal offspring of Athene or Ge, the vaunted stock 
of the autochthonous Athenians : Erichthonius as the 
nurseling of the Cecropid virgins, it may be said, is 
manifestly before us in the boy that they are tending 
on the pediment in the midst of their agitation ; and 
was he not, we may pursue, necessarily represented as 
so youthful in order to give expression to their legen- 
dary function, while their own brother Erysichthon is 
fairly presented as stalwart, in the prime of manhood, 
and not remote from the verge of conflict, — though 
the conflict of gods ? 

All considerations weighed, however, I do not hesi- 
tate to identify the boy as the Cecropid Erysichthon, 
and the ephebus more near to manhood, or rather in 
the prime, as Erichthonius. Erichthonius is the more 
important in legendary history as type of the Athenian 
autochthon ; his relations to Athene which are recog- 
nized by Homer are in harmony with his independent 
proximity to his patroness, and his Homeric relations 
to the Panathenaic festival are signiflcantly expressed 
in the concern he tenders to the government or course 
of the horses of the goddess. 

" Primus Erichthonius currus et quatuor ausus 
Jungere equos rapidisque rotis insistere victor." 

Vvrg. Georg, iii. 113—4. 

Thus the family of Cecrops is retained in an undi- 
vided group, and the subordination of the boy is fully 
justified by the reduction of his claims to no more 


than a name that vanishes from legend without impor- 
tant consequence to the course of Attic nationality. 

I have thought it worth while to add to the illustra- 
tions of the present paper two views of the folds of the 
mighty serpent on which Cecrops is seated, in a man- 
ner fully described in my former Essay. The appli- 
cation of the marble fragment to the cast here was a 
prime restoration, authentic by simple inspection, and 
grievously damaging the perspicacity or the candour 
of those who doubt or misinterpret. 

It is worth while to notice here that the torso of 
Erichthonius in the Elgin room is very defectively and 
painfully posed ; it is erected with reference solely to 
the centre of gravity of the mutilated block, and not 
to the attitude and expression, which are accurately 
known, of the figure when complete. Appropriately 
adjusted it would lend to the assembled groups, shat- 
tered though they be, a wonderful accession of har- 
mony and play of line and force of effect. 

This completes my palinode ; I would now willingly 
proceed with the illustration of the sculptures of the 
eastern pediment which I left aside in former days, 
hoping that years in their process would indulge me 
with a journey to Athens, or that at least the progress 
of excavation on the spot would supply important 
elements of the groups so lamentably missing. Both 
aspirations have been all but entirely disappointed, 
and now are likely to be. It is indeed most remark- 
able how unfruitful researches among the ruins of the 
Athenian Acropolis and about Athens generally, have 
been in respect of works of art of the first interest 
or of the highest class. In pursuance of a recommen- 
dation made by me some years since to the trustees of 


the Museum, casts of some of the most important frag- 
ments that have turned up, but I suspect of some 
only, have been obtained from Athens and deposited 
in the Elgin room, but they belong chiefly to the west- 
ern front ; the rest give little help indeed, but still I 
shall endeavour to extort from them some hints to- 
wards a conjectural solution of the grand problem of 
the eastern composition, and they furnish one very wel- 
come completion of a subordinate group. 

What is this problem, is well known and may be 
stated with brevity. We know from Pausanias that 
the subject represented on this chief front was the 
birth of Athene ; the whole, he says, " has reference to 
the birth of Athene." Ancient poetical accounts of the 
birth of the goddess from the head of Zeus, cleft by axe 
of his son Hephaestus or of the Titan Prometheus, are 
abundant ; and abound also painted and sculptured re- 
presentations of the incident, on vases and bas-reliefs. 
The treatment of the subject varies from quaintness 
to ingenuity, according to the style and the vehicle 
adopted ; but we cannot expect and shall not readily find 
an even approximate adumbration of a form which shall 
avouch a capability of dignity and grace, worthy of the 
chief composition of the chief temple of Greece in its 
most flourishing day. The difficulties of the represen- 
tation that shall be both dignified and definite, are ma- 
nifest at once. A paper on the subject published by 
Mr. Edward Falkener, in the 'Museum of Classical An- 
tiquities,' renders account of most of the daring fail- 
ures or dexterous attempts at evasion of these difficul- 
ties by artists ancient and modern, and adds, I can but 
say, more than one contribution to either category. 

Brondsted, induced by the design he found on an 


Etruscan mirror, proposed to place Zeus enthroned in 
the centre of the design, and to show a little Minerva 
rising above the head of the god, immediately under 
the apex of the pediment. The same view was ad- 
opted by Professor Gerhard, in a composition adapted 
from a vase-painting of unusually correct design. 
This notion, however, had been already rejected by 
Mr. Cockerell, as might be expected from his taste, 
and his scheme of restoration, declining the difficulty, 
exhibits the presentation, or rather the appearance, of 
Athene, to the assembly of the gods. Zeus is again 
enthroned in the centre of the. pediment, his eagle at 
his feet ; the process of the miraculous birth is sug- 
gested by Hephaestus, who stands at his right-hand 
leaning on the adze, and it is further to the right again, 
and then rushing towards her father and with profile 
only visible to the spectator, that Athene appears, full 
grown and in arms. 

I dismiss the two first schemes and suggestions as 
entirely out of harmony with the spirit of Phidian art. 
" Phidias," it is excellently said by Welcker, " cannot 
have disfigured by a monstrous notion of the obsolete 
belief in miracles, and by a remnant of the rude sim- 
plicity of early ages, a work which in all its details con- 
tains evidence of the most extraordinary power of in- 
vention, and at the same time of the deepest and purest 
artistic taste, and which throughout breathes life and 
nature, notwithstanding its sublime grandeur ; he can* 
not have intolerably exaggerated in his colossal marble 
a representation which, destined as it was for a small 
painting on a small vessel and for small and limited 
circles, was still bold and dangerous ; and he cannot 
have exhibited such a thing to the eyes of all Greece, 


in a spot which of all others at Athens, was calculated 
to invite the curiosity of all admirers of art. It is, in* 
deed, repugnant to our feelings and impossible to con- 
ceive it." 

Objections of a different class condemn to my mind 
as decisively, the restoration proposed in the publi- 
cation of the British Museum. The incident halts 
between the birth and the presentation, and becomes 
confused and equivocal ; the position of Athene is a 
countersense from either point of view, as she neither 
proceeds from nor is presented by her father Zeus. 
Her dignity in the pediment of her own temple suffers 
by her subordinate place and by reduction to profile ; 
as well as by the fact that placed as she is, her figure, 
for want of height, must have been on a smaller scale 
than the Athene on the western, — the secondary pe- 

Other difficulties, as unmanageable though less im- 
portant, come in. The sculptor, as we see by the com- 
pleter pediment, increased the scale of his figures as he 
advanced to the centre ; but whatever compatible pro- 
portions might be given to Zeus, his seated figure, if 
his feet were nearly on a level with the cornice, must 
have left a large vacant space between his head and 
the angle of the pediment. Hence the necessity in the 
design in question, of raising his throne upon a rock, 
though this scarcely does more than change the place 
of the objectionable blank, which again requires the 
introduction of a somewhat colossal and obtrusive eagle 
at the front of the god, — a suggestion from a Roman 

From consideration and feeling for economy and 
harmony in distribution of space therefore, I was 


always of opinion that the centre of the eastern pedi- 
ment was occupied by a standing figure of Athene, and 
that Zeus, as necessarily seated, would as necessarily 
find his position on one side and accommodate the slope 
of the pediment and the composition. 

Contrast with the western composition requires a 
central figure, and no less so that Athene should here 
assume the pre-eminence which would suffer fatally by 
her being again arranged co-ordinately with either god 
or goddess. 

I must be permitted to ascribe it to bias from recent 
studies of Lycian antiquities, that at the date of my 
former essay I was content to seat Zeus and Here facing 
each other on either side of the centre as in the Xan- 
thian pediment, an arrangement which invited the uti- 
lization of the group of Zeus and Hephaestus in the 
Rondanini bas-relief. 

This view was taken up by Mr. Falkener (see his 
essay, p. 361, note 3), and with him I believe still finds 
favour. His central Athene, however, is winged, and 
soars with unsupported feet. It may be questioned 
whether we are to regard her as soaring, or descend- 
ing, or floating in suspense, but I decline the analysis ; 
I can but condemn the suggestion from a sentiment 
of general repugnance which nothing but a necessity 
which does not appear, would enforce me to anatomize 
in detail 

A conjectural restoration of the composition, either 
partial or ambitiously complete, must be in harmony 
with the spirit of Phidian art in any case, and this 
condition observed, may resort for aid to the sugges- 
tions of the poetical and mythical descriptions of the 
birth of Athene, or of parallel incidents, and to the 


representation, of these in Art. From these sources, 
literary and monumental, may be derived a choice of 
modes of treatment and hints of characteristic atti- 
tudes and gestures ; and whatever materials are thus 
obtained, may be still further corrected in arrange- 
ment, according to the requirement of contrast with 
the western pediment. 

The extreme angles of the Western pediment, in the 
midst of which Poseidon and Athene contested for At- 
tica, were occupied by personifications of Attic rivers 
and streams and fountains, and thus, although the treat- 
ment of the conflict elevated it into an opposition of 
the elements of earth and water, of the fertility of the 
land and barren unproductive sea, still the scene was 
not merely terrestrial, but even local. This indeed 
was the principle of its force and interest ; the inhabi- 
tants of Attica recognized the enunciation that they too 
were objects of interest to the divinity, that among 
them and on their very soil divine agency had been in 
immediate contact with man and his sojourn and his 

The extreme angles of the Eastern pediment are 
occupied by personifications of larger range ; at the 
southern corner Helios and his horses rise to the steep 
of morn, and at the northern again, Selene sinks down- 
ward with her team, and regards his rays but as she 
leaves them. Thus the intermediate space from angle 
to angle, " wliere the bowed welkin low doth bend/' is 
the large range of the general world, and the grand 
span of the pediment becomes the wide cope of heaven ; 
and the scene of its central incident is the ethereal 
sojourn of the gods, the ever-enduring. 

There was a particular though subordinate aspect of 


the legendary birth of Athene, that rendered it as dis- 
tinctly elemental as any phase of the conflict of the 
goddess with the sea-god. By familiar allegory the 
goddess, azure-eyed, was recognized as the pure blue 
ether ; and in her birth from the head of Zeus when 
cleft by the golden axe of the fire- god, the Greek 
was wont, among many other meanings, to accept a 
typical expression of the clear bright sky reappearing 
in the summit of heaven through clouds divided and 
dispersed, by the lightning-glance. (Aristoteles, ap. 
Schol. Pindar. Olymp. viii.) 

These associations, however, were the glimmering 
background that threw into relief a broader incident 
and more impressive outline. The goddess who pro- 
tected and gave her name to Athens, was here brought 
into immediate relationship to the great Olympian 
power, of whose force and whose foresight she was the 
recognized personification. The same phraseology that 
we are so familiar with in later religions, which as- 
cribes to the miraculous offspring of the Supreme, the 
full essence of paternal wisdom and power, and by 
which he becomes the single instrument of all divine 
operations, even from the beginning, had long before 
been exercised and exhausted on the functions of 
Athene in relation to Zeus. She participates and even 
prompts his counsels, she keeps and even wields his 
thunderbolts. 1 

1 JSschylua, Eumenid. 817; Virg. i£neid, i. 46. See Creuzer, 
Symbolik, iii. 462 and at large. 

*I<rov ixpwrav trarpl fUvos Ktu im<f>pova fiovXrpr, 

Os ol <TVfuf>patr<ratTO $€a iyadav tc kokov tc. 

Tkeogo*. 896-900. 


It is true that these conceptions, as most definitely 
pronounced by non-Christian Greek writers, occur as 
late as the days of Aristides and of Proclus. Here it 
is that Athene is declared in positive terms and in- 
sisted on repeatedly, as " the great power of God, the 
Divine Wisdom and Foreknowledge." This however 
was the reappearance on the surface of the web of 
polite literature, of threads of association that in fact 
are continuous from its commencement, however they 
may vanish from time to time and be covered up so as 
to cheat the eyes of the superficial critic and investi- 

Allegory the most obtrusive, and physical and meta- 
physical personifications in barest manifestations, seem 
no doubt out of keeping with the concrete forms of 
Homeric poetry, but they are as salient in Hesiodic as 
in Aristides or in Proclus himself* In Hesiod they have 
somewhat of the air of veritable archaisms, which the 
development of artistic taste is on the point of super- 
seding ; but they lived on in mystic formulas and the 
undercurrents of superstitious tradition, and among 
them were not a few that were thought worthy of re- 
suscitation in new forms of life by the genius of Plato. 

The conditions and the details of physical and me- 
taphysical mythology, — of poetry in which speculation 
and dogma have the upperhand of imagery and abuse 
the advantage, are most rife at the dawn and at the 
wane of Greek literature ; it is by comparison of these 
two periods that we may learn to appreciate many an 
enigma in the interval. With such hints to aid, the acute 
and practised analyst has easily traced the vestiges of 
such earlier creations in the highly metamorphic poetry 
of Homer himself ; he discerns and can demonstrate 


the steps of the Physicist and the Theologian or Theo- 
sophist of these primaeval systems in the very seces- 
sion of wrathful Achilles, in the intrigue of Aphrodite 
and the war-god, in the vain effort of the united gods 
to drag the chain which is grasped immovably by the 
single hand of Zeus, in the suspension by a golden 
chain of the sister-spouse of the Thunderer, a pair of 
anvils swinging from her ankles, and lastly and most 
to our purpose in the glorious and Miltonic picture of 
Athene arraying herself in the power and aegis of her 
father as she let fall her own self-woven peplus over the 
starry floor of heaven (Iliad, v. 734). 

The miraculous birth of the intermediate link be- 
tween the godhead and protected man, the strangely 
supernatural origin of the tutelary power, is a condi- 
tion that religious man has ever exacted with rigour. 
It is thus indeed that the mind not hardily consecutive, 
persuades itself that it has reached a beginning, has 
fathomed the infinite, has arrived at a cause compre- 
hending all causation. Who does not know the va- 
garies that the human mind has been betrayed into in 
its vain endeavours to repudiate its inevitable limita- 
tions? The Oriental theologian has to abide the ques- 
tioner who demands what is it that sustains the tortoise 
that sustains the elephant that sustains the world; 
and is urged as relentlessly as is his brother of the 
West, who rising from the analogy of the watch and 
its contriver to infer from the cosmos a Creator, has 
still to reply to the challenge, — who made the watch- 
maker? Dogmatism which is ignorance, must settle 
its own complications with pragmatical insolence, which 
is but ignorance too ; but in the meantime it will be 
difficult to find a single record of systematic supersti- 


tion that does not rest complacently upon a type of 
miraculous birth of Godhead from Godhead, and fre- 
quently we find a series superimposed ; as the birth of 
Zeus himself had in his day fulfilled the same condi- 
tions, and the necessary law did not ultimately spare 
to exact maternity, even from the virgin Athene. 3 

At Delphi, where the traditions and worships of 
Apollo and Dionysus so strangely and curiously 
blended, one pediment of the great temple was as- 
signed to either god in the works of the sculptors, 
who were from Athens. Dionysus and the Hyades 
on the western front contrasted with the Apollo and 
Muses on the eastern. In the western composition 
the sun was represented as setting, in accordance with 
the propriety of the aspect but also in accordance with 
the symbolism of Dionysus, visitant of Hades, as the 
sun in the inferior hemisphere, a nocturnal sun-god 
(cf. Macrobius.) ; even as Apollo on the east is the true 
day-star, the god or genius of the risen and shining sun. 

The scene of the Ion of Euripides is laid before the 
front of this Delphic temple at early morning, and 
the opening speeches and choruses are replete with 
allusions to sunrise and to the bright and pompous 
quadriga of the day-god. 

It must suffice to observe at present, with respect to 
the terminal groups of the Parthenon pediment, that 
while the figures by their disposition connect them- 
selves with the types of Eastern and Western boundary, 
they are still* agitated in sympathy with the central 
incident, and show awakened or awakening conscious- 
ness of the critical event. This far-spreading and in- 

2 Cicero, De Nat. Deor, iii. 21. — Strabo, x. 472. — Gerhard, Ett. 
Spiegel, ii. 165. 


stant recognition at the very limits of the universe, 
embodies a detail of the description in that Homeric 
hymn to Pallas, which no doubt to Phidias as to Thu- 
cydides, would have the authority of a hymn of Ho- 
mer. It celebrates Pallas Athene, Tritonian, " whom 
Zeus of himself gave birth to, from his venerated head, 
already clad in arms of war, golden, refulgent ; — awe 
took possession of all the beholding immortals. She 
to the front of iEgis-bearing Zeus vehemently rushed 
on from his immortal head, shaking a pointed spear. 
Mighty Olympus was convulsed fearfully of the force- 
ful blue-eyed goddess ; Earth from side to side dire- 
fully gave forth a sound ; Sea too was moved, working 
with purpling waves, and the brine was effused upon 
a sudden, 3 and the, bright son of Hyperion stayed 
his swift horses for the time, until the virgin Pallas 
Athene had removed from her immortal shoulders the 
divine armour ; and glad was providential Zeus." 

The delight of Zeus, well-pleased in his single and 
independent offspring, is characteristic theologically, 
as expressive of the full sympathy whereby she be- 
comes his representative, not to say equivalent. The 
trait is insisted upon in the description of Philostratus, 
who, however late in date, gives many true reflections 
from earlier images and modes oft conception (Imag. 
ii. 27). "Zeus," he says in describing a pictorial re- 
presentation, " is drawing his breath with delight as 
they who have just wrought out a mighty contest for 
a great prize, and he is perusing his daughter as exult- 
ing in the birth." 

I feel confidence that this expression, as on this 

occasion, may be recognized in more than one instance 

* I adopt Baumeister's emendation here, — Ux uro &<&M> f° r «^X«to. 


among the busts and statues of Olympian Zeus that 
have been preserved to us. Examples will be found 
represented by Miiller (Denkmaler, ii. 1), I have inserted 
two among the illustrations. The first I would refer to 
is the head of the Thunderer as youthful, in the Town- 
ley collection, of peculiarly mild, indeed of sweet and 
complacent expression. The absence of the slightest 
tinge of unearnestness, mischief, or malice, forbids us 
to interpret the smile as the sardonic satisfaction as- 
cribed by Hesiod to the god, when he had hatched his 
cruel plot against the comfort of mankind by the trick- 
ing out and dispatch of Pandora, — the rise of woman. 

The expression of well-pleased regard is still more 
distinctly given in the Zeus JSgiochus of the cameo 
(Miiller, ii. 1, 5), said to be of suspected antiquity, but 
fully allowed by me. Miiller, designating the god as 
conqueror of the Titans or giants, says, " He is still 
clad in the JSgis, but has already crowned himself with 
the oaken crown as victor. 9 ' I mistrust altogether the 
reference to a fight, and believe that the proper oaken 
wreath of Zeus is assumed here, if for any victory, 
for that which Philostratus ascribes to him, successful 
childbirth. Special account need not, methinks, be 
rendered of the JSgis, or if at all we may remember 
that the Zeus of the Homeric hymn is designated as 
JEgiochus on the very occasion to which I seek to ap- 
propriate the head. The Zeus of the Beugnot vase- 
painting is crowned, and so also, and not undeservedly, 
is the successful operator Hephaestus. 

But still more remarkably to the purpose is a small 
bronze bust of the Museum Odescalcum (ib. xxxiii. 
88 ; Miiller, Denk. ii. 29, and see the illustration), of 
which Miiller simply notes the expression as peculiar. 


An oaken crown recurs ; a winged thunderbolt may be 
not unreminiscentof the elemental allegory of the light- 
ning-cleft ether; and most peculiarly, a hood-like veil 
retained over the back of the head by the wreath, drops 
down behind and falls on either shoulder. 

It would be daring to speak too strongly of expres- 
sion, with no more exact authority than this engrav- 
ing : but I may say that to me it conveys the idea of 
mingled pleasure and lingering pain, and I am pre- 
pared to claim the crown and veil or hood, together, as 
the well-imagined intimations and symbols of the oc- 
casion of such conflict, the pain and joy of the birth 
of the blue-eyed goddess. 

By what arrangement or contrivance may the sculp- 
tor of the pediment have precluded with equal success, 
the unhandsome suggestions the combination was open 
to ? If Zeus be seated with his back to the pediment, 
as in the restoration of the British Museum publi- 
cation, annoying conjectures vex the spectator who 
knows the story, as to how the officious fire-god found 
opportunity and position for his energetic act, and by 
what twist it was that the liberated goddess so dex- 
terously and suddenly reversed the disadvantage of her 
first appearance. On the other hand, if the position 
of the Rondanini bas-relief be adopted, according to 
my earlier idea, the mischievous play of association 
again brings in vexation by the exposure of the skull 
of the god, while the goddess herself is in a false rela- 
tive position and contradicts her origin. 

Therefore it is that I turn again to the collections of 
antique designs, and seek for hint of a healthie/ and 
happier scheme of composition, among representations 
fragmentary or complete, of subjects that are attached 

VOL. VII. c 


to this by analogy. Elucidations of the design of Phi- 
dias may be fairly sought from works that represent 
the same or a like incident from an anterior period 
and style among the painted vases, and then among 
works of later date, bas-reliefs and statues that date 
even long after his time. In one case we may look 
for hints and suggestions that he made available, and 
in the other, with great good-fortune to aid, we might 
light on an imitation or a reflection. The scheme of 
composition of the JSginetan pediment is most stri- 
kingly in agreement with a series of vase-paintings of 
similar subjects ; and of some of the works of Phidias 
it is certain that there are preserved to us at least imi- 
tative though not emulative repetitions. 

In the bas-reliefs 259 and 324 in the Louvre, re- 
produced in our engraving, we meet with figures of the 
seated Zeus repeated with remarkable similarity, as if 
derived from a common original. He is seated to the 
right ; but, with three-quarter face turned to the spec- 
tator, looks the other way as he leans his left hand be- 
hind him on his throne. His right hand grasps the 
sceptre, and in the first example he looks with interest 
towards a group where Gaia, half-emergent from the 
earth, lifts up an infant to a female figure, while ano- 
ther, who leans on a short column, is looking on. This 
incident, except for the presence of Zeus, has closest 
agreement with the legends and representations of the 
birth of earthsprung Erichthonius ; the comparison of 
a vase-painting however (Denkmaler, ii. 401), approves 
the sagacity of Visconti, who recognized it as a version 
of the birth of Dionysus, unrecorded in literature, ac- 
cording to which the wine-god completed his term not 
in the thigh of the Thunderer, but in the maturing sod 


of earth. In the vase-picture it is Athene herself who 
receives the infant. A winged Victory springs eagerly 
forward with the taenia, the symbol of triumphant ac- 
complishment, and Zeus stands by, an attentive wit- 
ness, while the Bacchic nymph CEnanthe — so inscribed, 
leans on his indulgent shoulder, with a familiarity that 
would not be too little though she were, as she may 
be, the equivalent of Semele herself. 

If we turn now to our second bas-relief, 4 we find that 
the incident to which Zeus directs his looks is not 
preserved. The analogy is avouched however by a 
parallel that is missing in the completer bas-relief, for 
here, as on the vase, we have the youthful female 
figure resting her arm on his shoulder, and here her 
gesture seems to be directing his attention to the 
object, whatever it was, that he sways his head and 
chest to enable him to behold. Another sceptred 
female is in attendance. There is a certain exhaustion 
and submissiveness in the air and action of Zeus, that 
expresses to me the parturient god ; and I eagerly 
seize on the figure as giving a better type than any 
hitherto suggested, for the attitude and position of the 
Zeus of the Eastern pediment. The sculptor would 
thus gain for the spectator the full value of expres- 
sion of the face of the god ; he escapes the offensive 
suggestions of the exposed brain-pan ; he realizes the 
happy moment, worth gold in sculpture, the moment 
of pause upon an expressive gesture, when like the 
wave upon the curl, it embodies as it culminates the 
impulse which bore it to its height, and prefigures the 

By an interpretation scarcely worth regard, the sub- 
4 Bouillon, Mas. des Ant. I. 75. 

c 2 


ject of the bas-relief has hitherto been called the Sup- 
plication of Thetis. 

Archaic vase-paintings preserve curious records of 
the same tranquillity of expression that I note in the 
bas-relief. The design, Denkmaler ii. 393, might be 
thought equivocal taken alone; but comparison of 
numbers 227, 228, will fully vindicate the comparison. 
Here the birth of Athene is as manifestly as quaintly 
represented, and helpful Eilithyia, who appears with 
name inscribed on the Beugnot vase, is attendant and 
marked as ministrant with expansive gestures. 

To complete the notice of illustrative parallels, I 
may observe that Nike, on the Beugnot vase, hastens 
with her ready wreath to greet the birth of Athene, as 
on the cited vase she gratulates the birth of the not 
dissimilarly autophuous Dionysus. The action of He- 
phaestus also curiously anticipates that of the god on 
the Rondanini bas-relief, as he starts away from the 
stricken Zeus, axe in hand, and looks back at the glo- 
rious birth in surprised and fearful admiration. 

Simply then as a matter of conjecture, as an attempt 
to supply a solution surpassing previous attempts by 
at least possessing a single element of plausible pro- 
priety, I propose to place the erect and radiant and 
exulting Athene in the centre of her own pediment ; 
to place her father Zeus in close proximity, seated to 
her right, and so seated that it is rather by inclination 
of his swaying body, that he turns to regard her with 
full and gratified admiration. I should suspect that a 
female figure, the equivalent of Eilithyia if not herself, 
was grouped with Zeus, and it is always open to artis- 
tic experiment to further extend the restoration to the 
right of Zeus, by adaptation of the figure of Hephaestus 


from the Rondanini and Beugnot designs, if not rather 
— and this is the arrangement I prefer — to transfer this 
figure to the left of the blue-eyed goddess, as giving 
more force and expression to the suddenness of her 

We can scarcely refuse to the erect and sceptred 
goddess to the right of Zeus on the bas-relief, the title 
of Here ; the figure is very ineffectively composed, and 
does not impress me with any instructive reference to 
the pediment composition. 

This arrangement, in fact, I find to be recommended 
if not enforced by a piece of very remarkable monu- 
mental evidence. 

Among the casts obtained from the Acropolis, is one 
of a very remarkable male torso, of excellent work, and 
worthy of the pediment. Arms, legs, and head are gone, 
and yet is it possible to restore with certainty the ge- 
neral attitude of the figure at least, if not something 
more. The scale is colossal, but the muscular deve- 
lopment is more than proportionately stalwart, espe- 
cially about the shoulders and deltoids. This is a 
distribution of mass which would be suitable for the 
idealized form of the forger of the bolts of Jove. 

Enough of the sterno-mastoid muscle remains to 
show that the head was turned towards the right 
shoulder. In the same manner below, from the ob- 
lique muscles of the abdomen, their tension on the 
right and bulge on the left side, it is clear that the 
weight of the body rested on the left leg. When the 
fragment is posed in accordance with these indications, 
there is little difficulty in recovering the action of the 
arms, and the general attitude comes out as by the 
aid of my friend Mr. Bonomi I have inserted it in the 


group. I may notice that the representation of the 
figure is conscientiously to scale. 

The action of Hephaestus, so to call him, places him 
incontrovertibly on the left-hand of Athene. My con- 
ception of his action is that he has delivered his 
wonder-working stroke and starts back at the result. 
His right hand flies up in amaze and admiration, while 
his left retains hold of the "golden adze" which a 
moment before he was wielding with double grasp. 
The instrument being held in the weaker hand only, 
relieves it from any appearance of being about to re- 
peat the blow. 

I have varied the action of Eilithyia from the bas- 
relief in order to harmonize it with the lively excite- 
ment required by the composition, while preserving an 
appropriate expression and grace. 

The group is completed by seating Here symmetri- 
cally with Zeus. Even for this figure I have a certain 
authority ; for it is thus — seated with her back to the 
event, and regarding it with head over her shoulder, 
that Here is witness of the birth of Athene on a vase- 
painting published in the collection of Le Normant. 

In this hypothetical arrangement, I think the tale 
is at least told intelligibly, and told without ungraceful- 
ness, while the scheme is not adjusted without a cer- 
tain degree of monumental authority for every figure. 

My first design was to place the enthroned divinities 
immediately next to Athene, but after full considera- 
tion, I rest as I have shown in the engraving. 

But the origin of my central goddess has not yet 
been adverted to. 

The cited bas-relief being admitted as a plausible 
, conception for the position of Zeus on the pediment 


the temptation is irresistible to look round through 
the antique remains for the representation of Athene 
which shall be at least the most in harmony with the 
conditions that have been assumed. 

A figure is required, which in its most beautiful 
point of view shall present almost, or perhaps exactly, 
the front face; lively, energetic, nay warlike move- 
ment is demanded by the spirit of the Homeric hymn, 
which, whether it were the text of Phidias or not, is 
sustained by the groups, so far as preserved, and also 
by the description of Pindar, the agreement of which 
avouches the deep acceptance of this ideal of the event 
by the general Hellenic mind. 

t€ What time his brazen axe stout Vulcan drove, 
And Pallas from the Thunderer's rifted crown 
With outcry loud and long impetuous broke, 
Heaven shuddered and old Earth with dread maternal shook." 

Olymp. vii. 

The forward on-rush and the shaken spear are indis- 
pensable characteristics ; but yet the stride must be so 
managed or qualified as not to diminish majesty by 
greatly reducing the apparent height of the figure, as 
well as from respect to the limit of depth from plane 
of tympanum to edge of cornice, the span of available 
support. Again, if the spear were vibrated over the 
shoulder, the proprieties of balance and gesture would 
throw the butt so far in the rear that it must effec- 
tively pierce the plane of the tympanum, while the 
spear- head in front would stick out most unhand- 
somely beyond the controlling plumb-line from the 
grand cymatium. Besides all these incongruities, there 
is the serious consideration that the goddess, thus 
rushing forward with directly poised and menacing 


spear, would have an expression that postulates a de- 
finite enemy, while her protected people and special 
worshipers are alone the occupants of the place of ex- 
posure and alarm. 

Having regard to all these circumstances, I find 
much satisfaction in adopting as at least my own fa- 
vourite type and adumbration of the Athene of the 
pediment, the statue engraved by Visconti, plate xxiii. 
vol. 2, of the M useo Pio-Clementino. 

" This statue of Pallas," says Viconti, " (7 palms in 
height or 6 pal. 8 onz. without the plinth,) is interest- 
ing for its happy and natural attitude, which conveys 
to us the warlike and bold character of the warrior- 
virgin, and at the same time expresses the etymology 
of her name, whether in Greek or Latin, Pallas or Mi- 
nerva. If the latter were derived from the military 
rage or menacing aspect of the goddess, no figure can 
be found which more excellently represents Minerva 
armed with her lance, with which she overthrows whole 
legions of heroes (Iliad, E. 746). If she was named 
Pallas from the force with which she brandishes and 
hurls this terrible weapon, there is no other statue 
which presents her in this attitude, in the words of 
Homer, traversing the defiles of fight. . . . The statue 
itself, in respect of workmanship, is below mediocrity, 
and only preserves to us the admirable movement of 
the original." 

Of the movement thus preserved, I can only judge 
through the medium of an engraving which I repro- 
duce ; but this impresses me with a sentiment by no 
means so absolutely limited by military fierceness and 
menace. The energy of the action seems to me to have 
been originally tempered with the gracefulness of con- 


tours and movements, and a tenderness of beauty ap- 
propriate to the goddess — even Athene, when conceived 
in accordance with the occasion, under the most youth- 
fill ideal. Legend had more than one anecdote to re- 
late, how other feelings besides unmixed awe greeted 
her first appearance to the immortals, armed and at 
maturity, and movements of admiration, of love, of ri- 
valry, were excited for the bright and beautiful appa- 
rition. I should conjecture with confidence, therefore, 
that Phidias blended youthful beauty with majestic 
energy in the new-born Athene of the pediment, and 
tempered with a sentiment of exulting happiness, the 
conscious force and energy of the favourite daughter of 
Olympian Zeus. 

It is not noted whether the arms of the statue I 
refer to are restored ; but their action cannot have been 
very different to that assigned. The spear is grasped 
in the same way as that of the Athene of the ^Bgine- 
tan pediment, and the " sharp point " would rise above 
the helmet, and in every way harmonize with and help 
the effect. I would willingly believe that it was in 
truth the gleam of the metallic head of this spear, that 
the voyager to Athens hailed from afar at the moment 
that he was rounding the promontory of Sunium. 

The Elgin collection comprises a fragment of the 
mask of Athene, the eye hollowed to receive a coloured 
eye, portion of the forehead, cheek, and nose, and a 
formal lock of hair. It is by this lock, from its agree- 
ment with the effigy of the favourite archaic tetra- 
drachm of the Athenians, that we certainly recognize 
the fragment as part of the goddess. The head was 
colossal — but I hesitate to argue that it pertained to 
the pediment figure. 


I have now exhausted my courage of conjecture, 
and withhold from any further attempt to divine the 
powers introduced by Phidias into proximity with the 
central group, their attitudes and the principle of their 
relation to the lines of the composition. 

There is no lack of gods and goddesses plausible 
claimants for introduction, but I confess that the 
artistic problem of disposing and employing them so 
as to unite harmoniously the central with the terminal 
groups is too much for my courage, and in any case I 
am averse to propose merely arbitrary groups without 
the aid I have hitherto derived from the analogy of 
monuments or hint of a fragment. 

It is in accordance with a general principle of con- 
trast, that the reclining figures at the extreme angles 
which on the western pediment are prone, on the 
eastern are supine. The same difference is observable 
between the two pairs of wounded warriors that oc- 
cupy angles of the respective JSginetan pediments. 

Properly to appreciate all the contrasts in the Par- 
thenon compositions, we must bear in mind that the 
pediments in effect were placed back to back, and are 
therefore inappropriately compared when shown in an 
engraving on the same page, or pages following on the 
same side. The groups on either front would be illu- 
minated by sunlight from the south at mid-day : but as 
the spectator passed round the building, the shadow- 
side of the figures, which in the west aspect is to his 
left, on the east is on his right hand. And conversely, 
as regards the groups themselves, the left sides of the 
statues are in fullest glare on the west front ; and on the 


chief front, not without some opportunities of advan- 
tageous improvement, on the right. At the same time, 
in virtue of the breadth of architectural effect with 
which general direction of illumination would concur, 
the northern half of one pediment would be the true 
seat of contrast with the northern half of the other, 
and the southern with the southern. 

Accordingly while both pediments agree in the con- 
trast of god and goddess at opposite angles, the north- 
ern angle of the west front shows a reclining god in 
antithesis to the reclining goddess of the north-east 
angle and so conversely. Analogous variations are 
managed in the JSginetan pediments ; but not without 
a certain archaic harshness and formality. Blending 
by agreement and Contrast by difference, are the great 
resources and instruments of artistic composition ; but 
the best efficiency of either, is contingent on such direc- 
tion of its predominance that it subdues and harmo- 
nizes, but does not obliterate, the influence of its rival. 

The correspondence of the groups at the angles of 
the eastern pediments, exhibits a triumph of harmony. 
On either side we have the horses of personified lumi- 
naries : at the south the fresh horses of Helios strain- 
ing for the skies ; at the north, Selene was stooping to 
her team, whose declining course was indicated by the 
mouth of one steed being so far depressed as to over- 
lap the line of the horizontal cornice. 

On either side follows a group of one reclining and 
two seated figures, but on the south side the two inner 
and seated figures are most closely associated ; while 
on the north, companionship is most closely linked 
between the outer pair, of whom the reclining figure, 
feminine and most delicately draped, has a contrast of 


its own with the nude contours of the reclining god 
of the south. 

The triple goddesses of the north angle have been 
and may be confidently identified as the Moirai, the 
Fates triform, to whom ^Ischylus ascribes such pro- 
found significance. By their nature and function these 
personifications are constantly introduced in birth- 
scenes, and they are also constantly connected by 
Greek art with the grandest Powers, and in frequent 
association with the Graces or Seasons, — the Charites 
or Horai. Thus combined, about the throne of Zeus 
or the coronal of Here, the Fates appear the becoming 
exponents of all phases of time past, present, and 
future, — of all succession and causation, as the Seasons 
are of all expansion and the visible growth and de- 
velopment of nature in space. 

The Moirai, as daughters of Night (frag. ap. Bergk, 
Poet. Lyr. p. 220), are appropriately seated in the 
west ; and it was from the founts of Ocean, placed by 
Homer in the west (II. xiv. 301), that, according to 
Pindar (Hymn, frag.), they conducted Themis to the 
sacred stair of Olympus to be the primeval spouse of 
Zeus, and mother of the gold-crested, prolific, and 
truthful Seasons. 

The reclining attitude of one, the nearest to the 
angle, is in agreement with the western site and sha- 
dowy neighbourhood of the car of Night ; and in the 
entire and absolute abandonment of repose, it is con- 
veyed to us that her rest must have been shared a few 
moments previously by the sister on whom her weight 
reclines, but who is now aroused in eager excitement. 
The third sister is seated independently, though with 
feet and body so turned towards the others as to ex- 


press association and sympathy, which are carried on 
by composition of the lines, and similarity in treatment 
and texture of the marvellous draperies. Simply for 
convenience of description, I assign to them the names, 
in order from centre of pediment outwards, of Clotho, 
Lachesis, and Atropos. The sketch of Carrey, dating 
1683, shows the heads of Clotho and Atropos still pre- 
served, but it is too faulty to give us much help for ex- 
pression. The turned head, however, and the gesture 
of the right arm and suddenly drawn back foot of Clo- 
tho, show an attention directed to the great event, the 
great crisis of the manifested godhead, and convey 
distinctly to me the expression of listening to a sound, 
the Pindaric incident. Though her left arm is now 
broken away, we perceive by the statue that her hand 
rested on the shoulder, the left shoulder of Lachesis, 
whose attention she thus invites. In the busy action 
of Lachesis, who is rousing the slumberous Atropos, 
we see the excitement caused by summons to arouse 
another, rather than awe at the immediate recognition 
of the all-important occasion, which is the expression 
of Clotho. Lachesis is hastening to arouse her sister 
before she herself has more than sympathetic apprecia- 
tion of the news. 5 But still her raised right arm shows 
that she, too, is an astonished listener; and I do not 
doubt that her head was turned to her right in harmony 
with the gesture, however slightly. It is clear that her 
right band must have held, in the delicate way so often 

* Hie combined motive reminds me of the awakened Enmenides 
of iEschylus, — aroused and mutually arousing ; — 

*Ey€ip, fycipC, Kal (TV TT/vS t bfb 8c <T€. 

cv&W ; dWoro Konrokajcrtowr vmrov, 


seen on Greek monuments, the fold of her peplus. The 
position of the robe spreading over her back, requires 
it to be so sustained ; and, on the shoulder, folds are 
interrupted by the fracture. 

The position of the head of Atropos is very falsely 
represented in the old sketch of Carrey ; we may see 
by the fracture of the group that it fell back on the left 
shoulder of Lachesis, inclining towards the tympanum, 
or it had fallen back there and was just raised and 
leaving her supporter, as indeed her lifted right arm 
shows the start of a sympathetic thrill. As we now 
gaze at the mutilated figure, and complete the lines in 
imagination, it is impossible not to be overcome with 
the sense of unrivalled beauty, dignity, and grace, 
which must have originally breathed from this crea- 
tion, — so sublime in conception, so inimitable in mas- 
tery of execution, surviving damage, and immortal in 
the midst of destruction and decay. 

In the diversification of the group, therefore, there 
is a triplicity of sisterhood that expresses the very har- 
mony of co-operance that pertains to their functions 
in mythology ; and at the same time there is a grada- 
tion in excitement, relatively to the incident that agi- 
tated and occupied the grand groups of the central 
composition. The ends of the universe are moved at 
it, but that we are at the end of the universe appears 
by the movement here floating off into the last spent 
ripple. Here time itself is refluent, and the event 
which suspends all Olympus in momentary awe, here 
spreads by a propagated impulse, certain, inevitable, 
all-pervading, but still with intervals, and graduating 
intervals, between its beats. 

The triad of divinities which at the south-east angle 


of the pediment answer to the Moirai, or Fates, on the 
north-east, are, I can entertain no shade of doubt, the 
Horai, or Seasons, and Dionysus. Again, simply for 
convenience, and with no intention to insist on an 
identification, I shall assign the names of the pair of 
Attic Horai, and style the figure next to Dionysus, 
Karpo, and her companion, Thallo — the goddesses of 
fruit and frond. 

On this side we have an additional figure in its 
place — the messenger Iris, who moves towards the re- 
mote group in rapid course, and with gesture of ma* 
nifest and acknowledged announcement. The forms 
of the goddess are light and almost girlish, and her 
course through the air is expressed by the plain close- 
ness with which her robe lies on the front of her limbs 
in the direction of motion, the unfurled curve of the 
flying portions, and by the bellying veil which is now 
for the most part broken away, but of which enough 
remains to evince its general extent and management. 
Combining with her action, it reminds of the rapid 
progress of the Athene of JEschylus from the Troad 
to Athens, — 

'JZvOw SuiMcowr rfXBov arpmov iroSa, 

Urtfwv &np potfi&ovo-a jcoXirov aiytSos. — Eumenides, 400. 

This bellying scarf, or peplus, would alone suffice 
to identify the figure as Iris, to whom such a symbol of 
the heavenly bow is assigned with frequency in monu- 
ments throughout the range of all classic art. Her 
ministration here gives emphatic emphasis to the re- 
moteness of this secondary scene, while at the same 
time she combines it in sympathy. Her head was un- 
questionably turned back towards the centre of the 
pediment, her senses riveted in awe at the new-born 


goddess, even while in spontaneous alacrity she is in 
full flight to announce the advent. 

There is an appearance that the sculptor, in model- 
ling the long folds of the drapery that sweeps down 
the discovered side and leg, made what is called a 
miscalculation ; the groove of the fold cutting into the 
substance that would be occupied by the limb. All 
the figures of this extensive composition could not, of 
course, be wrought out by the hand of the master ; 
this is evident in itself, and may be plainly seen by 
comparison of the relative excellence of the execution 
of the Horai and the Moirai ; but the circumstance 
under notice is not to be interpreted as sign of inferi- 
ority or oversight. When the ridges of the folds were 
complete, the exact depth of the furrow would not be 
discernible, even at a limited distance, while the gain 
in depth would give value to the quality of the shadow 
and the refinement of the outlines. The same liberty 
was taken advantage of in the execution of the all- 
perfected Moirai ; they have suffered much from the 
breaking away of the intermediate ledges of drapery 
folds, and it now becomes apparent how boldly the 
sculptor cut into the substance of the thigh of the 
Clotho, in confidence that while the truthful effect of 
the drapery was enhanced, no eye could discern the 
latent trespass upon the limits of the quick. 

The destruction of the heads and necks of the Horai, 
deprives us of much of the beauty of the group, but 
not of the key to their expression. Karpo rests un- 
disturbed, and with no hint of excitement, with one 
arm on the shoulder of Thallo, the other quietly on 
her own lap, and her position is so far retired that 
she seems withdrawn from the announcement of Iris. 


Thallo, it is certain, turned her head to her right, to- 
wards her sister, and by this gesture, combined with 
the extension of the left arm, she gains the air of call- 
ing her observation to the approach of the heavenly 
courier, rather than to intuitive recognition of the glo- 
rious wonder. The divinities of the seasons, as natural 
rather than moral powers, may not have been inappro- 
priately placed thus one degree less closely in intelli- 
gence with the manifestation of the personified majesty 
of Zeus, than the fateful triad of the north-east angle. 
Indeed, a certain predominance of dignity appears in the 
very heightened elaboration of the group of the Moirai, 
in contrast to the simplicity of the tranquil Horai. 

The proportions of the seated Horai are very pecu- 
liar, their bodies are very short, and in fact a full third 
of the abdomen — especially in the case of Karpo, 
including portions just above and below the waist, 
appears omitted. It has been supposed that we have 
here one of those modifications of proportion by which 
it is well known that the Greek sculptors knew how 
to secure apparent truth by deviation from actual, 
especially in the case of statues placed in elevated 
positions. This can scarcely be the true explanation 
here, for the sitting Fate nearest to the centre of the 
pediment, a very parallel case, appears to be allowed 
her natural proportions, and apart from experimental 
proof it would appear a more intelligible correction for 
the height of the trunk to be exaggerated to correct 
perspective or to counteract the encroachment of the 
knees upon the upper part of the figure, as viewed 
immediately from below. 

This leads me to the conclusion that Phidias found 
it desirable to make these two figures of as large 

VOL. VII. d 


general proportions as possible, notwithstanding the 
restricted space, in order to balance the majestic Fates 
who have an advantage from the attitudes assigned 
to them by the composition. Harmony with the ge- 
neral scale of grandeur of the figures urged the same 
necessity; in consequence, he resorted to a com- 
promise, and kept parts and members large while he 
abbreviated those which were less expressive, or more 
obscure, or which, whatever the chance of impunity, 
he had no choice but to reduce, unless he sacrificed 
his design entirely. The licence is of the same nature 
that the best dramatist takes with self-evident proba- 
bilities, and takes without hesitation, and so far as 
worthy audience are in question, without rebuke, when 
issue is joined between the requirements of expression, 
which is all-important, and the scruples of literal exac- 
titude, which is not. 

The contours of the Horai are maidenly, sisterly, and 
there is no difference between them to give the slight- 
est favour to the interpreters who see in them either 
Demeter and Kore, or any other mother and daughter. 
The forms of the Moirai are much more full, and the 
Horai contrast with them no less in developments of 
figure than in draperies. The broader surfaces and 
more united sinkings of the draperies of the Horai, 
harmonize admirably with the nude breadth of. the 
forms of Dionysus, and on the other side agree in cha- 
racter with the draperies of Iris as distinctly as on the 
opposite end of the pediment is the case as between 
the Moirai and Nike, a fragment we have yet to advert 
to. In fact it becomes an important question by what 
management this very marked opposition was blended 
gracefully in the approach to the central group. 


I suspect that the balance was adjusted by the im- 
portant nude figure of Hephaestus in the exact central 
group being on the half of the pediment that pertains 
to the Moirai, and the fully draped Eilithyia on that of 
the Horai. 

Proceeding from this point of view, I might extend 
my conjecture so far as to place the seated Zeus on the 
northern side of the composition ; but here, the sug- 
gested attitude being preserved, he would be leaning on 
his right hand and arm, and the scarcely dispensable 
sceptre would thus be thrown into his left, and his 
general position would become inevitably constrained. 
Moreover, the grandest male figure associated with 
Athene would be on the same side relatively to the 
spectator, as the Poseidon of the western front, — a 
most undesirable repetition. I therefore conclude for 
the reverse arrangement, and assume that the com- 
pensation required by the contrasted extreme groups, 
or rather the central arrangement which their contrast 
compensated, was dependent on subsidiary figures. 

Discussion has been large and long, respecting the 
proper title to be assigned to the recumbent god of the 
south-east angle ; Theseus has been his current desig- 
nation, and the important authority of Welcker is in 
favour of Cecrops. My own settled conclusion in 
favour of Dionysus, has been, I believe, mainly due to 
the consideration, that by his proximity and resem- 
blance of expression in repose, he is necessarily asso- 
ciated with the seated goddesses ; that these are, by 
presumptions to my mind irresistible, the Horai ; and 
that while the traditions and symbolism of Dionysus 
quite favour the association, the attitude and type of 
the figure are equally consistent with the name. Dio- 

d 2 


nysus was not alone and not so much, the god of 
wine, as the power and personification of humid nature 
generally, and hence of all the germinant tendencies 
of which moisture is the stimulant and the condition. 
Of necessity therefore he becomes a nature-god, an 
elemental power, and this aspect of his character re- 
ceived the most elaborate and the most fanciful and 
mystical developments. On the vases, especially the 
more archaic and hieratic, it is with the season-god- 
desses that he is grouped prevailingly and in preference ; 
here it is true he usually appears sedate and bearded, 
even among the frolic of his followers ; but it was from 
the very conception of his influence expressed in these 
groups, that he became associated with Demeter and 
Persephone, divinities of the harvest and the year, and 
appeared in multiform personification, the solemn, the 
sprightly, even the infantine participator in the mys- 
teries, — nay, grand mystagogue of Eleusis. 

In the sculpture he reclines very exactly in the same 
attitude as he is represented, with unequivocal accom- 
paniments, on the frieze of the choragic monument 
of Lysicrates. The same attitude, perhaps still more 
strikingly repeated, is seen on coins of Crotona in 
Italy, but there the figure is unquestionably Herakles 
though holding out the Bacchic cyathus ; Herakles in 
the guise of Dionysus, a not unfrequent interchange. 
The position of Dionysus here at the angle brings up 
to the mind his so frequent retreat in numerous re- 
presentations, screened and embowered by close over- 
arching vines, beneath which he is extended, not un- 
soberly or inelegantly jocund. The rock beneath him 
is covered with a drapery, and from below that emerge 
indications of a lion-skin, the claw and portion of the 


jaw, — the lion-skin even like the cyathus, indifferently 
assigned to Dionysus and to Herakles (Tertull. deCor. 
cxii. ; Span. Callim. ii. p. 373). His figure is of ma- 
ture robustness, but cheek and chin are smooth ; the 
head and hair, though the general form is preserved, 
are seriously weathered, and we should be rash to 
generalize from a single and battered example, as to 
the uniformly slight execution of hair by Phidias in 
his statues— of Phidias to whom is due the lion-crested 
ideal of Olympian Zeus. The degree in which the 
right arm of the figure is raised, implies, I think, ac- 
tion, and not rest, and I confess therefore I am disposed 
to reject the supposition of either sceptre or thyrsus, 
and adopt a wine-cup, — cylix, cyathus, as you please, — 
which I conceive to have been raised with the motive 
of libation to the ascending sun-god. It is said that 
a hollow on the inside of the calf of the left leg, which 
now is filled in to a smooth surface with plaster, showed 
the place and indent of a rod, the smooth stem of such 
a rod as would fit sceptre, spear, or thyrsus. I have no 
opportunity of verifying the point, and confess to mis- 

The libation at the commencement of a journey by 
speeding companions, is of mpst frequent recurrence 
on the vases, and is in true Homeric harmony with 
the dismissal of Achilles by Peleus, of Telemachus by 
Menelaus, of Patroclus by Achilles himself; Pindar also 
supplies authorities equally to the point. This recog- 
nition of the sun-god by the associate of the seated 
goddesses, is to me a further confirmation that we have 
here the Horai rather than the Charites. Assuredly 
there is fair occasion for hesitation and argument. The 
Attic Charites, like the Attic Horai, were a pair, as 


contrasted with the famed triad of Boeotian Orchome- 
nos. Their names Auxo and Hegemone, show them as 
readily convertible with Horai, as the titles of the La- 
cedaemonian Charites, Kleta and Phaenna, — the closer 
and the admitter of light. The Charites occur on 
recorded monuments in antithesis to the Moirai as fre- 
quently as the Horai ; and in literature they are with 
greater frequency, and even more marked directness, 
associated with Dionysus, nature-god and year-god. At 
Olympia as well as at Orchomenos they were associated 
with him in altar, fane, and worship ; and hymns at Elis 
hailed Dionysus as god of spring and attended by the 

Thus their functions and attributes threaten at every 
moment to become coincident with those of the Horai, 
and the discussion which in antiquity delays Pausanias 
to insist that Karpo is a Hora, not a Charis, seems 
after all but about a name. To differences of name, 
however, some differences of association will always 
cling ; and it is evident that either by symbols or more 
probably by ideal treatment alone, they were readily 
distinguishable ; for while Phidias placed correlative 
groups of Moirai and Horai above the head of his 
statue of Zeus at Megara, on the upper part of the 
throne of the Olympian god at Elis, he associated the 
Horai with the Charites, and so also did Polycleitus on 
the stephane of his great work, the chryselephantine 
Herd of Argos. By a more salient contrast the Horai 
are found in the Hereum at Elis, antithetical to the 
Hesperides, nymphs whose western seat and relation to 
the evening render them correspondent to the Moirai 
of the pediment as complementary of the eastern Horai. 
It is on this ground that I cling to the equally Attic, 


and more definitely Homeric, Horai. To goddesses 
thus named, Homer gives seat and residence at the 
gate of Olympus, where the valves at their signal roll 
back spontaneously to give egress to the chariot of 
Here, and where they are prompt also to receive and 
unharness her returning steeds, as it is their privilege 
to gather or roll back the covering of the sky. So the 
Athenian dithyramb of Pindar celebrates them as open- 
ing the chamber of blooming Spring, and heralding the 
new year that the god of joyous wine and fragrant vege-* 
tation leads along ; and Simonides also in a hymn cele- 
brates with enthusiasm the Dionysiac Horai of Athens. 

The poem of Nonnus abounds in allusions to the 
Horai as Dionysiades, as nurses of Dionysus ; but the 
authority, though an authority, is late, and I leave the 
argument as it stands. 

The strong governing arms of the sun-god, remain 
stretched out towards his horses, but his head is lost, 
and I do not care to speculate whether the Sun, 
" all-knowing, all-beholding," was manifestly affected 
by the birth of the goddess, in accordance with the 
poetical description. A representation of water, as 
much quaint as conventional, occupies the flat space 
between his arms. More elegantly conventional waves 
curl above his shoulders, and rise upon his horses' 
necks. Originally he had all the honours of the four- 
horse chariot, for Welcker reports from a memorandum 
made at Athens, that two horses' heads on this side still 
remain in the tympanum. They are battered, doubtless, 
and yet it would be satisfactory to have casts of them, 
and accurate note of their position. The same remark 
applies to the single horse's head which, on the same 
authority, still remains at the opposite angle. It thus 


appears that Selene, or Night, was only allowed a pair 
of steeds, and this is in agreement with a principle of 
subordination which Phidias observed when on the 
base of the throne of Zeus at Olympia, he mounted 
her upon a mule. 

I have to congratulate myself on having been able 

to restore to its place, which the old sketch of Jacques 

Carrey shows was a vacant gap so long ago as 1683, 

the torso, still admirable amidst its mutilation, of the 

'goddess Selene. 

Among the casts already referred to in the Elgin 
saloon, of fragments from the pediment-sculptures 
that still remain at Athens, is a trunk of a female, re- 
presented as bending forward from the waist, and the 
outline of the back below the waist harmonizes with 
the front inclination, while the set of the shoulders in- 
dicates that the arms were in symmetrical action. The 
interpretation of this action is easy, by comparison 
of the large fragment of the team-controlling Amphi- 
trite of the western pediment ; it is the set pose of a 
charioteer, and particularly of a charioteer guiding a 
descent. The same motive may be recognized among 
the car-guiding figures on the Panathenaic frieze. 
Some of these have an equivocal female appearance, 
and their light drapery is confined about the form by 
bands which cross upon the breast. There is the same 
appropriate management in our torso, which, besides 
the string-like cincture round the waist, has others 
that retain the folds above from disarrangement by 
rapid motion, by drawing round under either swelling 
breast, and crossing from side to shoulder. The state 
of the cast is evidence that the marble was cut off" 
horizontally just above the hips, and every point is in 


harmony with the supposition that this is indeed the 
long-lost charioteer of the horses of Night. (30 April, 
1860.) Convinced that the harmony of the compo- 
sition, thus completed, would confirm and complete 
the evidence, I waited impatiently the restitution of 
the group. The restitution is, to a certain extent, 
now made, and with all the satisfactoriness to myself, 
and those whose opinions I value, that I could have 
desired and hoped for. 

I can scarcely persuade myself that the goddess of 
night was represented as utterly unconscious and un- 
attentive to the great cosmical convulsion at the deli- 
very of Zeus ; and if her head were turned ever so 
slightly in intimation of its effect upon. her, the eager 
action of Helios, or Hyperion, would at once be defined 
with the same reference by mere communicated gloss 
and reflection. 

We have still the fragment of Nike to dispose of. 
It was found lying upon the horizontal cornice, and 
from its proportions it appears fitted to be the figure 
adjacent to the Fates, and thus answering to the Iris 
on the opposite side. The title of Nike, or Victory, is 
clearly established by the pairs of cavities and mortise- 
holes in the back, for the attachment of wings, with 
some traces which seem to indicate that they were of 
metal. The skirt of the drapery behind shows also 
the management for supporting the lower ends of one 
or both. Above the waist the tunic, which is open on 
either side, is gathered and tied between the wings. 

The Beugnot vase-painting of the birth of Athene, 
exhibits a Nike hastening forward to the centre with 
a wreath, and the like figure, with wreath or taenia, is 
repeated on paintings of the parallel subjects of births 


of Erichthonius or of Dionysus, but whether for behoof 
of infant, parent, or nurse, is not always self-evident. 

In the composition of the rise of Pandora, on the 
base of the great chryselephantine statue of Athene 
within the temple, a Victory was introduced ; Victarid 
pracipue mirabili y says Pliny, H. N. 36, 44. I do not 
doubt that she bore a crown for the newborn paragon. 

On the base of the throne of Olympian Zeus, at 
Elis, Phidias represented Peitho in the act of crown- 
ing Aphrodite, newly born from the sea-foam, in pre- 
sence of the assembled privy council of the sky. 

The base of the statue of Athene, I will take this 
occasion to say, could have been little more than an 
enriched socle ; the edges of her sandal-soles were well 
in sight, for a battle of Centaurs upon them contained 
groups that were objects of common admiration. Let 
this be my protest against a recent argument, or rather 
assumption, that the pedestal was ten feet in height, 
by a scheme of restoration as fatal to the effect of the 
sculpture, as the waggon-roof for the naos, which it is 
calculated to favour, would be to the proportions and 
consistency of the architecture. 

I think, then, that the Nike of the pediment must 
have been entrusted with a metallic taenia, as the sym- 
bol of her sacred and triumphant office. Just in the 
middle of the left thigh there remains a metallic plug, 
which must have given attachment to some object or 
ornament; its position in the midst of continuous folds 
shows that no responsibility of costume was dependent 
on it. Is it possible that she carried not a crown, but 
a long and streaming gilded fillet or taenia, of dimen- 
sions as important as we see in the hands of her anti- 
type on the vase ? 


A second restoration, which I have successfully made 
since commencing this essay, has added great value 
and illustration to the action of this figure ; it con- 
sists in identifying among the loose fragments of the 
collection, one of the right thigh and knee which be- 
longs to it, with a portion of the drapery. 

The restoration has complete mechanical establish- 
ment, by the agreement in outline of the adjacent 
fractures, although the sharp edges on either side have 
sustained some injury. The proportion of the limb 
agrees, and the length of the tunic corresponds with 
indications on the torso, and the composition of the 
lines of drapery is thus completed, and with ad- 
mirable effect, in enhancing the rapid motion of the 

In the grand and energetic freedom of the stride, the 
short tunic leaves the legs bare above the knee. From 
the fineness of this drapery, and the closeness with 
which it adheres to the forms, the figure has almost the 
value of the nude in giving relief to the fully draped 
group of the Fates. This restoration has transformed 
a comparatively uninteresting torso into a magnificent 

Lastly, there is the confirmation, if such were wanted, 
of a circumstantial peculiarity in the treatment of the 
drapery. This consists in what I take to be the ex- 
pression rather of creases than of very fine folds, by 
fine lines or scores cut upon the surface. They no doubt 
imitated an effect in some particular kind of drapery ; 
I find them on the drapery of one of the statues of 
Nereids, in the Xanthian room, but on no other statue 
or fragment beUmging to the Parthenon. One of these 
scored lines, continuous from the torso to the fragment 


of the thigh, certifies, if properly adjusted, the exact 
point of union. 

Thus restored, we see the figure leaping forward to 
the right, with an exulting spring. It relieves most 
effectually and beautifully the leaning lines of Clotho, 
and the action of Nike herself acquires the greatest 
force from the contrast of her weight-supporting knee, 
with the gracefully projecting but relaxed right knees 
of the adjacent Fates. 

We may decide with confidence, from the bust, that 
the head was turned to the left, that is, towards the 
Fates; both arms were raised, and while the right would 
be extended towards the centre, it is probable that the 
left was bent from the elbow in the same direction, and 
I conclude that either hand held up the taenia, which 
the motion of the figure to the right indicated as des- 
tined for Zeus or Athene in the centre. 

Skilful treatment would of course provide that while 
Nike was kept away from the central portion of the 
composition, in order to favour the precedence of 
divinities more important, still none of the interme- 
diate figures could have, in the slightest degree, the 
appearance of claimant of the offered honours. Vic* 
tory, therefore, on this side, is the countervailing figure 
of Iris on the other; each is intermediate between ter- 
minal and central group, and each, though by con- 
trasted action, marks the division, and yet at the same 
time links the communication. Iris speeds to the 
angle, while her eyes still revert to Olympus ; Nike 
springs towards the centre, yet as she does so, glances 
towards the group of Fates, in their graduated agita- 
tion. The touch of sympathetic links is continuous 
throughout. The attitude of Thallo hails and wel- 


comes and almost anticipates, the announcement of 
Iris, even while her head inclines to invite the atten- 
tion of her sister — her sister who turns to listen with 
tranquillity yet undisturbed. By his very position and 
repose, Dionysus belongs to the same group as Karpo, 
as he is greeting with gesture or libation the first 
beams of the day-god. 

We have then very considerable, we may almost 
say now complete remains of the terminal groups of 
the eastern pediment, extending at each side as far as 
the fifth triglyph of the frieze, or the third column in- 
clusive. Even so far on either side did these comple- 
mentary groups advance ; at this point, in either case, 
they were divided by marked caesura from the grand 
central group, and the immediate scene of the labour 
and triumph of the god parturient. The division of 
this central scene in itself was, no doubt, into two 
grand groups, on either side of the independent and 
conspicuous, the exulting yet awful Athene. 

The contrast with the western front, by which en- 
hancement of dignity is achieved, is most noteworthy 
and admirable. 

A single power asserts undisputed pre-eminence, 
instead of contesting, though with marked superiority, 
the divided field, The spacious intervals that on the 
west were occupied by forms of horses or lower ani- 
mals, were no doubt free here for the human form 
divinely idealized, of scale coequal to the sister power. 
We are here in an assembly not of gods and men, but 
of gods and goddesses alone ; and for these it was as 
welcome to have the most spacious division of the 
pediment at command, as on the west it was desirable 
to occupy it with horses, in order to break and blend 


the transition to the smaller proportions of the Cecro- 
pidae. On the west, the side groups not immediately 
witnesses of or participant in the main action, spread 
inwards from either end much beyond the spaces occu- 
pied by the third columns ; but on the east, as we 
have seen, the correlative groups, which are of fewer 
figures, terminate here and allow magnificent range 
and scope for the awe and admiration-stricken assem- 
bly of Olympians. 

Awe and admiration, surprise and even love, no 
doubt were provided with exponents, and harmonized 
with fit expression. That all hint and trace is lost of 
the particulars and principles on which these lateral 
groups were designed, in doubtless the richest combi- 
nation, is one of the greatest misfortunes in respect of 
art, that the human race has sustained. It is only com- 
parable to what the world would have suffered if the 
last book of the Iliad had been lost, or if we could 
allow ourselves to believe that anything so grevious 
could have been permitted, as for a tragedy of Shake- 
speare, ranging in excellence with Hamlet and Lear, to 
have perished in manuscript. 

They who have the courage may pursue the ana- 
lysis of proprieties, by comparison of ancient remains 
with modern symmetrical compositions of numerous 
figures, such as the cartoon of Ananias, or the Last 
Supper of Lionardo da Vinci ; but for me, I have said 
that I set a bound to my conjectures, and by this, 
though after somewhat of transgression and over-in- 
dulged resolution, I will abide. 

What more remains to be said?— what more is 
worth saying? Little indeed, and we have already 
said too much, if we are reduced to consider ourselves 


as addressing an age that perhaps finds its account, 
and at least finds it conscientious and comfortable, to 
disparage the pure and natural expression by the 
Greek, of his awe at the universe and the spirit of itt 
working, as paganism, and to abuse his idealized per- 
sonifications of its unfathomable energies, as idols. 

Sounds like these, it is true, float on the wind ; but a 
better utterance is abroad, and may be heard if lis- 
tened for ; and taste and truth, marked out for death, 
are fated not to die at the hands of factitious public 
opinion, and the sophistications and servilities of those 
who fabricate and those who are eager to be in the 
way of the first favours of fashion. 

" My soul, turn from them ; turn we to survey," 
with one last retrospective glance, the spirit of the 
composition that we have endeavoured with all disad- 
vantage to appreciate. 

I have argued on the presumption that the Phidian 
aspect of art and conception of mythology are Homeric. 
They are so conspicuously in this respect in the case 
before us, that while the principal incident is clothed 
by the poetic sculptor in all the circumstance of loca- 
lized tradition, special worship, and characteristic ac- 
cretions from every age it had passed through, he still, 
with an augur's insight, penetrated to the primary sym- 
bolism that was its original germ of interest and life. 
Those who know most and know best the genius of 
Homer relatively to his materials, will recognize this 
process as Homeric, and by this it is that Phidias 
unites the fabulous, not to say the monstrous, with 
the sympathies of enlightened humanity, for all regions 
and all time. 

The miraculous birth of Athene and her provident 


affection for Athens and Attica, were legends recog- 
nized by poet and sculptor as legends, but also as 
symbolical in import ; and were valued for the vigorous 
truth of their symbolism, admired for their capacities 
of beauty. 

It has been by this faculty of insight that in all great 
ages of art, the transmutation has been effected by 
genius, of the decaying rags of superstition into the 
glorified vesture of transfigured philosophy. 

The result could scarcely be less happy, and of a 
truth is far more dignified, than to stoop in cowering 
degradation to worship the letter of a tradition which 
as a letter is ever a falsity, to accept figment and fable 
for truth without a veil, and to ascribe all merit and 
attach all hope to the obstinate blindness and implicit- 
ness of such acceptation. 

Wherever veritable Art survives to vindicate its 
prerogative of comment and illustration, there is pro- 
mise of return to the simplicity, enlightened as well as 
pure, of which the ensample happened for us in anti- 
quity. It is for artistic genius to predict, to prepare, 
and ultimately crown the triumph ; for the rest, it is in 
pursuance of the instincts and unconsciously directed 
efforts of all ages, that even the common sense and 
much more the common sympathies of mankind, will 
tend to right themselves, and will correct the wildest 
dogmas and traditions by attaching to them symbolical 
interpretations perforce. It may be that there is in- 
termediate logical inconsequence ; but the energy of 
Sympathy ever insists on evoking a meaning which at 
least has a truth in itself and of its own ; and not with- 
out protest, and not without suspicion, only consents 
to carry about still the load of discredited or repugnant 


fable, under condition of wresting it on every active 
occasion to be the vehicle of a spirit that defies and 
denounces and will at last destroy, an oppressive im- 

I take this opportunity of mentioning a restoration ol the frieze— 
subordinate, yet not without interest. My attention was drawn by 
Mr. Bonomi to a female head in relief in the collection of Dr. Lee of 
Hartwell, recognizable by scale, treatment, and material — Pentelic 
marble, — as pertaining to the Panathenaic frieze. On comparison I 
found that it was the head of the Hebe in the group of divinities at 
the east front, on which I have commented in a previous paper ; it 
came at the angle of the slab, and was easily broken off by some de- 
predator of early date. The air of the head is exquisite, and the 
mastery of relief is most worthy of the hand of Phidias. 






(Read July 18th, 1860.) 

The recent excavations of M. Mariette, at Thebes, have 
thrown so much additional light upon the arrangement 
of the statistical tablet of Karnak, and added such im- 
portant additions to it, that I am induced to resume my 
labours upon this remarkable inscription, and to show, 
from M. Mariette's sketch, what is the arrangement of 
the inscription and what portions are rendered more 
complete by the fragments discovered during his exca- 
vations. The so-called statistical inscription of Kar- 
nak consists of the legends inscribed on the north 
and south of a small temple of Thothmes III., built of 
yellow sandstone, in the Karnak quarter of Thebes, 
and which seems to have been erected for the express 
commemoration of his victories. The importance of 
these inscriptions had, early in the history of Egyptian 
discovery, attracted attention, and the first publication 
of a portion of their contents is due to Dr. Young, who 
edited them in his ' Hieroglyphicks ' from a copy made 
by Sir Gardner Wilkinson. Since then the same in- 
scription, and a more complete copy of the remainder, 


has been published in the great work of M. Lepsius. 
The least important, according to M. Mariette, 1 of these 
inscriptions, is that of the south, or the right-side of the 
entrance ; the restoration of Sethos II. has destroyed 
more than half of this text, and there only remains the 
closing thirty-four lines published by Lepsius, Denk- 
maler, Abth. III. Bl. 30, 6. It appears from an exa- 
mination of the date that this portion contained, that 
the end of the inscription records the annals of the 
king from the twenty-first to the forty-second year 
of his reign. M. Mariette, indeed, gives the twenty- 
second or twenty-third, but the position of the unit, 
just below the centre of the two tens, is favourable to 
the idea that no other unit could symmetrically be 
present. This raises the majority of the king and 
his emancipation from the tutelage of Hatasu to his 
twenty-first regnal year, five years after the tablet of 
the Sarabout El-Khadem. It is clearly the close of 
the whole inscription, and forms what M. Mariette 
calls the fourth or last chapter of the text. The other 
inscription, that of the north, is divided into three por- 
tions ; the first consists of the recital of the march of the 
king, and the speech of a deity to the monarch ; 3 the 
second an inscription, divided into two sections by a 
gate, which separates sixty-seven 3 lines on one side from 
forty-three 4 on the other, the last four lines of which 
are not given in the publication of Lepsius, being disco- 
vered subsequently, containing the account of the battle 

1 Revue Archeologique, nouvelle aerie, 8vo, Juillet, 1860, Paris, 
pp. 30-33, pi. xvi. 

* Lepsius, Denkm. iii. 31, 6; Birch, Archseologia, xxxv. p. 116. 

* Lepsius, Denkm. iii. 31, 66. 

4 Lepsius, Denkm. iii. 32; Birch, Archceol. Lc. 121. 



of Megiddo ; and a third division, consisting of fifty- 
four lines, the commencement only, at Paris, published 
in Lepsius, Auswahl, Taf. xii., which was followed by 
six lines, now lost, then by fourteen other lines in one 
fragment, and then by another fragment of twenty lines, 
both of which are given in the 'Denkmaler.' 5 It is 
this closing part of the north side which was first pub- 
lished, and the fragments discovered by M. Mariette 
consist of the ends of thirty-five lines of the commence- 
ment. It is this portion which I propose more parti- 
cularly to consider on the present occasion, and I shall 
accordingly retranslate these first thirty-five lines with 
comments on the new words and phrases of importance 
which occur therein. 

There is no addition to the heading of the inscrip- 
tion ; it still reads, " His majesty ordered that the vic- 
tories which his father [Amen Ra] had given to him 
should be placed on the stone wall in the temple which 
his majesty made ...... in her name [or its name], 

together with the captives brought by his majesty in 
it ; it was made like [the horizon of heaven] "... As 
I find no trace of the queen-regent in the inscription, it 
is scarcely possible that the phrase of "in her name " 
can refer to the regent. The compound form reads 
literally ar-an-tu, and means ' has been made/ the 
affix of the preterite being interposed between the 
verbal root and the termination of the participle. A 
similar phrase, am-en-tu, with other variants, will be 
found in the fifth vertical line. The version of the 
first thirty-five lines with the recovered portion will 
read thus : — 

" [1] In the twenty-ninth year, when his majesty was in 
* Lepsius, Denkm. iii. 31, a; Bl. 30a. 


attacking the hostile lands in it, in the fifth of his 

victorious expeditions, then his majesty took the fort of Ua 

his majesty received the applause of his army, giving 


[2] to Amen Ra . . . . victofy to ... his son ; they were 
beautiful, his majesty was pleased beyond anything. After 
that, his majesty proceeded to the place of offering, and 
gave an offering to Amen as the light of the horizon, of 

oxen, calves, and geese the sun, the lord of creation, 

the ever-living. The amount of the captives brought from 
that fort 

[3] the race of the enemy of that country, 1 chief of that 
fort, 329 men, 100 pounds of silver, 100 pounds of gold, 
lapis-lazuli, copper, vases of brass and iron ; then were 
filled the boats .... laden with all good things, with male 
and female slaves, iron and lead, emeralds, 

[4] and all the good things. After that his majesty went 

and returned to Egypt in triumph. Then his majesty 

destroyed all the corn, and cut up the good portions of the 
fort of Arutatu. Then his majesty went throughout the land 
of Gaha, and destroyed all their fruit-trees full of fruit, there 
it was found 

[5] that their wine was as abundant as their waters, like- 
wise their corn came in heaps out of their stores, they mul- 
tiplied it for supplies for the troops, overwhelming them with 
these things. The amount of tribute brought to his majesty 
in that expedition, was slaves male and female 51, mares 32, 
10 silver dishes [or hands], 470 jars of incense, 

[6] palm wine and honey, 6,428 jars of wine, brass, lead, 
lapis-lazuli, and felspar, 618 oxen, 3,636 % goats, of bread 
leavened and unleavened .... of com and flour .... and all 
the good products of that land. The army was supplied there 
with palm wine 

[7] daily, as if it were festivals in Tameri [Egypt]. In 
the thirtieth year, when his majesty was in the land of the 
RuteTi, in his sixth victorious expedition; his majesty ap- 
proached the fortress of Katesh, attacking it, cutting down 


its fruit-trees, destroying its com, coming .... the land o£ 
. . . tu. Then his majesty approached the land of Taru, and 
went to the fortress of Aruttu and did the same there. The 
amount of tribute 

[8] brought to the spirits of his majesty in that year, 
then there were brought the brothers and children, to be in 
the power of Egypt, and if any of the aforesaid chiefs died, 
his majesty ordered his son to be in his place, the number of 
chiefs brought in that year was .... slaves, male and female 
181, mares 188, chariots 

[9] inlaid with gold and silver, painted forty [in number]. 
In the year 31, on the third of the month Pashons, an assem- 
blage was made of the captives taken by his majesty in 
that year, those brought from the fortress of Anrutu, on the 

bank of the Kharna, were living prisoners, 490, of 

the son of the enemy .... [3] superintendent of .... 
women who were there 1 ; total, 494 persons, 26 mares, 13 

[10] all adorned with war-trappings. His majesty took 
that fort in an hour, with all its contents. The convoy of 
captives offered by the chief of the Ruten who came to do 
homage [to the spirits] of his majesty in that year [amounted 
to] ... . slaves male and female 72, . . . of that land; 761 
pounds 2 ounces of silver, chariots decorated with silver 19, 
[11] with all their decorated trappings; buffalo cattle 104, 
steers 172, total 276; goats 4,622, iron in its ore 40 bricks, 
lead .... gold 41, breast-plates painted with studs, and all 
their products, 

[12] with all the good wood of that land; then all the 
countries came journeying to his majesty, supplying bread 
leavened, jars of palm wine, frankincense, wine, honey, flour, 

all its numerous ... all accounted for to let the 

army of his majesty know without doubt 

[13] They are placed on the rolls of the palace; they are 
not given in this inscription in order to avoid a multiplicity 
of words, by putting them down in this place, making them 

writing down the tribute of the land of the Ruten 

as numerous bushels 


[14] of corn and barley, frankincense, palm wine, new 
wine, and all the delicious fruits of that land. They have 
been returned into the treasury, likewise the manufactures of 

the . . . .are reckoned 33 . . . stones, with emeralds, 

and all the precious stones of that land with numerous stone 

[15] of fire, with all the good of that land. [When] 

his majesty approached Egypt, the directors of the colonies 
came bearing their tribute of precious stones, and jasper 
10 male Negroes for servants, cattle 

[16] steers 113, bulls 230, total 343, besides the boats 
laden with ivory, ebony, panther-skins, and [all the] products 
of that land . . . 8 . . . [the tribute of the] Ua-ua 31 cows, 
and calves, and 61 bulls, total 92, 

[17] besides the boats laden with all the good things of the 
land was the tribute of the Ua-ua. Also in the thirty-third 
year his majesty was in the land of the Ruten, approaching 
that well his majesty set up a tablet to his father 

[18] the king, the Sun, greatest object of creation [Thoth- 
mes I.] ; then his majesty sailed along, taking the forts and 
harrowing the land of the enemy of the vile Naharaina in 

, . .he. • . • the riven led behind them, no one looked 

[or was seen] 

[19] behind him; he was alone; for they came with a 
spring like lions in the region of goats; then the horses 
his whole army, having the chiefs 

[20] and their women 30, men taken prisoners 80, slaves, 
male and female, with children, 606, surrendered, women . . . 
• . . their corn. His majesty approached the town of 

[21] Ninii in his course ; when his majesty came he set up 
his tablet in Naharaina (Mesopotamia) to enlarge the fron- 
tiers of Egypt the tribute brought to his majesty 

by the chiefs of that land 

[22] 513 slaves, male and female, 260 mares, 45 pounds 
9 ounces of gold, silver vases of the workmanship of the 
Tahai [chariots] with all their trappings, bulls, 

[23] calves, buffaloes 28, bulls 64, goats 5,323, frankin- 
cense 828 jars, palm wine of all the delicious 

products of that land, and numerous fruits ; 


[24] then were the cities, supplying things as they were 
compelled by their agreement of yearly contributions, with 
the manufactures of the Remenen, according to their rate of 

annual tribute with the chiefs of the Remenn, 

2 eagles [?],4 unknown birds 

[25] of that land. . Then there was a .... of things 
brought by the chief of Saenkar, 4 pounds of real lapis-lazuli, 
and 24 pounds of artificial, and lapis-lazuli of Babylon 

pounds, of true lapis, and the head of a ram of true 


[26] 15 ounces, and vases • • . • brought from the great 
Khita in that year, 8 rings of silver, making 301 pounds, 
of white precious stone, one great stone, and .... wood 
to Egypt on his passage from 

[27] Naharaina to enlarge the frontiers of Egypt. Sledges 
of stone were brought from the land of Punt in that year, 
lustrous gems 1,685 carats [?] . . [pounds] of gold 155 
pounds, 2 ounces, slaves, male and female, 134, cattle 

[28] and calves, 114 bulls, [305] total 419, besides boats 
laden with ivory, ebony, panther-skins, and all the good things 

of [that] land sheiks 3, males 12, total 20, qows and 

calves 9, 

. [29] bulls 60, total 104, besides the boats with all the 
good products of that land, measured on the spot also. In 
the thirty-fourth year then his majesty was in Gahai ........ 

his going, a welcome to his majesty throughout on his birth- 
day. The number of 

[30] fortresses captured in that year 2 fortresses, surren- 
dered on the confines of Anaukasa, total 3, the captives 

brought from 90 captured, surrendered with their 


[31] and children 40 mares, chariots plated with 

silver and gold, 15 gold vases with their covers 50 pounds 8 
ounces, gold vases of that land with their covers 153, iron 

50 small .... 70 asses, much gaka wood, 

. [32] black wood, sont wood, a breast? .... full with the 
lintels of a door, plated with brass inlaid with stones 9, with . 


all the good wood of that land. The chiefs of the Ruten 
brought in that year .... mares, chariots plated with gold 
and silver and plated 34, slaves, male and female, 512, gold 
55 pounds 8 ounces, polished silver vases 

[S3] of the workmanship of that land . • . [pounds] 6 
ounces .... pounds of silver .... stone, and precious stones 
.... vases, iron in ore 80 bricks, lead 11 bricks, 100 pounds 

of paint, stones, felspar, and emeralds great quantity 

of wood, numerous iron vases, frankincense 390 jars .... 

[34] delicious palm wine, of green dates 2,080, jars of wine 
608, a gaka-wood chariot, with acacia wheels ?, all the good 
wood of that country. Then all the tributary lands of his 
majesty were supplying all good things for his majesty to 
receive . . • boats laden with their beams . . and the 

[35] great logs for his majesty's .... The chiefs of the 
Asi brought in that year 108 bricks of iron, 2,040 pounds of 
pitch, 6 bricks of lead, 1,200 ounces of lead, 1 10 pounds of 
lapis-lazuli, 1 tusk of ivory, 2 chairs, sheiks . . . . 40 . • . the 
daughter of the chief of Arma . . . " 

This closes the fragmentary portions recovered by 
M. Mariette, which present great importance for the 
historical events of the epoch. The fifth campaign of 
the twenty-ninth year opens with Thothmes being in a 
northern country, where he takes a fort beginning with 
the name of Ua. As none of Kushite or southern people 6 
are mentioned as possessing forts, this name must be 
restored from a comparison with other lists, such as the 
names Uahat, Uarki of Sheshank I. 7 This was probably 
one of the forts of the Ruten, victorious upon this oc- 
casion : the kings make an offering to the god Amen 
Ra at the khebi (1. 2), a place which received stores 

• On the statue of Poeri, prince of ^Ethiopia, British Museum, 
Egyptian Gallery, No. 70, the tasha en Rameses, or " Fort Ramses," 
in Kush, is mentioned. 

7 Brngach, Geographic, taf. xxiv. a, 13, 133. 


of viands, or was otherwise the ipyatmqptov, the prison 
or workshop, of captives and slaves, as in an inscrip- 

tion at Karnak, HfcJ^f JEi'1S&S2l^ 
Em sa er Gemi er meh heb en tef Amen Ra, 4C with living 
slaves for Gem, to fill the workshop of his father Amen 
Ra;" here, however, it is mentioned as the store-room 
of the offerings or temple in a foreign land. The king 
from hence appears to have been on the return to 
Egypt, and attacked the fort of Arutatu : this place, 
which I had formerly thought was Arvad, or Aradus, 
appears to be close to the land of Gahai, in which I 
am disposed to recognize the celebrated Gazae, famous 
for its toreutic and metallic work, and used at a later 
period for valuable furniture. The name Gatatu, which 
M. Brugsch reads Gaza, appears to me, from its final 
ending, to be rather the celebrated Gath of the Philis- 
tines, while he places the Gahai north of Berytus. In 
this same line occurs the word asmar, ^f^,*,, which 
I have hitherto translated 'smarts;' the same word, as 
smer, occurs at a later time, and the substance came 
from the Kenous "as the smar of Kenus, for all the 
work in it." 8 The march of the monarch was marked 
by the usual devastation of vineyards and cornfields. 

The phrase here is «* 9 ifi men, which seems to 
mean gardens or orchards ; and they are described as 
foil of ^^£, hert, apparently fruit, — not flowers, — 
and to be distinguished from ^J* ^, tekar, apparently 
from this passage clusters or masses of fruit, the Cop- 
tic TtJf (1. 4). In the description of the land in 
1. 5, the well-known form for excellence is used instead 
of that of sam in the present copy, and at the end of 

8 Brugsch, Geographic xiii. 2 e. 


the line occurs the formula kar-su, Op^, 9 * there/ 
which, or its homophones, often close sentences. This 
land of Gaha is indeed described in glowing colours, 
as literally flowing with wine and piled with corn, and 
recalls the Biblical descriptions of the land of Canaan. 
So abundant were the supplies that the army was daily 
refreshed, or literally drunk, 10 with baka, or palm wine, 
as if it had been a round of perpetual festivals in Egypt 
itself ; an expression which shows that rations of this 
wine were issued to the troops on the occasion of fes- 

If other evidence were required of the position of 
Gahai, it would be afforded by the papyrus of Rameses 
III., in the possession of Mr. Harris, of Alexandria. 
This magnificept roll, which contains an account of 
the riches and possessions of Rameses III., has, at the 
commencement of the ninth page, one of the speeches 
of the God, or King : " I have built thee," it says, " a 
sacred house in the land of Gahai, like the horizon of 
Heaven on high, the house of Rameses, the ruler of 
Annu [Hermonthis] in the land of Pakanana, in the 
quarter of thy name. Thy great image is produced 
within it, the Ammon of Rameses, the ruler of An ; 
the lands of the Ruten come to it, bringing their offer- 
ings as to its God ; the whole earth comes to thee, 
bringing their products for tribute in procession to 
Gemi, thy holy city." In the campaign of Rameses 
II. they are described as south of Katesh. 

9 Lepsius, Todt. xlv. 124, 4. 

10 £ j^> tekhu, is literally ■ drank/ OAjfcl. Th e t* ** phrase 
occurs in the Ibrim tablet of Seti I., speaking of the refreshment of 
the troops. For forms of tekh, 'weight/ see Champollion, Not. 
Descr. 585 ; Lepsius, Denkm. iv. 54 b, 73 d, in Pap. Salt. 118. Brit. 
Mas. loco Lepsius, Todt. 125, 24 ; it has a block of stone after it. 


In this text the land of Gahai is placed antithetically 
to the land of Pa-kanana, or the land of Canaan, which 
shows that it lay in that direction. It is to this place 
that the land of Ruten come as tributaries, showing 
that this last-named country also lay in the same direc- 
tion ; while their position as north of the Great Sea, 
or Mediterranean, and embracing the district of Er- 
menen, or the supposed Hermon or Libanus, brings 
them closer to Egypt than the elephant and the yellow 
bear which they offer seems to justify. The question 
of the geographical position of these races therefore 
requires reconstruction. The name of Remenen or 
Ermenn is equally capable of being philologically 
read as Armenia,— a name certainly as old as Hero- 
dotus, — as M. Brugsch 11 proposes, ^nd the Ruten 
would then correspond with the Regines of Josephus, 
the descendants of Ashenaz, whose position has not 
been determined. In the printed extract from Mr. 
Harris's papyrus I have used the word shta y commonly 
translated ' secret,' c mystery,' as sacred, it being evi- 
dent that the king could not have built a ' secret ' place. 

The razzia of Thothmes was continued in the follow- 
ing year in the land of Katesh ; but this great fortress 
did not succumb till the reign of Rameses II. In 
the same year the king approached the land of Taru, 

A^fcwtS 1 ^' or Ty rus > an( * went t0 l ^ e f° rtress of 
(I. 7) Aruttu, or Arvad, where he destroyed the country 
in the same manner. Now this name of Tyrus has hi- 
therto only been discovered in the Anastasi Papyrus, 12 
and in the list of Rameses III., at Medenat Haboo: 

11 Geographie, ii. 8. 38. 

12 See my ' Annals of Thothmes/ Trans. Roy. Soc. Lit. ii. p. 354 ; 
and Brugsch, ' Geographie/ ii. s. 42, and following. 


here it is joined with Arutu, or Aradus. This fact in- 
volves the historical and chronological question of the 
date of the foundation of Tyre, which must have an 
earlier date assigned to it than that of 1282, and re- 
stored, if not to the date of Herodotus, 13 of 2750 B.C., 
at least to 1500 B.C. ; in fact there is every reason to 
believe that the city of Tyre was the oldest, according 
to the assertion of the Phoenicians themselves, 14 of the 
Phoenician Pentapolis, and preceded the foundation of 
Sidon, which is not mentioned till the nineteenth 
Egyptian dynasty, while in the present annals it occurs 
with the city of Aradus. Tyre appears indeed as a 
flourishing state in the days of Joshua, 15 immediately 
after the Exodus ; but Sidon, not Tyre, is the great 
city of Homer 16 and the early Greek traditions. The 
quantity of spoil brought from this district, and the 
hostages required by Egypt, were considerable, and give 
a high idea of the early civilization and commerce of 
Tyre in slaves, horses, and chariots. M. de Roug£ 
has indeed read this name Tamaru, instead of Taru, and 
supposed the place to be the Tsamari of Genesis and 
the Simyra of Strabo ; but the identification depends 
on the supposition that the hand holding an offering 
reads ma y instead of ta ; or rather, that it is not the 
hand holding the curved stick which occurs as deter- 
minative of ta. In the thirty-first year an assemblage 
of the captives taken from the Anruta, a fortress situ- 
ated on a lake or river, to which various names have 
been given. The copy of Lepsius gives <3^aV*, 

u Brugsch, Geographic ii. 43, 44. 
14 Strabo, xvi. 756. i* xix. 29. 

w Odyu. xiii. 238. Cf. Mr. Dyer's article, 'Phoenicia/ Diet. Gr. 
and Bom. Geography, ii. p. 608. 


which I originally read Merna, and M. Brugsch has 
translated by Nasruna, 17 in M. Deveria's recent copy 
of the same word, taken from the portion in the Bi- 
blioth&que Imperiale, gives ^l^*, apparently for 
Kherna. The name of Anaruta has been compared 
with the Anaharat of Joshua, 18 but there appears no 
great reason for this assignment. The fragments 
found by M. Mariette enable us to complete the 
amount of the spoil of this fortress, which fell in an 
hour into the king's hands. Among the prisoners is 
mentioned (1. 9) a superintendent, apparently of women, 
^™ J; but owing to the mutilation of the monu- 
ment in this place, it is not possible to decide what 
was his office, — perhaps one of the eunuchs of the 
harem ; he is mentioned after the tutors or nurses of 
the royal children ; but this title indeed has some si- 
milarity with the name of the Heru-Sha, a people men- 
tioned at this and the Ptolemaic epoch ; 490 persons, 
26 horses, and 13 chariots were taken in this fort. In 
the same year, the fragments state that the Ruten sent 
a large tribute of 761 lbs. 2 oz. of silver, l"9 chariots, 
14 buffaloes, 172 calves, 4,622 goats, 40 bricks of 
iron ore, some quantity of lead, 41 . . lbs of gold, and 
a contribution of wood. Among the objects offered are 

31 HlT J ^^S> shaku* — perhaps breastplates painted 
or adorned with fP~^ *> sestu, studs or points of iron, 
probably the Hebrew !P2, trits. In this line is the 
word ^ j, applied to the measure or quantity of corn. 
The cord occurs in the word | JL^f>, 19 as, as if used 

17 Histoire d'Egypte, 4to, Leipzig, p. 101. 

18 Brugsch, Geographie, ii. p. 42. 

w Lepsius, Todt. xxi. 52, 2; xxxix. 108, 8; bad. 149, 16. A 


for that syllable ; but its appearance in the initial of the 
word sbsi, 90 or sbsr, 31 arrows, points to a probable value 
of s, although the syllabic value of as would suit in the 
word aspu, jasper. 23 This value of s appears better 
than the hitherto supposed k, from its interchange 
with the syllable ka in the name of kabti, Coptos. 
The first part of the group also occurs in the often* 
repeated word hebs-en-ma, Garments of Truth. 33 The 
word hesb is also used for measure. In the inscrip- 
tions of the nineteenth dynasty relative to the Nile 
rising, the same word occurs in the sentence hru pen 
en kha sesh Hdpi au hesb art her me neter hetpen Amen 
ra suten neteru, " On the day of leaving the register of 
the Nile, the measures of corn were deposited in the 
granary, a divine contribution to Amen-Ra, King of 
the Gods." 34 The Ritual Belmore, Brit. Mus., gives 
?^i= K? in the P lace (Lepsius, Todt. 162. 10). 
The phrase at the end of the thirteenth line indeed 
presents great difficulties ; the logical sequence of the 
phrase, taken in connection with the registration on 
the royal patent roll, is 'without mistake ' or ' doubt;' 
^XiJ|^[ftP{^ men maums. A similar phrase occurs 
on a tablet at Samneh, dated in the reign of Osertesen 
HI. which says of the negroes au maa enset kherfinen 
maums, " they saw his majesty (the king) without mis- 
similar phonetic group, on the D'Orbiney papyrus, xvi. 6, is used in 
the sense of * sacrifice.' According to M. de Rouge* there is also as, 
'to go,' or 'depart.' Sharpe, Eg. Inscr. 58. 

» Leps. Todt. liv. 131, 2. 

31 Champollion, Not. Descr. 170; Egypt. Gal. Brit. Mus. 32. 
Coffin of the Queen of Amasis. 

B Champollion, Gr. Eg. 100. 

* Lepsius, Todt. lii. 129, 6. 

* Cf. Lepsius, Denkm. Abth. HI. Bl. 200 d, 10, 207 d, 218 d. 


take," or doubt (Lepsius, Denkm. ii. Pi. 136. h.) The 
prtcis- writer of the inscription must have had some such 
phrase in his mind : for the satisfaction of the army a 
list had been kept of the tribute given. As the king 
marched back to Egypt, pearls or other stones were of- 
fered by the heralds or commissioners of the Gan-(but), 
or miners of the king in the peninsula of Sinai ; but from 
this time the inscription becomes more fragmentary, 
and can only be partially restored. In the thirty-second 
year tribute appears to have been sent to the king from 
Kush, or ^Ethiopia, consisting of 10 Negroes, 113 cows 
and calves, 230 bulls, ivory, ebony, panther-skins ; the 
Ua-ua, another ^Ethiopian people, contributing also 
31 cows and calves, and 61 bulls or buffaloes. In the 
thirty-third year the king entered the land of the Ruten, 

and on this occasion approached a y^, utbti, or 
' ditch/ (1. 17) which had been formerly excavated by 
his father Thothmes I., as is shown by the demonstra- 
tive pronoun JJ^ , pen, attached to it. This word, in 
the sense of ditch or well, is distinct from the words 

SS$$8/!T sh *™ a we N or ditch. The word utb, or 
ubt, occurs in the sixth chapter of the Ritual, and innu- 
merable variants of the word occur on the numerous 
sepulchral figures, where it is spoken of " all that is 
done there [in the Hades] to dig the fields to water," or 
" draw water for the ditches." Here it occurs as a sub- 
stantive masculine. From hence the king continued 
his march into the Naharaina, or Mesopotamia. The 
army continued its career unchecked, like a lion in a 

" Prisse, Mon. xxi. * De Rougfc, N. Journ. As. 1858, p. 524. 
27 Select Papyri, vi. 1. 7. shoth, cxvi. 22, cxvi. 4, 5. 


land of goats, according to the official statement, taking 
30 chiefs, 80 prisoners, 606 slaves, and other booty. 
From thence he approached Ninii, or Nineveh, and 
the fragment found by M. Mariette, completing line 
20, proves that the city mentioned at the top of the 
twenty-first is this great capital, here, indeed, called a 
fort. It was here that Thothmes III. set up his own 
tablet as the boundary of his empire, as he had restored 
his father's tablet in the Ruten. This was probably 
followed by the description of the events of another 
year, and of another race who brought 513 slaves, 
260 horses, 45 lbs. 9 oz. of gold, Gaza vases, chariots 
and armour, 28 buffaloes, 28 64 bulls, 5,323 goats, 828 
jars of frankincense and palm wine. The word sha- 
uura, in the sense of decorations or armour, has been 
already discussed in previous papers, but the text of 
the recently-discovered lines divides the word into two 
elements, sha, 'wood/ and nu-ra, f ^ i nj^>, as if 

it were an adjective : the phrase reads sha neb nurua. 
The cities continued to supply either Egypt or the 
royal host, according to their agreement with the chiefs 
of the Ermenn, or Armenia, from which it appears that 
Egypt had by its conquest of the Ermenn imposed its 
yoke on the tributaries of that nation. From the Er- 
menn or a neighbouring people were sent two hawks 
or eagles, birds of a mountainous country, probably 
from Ararat, and four birds of an unknown species, to 
adorn no doubt the royal aviaries as the beasts did the 
paradeisi, or parks, of the monarch. Rare birds, it has 
already been shown in a former memoir, were sent by 

M The word tepa here is read 'fat' by De Rouge\ Dr. Hincks 
read ' savoury.' This word also occurs as the tepa which comes from 
the north wind. 

VOL. VII. p 


Candace to Alexander, and by Alexander to his tutor 
Aristotle, and the study of zoology was first studied 
under the patronage of kings. The tribute of Saenkar 
was chiefly lapis-lazuli, real or artificial, and the lapis- 
lazuli of Babylon ; the newly-discovered fragments 
also record the head of a ram of that material. An- 
other nation, surnamed the ' great, 1 sent 301 lbs. of 
silver, and a great white stone. Phoenicia, or Punt, 
contributed 1,685 measures of gems, 155 lbs. 2 oz. of 
gold, 134 slaves, 419 head of cattle, ivory, ebony, and 
panther-skins. Another land gave 20 males, 104 head 
of cattle. There is an important notice in the thirty- 
fourth year, when the king was in Gahai, or Gaza, ' he 
was fiSted on his birth-day,' but the date of the geneth- 
lion is not mentioned. Here he took 3 fortresses on the 
confines of Anaukasa, many prisoners, 40 horses, gold 
vases, 70 asses, and gaka, a dark wood, and sont wood 
and 9 pillars of a door plated with brass and inlaid 
with gems. Large tributes continued to be sent by the 
Ruten, who supplied horses, 512 slaves, 55 lbs. 8 oz. 
of gold and silver vases, silver, gems, 80 lumps of iron- 
ore, 11 bricks or pigs of lead, 100 lbs. of colour, eme- 
ralds and jasper, wood, iron vases, frankincense, 390 
jars of palm wine, and 2,080 jars of the juice of the 
grape, or beer, birch (gaka), wood chariots, acacia. . . . 
The tributary lands in this year supplied beams for the 
king's palace. The last of the tributary states men- 
tioned in this portion of the inscription is the land of 
Asia; or the Asii, as they are called. The tablet which 
I have recently translated and commented upon at a 
meeting of the Society of Antiquaries, places these 
people to the west instead of to the east of Egypt. 
The tribute consisted in 108 bricks of iron, 2,040 lbs. 


of pitch, or, according to Brugsch, iron, 5 bricks of 
lead, — not tin as M. Brugsch supposes, — 110 lbs. of 
lapis-lazuli, an ivory tusk, and some other products. 29 
It is true that, considering the name and products, 
I was inclined to believe that the Asii were the Is or 
His of Herodotus, celebrated for the naphtha-springs, 
bat M. Brugsch 30 has pronounced for a district of Pa- 
lestine, assuming that the word seft is not pitch but 
iron. The new tablet, however, of Thothmes, proves 
that they must have been a people either of Libya or 
Europe, and their products agree with the first-men- 
tioned continent — the ivory, naphtha, and lapis not 
being natural products of Asia Minor. If the word 
Hebi had not been proved to be the Oasis, such pro* 
ducts might indeed come by the way of commerce from 
the south shore of Asia Minor. There is in this 
last line the mention of the daughter of the chief of 
Anna, 31 or, as I prefer to read it, Mar, the determina- 
tive of water, showing that the locality was in some 
maritime or fluvial country, such as Meroe, consi- 
dered as an island owing to its being surrounded with 
water. This closes the text of the fragments of the 
thirty-five lines discovered by M. Mariette. 

In connection with the Thothmes III. annals is the 
following list of southern conquests of that monarch. 

28 It appears from Mr. Harris's weight that the hat, or ounce, 
weighed about 140 grains, and the mna, or pound, 1,400 grains; 
Mr. Harris's weight of 5 Jtat l^eing 698 grains, say, allowing for abra- 
sion, 700 grains; the system was decimal, 10 kati making 1 mna. 
See M. Chabas, Rev. Arch. 1861. p. 4 t., and Mr. Edwin Smith, 
Proc. Soc. Ant. 1860. 

* Geographic ii. s. 51, 52. The whole of his argument rests on 
the question of the word iron. 

81 Brugsch, Geographic a. 8 ; Rosellini, M.R. lxi. 




In April, 1859, Mr. Cyril Graham had communicated 
to me the discovery of a new list of prisoners of Thoth- 
mes III., discovered by M. Mariette, at Karnak. In a 
new chamber situate very near V in Lepsius's general 
plan of Thebes, and close to the small chamber built 
or restored by Philip, on the eastern wall, and on each 
side of the doorway are the names of 1 15 nations con- 
quered by the great king ; on the portion of the wall 
north of the door, 75 only are visible, the remaining 
40 being carried over. They are arranged in 5 rows 
of 23 names in each, and over them is an inscription 
giving the subject of the representation. As far as I 
can make out from Mr. Graham's copy, the general 
heading reads, "The collection of lands of the south, and 
Au [the Libyans] and Khent-hannefer .... brought 
are all their chiefs as living captives to fill the house 
of [my] father Amen Ra, lord of the foundations of the 
world, behold all the countries are in the power of his 
majesty, as his father Amen ordered." The list of 
names reads, commencing with the 1 15th of Mr. Gra- 
ham's list : — 

division I. 

1. Rush. 

2. Atarr. 

S. Atarukhau. 

4. Khau. 

5. [erased.] 

6. [erased.] 

7. Serunak. 

8. Barubaru. 

9. Takarr. 

10. Aram. 

11. Arak. 

12. Ark. 

13. Taruru. 

14. Bashakar. 

15. . . em-kar. 

16. Mer Q] eker. 

17. Tanit. 

18. Pakhrua. 

19. Taruta. 

20. Tarutaru. 

21. Ua-Uat. 

22. Mua. 

23. Behaa. 

24. Khtau. 

25. Tashau. 

26. Tahabu. 

27. Utau. 

28. Ta-set. 

29. Pahu. 

30. Bau. 


31. Urentum. 

32. Tumen. 

33. Anaa. 

34. Anbet. 

35. Aama. 

36. Buut. 

37. Ppatu. 



38. A'hau.' 

39. Ahaa. 

40. Iua. 

41. Tat. 

42. Antemut. 

43. Aspau. 

44. Pur-mau. 

45. Ahau. 

46. Am-messu. 

47. Mensau. 

48. Aaha. 

49. Khuahau. 

50. Mehtema. 

51. Auhu [ru.] 


52. Auhu [ru.] 

53. A&tem. 

54. Mmata. 

55. Mabutu. 

56. . . . rtat. 

57. S[et]hebu. 

58. Shatem. 

59. Athtun. 

60. Hekau. 

61. Utent. 

62. Sebau. 

63. Meat. 

64. Ab. 

65. Aaheb. 

66. Kekt. 

67. Sesh-sh. 

68. Eaam. 

69. Aaur. 

70. Ba[p]sta. 

71. Unkhi. 


72. S . . . t. 

73. Abu. 

74. Kenset. 

75. Mausu. 

76. Tahennu. 

77. Aft. 

78. Maaut. 

79. Hebu. 

80. Maah. 

81. Bet- bet. 

82. Menkh. 

83. T . . . ent. 

84. Ta. 

85. Huftt. 

86. Nu. 

87. Apinub. 

88. Bash. 

89. Maas. 

90. Khas. 

91. Ta. 


92. Semkha. 

93. Tater. 

94. Uart. 

95. Ubh. 

96. Nasht. 

97. Tatnas. 

98. Ges. 

99. Aau. 

100. Nesh-sht. 

101. Besh . t. 

102. Shas. 

103. Bakt. 

104. Ashset. 

105. Tuant. 

106. Su. 

107. Mesta. 

108. Mest. 

109. Taneferu. 

110. Au. 

111. Abtai. 

112. Tetnepen. 

113. Tatent. 



The names in this list are difficult to read, and as 
the character of the prisoners, whether bearded or not, 
for example, is not marked, they can only be assigned 
to their position south or north of Egypt from a com- 
parison with the other lists. In the general heading 
there is no mention of northern conquests, but only of 
the south and Khenthannefer, the southern port of the 
Nile, which gives rise to the idea that no northern con- 


quests are here mentioned. None of the great names 
of the north are found, although some appear probably 
to be intended ; but all that can be read of the earlier 
names, are well-known tribes of the south. Many of 
the names rather resemble those found in the registers 
of substances. And after the first division, whether 
they are names of tribes or substances appears to me 
a matter of great doubt.. It is hardly possible to iden- 
tify these lists, the immense interval of time which 
elapsed between their formation and the earliest authors 
of classical antiquity, the probable change of the names 
of the Nigritic tribes during that interval, and the cor- 
rupt state of the text of Pliny and Ptolemy augmenting 
the difficulties of the task. 3 * 

82 Since reading the above, a translation and comment on the 
newly-discovered fragment has been published by M. de Roug£, 
• Revue Archeologique,' Juillet, 1 860. The reader will see how nearly 
our ideas on this text correspond, although we differ in some details. 
The additional observations requisite have consequently been added 
to the text of the paper. 



BY R. 6. LATHAM, M.D., ETC. 

(Read June 6th, 1860.) 

Ever since its publication, under the editorship of 
Sir Frederic Madden, by the Roxburghe Club, the 
poem entitled Havelok the Dane has commanded 
the attention of critics of more than one sort. It 
has been quoted largely by the investigators of our 
local dialects; and that as a poem containing a re- 
markable amount of Danish elements. It has been 
quoted by the investigators of our local legends ; by 
the historians of fiction; and by the more minute 
students of our early literature in general. Little, how- 
ever — though the work has been reprinted — has been 
added to the numerous and elaborate details of the 
able introduction by which it is preceded ; and, it is 
probable, that as far as the facts more immediately 
bearing upon the elucidation of the text are con- 
cerned, there is little to be added. This means that, 
on the ground explored by Sir Frederic Madden, the 
present writer has found little or nothing new. He 
thinks, however, that beyond the field of that critic's 
investigation, a few facts of interest are to be dis- 


covered. He thinks that a remark of Sir Frederic's, 
to the effect that, although the poem, as it stands at 
present, is to be found in no form earlier than that 
of its Old English and its Anglo-Norman versions, 
it may, at an earlier period, have, in some shape or 
other, formed a portion of the literature of the Anglo- 
Saxons. Now, the earlier history of the fiction of 
Havelok is the object of this paper. 

With this statement as a preliminary, we may di- 
rect our attention towards the most prominent poem 
of the Anglo-Saxon era— the so-called epic of Beo- 

The poem of Beowulf, like that of Havelok, leaves 
little to the investigator who limits himself to the field 
of his predecessors. The epoch, however, with which 
the commentator upon Beowulf ends, is earlier by 
some centuries than that with which the commentator 
on Havelok begins. Let us follow, however, the one 
poem downwards, the other upwards, and ask whether 
there is any connection between them. Can any part 
of Beowulf be traced downwards till the time of the 
Anglo-Norman and Old English literature ? Can any 
part of Havelok be traced upwards into the days of 
the Anglo-Saxons ? To both these questions the pre- 
sent writer answers, Yes. 

The hero of Havelok is Havelok himself — hero and 
protagonist. One of the heroes of Beowulf — one of 
the heroes but scarcely a protagonist — is Higelac. 
Word for word, I believe that Havelok and Higelac 
are the same. In the way of letter-changes there is 
no difficulty. The v of the Danes is, in many cases, 
the g of the Swedes ; so that it is as easy for Havelok 
to be Higelac, as for the Danish tyve to be the Swedish 


tjugu = twenty. More, however, will appear on this 
point as we proceed. The little that is given now is 
merely to show a presumption. 

If it were allowed for us to stop here, we might 
treat this identification as a postulate, and, arguing 
onwards, show the amount of consequences that pro- 
ceed from it. But it is scarcely legitimate to do this. 
It is premature to do it, because, in all matters of this 
kind, the method by which we arrive at our results is 
much more important than the results themselves. 
Hence, some evidence should be brought forward. 
Now, this evidence is essentially of the kind called 
cumulative, i. e. it consists in the putting together 
of a series of small facts, each of which is in itself 
trivia], but which, when combined with the remainder, 
constitutes a series of phenomena too closely allied to 
be referable to accident. A result, however, of this 
kind is not necessarily satisfactory ; at any rate, is not 
conclusive. Such, however, as it is, it will be given. 

The order in which our facts are arranged now comes 
under notice. The purely historical method would 
begin with the poem Beowulf, or (if such could be 
found) anything of higher antiquity, and (so beginning) 
would proceed from the older to the newer, until we ar- 
rived at the newest, known forms of the legend. But 
a great portion of the interval is other than historical. 
The date of Beowulf itself is uncertain, and the time 
between Beowulf and Havelok is obscure. This throws 
us upon a different starting-point, and induces us to 
work palaeontologically, or after the manner of geolo- 
gists ; i. e. to begin with the latest form of the story, 
and to proceed from the new to the old, from the clear 
to the obscure, from the known to the unknown. This, 


the palaeontological method, is the true method for 
the archaeologist of the history of fiction. 

The method, however, of the present paper will be 
mixed. It will take the two extremes together, and 
work-in the details of the interval. 

It will begin with the narrative in its latest form. 
This, for all practical purposes, is found in the local 
legends appertaining to the borough of Grimsby, and 
in the poem entitled Argentile and Curan. In the 
present town of Grimsby there is a Havelok Street, 
and a Havelok Stone ; there is the belief, active or 
otiose, as the case may be, that Havelok was picked 
up on the sea, by Grim the fisherman ; that Grim the 
fisherman founded the town ; that Havelok got it cer- 
tain commercial privileges in Denmark ; and, inter 
alia, that Grim's remains lie buried in the parish 
church, with a monument over them. 

I cannot bring myself to call this a tradition. At 
the same time it is not easy to hit upon its right de- 
signation. It simulates a tradition without being one. 
For a full and perfect tradition the absence of all con- 
current records (records meaning written narratives) 
is a necessary condition. Now the tale of Havelok 
has been embodied in more than one composition, and 
in more than one language, for upwards of seven hun- 
dred years at the very least. There has been the 
poem, and there has been the manuscript of it, both, 
perhaps, obscure and but little known. Still they 
have existed, and that concurrently with the tale as 
it ran in the mouths and minds of the unlearned of 
North Lincolnshire. If the oral tradition failed, there 
was the written record to replace it. It is true that 
it was, for the most part, unexamined. Every refer- 


ence, however, no matter how cursory, imparted a 
renewed life to the common version; and it cannot 
be doubted that, at one time, the number of indi- 
viduals who, either directly or indirectly, knew the 
story as a literary composition, was a large one. So 
far, indeed, as it was known beyond the precincts of 
Grimsby, and so far as it was other than a purely local 
myth, it must have been known through the written 
record. It is unsafe, then, to treat the Grimsby story 
as either the spontaneous growth of the locality, or as 
a measure of the reminiscence of the people. There 
is nothing to show that it is either one or the other. 
Without the concurrent written record (supposing it 
to have originated in a fact) it might just have out- 
lived the generation which witnessed it. On the other 
hand, it might, in its origin, have been no fact at all, — 
or, if a fact, an exotic. Not being able, then, tore- 
cognize the Grimsby story about Grim and Havelok as 
a proper tradition, and bearing in mind the extent to 
which written accounts act upon narratives of this 
kind, I have called it a legend, i. e. a thing that may 
be read about. The word has a thorough etymological 
meaning. It has also a definite technical import. It 
is meant to be a slight contribution towards the de- 
velopment of a nomenclature for what we may call 
the Philosophy of the history of Fiction ; in which 
real traditions are very rare. Without a document, 
whether true or false, they can never be either veri- 
fied or confuted. With the legend, however, they are 
not pure and simple traditions. In one case, and in 
one case only, can they be valid. This is when the 
attesting legend, and the current tradition, are abso- 
lutely independent of one another. 


One thing, however, connected with the special case 
before us is certain, viz. the belief of the people of 
Grimsby in the story respecting the foundation of 
their town. This is not the first occasion upon which 
the present writer has expressed his disapproval of the 
current tale. He has done so before — in situ (so to say), 
or at Grimsby itself. The audience was intelligent ; but 
by no means inclined to stand criticism. To impugn 
the story of Havelok in its presence was something 
like impugning the character of Mary, Queen of the 
Scots, at Edinburgh. The week after the opinion was 
expressed, the county paper contained a warm defence 
of the historical rights of the borough, strongly tinc- 
tured with the argumentum a civitate, implying rea- 
diness to defend them against all comers, and — pace 
dixerim — against all arguments. Give us back our 
eponymus, was the feeling to the Aristarchi of Grims- 
by. The belief in a tradition is one thing; the fact of 
its being a tradition is another ; its truth a third. The 
first and last are not unfrequently in the inverse ratio 
to one another. 

Tradition, however, or legend, the Grimsby version 
of the tale of Grim and Havelok at Grimsby, has, 
like most stories of the same kind, a decided inferential 
element: this means that it has parts which have 
originated out of the explanation of some real fact 
Upon the antiquity of Havelok Street I am not pre- 
pared to pronounce an opinion. The name Grimsby 
may, possibly, be derived from that of the fisherman 
so called ; in which case we have no inference, but a 
fact. The commercial privileges, however, by which 
the merchants of Grimsby were put by the Danes in the 
position of a favoured body of traders, are said to have 


been real ; in which case, though wholly unconnected 
with any real Havelok, they may easily have produced 
a hypothetical one, through the existence and acts of 
whom they originated. In respect to the monument 
two things are certain, — the first, that there is one in 
the parish church ; the second, that it is not Grim*s. 
It is treated, however, as if it were ; an unreal occu- 
pant being attached to it ; an unreal, or hypothetical, 
Grim ; a Grim who instead of owning the tomb has 
grown out of it ; a Grim who is good illustration of 
the point now before us, viz. the inferential element in 
certain so-called traditions. Upon the same principle 
the eagle (as I have been told) in the church of Leigh- 
ton Buzzard (Beaudesert), which serves as a lectern, 
is stated to be the buzzard from which the town took 
its name. 

"And it will not be amisse, to say something concerning y c 
Common tradition of her first founder Grime, as y e inhabi- 
tants (with a Catholique faith) name him. The tradition is 
thus. Grime (say they) a poore Fisherman (as he was launch- 
ing into y 6 River for fish in his little boate upon the Huraber) 
espyed not far from him another little boate empty (as he 
might conceave) which by y* 5 fauour of y 6 wynde and tyde, 
still approached nearer and nearer unto him. He betakes 
him to his oares, and meets itt, wherein he founde onely a 
Childe wrapt in swathing clothes, purposely exposed (as it 
should seeme) to y e pittyless [rage] of y e wilde and wide 
Ocean. He Moued with pitty, takes itt home, and like a 
good foster-father carefully nourisht itt, and endeavoured to 
nonrishe it in his owne occupation : but y 6 childe contrarily 
was wholy deuoted to exercises of actiuity, and when he be- 
gan to write man, to martiall sports, and at length by his 
signall valour obteyned such renowne, y* he marryed y* King 
of England's daughter, and last of all founde who was his 


true Father, and that he was Sonne to y e King of Denmark 
and for y 6 comicke close of all ; that Haueloke (for such was 
his name) exceedingly aduanced and enriched his foster- 
father Grime, who thus enriched, builded a fayre Towne 
neare the place where Hauelocke was founde, and named it 
Grimsby. Thus say some: others differ a little in y c circum- 
stances, as namely, that Grime was not a Fisherman but a 
Merchant, and that Hauelocke should be preferred to y* 
King's Kitchen, and there liue a longe tyme as a Scullion : 
but, however y e circumstances differ, they all agree in y e 
consequence, as concerning y e Towne's foundation, to which 
(sayth y 6 story) Hauelocke y* Danish prince, afterward graun- 
ted many immunityes. This is y e famous Tradition concern- 
ing Grimsby w** learned Mr. Camden give so little credit to, 
that he thinkes it onely illis dignissima, qui anilibus fabulis 
noctem solent protendere. 

" First, y* etimology of y e word (Grimsby) will carry a 
probability, y e termination by signifying in y e Danish tongue 
habitatio, a dwelling, so as I know noe reason, why Grimsby 
should not import y* dwelling of Grime, and receaue this 
denomination from him, as well as Ormes-by from Orme, and 
Ketels-by from Ketell, two Danish captaines under Canute, 
in the dayes of King Ethelred, which Capt. Henry Skipwith 
affirmed unto me, and that he could prove it£, not onely out 
of y e legend of Nun-Ormesby but from other good and unques- 
tionable Records. Secondly that there was such a Prince as 
Hauelocke, take old Robert of Gloucester for proof e, who 
speakes him y e sonne of Gunter, or Gurthrum, Gutron, or 
Gurmond (for all those foure names I fynde given him), 
Kinge of Denmarke 

" 'That Gunter, that fader was, etc.' 

Thirdly, that Hauelocke did sometymes reside at Grimsby, 
may be gathered from a great blew Boundary-stone, lying at 
y* East ende of Briggowgate, which retaines y° name of 
Hauelock's-Stone to this day. Agayne y e great priviledges 
and immunities, that this Towne hath in Denmarke above 
any other in England, (as freedome from Toll, and the rest,) 


may fairely induce a Beleife, that some preceding favour, or 
good turne called on this remuneration. But lastly (which 
proofe I take to be instar omnium) the Common Seale of y* 
Towne, and that a most ancient one." 

The loves of Argentile and Curan form one of the 
narratives of Warner's long poem, entitled Albion's 
England, and they give us the best known sample 
of the authors poetry. The metre — the ordinary 
ballad stanza of four lines — runs freely and easily, and 
the language, though it occasionally surprises us with 
a new word, is anything but archaic. The habits 
of a neatherd and a neatress (the term is Warner's) 
are represented with great homeliness, not to say oc- 
casional coarseness. At the same time, the poem has 
found its way into more than one collection, and is 
known to numerous readers. It tells us how Adelbright 
and Edil, two brothers, were joint rulers over either the 
whole or a part of England ; how Adelbright died first, 
leaving behind him a single fair daughter named Ar- 
gentile, with the usual requests to his surviving brother 
and partner of the crown ; how Edil is wicked after 
the fashion of uncles, and keeps Argentile in sad se- 
clusion, so that the chance of marriage and offspring 
is out of the question. Curan, however, of Danish 
blood, and the son of the King of Kirkland, sees, loves, 
and, for the simple sake of enjoying the propinquity 
of the beautiful Argentile, attaches himself to Ethil's 
household as a kitchen-drudge or scullion. As a kit- 
chen-drudge or scullion he confesses his love to Ar- 
gentile, which the lady declines, but which her wicked 
uncle would encourage, as it favours his plans for de- 
grading Argentile, — of course in appearance only, — 
the real lover being the heir to a crown. After a while 


however, both leave the court, Curan to keep herds, 
Argentile to be a rustic damsel in his neighbourhood. 
Of course, their love is renewed ; the mutual love of 
two peasants. The poem winds up with the discovery 
of the rank on both sides, and the downfall of the 
tyrant Edil. 

Here we have the romantic element at its maximum, 
the historical at its minimum. There is nothing about 
Grim or Grimsby ; nothing about Havelok ; nothing 
to imply that Curan is Havelok under another name ; 
nothing, in short, to tell us why the poem has been 
placed in the present inquiry at all. The doubts upon 
this point, however, will soon be removed. Meanwhile 
we may remark that the Danish origin of the hero is 
prominently put forward, the particular domain over 
which his father ruled being called Kirkland — a likely 
name for a parish, but a strange one for a king- 

" At Kirkland is my father's court, 

And Curan is my name, 
In EdiPs court sometime in pomp, 

Till Love controlled the same." 

Bearing in mind what I know concerning the ex- 
traordinary transfigurations undergone by fictions, I 
would not say that Kirkeland was not Greece, i. e\, 

Curan died King of Northumberland, one of the 
pre-eminently Danish parts of England. 

" Not England (for of Hengest then 

Was named so the land) 
Than Curan had a hardier knight ; 

His force could none withstand. 
Whose sheephook laid apart, he then 

Had higher things in hand. 


" First making known his lawful claim 
In Argentile her right, 
He warred in Deria, and he won 
Bernicia, too, in fight. 

" And so from treacherous Edil took 
At once his life and crowne, 
And of Northumberland was king, 
Long reigning in renowne." 

That Goldsmith knew, either directly or indirectly, 
the tale of Argentile and Curan is probable. If he 
did, we may bear in mind the double disguise, and 
hold it likely that in his Edwin and Angelina, 

" Whose father lived beside the Tyns" 

we have the last faint echo of Argentile and Curan. 

We are now at one extremity of our real or sup- 
posed cycle. On the other stands Beowulf. Writers 
with whom I am unwilling to differ have given it a 
high antiquity. The passages that allude to Chris- 
tianity are few, and, perhaps, interpolated. It con- 
tains no allusions to England ; a negative fact, ex- 
plained by the doctrine that it is not only referable 
to the Angles of Germany rather than England, but 
referable to that early part of their history which pre- 
ceded the conquest of Britain. On the other hand, 
Hengest is one of its heroes. 

Whether old or young, however, the poem of Beo- 
wulf is, at any rate, Anglo-Saxon rather than Old 
English or Anglo-Norman, and, as such, the oldest of 
the compositions that come under our present examina- 
tion. For the present it is enough to say what it does 
not contain. It contains no story of any disguised 
lover at all ; indeed, it contains a minimum amount 



of love of any kind. It contains no such name as 
Curan at all. It contains no names like Kirkland or 
Adelbright. It contains no name nearer to Edit than 
Hrethel ; and no name nearer to Argentile than On- 
geontheow, that being a word of the masculine gender, 
and the name of a King of Sweden ; Argentile be- 
ing, as has been already stated, the name of a lovely 

Assuredly, there are no great elements of identity 
here. What there is, if anything, promises but little. 
Should Argentile and Curan have been developed out 
of Beowulf, the historian of the transmutation must 
look up his commonplaces. And they will not be 
far off. They will give the tralatitious illustration of 
the Delphic ship, with its old wood replaced by new 
timbers; of Sir John Cutler's silk stockings darned 
with worsted until the silk had become non-existent ; 
of the Highlander's knife, with its two new blades and 
three new handles. So things stand at present. Ar- 
gentile and Ouran are about as like Beowulf as the 
second Eclogue is like the second j9£neid. Such the 
extremes; such the change. How it came about is 
another question. It is clear that Havelok is not 
Ouran, nor Ouran Havelok, word for word. Neither 
are they the same names in the way that, for instance, 
Atrides is Agamemnon, or Tydides is Diomed. Neither 
do they seem to be Christian and surnames ; though 
the practice of a Pagan Dane upon his conversion 
taking a second name from his sponsor was a common 

For all this the two names represent the same per- 
son ; however little they-may consist of the same letters, 
and however obscure the connection between them 


may be. Upon this point, all doubts are removed by 
reference to tbe intermediate compositions, the chief of 
which have already been alluded to. They are the two 
poems edited by Sir Frederic Madden, the well-known 
Havelok the Dane, an English romance, and its fel- 
low (though in many respects different) in Norman 

The English poem gives the nearest approach to the 
Grimsby legend. The hero's name is simply Have- 
lok, his preserver being Grim, and his town Grimsby. 
The heroine, for in a long romance we must expect 
details that we miss in a short legend, is named Gold- 

" ' I thai do casten him in the se, 

Ther I wile that he drenchen be ; 

Abouten his hals an anker god, 

That he ne flete in the fled.' 

Tber anon he dede sende 

After a fishere that he wende, 

That wolde al his wille do, 

And aone anon he seyde him to : 

' Grim, thou wost thn art mi thral ; 

Wiltn don mi wille al, 

That I wile bidden the, 

To morwen shal I maken the fre, 

And aucte the yeuen, and riche make, 

With than thu wilt this child take, ' 

And leden him with the to nicht, 

Than thou seat the mone lith, 

Into the se, and don him ther inne, 

Al wile [I] taken on me the sinne.' 

Grim tok the child and bond him faste, 

Hwil the bondea micte laste, 

That weren of ful strong line : — 

Tho was Hauelok in ful strong pine. 

Als he tirneden of his serk, 

On his rith shuldre a Kyne merk, 



A f withe brith, a swithe fair : 
' Goddoh 1 ' quoth Grim, ' this ure eir 
That shal [bin] louerd of Denemark, 
He thai ben King strong and stark ; 
He shal hanen in his hand 
A [1] Denemark and Engeland ; 
He shal do Godard full wo, 
He shal him hangen, or quick flo ; 
Or he shal him al quic graue, 
Of him shal he no merci haue. ' 
Thus seide Grim, and sore gret, 
And sone fel him to the fet, 
And seide, ' Louerd, haue merci 
Of me, and Leue, that is me bi ! 
Louerd, we aren bothe thine, 
Thine cherles, thine hine. 
Lowerd, we sholen the wel fedc. 
Til thatthu cone riden on stede, 
Til that thu cone ful wel bere 
Helm on heued, sheld and spere. 
He ne shal neuere wite, sikerlike, 
Godard, that fule swike, 
Thoru other man, louerd, than thorn the, 
Sal I nuere frernan be. 
Thou shalt me, louerd, fre maken, 
For I shal yemon the, and waken 
Thoru the wile I fredom haue.' 
Tho was Haueloc a blithe knave. 
He sat him up, and crauede bred, 
And seide, ' Ich am ney dede, 
Hwat for hunger, wat for bondes. 
That thu leidest on min hondes ; 
And for keuel at the laste. 
That in mi mouth was thrist faste. 
I was the with so harde prangled. 
That I was the with ney strangled.' 
Wel is me that thee mayth hete : 
Goddoth ! ' quath Leue, « Y shal the fete 
Bred an chese, butere and milk, 
Pastees and flauncs, al with suilk ; 


Shole we sone the wel fede, 

Loaerd, in this mikel nede. 

Soth it ia f that men seyt and saereth : 

Ther God wile helpen, nonth ne dereth." 

Grim thoacte to late that he ran 

Fro that traytoor, tha[t] wicked man ; 

And thoucte, ' Wat shal me to rede ? 

Wite he him on Hue, he wile bethe 

Heye hangen on galwe tre ; 

Betere us is of londe to fle, 

And berwen bothen ure lines, 

And mine children, and mine wines." 

Grim solde sone al bis corn, 

Shep wit wolle, neth wit horn, 

Hors, and swin wit herd, 

The gees, the hennes of the yerd ; 

Al he sold, that oath douthe, 

That he eure selle moacte, 

And al he to the peni dron : 

Hise ship he greythede wel inow, 

He dede it tere, an ful wel pike, 

That it ne dontede sond ne krike ; 

Ther inne dide a ful god mast, 

Strange kables, and ful fast, 

Ores god, an fol god seyl, 

Ther inne wantede nonth a nayl, 

That euere he sholde ther inne do : 

Hwan he hane det greythed so, 

Hanelok the ynnge he dide ther inne, 

Him and his wif, hise sones tbrinne, 

And hise two doatres, that faire wore, 

And sone dede he leyn in an ore, 

And drou him to the heye se, 

There he mith alther-best fie. 

Fro londe woren he bote a mile, 

Ne were nenere but ane hwile, 

That it ne bigan a wind to rise. 

Oat of the north, men calleth Bise, 

And drof hem intil Engeland. 

That al was sithen in his bond, 


His that Hauelok was the name ; 
But or he hauede michel shame, 
Michel sorwe, and michel tene, 
And thrie, he gat it al hidene ; 
Ala ye shulen nou forthwar here, 
Yf that ye wilen ther to here. 
In Humber Grim began to lende, 
In Lindeseye, rith at the north ende. 
Ther sat is ship up in the sond, 
But Grim it drou up to the lend ; 
And there he made a litel cote, 
To him and to hise note. 
Bigan he there for to erthe, 
A litel hus to maken of erthe, 
So that he wel there were 
Of here herboru herborowed there ; 
And for that Grim that place aute. 
The s*tede of Grim the name laute : 
So that Grimesby calleth alle 
That ther offe speken alle, 
And so shulen men callen it ay, 
Bituene this and doraesday." 

The French poem is partly an approximation to the 
Grimsby legend, and partly an approximation to the 
poem Argentile and Curan : and it is this doable cha- 
racter that gives its interest and value. It is the French 
poem, through which the connection between the two, 
which has hitherto been no connection at all, is ef- 
fected. The name of the heroine is Argentile ; not 
Goldborough. That these words differ is clear ; but 
may they not differ simply as the two precious metals, 
as Argentina, the Silvery, from Chryseis, the Golden ? 
I suggest this without laying much stress on it. The 
fact upon which stress is to be laid is the name of the 
hero. It is Havelok ; but not Havelok pure and sim- 
ple. It is Havelok Ouaran. 


" Uolenters deueroit Tom oir, 
Et reconter & retenir. 
Les nobles fez as anciens. 
Et les prouesces & les biens. 
Essamples prendre & remembrer. 
Par les francs homes amender 
Vilainies & mesprisions. 
Ces deaereit estre li sermons 
Dont Tom se deust chastier. 
Car molt i-ad mauweis mestu, 
Chescuns se garde come pur soi. 
L'auenture d'un ricbe roi. 
Et de plusors autres barons 
Dout ieo vus nomerai les nous 
Assez briefment le vus derrai. 
L'auenture vus contend. 
Haueloc fat cil roi norae* 
Et Cuaran est appelll, 
Par ceo vus voil de ltd conter. 
Et s'auenture remembrer. 
Qe vn lai en firent li Breton. 
Si l'appellerent de son non 
Et Haueloc & Cuarant 
De son piere derrai aoant 
Gutter out non si fat Danoi*. 
La terre tint, si estoit rois. . 
En icel tens qe Arthur regna. 
Vers Danemarcbe mer passa." 
A icel tens qe ico vus di 
Vn Roi q'est nome AUi 
Tenoit en la terre en sa baillie 
Nicole, & tote Lindsie, 
Cele partie vers le north 
Et Botelande & Stanford. 
Out cil Alfii en heritage, 
Mes il estoit Bret par lignage. 
Le roiaume vers les Sarois, 
Gouernoit vns autres rois 
Ekenbright out cil rois a non 
Mult out en lui noble baron. 


II oat la sorour Alsi 
Compaignon farent & ami. 
Orewen vne dame vaillant. 
Mes entre eos n'eurent enfant. 
Mes qe vue fille bele. 
Argeniille oat non la pucele. 
Rois Ekenbright fat enfermez. 
La terre voat bouz raettre a soi, 
Et le treu auer del Roi. 
Au roi Gunter se combati, 
Et as Danois sis venqui, 
Li rois meismes i-fut occis 
Et plosars aatres del pais. 
HodulfY occlat par traison, 
Qui touz iors out le quea felon." 

That either the French or the English poems are no 
older than the reign of Henry II., and, probably, not 
so old, is what we expect. This, however, refers to 
their form only. Their matter may be of much higher 
antiquity. Is it so ? The rule that nothing is older 
than its newest part has an absolute application only 
when a work is the product of a single author, and 
has kept its original form. In cases, however, where 
there has been a successive accretion of matter, or 
where subsequent additions are likely, it must not be 
taken too strictly ; though, upon the whole, it is a 
sound one. In the French poem we find a name 
which makes even the matter of the work, to some 
degree at least, recent. The Danish king of whom 
Havelok Cuaran is the son is named Birkbeyn. But 
this is no true proper-name ; neither is it Danish so 
much as Norwegian. It is, however, a truly historical 
term, the period of the Birkebeins being a well-marked 
period in Norwegian politics. It was the name of a 
faction, which, upon a doubtful title, raised one of 


their leaders, Swerrer, to the throne. It was the 
name of a rude sort of Praetorians who, for nearly 
ninety years, exercised a great and bad influence over 
the affairs of Norway. Their opponents were the 
Baglers, and where Snorro's history ends, the quarrels 
between these two factions begin. Mr. Laing remarks 
that towards the end of their career they came to re- 
present the Church and the State respectively ; the 
Birkebeiners being the partisans of the latter. It was 
to King Swerrer and his dynasty that they were more 
especially attached. Now, the earliest notice of them 
is in the reign of Magnus Erlingsson, a contemporary 
of Henry II., their first appearance being a.d. 1173. 

" There was a man called Eystein, who gave himself out 
for a son of King Eystein Haraldsson. He was at this time 
young and not fall grown. It is told of him, that he one 
summer appeared in Sweden, and went to Earl Birgar Brose, 
who was then married to Eystein's aunt, a daughter of King 
Harald Gille. Eystein explained his business to them, and 
asked their assistance. Both Earl Birgar and his wife lis- 
tened to him in a friendly way, and promised him their con- 
fidence, and he stayed with them awhile. Earl Birgar gave 
him some assistance of men, and a good sum for travelling 
expenses, and both promised him their friendship on his 
taking leave. Thereafter Eystein proceeded north into Nor- 
way, and when he came down to Viken, people flocked to 
him in crowds ; and Eystein was then proclaimed king, and 
he remained in Viken in winter. As they were very poor in 
money, they robbed all around, wherefore the lendermen and 
bonders raised men against them; and being thus overpowered 
by numbers, they fled away to the forests and deserted hill 
grounds, where they lived for a long time. Their clothes 
being worn out, they wound the bark of the birch-tree about 
their legs, and thus were called by the bonders Birkebeiners. 

" They often rushed down upon the settled districts, 


pushed on here or there, and made an assault where they 
did not find many people to oppose them. They had several 
battles with the bonders with various success, and the Birke- 
beiners held three battles in regular array, and gained the 
victory in them all. At Krogskoven they had nearly made 
an unlucky expedition, for a great number of bonders and 
men-at-arms were there assembled against them ; but the 
Birkebeiners felled brushwood across the roads, and retired 
into the forest. They were two years in Viken before they 
showed themselves in the northern parts of the country. 

" Magnus had been king for thirteen years when the 
Birkebeiners first made their appearance. They got them- 
selves ships in the third summer, with which they sailed 
along the coast gathering goods and men. They were first 
in Viken, but when summer advanced they proceeded north- 
wards, and so rapidly that no news preceded them until they 
came to Drontheim. The Birkebeiners' troop consisted prin- 
cipally of hillmen and river borderers, and many were from 
Thelemark, and were all well armed. Their king, Eystein, 
was a handsome man, with a little but good countenance ; 
and he was not of great stature, for his men called him 
Eystein the Small. King Magnus and Earl Erling were 
in Bergen when the Birkebeiners sailed past it to the north, 
but they did not hear them." 

So much, then, for the date of the French poem ; so 
important in our inquiries, inasmuch as it places be- 
yond either doubt or shadow of doubt, the strange and 
mysterious identification of Curan and Havelok. How 
came it? Was there any real or fictitious Cuaran, 
some of whose actions or attributes might be con- 
founded with those of a Havelok ? Was there any 
other Havelok ? Was there any one with a name 
like Havelok ? There certainly was something of this 
kind. There was, at least, one hero with a name like 
Cuaran ; and he was a Dane. There was another hero, 


named Anlaf; and he was a Dane. Thirdly, there 
was a Dane whom the Angles called Anlaf Cwiran. 
That Cwiran may be Cuaran is plain ; but how can 
Anlaf be Havelok ? The difficulty lies with the change 
between the n and v (oru). In the omission of the 
initial aspirate, and the substitution of / for k, there 
is but little to give trouble. The change, however, 
n to v is serious. Nevertheless, it is real. 

"This connection of the story of Havelok, and the claint 
of the Danes, through him, to England, with the legend of 
Guy of Warwick, is curious, and enables us to form another 
link in the chain of Dano-Saxon traditions. The legend 
itself may be found in Robert of Brunne; in the 'Petit 
Bruit/ referred to above ; in the rhimes of Girardus Cornu- 
biensis (said by Tanner to be extracted from Gerald Cam- 
brensis, c. xi. Hist Reg. West. Sax.), printed by Hearne, 
ad calc. Annal. Dunst. No. xi., and translated by Lydgate ; 
in the Chronicles of Knyghton, Rudburn, Fabyan, and 
Hardyng; in the Liber de Hida, MSS. Sloane, 717> and 
in ' feffoit Hauelok sez quatre fitz : si gist a priore de 
Grescherche en Loundrez' (f. 6 b.) ; Dugdale's ' History of 
Warwickshire,' p. 374. In all these authors the Kings of 
Denmark and Norway, who are said to have brought over 
Colbrand, are named* Aneiaphus and Coneiaphus ; but in the 
old metrical romance of Guy of Warwick, printed by W. 
Copland, before 1567, Coll. Garrick, K. 9 (which Warton, 
voL i. p. 91, conjectures to have been written by Walter of 
Exeter, a Franciscan friar of Carocus, in Cornwall, about 
1292), the names are corrupted as follows : — 

" c But or Guy went that man him tolde, 
That the King was in cases colde, 
The King of Denmarke, Hanelocfo, 
And the King of Norway, Couelocke, 

* The italics are the present writer's. They show the letter- 
changes by which the transformation under notice is effected. 


Both he come into this lande, 

With doughty knightes a thousande/ — Sign. Hh. iii .6. 

" And below : — 

" * And King Athelstone swore than, 
If Colbrand overcame his man, 
He and all his lynage, 
Should doe King Heneloc* homage.' — Sign. li. 1. 

" In a MS. English Chronicle, Harl. 63, which we shall 
again have occasion to refer to, the Danish king who brought 
i>ver Colbrand, a.d. 927, is called Gaufride (the Guthfrith of 
the Saxon Chronicle). ' And Athelstone lay at Wychestre, 
and the King of Denmarke sent ynto hym an harowde of 
Armes to witte, wheder he wold fynde a man to fighte w* 
Colbrande for the righ[t]e of the Kyngdom of North umbr, 
that the Daynes had claymed byfore by the title of Kyng 
HaueloAe, that wedded Goldesburghe, the Kynge's daughter 
of Norihumbr' (f. 19)." 

In speaking of those who may feel disposed to iden- 
tify Havel ok and Anlaf, Sif Frederic Madden abstains 
from saying what his own disposition may be. By 
supplying, however, the very relevant facts with which 
he accompanies his suggestion, he seems, in the mind 
of the present writer, to have established an identity of 
some kind ; or, if the term identity be exceptionable, 
a confusion which looks like one. He also points out 
the bearings of the name Anlaf Cwiran, who, accord- 
ing to the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, a. d. 949, ravaged 
Northumberland — Northumberland, which the MS. 
Chronicle of the foregoing extract particularly connects 
with the name of Hanelok. 

In explanation of the confusion, I think that one 
(perhaps, both) of the. letter-changes in question is 
due to an error of transcription, or a clerical error 
— by which I mean that the change is one of writing 


rather than of language. I also think that when the 
names Anlaf (Anelaphus) and Havelok came together 
in one narrative the confusion took place — confusion 
which was heightened by the fact of Anlaf being also 
Anlaf Cwiran, Cuaran, or Curan — confusion which 
went further when Havelok became, as in the French 
poem, Havelok Cuaran — confusion which attained its 
maximum when the lover of Argentile became, simply, 

However, although this is my opinion, I do not pro- 
fess to see my way to the exact details of the change. 
I am only satisfied that it is (Jut of some change or 
other, between Anlaf Cwiran and Havelok, that what 
we may call the Curan element of the story, has origi- 
nated. As far as the name goes, it is an excrescence ; 
prominent in the French poem and in the ballad of 
Warner, but foreign to the English romance as well 
as to the Grimsby legends. As a name, however, it 
is eminently suggestive ; so much so that the limits 
of the present paper are far too short to allow us to 
follow-up its history to the fountain. There is, pro- 
bably, a confusion amongst the Curans — as such : I 
also think that, word for word, the modern Irish name 
Curran is this same Cwiran, Cuaran^ and Curan. Upon 
the Irish names, however, in Scandinavian stories, more 
may be said on another occasion. 

I now leave the name Curan, and pass into the ob- 
scure domain peopled by the heroes of Beowulf; in 
doing which I trace the streams of fiction to a higher 
level, and possibly approach the springs from which 
they flow. What has been hitherto suggested has no 
great pretensions to novelty. Upon the identity of 
Havelok and Anlaf, Sir Frederic (as we have seen) 


abstains from an opinion. That the four accounts, 
however, of Havelok the Dane in English, of Havelok 
le Daneis in French, of Argentile and Curan, and of 
the Grimsby legend are essentially one, is a doctrine 
which, along with others, the present writer reasonably 
maintains — perhaps, assumes as a matter of course. 
This being the case, it behoves us, before we go 
further, to look back ; and that with the special ob- 
ject of taking a measure of the extent to which stories 
may be changed. Is it too much to say that one may 
be converted into another ? If so, where is the iden- 
tity ? What are the proofs 01 it ? Names go for but 
little. Has not Goldborough become Argentile, and 
Havelok Curan, or vice versd ? And will the changes 
stop here ? What if men become women, and things 
persons? We can answer for no man's identity, and for 
no woman's either. When we get into Fairy-land, we 
cannot even answer for the sexes. I will not say that 
Argentile may not have begun her career as a character 
in fiction, as a King of Sweden. Mr. Kemble, in his 
notes on Beowulf, has to remark that the Holinga which 
some of his predecessors had made the name of a wo- 
man, was " not a lady, but an adverb." In the Art of 
Pluck, one of the candidates inquires whether "Pro- 
tinus is an adverb or a sea-god." To retail this as 
would-be wit, is a flippancy ; to give it as a sample of 
the sort of confusion which the comparative mycolo- 
gist has to deal with, and can often explain, is a neces- 
sary preliminary to his investigations. 

Before we deal with Beowulf there are several such 

In the first place, a given story might go through 
three or four languages. There was the Anglo-Saxon, 


the Danish and Swedish, the British, the Irish, and 
the Latin. There was occasionally a German, often a 
French medium. 

Though we must remember this, we must not pre- 
sume on it. It will not prove anything and everything. 
A special fact connected with it is of far more import- 
ance. Most proper names had two forms (at least); 
one in Anglo-Saxon, the other in Norse, Scandinavian, 
or Danish. Anlaf in Anglo-Saxon, is Olafin Danish ; 
Gorm in Danish, is Gormund and Wermund, etc., in 
Anglo-Saxon. In Ingulphus we find, "Rex Godrum 
quern nos Gurmund vocamus." " Gudrun, quern nostri 
Gurmundum vocant " (William of Malmesbury). 

Next, a vast mass of fiction, partly invented, partly 
developed by confusion, partly inferential, mixes itself 
with all early history, so-called. The special relations 
of Beowulf are with the genealogies of the Mercian 
kings. There was a King Offa, whose kingdom was 
Mercia, and whose date the eighth century. But there 
is another Offa, who is no historical personage at all. 
We shall see that the accounts of these two entities are 
mixed together. Meanwhile, the least historical of the 
two is Norse as well as English. Garmund, or Wer- 
mund, is the head of the family, the patriarch of the 
pedigree. He always precedes, and never follows an 
Offa. In Beowulf he is Offa's uncle ; in the Danish 
and Angle genealogies, his father — also his predecessor 
on the throne. But this is not the only element of con- 
fusion. Offa, the son of Wermund, in one account, is 
born blind, and remains so until his seventh year ; he is 
also born dumb, and remains so until his thirtieth year. 
Being, however, roused by the fear of being excluded 
from the succession at a time when the king of the 


Saxons was threatening his father with an invasion, he 
recovered both speech and sight. So, at least, it stands 
in Lappenberg ; though it is hard to see how the two 
recoveries could be simultaneous. This is the Anglo- 
Saxon Offa Wermunding. But the Danish Wermun- 
ding is born with the use of his eyes. In compensa- 
tion, however, he is the son of a blind father, and, in 
Denmark, it is Wermund who cannot see. Offa, mean- 
while, like his Anglo-Saxon equivalent, is dumb. 

Offa, in respect to his other connections, is, in Beo- 
wulf, the kinsman of one Heming, an unknown, or, at 
least, an obscure hero. In the Norse genealogies he is 
succeeded by Dan, the eponymus of Denmark, and one 
of the most mythic of all mythological personages. 
The Offa, however, of Beowulf is a brave warrior, and 
Hrethel, unmentioned in the N6rse genealogies, is the 
father of three sons, Here bald, Haethcyn, and the im- 
portant Higelac. He is also, inferentially, the brother 
of one Swerting ; inasmuch as his son Higelac is called 
Swerting's nephew.. We are specially warned by Mr. 
Kemble, to whom these pedigrees are chiefly due, 
against confounding Swerting, the uncle of Higelac, 
with the Swerting who killed King Froda IV. — King 
Froda IV. being, if not quite so mythic as Dan, nearly 

Proceeding with the history of the three sons of 
Hrethel, we find that Herebald is accidentally killed 
by his brother Haethcyn, who divides the kingdom 
between himself and Higelac. Haethcyn is himself 
killed in a battle against the Swedes, and Higelac re- 
mains sole ruler. He is destined, however, to fall by 
the hands of the Frisians, and is succeeded by his son 
Hardred, who falls in a battle against the Swedes, and 


is succeeded by Beowulf, the hero of the poem, of the 
family of Waegmund (and as such a Waegmunding 
rather than a Wermunding) who is the husband of 
Higelac's sister, but who dies childless, leaving Wig- 
laf the son of Wihstan as his successor. I think it 
highly probable that this Wiglaf is the Wihtleeg of the 
Mercian genealogies, upon which Mr. Thorpe, in a 
note to Lappenberg, remarks, that, however much the 
several pedigrees of the kings of Mercia may vary in 
regard to other names, they all agree in respect to 
Wihtteg, Wermund, and Offa.* 

Hrethel, as has been stated, is believed to be, word 
for word, Edel. Wermund=Garmund=Gorm=Grim 
(word for word) is so far connected with Grim in his 
attributes, that he belongs to a Danish as well as to 
an English story, that story containing, in Beowulf, an 
HigelaCy in the Grimsby legends, etc., a Havelok. He 
is not Higelac's father; neither is Grim Havelok's. 
They both, however, belong to the same tale ; and in 
both Havelok and Beowulf there is the account of an 
exposure on the sea. 


"Lo ! we have learned by tradition the majesty of the Gar— 
Danes, of the mighty Kings in days of yore, how the noble 
men perfected valour. Oft did Scyld the son of Scef tear 
the mead-thrones away from the hosts of his foes, from many 
tribes ; the Earl terrified them, after he . first was found an 
outcast. He therefore abode in comfort, he waxed under 
the welkin, he flourished with dignities, until each one of the 
surrounding peoples over the whale's path must obey him, 
must pay him tribute. That was a good King 1 To him was 

* Translation of Lappenberg's England under the Anglo-Saxon 
Kings, Tol.i. p. 228. 



afterwards offspring born, young in his dwelling-places, whom 
God sent to the people for their comfort. He knew the evil 
need which they before had suffered for a long while, when 
they were princeless : to him on this account the Lord of 
life, wielder of glory, gave worldly prosperity, Beowulf was 
famous ; widely spread the glory of Scyld's offspring in the 
divided lands. So shall a war-prince work with benefits, with 
prudent gifts of money, while yet in his father's support, that 
to himself in turn in his old-age, welcome comrades may re- 
sort, then, when war may come upon him : supported by his 
people a man shall flourish in any tribe, with praiseworthy 
deeds. At his appointed time then Scyld departed, very 
decrepit, to go into the peace of the Lord ; they then his 
dear comrades bore him out to the shore of the sea, as he 
himself requested, the while that he, the friend of the Scyld- 
ings, the beloved chieftain, had power with his words ; long 
he owned it ! Then upon the beach stood the ringed-prowed 
ship, the vehicle of the noble, shining like ioe, and ready to 
set out. They then hud down the dear prince, the distributer 
of rings, in the bosom of the ship, the mighty one beside the 
mast; there was much of treasures, of ornaments, brought 
from afar. Never heard I of a comelier ship having been 
adorned with battle weapons and with war weeds, with bills 
and mailed coats. Upon his bosom lay a multitude of trea- 
sures which were to depart afar with him into the possession 
of the flood. They furnished him not less with offerings, 
'with mighty wealth, than those had done who in the begin- 
ning sent him forth in his wretchedness, alone over the waters. 
Moreover they set up for him a golden ensign, high over- 
head; they let the deep sea bear him; they gave him to 
he ocean. Sad was their spirit, mournful their mood. Men 
know not in sooth to say, (men wise of counsel, or any men 
under the heavens,) who received the freight" 

This gives us three fabulous personages, — Sceaf, 
Scyld, and Beowulf: so related to each other genealo- 
gically, that Beowulf is a Scylding, and Scyld a Scefiog. 


They are Danes rather than Angles. The difference 
both in blood and date between Beowulf the Scylding, 
^ who is a purely mythic being, with no conditions of ei- 
ther time or place, and Beowulf the Waegmunding, who 
is both a king and the successor of a king, commands 
our attention; though not as a primary object. It mere- 
ly gives us another specimen of confusion. In Sceaf 
we must look for something else. This name appears 
not only in the Danish, but in the Lombard legends. 

Sigehere longest 
The Sea-Danes ruled, 
Hnaef the Hocings, 
Sceaf the Longobards. 

Traveller's Song, I. 64. 

Hildeburg, in Beowulf, is a Hoeing by birth, a queen 
of Friesland by marriage. Word for word, Hoeing is 
on good grounds believed to be Ckauci : so that in 
wedding of Hildeburg by Fin Folcwalding, the king of 
the Frisians, we have the union of two closely allied 
populations. Meanwhile, Hnaef, who on good grounds 
is considered the eponymus of Hanover, is Hildeburg's 
son. Now the name which next to her husband's and 
her son's is mostiespecially connected with Hildeburh's, 
is that of Hengest. 

In the notice of the sons of Hrethel it was stated 
that Haethcyn had to defend himself against a king of 
Sweden, that he did so unsuccessfully, that he was 
killed in battle, and that Higelac succeeded. Now the 
name of this victorious king of the Swedes was, in 
Anglo-Saxon, Ongeontheow, in Norse, Angantyr. He 
is in his turn, killed in a battle against Higelac. 

That, word for word, Higelac is Havelok has already 
been stated. It may almost be said that the former is 



the Swedish form of the latter. It may be added that, 
in this similarity, we have, if not the main fact which 
connects the poems on Havelok the Dane with Beo- 
wulf, the fact which first raised the presumption in 
favour of a connection between them. How slight 
this connection need be has already been shown. Let 
Beowulf, as a poem, be ever so unlike the tale of 
Grim, it is still as like to it as the tale of Grim is like 
the ballad of Argentile and Curan. Nor is this simi- 
larity, sftch as it is, confined to the mere word. The 
Higelac of Beowulf is of the line of Gormund, or Wer- 
mund, in whose history comes the strange account of 
Sceaf — Sceaf, who agrees with Grim, in being associated 
with a tale of the sea. Hence, both Havelok and Hige- 
lac agree in a vague connection with a man of the sea, 
and a man named Gormund, Gorm, or Grim. Upon the 
coincidence between the fenny character of the county 
of Lincoln and the fact of the chief events of Beo- 
wulf having their venue in a fen, I lay little stress : 
though, at the same time, I am not inclined to over- 
look it altogether. That, word for word, Hildeburg is 
Goldborough, Hrethel Edil, and (stranger still) Ongeon- 
theow (or Angaytyr, as he is in Norse) is Argentile, I 
venture to guess. With this, too, I leave the part of 
the subject hitherto under notice ; repeating that I do 
not say that these resemblances are close and conclu- 
sive. I only express my decided belief, founded not 
upon a priori grounds, but upon a somewhat wide in- 
duction from similarly transformed legends, that they 
are not accidental. 

As far as the history of a fiction is concerned, our 
researches are approaching their conclusion. The ori- 
gin of the greater part of Beowulf is obscure. Yet its 


ramifications are numerous. The points where it 
touches the legends of Grim and Havelok are the ones 
which,, in the present paper, have commanded our 
chief attention. It has, however, been shown, by the 
way, that there were other points of contact, leading 
to the genealogies of the Mercian kings, and the pedi- 
gree of Offa. These, however, we pass over, for the 
present, sicco pede. Neither is much said about the 
extent to which the story of Sceaf is Longobard, or 
Lombard, as well as Norse and Angle. The question 
that commands attention is the extent to which the 
poem is, in any part, historical. Fiction as it is for the 
most part, it may still have a nucleus of fact. Let us 
note, then, the name Higelac, and let us remember that 
the hero who bore it died in a battle against the 
Frie8ians. Let us now take the following extract from 
Gregory of Tours :— 

" In illo tempore (a.d. 515) Dani, cum rege suo, nomine 
Chochilaico, cum navale hoste per altum mare, Gallias appe- 
tunt, Theuderici, pagum Attuarios, vel alios, devastantes 
atque captivantes, plenas naves de captivis habentes, alto 
mare intrantes, rex illorum ad litua maris resedit " (Greg. 
Turon. c. 19). 

The district upon which Chochilaichus descended 
belonged to one of more obscure divisions of the Ger- 
man name ; and one of which the brief history deserves 
a passing notice. It was the district of the Chattuarii. 
Tacitus gives us no such name ; the doctrine that the 
term is, word for word, Chasuarii, being exceptionable. 
Attuarii, however, is found in Velleius Paterculus, and 
Xarmwdpm in Strabo, whose notice, unfortunately, 
begins and ends with the name. Not so, however, 
that of Paterculus, which tells us that soon after Tibe- 


rius bad entered Germany, he subdued the Caninifates, 
the Attuarii, and the Bructeri, — the Canifates in the 
province of Holland, the Bructeri between the Ruhr 
and Lippe, the Attuarii not far off, and in a loca- 
lity which, becoming clearer as we proceed, ends in be- 
ing the district about Geizefurt on the Niers,— "Me- 
morato Ansfrido, in pago Hattuariensi et in vill& quae 
vocatur Geizefurt, supra fluvium Nerse" (Cod. Laures- 
heim. n. 25). Also, " Quod trado res proprietates 
meae in pago Hattuaria, in Odeheimero Marca, in villa 
quae dicitur Geizefurt, quae sita est supra fluvium 
Nersa,"* (ibid. n. 33). It was a frontier — and March, 
— a March on the confines of Saxony ; the Saxons 
being always in a state of chronic hostility to the 
Franks. "Saxones vastaverunt terram Chattuario- 
rum 79 (An rial. S. Amandi), — "terram Hatuariorum" 
(Annal. Tilian.), — " terram Hazzoariorum" (Ann. Ful- 
denses), "terra Hattuariorum k Saxonibus depopulate 
est" (Gesta AbbatAs Fantanellenensis). Now, as were 
the Saxons, so were the Danes — the Saxons on the 
land, the Danes on the sea. The Danish attacks, how- 
ever, give us the fact that has the most bearing upon 
the present researches. A contemporary writer of a 
not very distant locality, Gregory of Tours, tells us 
that a Dane named Chochilaichus, attacked one of 
the pagi of Theodoric the Frank, the father of Theude- 
bert, and was killed in the country of the HattuariL 
Now, word for word, Chattuarii, Hattuarii, Hazzoarii, 
Attuarii, and (in a still more modified form) Hatteri, 
is Hetware, just as truly as the Latin Cantuaru and 
Vectuarii are the Anglo-Saxon Cantware and Wiht* 
ware, i. e. inhabitants of Kent and the Isle of Wight 
* See Zeuss, v. Chattuarii (p. 337). 


(Vecticola) : and Hetware is a form that we find in 
both the Traveller's Song and Beowulf. 

This, then, is our evidence for believing (as has been 
generally admitted) that, word for word, the Anglo- 
Saxon Higelac, the Norse Huglekr, Danish Huhlek, 
is the Latin Chochilaichus, and, also, what is of more 
importance, that, however fabulous the main part of 
Higelac 's story, as told in Beowulf, may be, his death 
represents a small nucleus of a real history, as well as 
the actual descent of Chochiliacbus upon a portion 
of King Theodoric's Empire, as recorded by so good 
an authority for a contemporary event as Gregory of 

Taking this in its barest form, it gives us an earlier 
date than is usually admitted for the Norse invasions 
of the parts south of Scandinavia. A Norse descent 
upon the coasts of Holland it gives us ; even if it gives 
us nothing else. But it may be added that it makes 
similar descents upon Britain probable. For these 
what spots likelier than the parts about the H umber ? 
But, word for word, Chochilaicus is allowed to be 
Higelac. Let Higelac=Havelok, and the probability 
of an early Norse invasion is increased. Let there be 
some relation between Havelok and Grorro= Grim ; and 
let there be some relation between Gorm and Grimsby 
— Gorm 9 * Town. I do not say the one must be exactly 
that of father and son, nor yet that the latter be that 
between the founder and the town founded. I only 
say that some relations are likely. 

If so, there may be, after all, some nucleus of truth 
in the Grimsby fictions. I have neither denied nor 
doubted this. What I have impugned are the details. 
What I have opposed is the doctrine that the so-called 


tradition is a tradition pure and simple, a tradition 
unmodified by inference, and unsustained by legend. 

If so, Grimsby is an older town than its legend makes 

Was Grimsby its only name ? Probably not. It 
was a Danish town on English ground: the Danish 
and English languages being two. But it was not an 
English name. No Englishman called Gorm, Gorm. 
No Englishman called a town a by. The Danes did 
this : the English did not. The English called Gorm, 
Gormund, or something like it. The English called a 
by a town. Hence, I think it probable that the place 
had two names ; Grimsby in Danish, Gormanstun or 
Gormansted in Anglo-Saxon. 

This is so purely conjectural that it is likely that it 
will never be either proved or disproved. On the other 
hand, it is a probability which should be borne in mind. 
With two of our towns ending in by; the fact that, be- 
sides their Danish, they had an English name also, is 
known from testimony. Whitby was Streones-halch ; 
Derby was North Weorthig in Anglo-Saxon. This (as 
what has just been stated) we know from testimony. 
But if the testimony, which occurs, in both cases, as 
an obiter dictum, had been wanting ? 

And here the chief question comes to a close : the 
question as to how far Havelok the Dane was Higelac: 
and, if he were, in what sense. They both seem to 
have come out of Chochilaicus ; Ghochilaicus being an 
historical person of the seventh century. If so, the 
history of the name has been traced as far upwards 
as is possible. But Ghochilaicus, even as Higelac, is 
transformed into something very different from the 
enemy of Theodoric ; whilst Higelac himself is but a 


small part of Beowulf. Of Beowulf a small portion 
only enters into Havelok the Dane; overlaid with 
much extraneous matter ; and of Havelok the Dane, 
a remnant goes to Argentile and Curan. There is a 
large amount of transformation here. It is, however, 
only a fraction of what must be investigated when we 
take a fiction with all its points of contact. Have we 
not, even in the previous sketch, been obliged to take 
cognizance of the pedigree of the Kings of Mercia, as 
connected with the name Gormund, Gorm, or Grim ; 
and might not almost every other name in any of the 
poems under notice have led us in other directions, 
to new affinities ? It might : so numerous are the ra- 
mifications of fiction, and so obscure their transforma- 
tions. Even the possible details connected with the 
name Havelok are far from exhausted. 



BY JOHN HOGG, ESQ., M.A., F.R.8., HON. FOR. SEC. R.8.L., ETC. 

(Read November 21st, 1860.) 

Having in a former memoir proved, from an ancient 
Greek inscription still extant upon a church at Ezra, 
the former Zorava, in the south of Syria, that George 
the Martyr and George the Arian Bishop of Alexandria 
were not, as Gibbon and most writers after him have 
asserted, identical, I now resume the subject. 

Two or three learned antiquaries of the two last cen- 
turies, doubting their identity, were desirous of esta- 
blishing for the gallant and patron saint of England 
a fairer fame, and of assigning to him a title for purity, 
integrity, and valour, 6uch as became a defender of the 
cross and a " soldier of Christ ;" but they certainly 
failed in having actually discovered any positive evi- 
dence of their non-identity. Of these the most dis- 
tinguished was the Rev. Dr. Peter Heylyn, a preben- 
dary of Westminster, who wrote a well-known book, 
entitled ' The Historie of that most famous Saint and 
Souldier of Christ Jesus, St. George of Cappadocia.' 
It passed through two editions ; and the second, bear- 


ing the date of 1633, which alone I have seen, is dedi- 
cated to no less a personage than " the most high and 
mighty Prince Charles (I.), King of Great Britain/ 9 
Also another learned writer, the Rev. Dr. Samuel 
Pegge, read in 1 777 to the Society of Antiquaries of 
London, — whose anniversary is held on St. George's 
day, and whose coat-of-arms is St. George's Grecian 
" Hoodie crosse " upon a white field, — an able paper 
to that Society, in which he combated Dr. PettingaTs 
supposition that the "George of England" was en- 
tirely of an allegorical nature ; and also Mr. Byrom's 
notion, that St. Gregory the Great, Bishop of Rome, 
and not St. George, was the real patron saint of the 
English. Indeed, Dr. John Pettingal, in a work also 
dedicated to the then King of Great Britain (George 
II.), in the year 1753, says, " Whether our St. George 
was the Arian, or whether he was a real person or not, 
is a matter not settled among the learned." 1 

But against this latter supposition Dr. S. Pegge has 
correctly written, "We may depend upon it, that 
though at this distance of time we can recover so few 
particulars of St. George's story, and can arrive at so 
little certainty about the circumstances of it, yet the 
adventurers in the Crusades undoubtedly regarded him 
as a real person, a most glorious and illustrious martyr. 
They found his name in the calendars ; they met with 
various places denominated from him ; they frequented 
his tomb ; they heard him invoked, and heard much of 
his apparitions ; they saw churches and monasteries 
dedicated to him, and even received, as they thought, 
seasonable and special assistance from heaven, through 

1 Dissertation on the Original of the Equestrian Figure of St. 
George, and of the Garter, p. 35. 


his mediation; and lastly, they mentioned his re- 

Since several circumstances, in particular the want 
of time, prevented me from completing my former ac- 
count of St. George in so full a manner as I had in- 
tended ; I therefore purpose to supply, in the present 
paper, some of the earliest notices respecting these two 
Georges, who have been so frequently confounded, and 
in fact so often identified. * 

First, as regards St. George the Martyr. 

The first accurate account— after that already given 
(p. 31 1, Vol. VI. Trans. Roy. Soc. Lit.) from Eusebius, 
where, as I have suggested, " Gorgonius" may be an 
error for " Georgius " s — which I can find of him, is in 
the ' Chronicon Paschale ;' 4 it is as follows : — 


*Tir. Kaplvov to f¥ 9 /ecu Novpepiavov. 

*Etov9 ove riJ9 eU Ovpavovs 9 Apa\rpfea>9 rov Kvplov, eyc- 
vero Suuyfios Xpurruivwv, /ecu iroXKol e/iaprvprjaav' ep oh 
€fjLapTvp7}C€ /ecu 6 cvytos Tewprjios. 

Translated it reads thus : — 

" 266 Olympiad. • 

" Consuls, Garinus for the second time, and Nu- 

" In the year 255 of the Ascension of Our Lord into 
Heaven, a persecution of the Christians took place, 
and many suffered martyrdom ; among whom also the 
Holy George was martyred' 9 

3 Archaeologia, vol. v. p. 5. 

8 The extract from Cedrenus, given at p. 6 infra, seems to confirm 
this suggestion. 

4 'Chronicon Paschale,' edit. Da Cange; Hiet. Byzant. Script, 
vol. xii. p. 219. I have used the Venetian edition, 1729. 


We find from the 'Fasti Consulares ' of Almeloveen, 
that in a.d. 284, or p.n.c. 284, Imp. M. Aurelius Ca- 
rinus II. and M. Aurelius Numerianus were consuls 
before " Kal. Mai." 

The 266 Olympiad corresponds with a.d. 285. So 
to 255 years after Christ's Ascension must be added 
the thirty-four years of his age, which would make the 
a.d. = 289 ; but it is evident that the author of this 
Chronicon follows those chronologists who place the 
birth of Christ four years earlier, consequently the a.d. 
would be 285. 

Procopius is the first historian who mentions in ex* 
press terms, in his work 'De JEdificiis' (lib. 3, cap. 4), 
" George the Martyr/ — Te&pyios 6 Mdprvp. 

The next mention seems to be that of Adamann, or 
St. Adamnan, at the close of the seventh century, who 
learnt it from Bishop Arculf on his homeward voyage 
from the Holy Land. This Adamann was abbot of the 
monastery of Hii, or the island of Icolmkill, now Iona, 
in the Western Sea of Scotland ; and he wrote (about 
a.d. 670) a small book, ' De Situ Terra Sanctae.' 5 In 
it he thus says, — " De Sancto Georgia Martyre. — Ar- 
culfus, homo sanctus, . . . nobis de quodam Martyre, 
Georgio nomine, narrationem contulit, quam in Con- 
stantinopolitana urbe, a quibusdam expertis didicit 
civibus, qui hoc modo narrare soliti eidem dicebant. 
In Diospoli (Lydda, seu Lod) civitate, cujusdam Afar- 
tyris Georgii in quadam domo statua marmorea," etc., 
and he then proceeds to recount some legends, which 
I here omit. 

* Adamanni Scoto-Hiberni Abbatis celeberrimi, de Situ Terrs 
Sanctse, cap. iv. lib. 3. p. 107, edit. Jacob Greteeri, Ingolstadii, 


Soon after, the Venerable Bede, in an abstract of the 
same narrative, entitled ' De Locis Sanctis IibeRus,* 
has added at the end of it an account of Arculf, of his 
travels, and of his ship having been driven by adverse 
winds upon the Scotch islet where Adamann was resi- 

Again, Bede in his 'Ephemeris' (vol. i. p. 196), 
places in the month of AprUu,—" 9 Calend. Georgii 
Martyris" — and in the opposite page these lines oc- 
cur, — 

" Nona docet Fortunatumque et Achillea junctos, 
Hac etiam invicto mundum qui sanguine temnia 
Infinite refers Georgi Sancte trophsea." 

The " 9 Cal. Maii " answers to April 23rd, or the 
day of <€ St. George the Martyr." 

In the ' Acta Sanctorum/ Aprilis, 7 the chapter on 
xxiii April begins, — 

" S. Fortunatus ) ^. 
S.Achilleus j Diac ™> 
Martyres Valentiae in Gallia," 
which explains the names already given from Bede ; 
and then follows, "De 8. Georgio Megalo-Martyre, 
Lyddae, seu Diospoli, in Palestine." There also S. 
Georgius is termed Nicomediensis. But the pages of 
Papenbroch are so intermixed with legends, and mat- 
ters relating to the Arian George of Alexandria, that 
little certain or definite can be elicited about the Mar- 
tyr St. George of Syria or Palestine. 

Having searched many of the Byzantine and other 

6 Venerabilis Bedee Opera, vol. iii. p. 371, edit. Colon. Agrip- 
pinae, 1612. 

7 Act. Sanct., Aprilis (D. Papenbrochii), vol. iii. pp. 100-163, 
Antwerp, 1675. 


Greek writers, I will pass on to what I have discovered 
in them relative to our Saint. 

Georgius Cedrenus, 8 a monk who lived in the eleventh 
century, relates in his Xvvo^ns 'Iaropfav, — ' Synopsis of 
Histories/ — that in the reign of Diocletian and Maxi- 
mianos Herculius a great persecution of Christians 
occurred, " and those who were discovered to be Chris* 
tians were compelled to sacrifice to the demons. On 
which account many obtained for themselves the crown 
of the contest, of whom were . . . Anthimus of Nico- 
media, and Procopius, and George t the renowned mar- 
tyr*."—— Tot* & Xpurnavovs evpuricopsvovs dvay/ea^ecOai 6v* 
m» tcHs oo/fftocrt, &o /cai iroXkol rov rfJ9 a$krj<rem9 av&faavro 
irrefapov. '££ &v elai . . . 'AvOifios Nucofjurfala*, /ecu IIpo- 
Karn-ioS) /ecu Few/pytof, ol aotZyiot, fidprvpes. This account 
has very probably been derived from Eusehius's eighth 
book of ' Ecclesiastical History/ chapter 6, in which 
the martyrs Anthimus, Bishop of Nicomedia, and Gor- 
gonius and others are named. Since, however, Ce- 
drenus writes the latter martyr TevpyM, and not Top- 
ymno*, this seems to confirm my supposition, expressed 
in my former paper, that the latter proper name has 
been an error in transcribing for the former, or for 

And the learned Greek princess, Anna Comnena, 9 
mentioning the Rekroi, French, or rather, Normans, says, 
fcaTekOovrefelfrWld^fxt, — "They came to Japha (Joppa). 
Then they passed from thence to Ram el, in which also 
the great martyr George bore testimony of martyr- 
dom/' Etra hceWw /eariXafiou ro 'PdfieX, ev a /cat 6 fi&ya- 
XofjLaprvf JVopyto* fiefmprvprjKe. Ram el, Ramys,or Ram- 

8 Byzant. Script, vol. xv. p. 209. 

9 Alexias, lib. xi. p. 259, vol. xxvi. Byzant. Script. 


leh, lies on the direct road leading from Joppa to Jeru- 
salem ; and I have before shown that it has been some- 
times confounded with Lydda, or Ludd, by reason of 
their being so nearly adjacent ; 10 and this is the case 
in the present extract from Comnena. 

St. George's body was brought from Nicomedia, 
where he had been martyred, to Lydda, his native 
town, and interred in the church which was there de- 
dicated to him. 

As the * Ecclesiastical History ' of Callistus Nice- 
phorus gives an ample account of St. George, although 
mixed with a legendary story ; and as the work is only 
attainable by a few, I think it better (according to my 
usual custom) to insert the original Greek, and then 
add a translation of the same. 

Tovtois Sij roh xpoW*, teal Tewpyios, to fieya r&v a0X*i~ 
r&v ovo/ia, teal rov yppov rS>v paprvpMP 6 Kopwfxuos, to?* 
farep Xpurrov irdvois, yvqulovs edepifie rov* teapirovs* etc Kair- 
iraSotcias yap &v> veavlas en. seal arfakparias rip 6^fnv m teal 
ov7T<o lovXois irzpurrity&v top ircoyowa, yevpauos to** vrrep 
Xpurrov a0koi9 Sieftaprvpei* errel yap ovoyedels Stexepropei 
pip Saiftovasy to Be raw Kparovvrwv BieTratgev aaefies, irucpas 
TOfas teal v7T€p<f)V€t,9 tcoXwreis wfrurraTO' ^varrjpes par yap outop 
fiera oW/ta teal fyvKatcqv hiekafifiavov ' eVra Tirdvtp irvpo9 tear- 
€<f>\ey€To' rpo%q> /carereipero' jjfyeai ftekrjSov etcrefjiPOfjiepos' 
iroXkals Be aXhais p^avals avprpifJopepos, to euyepes avrov 
irapaaTtyia rfjs yfrvxfjs teal to rfjs wpoias apearakfiepop, ucava>* 
av€&€t,tcw' etn tovtois top Tovyoqros I\vtcepiov fiow dvlara* 
teav ttjp ftaaCktZa AXegavBpav irpoiraXai top ffiop airokiirova , a» 9 
evyg p&pr) % t&p tov $&ov ttvOiUiwp elfiye 9 teal rekos dvSpt- 
tc&s ereKevra Tip £&e*. 11 

10 Trans. Roy. Soc. Lit. Vol. VI. p. 312, and note 14. 

11 Nicephori Callisti Ecclesiastics Historia, torn. i. lib. vii. cap. 
15, edit. Fronto Ducaeus. Par. 1630. 


" In those times also, George, — a great name among 
the champions and the leader of the band of martyrs, — 
reaped the true fruits from his sufferings for Christ's 
sake. For being from Cappadocia, when still a young 
man ; and being like a statue in appearance ; and not 
yet encircling his chin with down, bore testimony nobly 
by his contests for the sake of Christ. For when ap- 
prehended, he reviled the demons, and he derided the 
impiety of the rulers ; he underwent certain bitter and 
unnatural punishments. . For rasors hacked him in 
chains and in prison ; then he was burnt with quick- 
lime ; he was stretched on a wheel ; his limbs being 
lacerated with swords ; and being tormented with many 
other devices, he sufficiently displayed the generous 
courage of his soul and the firmness of his conscience. 
Besides, he overturned the ox of the impostor Glyce- 
rins ; and he called forth, by prayer alone, from the 
depths of hell, the Empress Alexandra, who had not 
long since departed this life ; and at last he died man- 
fully by the sword." 

In the absence of any distinct dates, I will now show 
the chronological order of several martyred persons, 
who are recorded by Nicephorus. 

In his seventh book, chapter third, he writes that 
Diocletian had taken as his co-emperor, or companion 
in the empire, Maximianus Herculius. Now, we know 
from other sources that Diocletian had invested the 
latter with the title of Augustus, at Nicomedia, in the 
year of our era 286. In chapter fifth, of the same book, 
he mentions the martyrdoms of Peter and Dorotheus, 
in Nicomedia, in the time of Diocletian. In chapter 
sixth, also that of Anthimus, Bishop of Nicomedia ; 
and then, in chapter fifteenth, he describes (as before 



given) the death of George, the chief — 6 Kopwfxuos — of 
martyrs; and he observes that the Queen Alexandra (the 
wife of the Emperor Diocletian) had previously died. 

Dr. S. Pegge having correctly said, that " the adven- 
turers in the Crusades, saw churches and monasteries 
dedicated to St. George, 93 I will now recount, from the 
notices of the earlier historians, a few of the most an- 
cient of these buildings. And of these, I name more 
especially the churches, because from inscriptions still 
existing upon some of them, I have been enabled to 
discover the most exact evidence of the non-identity 
of St. George, and Bishop George of Alexandria. 

Procopius relates that Justinian erected (about a.d. 
530) a church to George the Martyr, at Bizani, in 
Armenia, — BaatKevs 'loixrrwiavbs . . . lepbp r&opyltp tjJ 
pdprvpi ev Bt^avols eoW/oiTO. 1 * 

The Emperor Mauricius built an oratory — evKrripiov 
rov *Ayiov Tempyiov — at Constantinople, to St. George. 1 * 

Constantine X. (Monomachus) erected, from the 
funds of the public treasury, a splendid monastery, 
" in the name of the Holy Great-Martyr George/ ' — 

eir ovofian rov 'Aylov MeyaXofuiprvpos Tewpylov, 1 * ill the 
region called Mangana, at Constantinople. And the 
anonymous author of the ' Constantinopolitan An- 
tiquities ' writes, in a place named Hiereium, in Con- 
stantinople, "Constantine the Great built the church," 

— rov Be vaav 6 fj,eyas Ktovaravrlvos dwfryeipe. 15 To this 
Anselm Bandurius observes, that " Codinus writes that 
this church was dedicated to 8t. George; 7 ' these are 

18 Procopii Ceesariensis de iEdificiis, lib. iii. cap. 4, vol. xvii. By- 
zant. Script. 

18 Anonym. Antiq. Constant, lib. i. p. 1 1, vol. iv. Byzant. Script. 

14 Anselmi Bandurii Comment, lib. ii. p. 466, vol. v. Byzant. Script. 

15 Anonymi Antiq. Constant, lib. iii. p. 50, vol. iv. Byzant. Script. 


his words, — " Templum hoc & Constantino Magno ex- 
tructum, 8. Georgio faisse sacrum, scribit Codinus. ,,w 
If so, this was in all probability the earliest church 
which is known to have been dedicated to St. George ; 
and it must have been erected soon after that martyr's 
death, i. e. between a.d. 285 and 337, when Constan- 
tine the Great died. 

The same anonymous writer 17 likewise mentions a 
church of St. George in Chalcedon, which was built by 
the Patriarch Sergius. Also the Emperor Joannes V., 
Cantacuzenus, thus speaks in his * History ' of a 
'ruined church of St. George/ at Jerusalem, which 
was situated " in the Roman quarter ; ,,1S — ^aXaafia r\v 
TrakauLs Efc/c\rjaia9 els Tqv yeirovlav rS>v 'Pwjtcu&v 6 "Aytos 

In addition to the churches which I have already 
named in my former memoir, I will now allude to two 
or three more in Palestine, of which one is extremely 
important, because near to it there is lying a large 
fragment of a Greek inscription, which has not as yet 
been correctly interpreted. This church, or rather, 
this ruin of a church, which Burckhardt calls a " hand- 
some edifice," is situate in the town called Shaka, for- 
merly Saccaa, the Saxfcala of Ptolemy ; it is only twenty 
miles distant to the east of Ezra, where the long in- 
scription relating to St. George (No. 40), published in 
my last paper, still exists. 

From the Shaka inscription, the Rev. J. L. Porter 
states, it appears that the " church was dedicated to 

M Anselmi Bandurii Comment, in Antiq. Constant, p. 535, vol. v. 
Byzant. Script. 

17 Anonymi Antiq. Constant, lib. iii. p. 52, vol. iv. Byzant. Script. 

18 Joan. Cantacnz. Hist. lib. iv. cap. 14, vol. xiv. Byzant. Script. 



the saints and martyrs George and Sergius, and erected 
by ' Tiberinos the bishop, in the year 263, correspond- 
ing to a.d. 369.' " 19 

Burckhardt mentions 30 the " building, of which the 
front wall only is standing ;" and he adds, — " Upon a 
stone, lying on the ground before the wall, and which 
was probably the architrave of the door, I found the 
following inscription :" — 




dittos ar/{i)ta>v (a)0\x><f>dp(0V futprvpov Tea>p(yl)ov kcu t&v 

<rw avrq> (a)yla>v &c irpo<Tifrop(S>v) Ttfieplvov ejruric(o7rov) octutBtj (c/e) $e- 

{ji)e\lwv. TQ>) lep(a)Tiov tccu Tip wpoaOrj/eriv rod vaov , 

erov9 <r£y <nrov&rf (8)e Teapylo(v) tccu Sepyiov peydko 

I have translated it as follows : — 

" A church of the holy victorious martyrs George, 
and of the holy (men) with him, was built from the 
foundations with the offerings of Bishop Tiberinus. 
But the care of Georgius and Sergius [erected] the 

sanctuary, and the addition of the temple 

in the year 263, great " . . . . 

The church then was not " dedicated to George and 
Sergius" but to the Martyr George and the holy men, 
who were martyred with him. The expression of 
" George and those saints martyred with him," — fiafrrv- 
pcov Teapylov /ecu r&v crw avr<p 'Aywv, — very clearly proves 
that it could not possibly be referred to George the 

19 Five Years in Damascus, vol. ii. p. 64. 

20 Burckhardt's Travels in Syria, p. 75. 


Arian bishop, who was not martyred 11 with many holy 
men, but merely assassinated for his base conduct at 
Alexandria, with only two more, namely, the master of 
the mint, and Count Diodorus. 

And as to the date given in the inscription, I think 
that it answers, computed from the Bostrean era, to 
a.d. 367, M which would be in the third year of Valens, 
the Eastern emperor, and only five or six years after 
the infamous bishop's murder : but it is evident that 
the year 263 only refers to the date of the sanctuary 
(lepareiop) and the addition (irpocrOrjicn), a supplemental 
building, which the care of George and Sergius erected. 
The original church itself, " built from its foundations " 
by Bishop Tiberinus, must, in all probability, — nay, 
almost with certainty, — have been in existence before 
the assassination of the Arian George and his two 
"obsequious ministers." It is doubtless an edifice 
of vast interest, and possibly erected much about the 
same date (a.d. 346) as the church of St. George at 

Mr. Porter very reasonably thinks, "that Saccaea 
may, in early Christian times, have been rebuilt or 
adorned by some prefect, and called after the name of 
one of the emperors, perhaps Constantine, as was the 
case in so many other instances ; and then, after the 

21 Vide infra, p. 24, where I have shown from St. Epiphanius that 
this Bishop George did not suffer martyrdom. 

** Colonel Leake, the editor of Burckhardt's posthumous work on 
Syria, has inaccurately referred (p. 75) that date to a.d. 263. This 
is impossible, because in that year St. George was still alive, and 
was not martyred until above twenty years afterwards. See a like 
error which Colonel Leake made with respect to the date of the Ezra 
inscription, and which I corrected at p. 306, Vol. VI. Trans. Roy. 
Soc. Lit. 


lapse of a few generations, the old name was resumed, 
and the new one soon forgotten. There is a Constan- 
tine, KxavaravrLvj), mentioned in the province of Arabia, 
in the list of ecclesiastical cities." 23 This idea would 
seem to receive confirmation from the remains of seve- 
ral churches or christianized temples, 94 and from the 
wording of the present inscription, — in this ruined 
episcopal town of Shaka. In fact, these ecclesiastical 
buildings call to mind very strongly the age of Con- 
stantine the Great, when the martyred saints were 
taking the places of the heathen deities, and heathen 
temples were being converted into Christian churches. 
Baronius, in his ' Ecclesiastical Annals/ 35 says from 
Procopius, that about a.d. 530, Justinian the empe- 
ror, " ipsum item renovasse templum S. Thalalaei, S. 
Georgii, et Panteleemonis Martyrum in eremo Jor- 
danis.'' On referring, however, to Procopius's work, 
I find that Baronius is quite wrong, for the Greek 
author states that Justinian repaired a monastery, not 
a church, — of St. Gregory, and not of St. George. This 
is the original passage : — Movcumqpiop . . . rod 'Ayiov 
rprjyoptoVj kcu to tov aryiov IlavTeXerjfiovos ev rrj €prjftq> rev 
'Iop&dvav.* 6 

Also the handsome and well-known church at Ludd, 
the former Lydda, and Diospolis of the Greeks, and 
not far from Ramleh, in which, as I have already said, 
the greater part of the body of St. George was interred, 
became a place of considerable sanctity during the 

88 Porter's ' Damascus/ vol. ii. p. 64. 

84 See Porter's • Handbook for Syria/ vol. ii. p. 509. 

85 Baronii Annal. Eccles. torn. ix. p. 425, edit. Lucre, 1741. 

86 Procopius de JSdificiia Justini, vol. xvii. lib. 5. cap. 9, Byzant. 


Crusades ; and it is recorded to have been repaired by 
the lion-hearted Richard. An engraving of its pre- 
sent ruins may be 6een in Thomson's ' The Land and 
the Book ' (vol. iL p. 292) ; and Dr. Robinson says, in 
his last 'Travels in Palestine/ — " These are noble ruins, 
but were now, by daylight, less majestic and imposing 
than as we saw them formerly, by moonlight." 37 

Travellers in the Holy Land, and Burckhardt 28 par- 
ticularly, remark that " the Turks pay great venera- 
tion to St. George," and the Mahomedans, and some- 
times the Christians, call him " El Khouder." And 
Mr. Stanley," in his book on that country, mentions 
a Mussulman sepulchral chapel on the sea-shore, near 
Sarafend, the former Sarepta, dedicated to El Khouder, 
in which " there is no tomb inside, only hangings before 
a recess. This variation from the usual type of Mus- 
sulman sepulchres was, as we were told by the pea- 
sants on the spot, because El Khouder is not yet dead ; 
he flies round and round the world, and those chapels 
are built wherever he has appeared." This legend 
has probably originated from the supposed frequent 
appearance in person of St. George to different parties, 
and especially to render assistance to the Crusaders in 
their battles. 90 Again, in Busrah, the ancient Bostra, 

87 Robinson's * Later Biblical Researches in Palestine,' p. 1 43. 

» Syria, pp. 60, 95. 

» Sinai and Palestine, p. 274, 2nd edit., 1856. 

80 In addition to the legend of St. George's appearing in order to 
assist the Crusaders at the Siege of Antioch, in a.d. 1098, which 
is already given at p. 313, Vol. VI. Trans. Roy. Soc. lit., I may 
mention another similar apparition, which is related (fol.cxiii.) in the 
'Golden Legende' (edit. Wynkyn de Worde, Lond. 1527), to have 
occurred, in these words : — " That whan y* Chrysten men went ouer 
see to conquere Jhernsalem, .... it so was y* they had assyeged 


Mr. Porter describes 31 a mosque, called El Khouder ; it 
stands alone, in the north-west of the ruined city, and 
is numbered 12 on his accompanying plan. Also, 
"the Arabs," according to Burckhardt, "give the 
name of Abd Maaz to St. George." He speaks of a 
rivulet {motet), a hill (tell), and the ruins of a town, 
which bear respectively the name of Abd Maaz, to the 
south-east of Busrah, and not far from Salkhad. 

Next, I will mention a few churches which have 
been early erected to St. George in the west of Europe. 

This saint and martyr was not introduced into the 
Roman Calendar and Church until a.d. 494, by Pope 
Gelasius. A church of St. George, in the cheese- 
market (in Velabro) at Rome, near the colossal arch 
of Janus Quadrifrons, is believed to have been origi- 
nally built about the sixth century. 39 Pope Leo II. is 
related to have repaired and beautified it in a.d. 682 ; 
and Pope Zacharias is said to have nearly rebuilt it, 

Jherusalem, and durst not mount ne go upon y* walles for y e quareMea 
and defence of the Sarasyns, they sawe appertly Saint George, whiche 
had whyte armes w th a reedcrosse y* wente tip tofore them on y e wall, 
and they folowed hym, and so was Jherusalem taken by his helpe." 

Tasso, however, in his celebrated poem of 'Jerusalem Delivered, 9 
has unfortunately not followed this legend in describing the conquest 
of the Holy City during that siege ; but he has brought upon the 
scene the Angel Michael — in the place of Saint George — with a vast 
heavenly host. 

The poet's beautiful verses on the planting of " La Vincitrice In- 
segna " of the Holy Cross (canto 18, stanza c.) should be ever fresh 
in the memory : — 

" The sacred mount the purple Cross adores, 
And Sion owns it from her topmost towers." 

31 Damascus, vol. ii. p. 154. 

88 Vasi's ' Itinlraire de Rome/ edit, by Prof. A. Nibby, vol. ii. p. 
336. Rome, 1824. 


ad. 741-52. To whichsoever of these Popes the ex- 
isting church is due, is of no great moment, for it 
must be admitted to be an edifice of great antiquity 
and interest. It is a basilica in plan, with a portico 
in front sustained by four Ionic columns, and two pilas- 
ters at the corners; the whole being enclosed with 
high iron rails. The interior presents the form of a 
Latin cross ; it has a nave and two side-aisles, which 
are divided chiefly by ancient granite pillars. The 
campanile, or belfry, on one side, is a square brick 
tower, ornamented with rows of three narrow blank 
windows, terminating in round arches. 

Of the numerous churches which have been erected 
in our own country to this martyr, I will only refer to 
three or four that are known to be very ancient. 

The first is the monastery, or house of regular 
canons, and the church of St. George at Thetford, 33 
in Norfolk, which was founded by Uvius, the first 
abbot of Bury St. Edmund's ; this foundation, accord- 
ing to Tanner and others, took place in the reign of 
Canute the Dane. 

The second is the collegiate church of St. George 34 

a See Tanner, 'Notitia Monastica,' p. 430; and, more fully, Blome- 
field's c Norfolk/ vol. ii. pp. 40, 74, 89 ; also p. 95, for a rough copy 
of " ngillum conventus," representing St. George killing the Dragon. 
But, in p. 477, vol. iv., of the late and noble edition (1823) of Dug- 
dale's ' Monasticon Anglican urn/ by Ellis, etc., I must point out an 
error in No. I., an ancient Carta, which is entitled, "Quomodo 
Moniales S. Gregorii de Thetford ingressum habuerunt in Thetford," 
where "S. Gregorii" seems a mistake for S. Georgii; since in the 
carta itself " Monasterium S. Georgii" is alone named. 

84 Stevens's addition toDugdale's 'Monasticon Anglicanum,' vol. ii. 
p. 115, where it appears that this church was consecrated to the 
memory of the " Blessed Martyr St. George, the Tutelar Saint of 


at Oxford, whose date is given, by the same authorities, 
as a.d. 1074, in the reign of William the Conqueror. 

The third, or the original church of St. George the 
Martyr, in Southwark, was considered by many as 
having existed prior to the Norman Conquest. 

The fourth, Tanner writes that William Greisley de- 
dicated the priory at Greisley, in Derbyshire, to St. 
Mary and St. George, in the time of Henry I. Hav- 
ing already mentioned St. George's Royal Chapel at 
Windsor, which was founded in a.d. 1348, by Edward 
III., I will only observe that it was really dedicated, 
like that at Greisley, to the honour of the " Virgin 
Mary and St. George." Now, as three of these, or 
certainly the first two, were erected before the first 
Crusade in a.d. 1096, how came this saint and mar- 
tyr to have been introduced from Palestine into Eng- 
land ? To this the most obvious answer is, by means 
of certain English pilgrims having visited the Holy 
Land. Or it may have been by some religious tra- 
vellers, on their return from Constantinople, or from 

I think, however, that there is another mode, through 
which the knowledge of this soldier-saint, may very 
probably have been also introduced, in addition to 
Bishop Arculf s narrative respecting him, which he 
brought from Constantinople, and which was published 
by Adamann and Bede, previous to a.d. 700, namely, 
by some Varangians, or Bdpayyoi. These were, as is 
well-known, mercenary soldiers, forming the body- 
guard of the Greek emperors at Constantinople; 35 
and they were continued in the Imperial service be- 

86 Gibbon (in chap. 55) seems to assign the date of a.d. 862 to 
the introduction of the Varangian Guard. 


yond the commencement of the thirteenth century. 
Although most of them were Danes and Norwegians, or 
Nordmen, from Scandinavia ; still, some were English, 
and spoke, as some authors assert, Danish, whilst others 
say English ; possibly both, or rather, I should hold, 
the old Norwegian tongue, now termed Norse. 36 

Thetford was, at a very early period, the capital of 
East Anglia, and it had often been taken and de- 
stroyed by the Danes ; in the age of King Canute it 
revived, and the probability seems to me strong, that 
certain Danes, hearing of the gallant saint and martyr 
George; who was so highly reverenced in the Greek 
Church at Constantinople, from some Varangians, or 
they themselves being discharged soldiers of that corps, 
accordingly brought his fame into East Anglia. 

Whether one or more of these suggested modes 
form the true solution of the question, is of little con- 
sequence, for after the first Crusade, the victorious 
George, — who is styled by Constantine Manasses, 6 
Belos Xpurropdprvp 6 rpo7rcuo<f>dpo9, — became the tutelar 
saint and patron of England ; and his red cross was 
emblazoned on her standard, and so continues to the 
present time. 

Secondly, as to George the Arian Bishop of Alexan- 
dria, in Egypt. 

The ' Chronicon Paschale ' thus records : — 

aird 'OATMIIIA'S. 

C 2V. Mapeprivov /ecu Ne&rfra. 

'Iovktavbs yvw9 rip Kmvtrravrwv rov 'Avyovarov rekeu~ 
rip, tt)V eavrov wrrooTacnav, k<u acre^eiav <f>av€pav /ca$urr&v 9 

80 See this explained in my memoir on Iceland, in Trans. Roy. 
Soc. Lit. Vol. VI. p. 349, note 44, and p. 382. 


Biararyua Kara rov Xpurnavuruov, Kaff 8\rj9 rfjs oUovft€in}9 
airoarehXwv, ra eihwXa iravra avaveovadai Trpocerarrar. E<f> 
oh iwapOeme? ol Kara ttjv y Avaro\r)v rt EXKr)V€Sy evfietos ev 
'AkejfavSpeia ry tear Avyinrrop, Tecopyiov rov hruricorirov rtit 
iroKetos ovXka/3ou€voi, avelXov teal ro Xelsfravop avrov aaefJ&s 
ewfipurav. Ka^rjXxp yap iirUfepres Si b\rjs rfjs iroXews n-eptc- 
<f>epov. Kal jtera rovro Suufnp&v akoyeov ve/cpa aeouara uera 
r&v oorecov avvayayovre?, teal ovufu£avr€9 avrov t$ \evtycunp 
Kal KaroKavaavres BieaKOfyirurav. 3 * 7 

I have translated it in these words : — 

" 285 Olympiad. 

" Consuls, Mamertinus and Neveta. 

" Julian learning the death of the Emperor Constan- 
tius, making manifest his own apostasy and impiety ; 
and despatching an edict against Christianity through- 
out the whole world, ordered all idols to be restored. 
Whereupon the Gentile Greeks in the East being ex- 
cited, immediately in Alexandria, which is in Egypt, 
having seized George the Bishop of the city, murdered 
him, and profanely insulted his corpse. For placing 
it upon a camel, they carried it round about the whole 
city. And afterwards gathering together the dead 
carcases of different brutes with their bones, and ming- 
ling them with his corpse, they burnt them, and scat- 
tered them abroad." 

According to Almeloveen (Fast. Consul, p. 164) in 
the year "362 p.n.c Fl. Mamertinus et Fl. Nevitta" 
were consuls. 

But the 285 Olympiad corresponds to a.d. 361, and 
another year would make it the second year of the 
same Olympiad, thus creating the difference of only a 

87 Chronicon Paschale, p. 235, vol. xii. Byzant. Script. 


few weeks ; or even less, if the birth of our Saviour 
on December 25th be taken as the beginning of the 
year 362. Some writers fix the murder of Bishop 
George at the end of December 361, whilst others 
consider that it occured in 362. Thus it will be found, 
that if the year be taken to commence on the day of 
the Incarnation of Christ, it would be, supposing the 
nefarious George to have been killed on, or after, the 
25th day of December, — of course in the year 362 ; 
but, those who compute the new year on, or from, 
January 1st, would correctly conclude that assassina- 
tion to have been effected in 361. " 

Of the contemporary authors, who flourished about 
the period in which this George lived (a.d. 337-70), 
I will take first, Ammianus Marcellinus, because his 
narration is the most complete ; and on the testimony 
of that " cool and impartial infidel," Gibbon has mainly 

It is as follows : — " Cumque tempus interstetisset 
exiguum, Alexandrini Artemii comperto interitu, quern 
verebantur, ne cum potestate reversus (id enim minatus 
est) multos lsederet, ut offensus, iram in Georgiumver- 
terunt Episcopum (vipereis, ut ita dixerim, morsibus 
ab eo ssepius) adpetiti. In fullonil natus, ut ferebatur 
apud Epiphaniam Ciliciae oppidum, actusque in damna 
complurium, contra utilitatem suam reique communis, 
Episcopus Alexandria est ordinatus, in civitate, quae, 

88 According to Gibbon (chap. 23), on Nov. 30, a.d. 361, George 
was imprisoned ; and he says, "at the end of twenty-four days" his 
lifeless body was " carried in triumph through the streets ;" it would 
thus seem that his murder occured at the end of the 24th day of De- 
cember, or rather, perhaps, early on December 25th, the Nativity of 


suopte motu, et ubi causae non suppetunt, seditionibus 
crebris agitatur et turbulentis, ut oraculorum quoque 
loquitur fides. His efferatis hominum mentibus, Geor» 
gius quoque ipse grave accesserat incentivum apud 
patulas aures Constantii, multos exinde incusans, ut 
ejus recalcitrantes imperiis : professionisque suae obli- 
tus, quae nihil nisi justum suadet et lene, ad delatorum 
ausa feralia desciscebat. Et inter caetera dicebatur id 
quoque maligne docuisse Constantium, quod in urbe 
praedicta aedificia cuncta solo cohaerentia, k conditore 
Alexandro magnitudine impensarum publicarum ex- 
structa, emolumentis aerarii proficere debent ex jure. 
Ad haec mala id quoque addiderat, unde paullo post 
trusus est in exitium praeceps. Reversus ex comitatu 
principis, cum transiret per speciosum Genii templum, 
multitudine stipatus ex more, flexis ad aedem ipsam 
luminibus, l Quamdiu, 9 inquit, c sepulchrum hoc stabit V 
Quo audito, velut fulmine multi perculsi metuentesque, 
ne illud quoque tentaret evertere, quidquid poterant, in 
ejus perniciem clandestinis insidiis concitabant. Ecce 
autem repente perlato laetabili nuntio indicante exstinc- 
turn Artemium, plebs omnis elata gaudio insperato, 
vocibus horrendis infundens, Georgium petit : rap- 
tumque diversis mulcandi generibus proterens et con- 
culcans divaricatis pedibus. Cumque eo Dracontius 
monetae propositus, et Diodorus quidam veluti Comes, 
injectis per crura funibus, simul exanimati sunt : ille, 
quod aram in moneta, quam regebat, recens locatam 
evertit ; alter, quod, dum aedificandae praeesset ecclesise, 
cirros puerorum licentius detondebat, id quoque ad 
deorum cultum existimans pertinere. Quo non con- 
tenta, multitudo immanis dilaniata cadaveraperempto- 
rum camelis imposita vexit ad littus ; iisdemque sub- 


dito igne crematis, cineres projecit in mare, id metuens, 
ut clamabat, ne collectis supremis, aedes illis exstrueren- 
tur ut reliquis, qui deviare k religione compulsi, pertu- 
lere cruciabiles poenas, adusque gloriosam mortem inte- 
merata fide progressi, et nunc martyres adpellantur." 39 
Next, St. Athanasius, the Archbishop of Alexandria, 
and Primate of Egypt, whose throne, during his tem- 
porary retirement, George had usurped, has written 
much condemnatory of him. I will only give three ex- 
tracts from his works, which will be sufficient to show 
what the orthodox Christians, at that time, thought of 

Tetapyios 6 Siar^deh anfo rfj* oucovfievr)?. 40 

Kal irepi fjiev T&opyiov rov KamraZoKos rov etcfiXrjdevTOt 
am rfjs AXej-avSpeias, Xoyos ovSeis ' avOpanrov, prfre &c wpo- 
ayovros filov ttjv fiaprrvpiav e^oiTO*, fitfre $Xa>s Xpumavov 
7\rfXavovro9, aXXa jiovop v7rotcpivafi€Vov 8ta rov /ccupov to 
wopa, tcai TTopio-ftov rjyijcrafAevov rfjv eucrefteiav* 1 

Ata to iravras avo<rrp€(f>€<T0cu ttjv irpos Tewpyiop kouhd- 

" George, who was persecuted by the whole world." 

" And no account need be taken concerning George 
the Cappadocian, who was cast out of Alexandria: 
concerning a man, who having neither the testimony 
of his former life, nor being altogether a Christian, but 
only having obtained the name through opportunity, 
and having considered religion for a gain." 

• Amroianus Marcellinus, lib. 22, cap. xi. (a.d. 362), torn. iii. 
Iipnae, 1808. 

* Athanasii Opera: 'De Synodis/ p. 725, cap. 12, tom.i. Par. 

41 Athanaaii Opera : • De Synodis,' p. 752, cap. 37. 

42 Ibid, 'Apol. de Fuga/ p. 323, cap. 6, torn. i. 


" Wherefore all men turned away from communion 
with George." 

St. Gregory of Nazianzus, in his oration in praise of 
the former archbishop, — els rov peyav 'AOavdo-top apx 1 *- 
iriaKonw 'AXefrurSpelaSf — says, amongst other things, of 
George: — Te&pyios . . . o Be Kara ttoXKtjp rj&q rov scaiku- 
trovros eprjfuav, Kararpeyei pcv Alyinrrov, Xrjt^ercu & 2v- 
plav Tp Kparet rfjs aae/3eias 9 eiriXapfiaveTcu Be kcu tj}* eoo*, 
o<tov eBvvaro, to appmarovv ael irpooXafifidwop, wnrep ol 
%elfiappoi ra ovppeovra, /ecu, rocs tcovferrepois $) Beikorepois 

" But he, through the want of some one to check him, 
overruns Egypt, and plunders Syria by the strength 
of his profaneness, and he seizes, and always gains the 
weak portion of the east, as much as he is able, as 
the winter-torrents take floating bodies with them, and 
attaching himself to the lighter or more wretched 

Then St. Epiphanius, another contemporary, and 
who survived George, in his work ' Against Heresies,' 
records that " George was slain at the time in which 
Julian reigned," — 6 Tedpyios dvtfpedrfj Iv t£ x/wVp iflcuri- 

\€V<T€V ' IovklOPO*.** 

He also in the same work fully describes George's 45 
assassination ; but, since the details of it are already 
known from the citations which I have given from 
other writers, I need not here repeat them. St. Epi- 
phanius, however, in the sequel, distinctly proves that 
George did not suffer martyrdom ; 46 and this he does in 

48 S. Gregorii Nazianzeni Opera, xxi. Orati. pp. 384-5, vol. i. 
Par. 1630. 

44 S. Epiphanii Adv. Heer. p. 726, cap. 10, torn. i. edit. Petam. 
Par. 1622. 

46 Ibid. p. 912, lib. 3, cap. 1. * Ibid. pp. 912, 913. 


this very important passage i—Ae'gele £ av rh irepi rod 

0VT<09 T€T€k€VTr)KOT09y OVKOVV efUipTVpTfaeV V7T0 'EWtjV&V TaVTO, 

veirovBas; /ecu el fxkv xnrkp akqdela* axntp t)V 6 dyew, kcu viro 
'EtWyvtoV Bui <f>0dvov, kcu vqv els Xpurrov ofiokoylav ra toi- 
avra aurip crvfJu3efirfKev t ovtods ev fMaprvo-i, kcu ovk ev fiucpoh, t 
IreraKTo. ovk tjv Be ri> turiov But ttjv els Xpurrov opokoyiav, 
aXXa B& fy ev 717 eavrov Bfjdev 'EiruxKoiry KaKovfievr), iroWrjv 
f&lav ttjv irdkiv re kcu top Bff/iov BieOero, Try p,ev apmcXpav 
rots' avOpanrots ra xnro t&v yoveav avratv K\rfpovopj}fiara. 

" Some one may observe concerning his having thus 
ended, did he not therefore suffer martyrdom when 
having endured these things from the Gentile Greeks ? 
And if indeed, the contest with him had been con- 
cerning truth, and if such-like things had happened 
to him through envy from the Gentile Greeks, and for 
his confession of Christ, verily he would have been 
classed among martyrs, and those not small ones. 
The cause was not the confession of Christ, but for- 
sooth in the office called by himself the Bishopric, he 
exercised great violence both against the city and the 
people ; by any method plundering men of the inherit- 
ances from their parents." 

Theophanes, in his ' Chronography/ gives the same 
account of the murder of George, and in nearly the 
same words as the author of the ' Chronicon Paschale ' 
had previously done. He writes : — Toxntp t£ em eficuri- 
Xevaev 'Iov\iavo9 6 7rapaj3dn]9 . . • Tore ol Kara ttjv dva- 
toXtjv E\\r)V€9 eirapdemes, evffew9 ev 'AXefjavSpela Tetopyiov 
rov erruTKaTrov avpovret aveikov, kcu to Xeiyfravov avrov affects 
Kaprjkip €7n0€VT€9j (veirdfiirevov But rrjs irdXe&s, kcu fierd vex- 
pcav akdywv ocrremv pifynne* avrov to Xecyfravov, Karetcavaav, 
kcu eaKOfnrurav.' 

47 Theophan. Xpovoypcufna, p. 31, vol. iii. Byzant. Script., edit 



" In this year Julian the Apostate reigned . . . then 
the Gentile Greeks in the east being roused, straight- 
way seizing George the bishop in Alexandria, murdered 
him, and having profanely placed his corpse on a camel, 
carried it in procession through the city, and having 
mingled his corpse with the bones of dead beasts, 
burnt them, and scattered them abroad." 

George Cedrenus, mentioning in his ' Compendium 
of History ' the absence of Athanasius, records that 
" George the Arian — a Cappadocian monster — was 
elected by the Arians," in his place, — kol x^potoix-Itcu 
two 'Apeuw&v, re<apyio9 'Apeiavds, repas rt Kamra&ojceiop. 

And he subsequently adds, " In the first year of this 
(Julian), . . . the Gentile Greeks in the East being 
roused immediately, dragging away George the Bishop 
in Alexandria, killed him;" — rwirptorrp rovrov ('lovTuavov) 
eru, . . . ol Kara avaroXriv EXkijves eTrapOevres evBvs ev 
'AXejjavSpelq Teatpyiov top iiritr/coirov avpovres avetkov.* 8 

I do not consider it necessary to take up the atten- 
tion of my readers in prosecuting any further my in- 
quiries with regard to the non-identity of George the 
martyred Saint and George the murdered Bishop ; I 
will therefore not insert any more extracts from the 
Byzantine writers or from the c Ecclesiastical History ' 
of Callistus Nicephorus. But I will only observe 
that the last-named elegant writer has given in the 
sixth chapter of his tenth book, an ample description 
of the assassination of George, the Arian Bishop of 

Venetiis, 1729. In this edition there are two errors of the press in 
this passage, the letters ica/xq are omitted, and cvc^ro/uurcvov 3ta rrp 
iraXecD? are repeated. 

48 Georgii Cedreni Hist. Compend. pp. 236, 240, vol. xv. By- 
zant. Script. 


Alexandria, which is well worthy of perusal. He 
there states that the perpetrators of that murder were 
not the orthodox Christians, but the Greek Gentiles, or 
heathens, of Alexandria, in the time of Julian. And 
in the seventh chapter he gives the public epistle of 
that Emperor to the Alexandrians, wherein be blames 
their wicked assassination of the tyrannical George, 
and in the words of the Roman author before quoted, 
" Acri oratione scelus detestabatur adDr^ssum." 49 

The readers of the foregoing pages, who have paid 
even slight attention to the authorities which I have 
set forth in chronological order, and which elucidate 
respectively the deaths of the illustrious St. George 
the Martyr, and of the Arian Bishop of the same name, 
will, I am satisfied, be greatly surprised to find that 
so many writers, — and among these especially our own 
Gibbon, — should, intentionally or confusedly, have for 
a long period considered them to be one and the same 
person. And it is further remarkable that this error 
of identity should be continued in our best biogra- 
phies up to the year 59 of the present century ; such 
will appear to be the fact to those who may consult 
these very recent and excellent works, namely, Dr. 
Wm. Smith's Dictionary of Greek and Roman Bio- 
graphy and Mythology, and the new ' Dictionnaire de 
Biographie Generate ' (Paris, 1857), the last being still 
in the course of publication. And who could have 
conceived that so well-read and sensible a traveller as 

• Ammian. Marcell. lib. 22, cap. zi. ; vide Juliani Epist. z. ; and 
Gibbon remarks that "the public epistle of Julian affords a very 
lively proof of the partial spirit of his administration " (chap, xxiii.) ; 
but it aeems to me to do more, viz. to betray some signs of du- 



Mr. Porter would have made the like popular mistake 
in identifying the two Georges, so lately as the year 
1855, and at that time writing from Syria? Such, 
however, is the case ; for in his interesting work on 
Damascus (vol. ii. p. 64, note 8), he writes "that Saint 
George was murdered at Alexandria ;" and again he 
says, " George the Saint, Bishop of Alexandria, was 
killed by the mob during a revolt caused by his perse- 
cution of the heathen, in a.d. 361." 

But in the year 1858, I was fortunately enabled, by 
careful examination of the Greek inscription (No. 40) 50 
which Mr. Cyril Graham had, in the previous summer, 
copied from a very ancient church— originally a hea- 
then temple— at Ezra, in Syria, to determine most sa- 
tisfactorily that Saint George had died before the year 
a.d. 346, in which he is expressly called a " Holy 
Martyr" Also, it is clear that this date occurred 
during the lifetime of the other George— the Alexan- 
drian bishop — who survived for fifteen years longer, 
viz. to a.d. 362; and who* then, having expiated his 
vices and base conduct by assassination, could not, 
under any consideration, be esteemed a Martyr. 

This confusion of identity is supposed, and indeed 
with much probability, to have been purposely made 
by the Arians, 81 in order to raise the credit and repute 

M Trans. Royal Soc. Lit. Vol. VI. p. 305. 

61 This will appear more probable when it is recollected that the 
founder of this heretical sect first proposed his religious novelties or 
doctrines at Alexandria. Arivs, or'Apeto?, was considered to have 
been born in Libya, to the south-west of Alexandria, about a.d. 260; 
he was ordained a presbyter in that city in a.d. 313, and soon after- 
wards had the charge of a church there. A few years subsequently, 
the famous dispute concerning his new doctrines took place, and bis 
followers in Alexandria, as well as in many other parts of Egypt, 


of their own bishop, George, whom they had elected 
at Alexandria in the place of Athanasius, and whilst 
he was in retirement, at the expense of the fame and 
virtues of George the Syrian martyr. From the au- 
thorities detailed in my preceding and present papers, 
we find, on the one hand, that Saint George was born 
at Lydd, or Lydda, in Syria ; that his parents, being in 
good circumstances, and Christians, nurtured him " in 
the fear of the Lord," as in fact we know that " all 
who dwelt in Lydda " had " turned to the Lord " even 
as early as the year of Christ 38, after St. Peter had 
come down to them. 53 That his parents took him 
when young into Cappadocia, 53 from whence he went 
to Nicomedia, where the Emperor Diocletian resided, 
and in whose army he served as an officer. By the 
orders of that Emperor he, with a great many more 
Christians, suffered cruel torments, during, in all like- 
lihood, the ninth persecution. That, according to the 
legends, shortly before his death, he rescued by his 
prayers the Empress Alexandra from the depths of 
hell, and vanquished by his prowess the ferocious Dra- 
" gon, both being merely fabulous, but excellent emblems 

rapidly increased. Then followed, in 325, the celebrated general 
council at Nic<ea> — a noble city not far distant from the Roman-Greek 
capital of Nicomedia, — in which Arius and his followers were con- 
demned. Bat notwithstanding this blow, and the death of Arius in 
a.d. 336, the Arian party continued for many years afterwards to 
find numerous supporters in Alexandria. And, in fact, at the period 
(a.d. 356) when George was chosen bishop, the Emperor Constan- 
tius evidently favoured that heretical party. 

48 See Acts, chap. iz. vv. 32, 35. 

w The words of Callistus Nicephorus, in his Ecclest. Hist, be- 
fore cited, merely state, Ik Kairira&ojcta? yap <5v,"for being from (or 
f») Cappadocia," and not that he was bom there. 


of the true Christian's victory over hell, and conquest 
of sin, or the Devil. 

On the other hand, we learn that the second George 
was born in a fuller's mill, according to some, in Cap- 
padocia, or, as others state, in the neighbouring dis- 
trict of Oilicia ; M that after certain disreputable acts 
he, assuming " the profession of Arianism," proceeded 
to Alexandria, in Egypt, of which city he was chosen 
bishop by the followers of that heretical sect ; that, in 
consequence of his vile conduct and intolerable exac- 
tions, the heathen populace there murdered him, with 
his two friends, the master of the mint, Dracontius, 
and Count Diodorus. 

Hence the confusion, whether designedly or errone- 
ously, may have arisen from both Georges being re- 
ported to have been from or in Cappadocia ; from the 
stories of the Empress Alexandra, of the city of Alex- 
andria, and from the slaughters of the beast Dragon, 
and of the man Dracontius. 

At the same time, it may be asked, why have I 
taken so great pains to determine from ancient authors 
the hitherto unsettled question, whether the holy Mar- 
tyr George, the tutelar saint 55 of England, be the same 
with the Arian bishop of that name, or not ? To this 
I reply, that my trouble would have been of little or 
no importance, except in a purely historical, or rather, 
in a biographical view, had not this Saint been es^ 

M St. Athanaeius calls this George, " the Cappadocian," see ante, 
p. 22 ; whilst Ammianus Marcellinus writes, " Natas, at ferebatur, 
apud Epiphaniam Cilicue oppidum :" vide onto, p. 125. 

w St. George is also esteemed the Guardian and Patron Saint of 
Genoa. This doubtless originated from the early and great connec- 
tion of that republic with Constantinople and the East. 



teemed for so many centuries the patron of our country, 
under whose banner our soldiers have successfully 
fought, and especially the Patron of the most noble 
military Order in the world. 

For surely every Englishman must feel considerable 
interest in the question, and more particularly must 
every distinguished Knight of St. George and the 
Garter, and, above all, must our gracious Queen, as So- 
vereign of that most illustrious Order, be individually 
interested in its determination! And who in truth 
is there among us in England, who would either in 
battle be inspired with the waving of the red-cross 
banner, or at home in civil pursuits regard with any de- 
gree of sanctity or respect the name of Saint George, 
had that person really been the infamous heretic, and 
Arian bishop of Alexandria ? 

I need not here recount any of the heroic deeds of 
our brave soldiers under the banner of St. George ; 86 
but since the distinguished " Order of the Garter " is 
less known, I will here insert, as probably new to many 
persons, the style and character of the " Admonition " 
formerly, and I believe still solemnly, pronounced by 
the Chancellor upon the investiture of the Collar (with 
the George and Dragon pendent) of that noble Order. 57 
In English it runs thus : — " Take you this Collar, with 
the image of St. George, patron of this Order, about 

M I have said nothing about oar valiant sailors, whose "hearts of 
oak " are ever alive to support the honour of the Union Jack — in the 
centre of which appears, in conspicuous red, the " Cross of Saint 
George," — only because England's Patron is chiefly accounted a 

67 The Star of the Order bears in its centre the Greek red Cross of 
St. George, edged with white. 


your neck, by the help whereof you may the better 
pass through both the prosperity and adversity of this 
world ; so that your enemies both of body and soul 
may be overcome ; you then may receive not only the 
glory of temporal chivalry, but also the rejoicing of 
everlasting victory, in sign and token of this Order, 
and increase of your honour." 68 

May then England be always proud of her well- 
chosen " Patron," as the gallant example of Christian 
purity and valour ; and may due honour and esteem 
be still awarded to 

" Saint George of mery England, the eigne of Victoree/" 6 * 

And lastly, may our most gracious lady, Queen Vic- 
toria, — like as that soldier-saint overcame in the legend 
his direful enemy, in the form of a Dragon, — vanquish 
every enemy under every form ; and so ever continue 
practically to illustrate, by the prowess of her victorious 
arms in all regions of the globe, the truth of the excel- 
lent motto, " Dat gloria vires 1" 

56 Ashmole ; appendix, No. 102. 

*• Spenser's 'Faerie Queene,' book i. canto z. stanza 61. 





(Read February 20th, 1861.) 

It has been long known that passing allusions to Egypt 
occur in several places in the Cuneiform Inscriptions ; 
but it was not suspected, until lately, that from the 
same source might be recovered complete chapters of 
the lost history of the Empire of the Pharaohs. Re- 
cent research, however, has led to the discovery of 
one such chapter, and has indicated the existence of 

I propose then in the following paper to lay before 
the Royal Society of Literature, which has always 
taken a prominent part in the prosecution of hiero- 
glyphic science, a brief notice of the new matter which 
has thus unexpectedly come to light ; and in order to 
make the subject more complete, I will preface the 
account with some general remarks on the early con- 
nection of the Egyptians with Babylonia and Assyria. 

It is certain that under the Eighteenth, Nineteenth, 
and Twentieth Dynasties, or from the beginning of the 
fifteenth to the end of the twelfth century B.C., the arms 


of Egypt penetrated far into Asia, and it has been 
asserted that during this period Assyria was conquered 
and Babylon even was subjected to an Egyptian in- 
fluence, Thothmes III. having set his stela at Nine- 
veh, and lapis lazuli of Babylon having been exhibited 
amongst the spoils of Rameses III. 1 Now there is no- 
thing in the Cuneiform records either to confirm or 
to disprove such a statement. No Cuneiform docu- 
ment has been yet discovered, — or at any rate deci- 
phered, — having reference to foreign conquest which is 
of an earlier date than the end of the twelfth century 
b.c. All the more ancient legends relate simply to 
domestic history, and there is nothing in the informa- 
tion thus obtained which is inconsistent with the idea 
that Rameses, or Thothmes, may have advanced as 
far as Nineveh, while Assyria was yet a mere pro- 
vincial government, dependent on the great Baby- 
lonian Empire to the south. At the same time, the 
geographical names occurring on the hieroglyphic 
tablets, which have been brought forward as evidence 
of the great extension of Egyptian power to the east, 
are a most fallacious guide. Naharayn, which is so 
constantly mentioned as the limit of Egyptian con- 
quest, and which has been identified with Mesopo- 
tamia, is, as I believe, quite a different country. 3 The 

1 See Historical Notice of Egypt in Rawlinson's Herodotus, vol. ii. 
pp. 358 and 374. 

9 It has been always assumed that the names of Naharain on the 
Egyptian monuments and of Aram Naharaim in Scripture are derived 
from the Semitic word Nahar (to) " a river/' and thus denote the 
country between the Tigris and Euphrates, which was entitled Meso- 
potamia by the Greeks ; but this etymology is anything but certain, 
for in Scripture, even, Balaam speaks of the Aram Naharaim from 
whence he was summoned by Balak, as " the mountains of the East," 


Na'iri, at any rate, known to the Assyrians, and of 
which we have the most detailed geographical notices 
in the Cuneiform inscriptions, was the country stretch- 
ing along the southern slopes of Mount Taurus, from 
the vicinity of the lake of Van to the Cilician Gates ; 3 
and most of the other Egyptian names mentioned in 
connection with Naharayn, are thus to be found, I 
think, in Northern Syria, or just within the mountain 
range. For instance, Saenkar, instead of being com- 
pared with Singar, which was a name not earlier than 
the Roman period, is in all probability the Sangar of 
the Cuneiform inscriptions, which was a city of the 
Khetta, or Hittites, near Carchemish or Mabog. There 
was a small district again, in the same vicinity, of 

a description singularly inapplicable to the plains of Mesopotamia 
(compare Numbers zxii. 5 and xxiii. 7, with Deut. xxiii. 4) ; and 
the orthography, moreover, of the Cuneiform Na'iri, if that be the 
same name as Naharayn and Naharaim, differs essentially from the 
orthography of Nahar " a river." The etymology, indeed, of the 
ethnic title of Na'iri is to be sought, in all probability, in the primi- 
tive Armenian rather than in a Semitic tongue. 

8 It would not be very easy to &x the geographical position of 
Na'iri from the Assyrian inscriptions alone, for the name is sometimes 
used to denote the extreme north-eastern limit of the Assyrian empire, 
while it is also not unfrequently spoken of in connection with Meli- 
tene, Cilicia, and the Mediterranean. Fortunately the monuments 
of Armenia enable us to verify this extraordinary geographical ex- 
tension, for we have a tablet of the kings of Na'iri as far east as 
Dash-teppeh in the plain of Miyanddb, and as far west as Malatieh 
on the Euphrates. The Upper and Lower Seas of Na'iri (see Layard's 
Inscriptions, pi. 12, 1. 14) are no doubt the lakes of Van and Uru- 
mieh, and the latter town even seems to be spoken of under the 
name of *• Hurwni of Bitan," (compare the Vitii of Strabo,) belong- 
ing to "the kings of Na'iri." (See Sardan. Annals, col. 2, 1. 13.) 
It would require a separate essay to embody all the numerous notices 
of Na'iri which occur in the Assyrian inscriptions. 


the name of Assuri, which suits the Egyptian notice 
of that country far better than the great kingdom of 
Assyria. The Khami and the Katu of the hieroglyphic 
records are both to be found in the mountains north 
of Syria. Tunp was on the upper Euphrates. The 
Tahai of the Egyptian tablets are almost certainly the 
people of Day an, the modern Dai'kh ; and even a city 
of Nuni is mentioned in the annals of the first Tig- 
lath Pileser, about b.c 1150, in the Taurus range, 
which is much more likely to have been the spot 
where Thothmes III. set up his stela, than the great 
Assyrian capital on the Tigris, which indeed in all 
probability was not built until some centuries subse- 
quently. 4 

I shall have opportunities of examining the Asiatic 
conquests of Egypt in more detail, in a paper which 
I am preparing, and shall shortly have the honour of 
reading before this Society, on the early geography of 
Syria, as preserved to us in the Cuneiform inscriptions. 
Here it will be sufficient to observe that my own re- 
searches lead me to doubt the fact of the Egyptian 
arms having ever approached the confines of Assyria 
proper, or indeed of having ever crossed to the east 
of the Euphrates. The Egyptians were essentially 
an unwarlike people, and the Khetta, or Hittites (the 
children of Heth), who were the dominant race in 
Syria from the time of Abraham to the age of Nebu- 
chadnezzar, were never sufficiently brought under the 

4 Most of these names are to be found in .the " Annals of Tiglath. 
Pileser/' published in the 'Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society,' vol. 
xviii. part 1, p. 164, but further illustrations are afforded by the 
copious annals of later monarch* which will be duly quoted in my 
paper on the " Geography of Ancient Syria." 


yoke to admit of the Egyptians pushing through their 
country to the regions beyond the Euphrates to the 
eastward, or beyond the range of Taurus to the north. 
There are some isolated points of evidence however 
which show that there was a certain connection be- 
tween the races who inhabited the valleys respectively 
of the Nile and the lower Euphrates, from the very 
earliest times. Macrobius (Sat. lib. i. c. 23) has a story, 
which cannot be altogether fabulous, of a certain Egyp- 
tian king, named Senemure, or Senepos, having sent 
an image of the Sun-god from the temple of his own 
city of Heliopolis, to be set up by an Assyrian king, 
Deleboris, in the temple of the Sun, in the Assyrian 
city of Heliopolis. The names are given both of the 
Assyrian ambassador, Opias, and of the Egyptian priest, 
Partemetis, who conveyed the image to Assyria ; and 
the god is said to have been brought back under 
certain peculiar circumstances which were well known, 
but which Macrobius did not think it worth while to 
interrupt his mythological dissertation by narrating. 
Now at an early period of my Assyrian studies, I had 
conjectured that Deleboras might possibly represent 
the name of an Assyrian king, which I then read pho- 
netically as Divanubar; but that identification has 
been long since abandoned. The king's name I now 
read as Shalmanubar, or more probably as Shalma- 
nusar ; and as the said king, whose annals are given 
in the black obelisk in the British Museum, made 
but one rapid expedition into Babylonia, for the 
purpose of supporting one brother against another in 
a disputed succession, and returned after taking the 
cities of Babylon, Borsippa, and Cutha, it is not likely 
that he should have occupied himself in regulating the 


worship of Heliopolis. Another explanation, which 
is plausible, if not entirely satisfactory, is now there- 
fore suggested in preference. Although Macrobius 
mentions Assyria, he probably meant Babylonia, the 
two names being used almost indifferently by Western 
writers ; for while there was no Heliopolis on the 
upper Tigris, there were two great cities 6acred to the 
Sun in the lower country. The most famous of these 
two, that indeed which is specially named Heliopolis 
by Berosus, and which in the inscriptions has the title 
of the "City of the Sun," had the specific local name 
of Tsibur or Tsibar, 6 and thus nearly reproduces the 
name of a Babylonian king, Tsibir, who is known from 
the inscriptions as a monarch of the ante-Assyrian 
period. 6 Supposing then that the names of Tsibir and 
Tsibur are connected, the city being named after the 
king, who may have rebuilt it and consecrated it to the 
Sun, we may here have the original of the Latin name 
of Deleboras, or as it appears in some MSS. of Ma- 
crobius, Deboras, the d taking the place of the hard 
sibilant, as in Cadytis for Khazita, Ecdippa for Achzib y 
Mygdonius from Gozan, etc. There are no means of 
determining the exact era of Deboras or Tsibir, for no 

6 This city of Tsibur, or Tsibar, is that which was known to the 
Greeks as Sippara, and in Scripture under the dual form of Sephar- 
vaim. The name was afterwards corrupted into Sura, and the city 
became very celebrated, during the early centuries of Christianity, as 
the seat of a Jewish Academy, which at that time pretty well concen- 
trated the learning of the East. The rains of Sura are still to be 
seen on the Euphrates a few miles above Babylon. 

6 The great Sardanapalus, in his Annals, col. 2, 1. 84, commemo- 
rates his restoration of a city, named AMI, in the province of Zamua, 
which had been destroyed in former time by Tsibir, king of Baby- 
lonia, giving the restored city the name of Dttr-Jshur. 


independent monuments of such a king have been yet 
discovered, but as he seems to have been one of the 
latest Babylonian kings of the ante-Assyrian period, 
he may very well have been contemporary with the 
Rameses of the Twentieth Dynasty of Egypt, whose 
prenomens of Seser-ma-ra and Setep-en-ra have been 
thought to represent Senemure and Senepos, and who, 
curiously enough, is the very king who also lent the 
image of the god Chons for three years to the king 
of the Bakhten, in order to cure his daughter, who 
was supposed to be possessed by an evil spirit. 

I may add that an Egyptian lion was, a few years 
back, excavated from the foundations of a house at 
Baghdad, which had a royal cartouche belonging to 
one of the early dynasties engraved on the neck. The 
name cannot be identified, but the relic is a certain 
proof of connection between Babylonia and Egypt in 
very remote times. Numerous fragments of ivory and 
alabaster have also been found at Nineveh, engraved 
with a name in hieroglyphics, which has been read as 
Uben Ra, or " the shining sun." This name cannot 
be referred, either in sound or meaning, to any Assy- 
rian king, and it is still a mystery to whom the title 
alludes, or to what age it belongs. In Egypt proper 
the same name is found in cartouches of the Shepherd 

Cuneiform students, and myself among the number, 
have been heretofore frequently led into error with 
respect to Egypt, in consequence of the indifferent 
application of the name of Muzur, in the Assyrian in- 
scriptions, to two entirely distinct countries. The true 
name of Egypt, as known to the Assyrians, seems to 
have been Muzur, a near equivalent of the Hebrew 


D'HSO, and Arabic ^ ; for the Assyrian usually em- 
ploys the vowel u in geographical names, where the 
Hebrew and Arabic have i, and vice versd, as in Urtsa- 
limmu for Jerusalem, Tsamirina for Shemron or Sama- 
ria, Nia for No, Mimpi for Moph, etc. In the inflected 
case, however, this name of Muzur becomes Muzri or 
Muzre, and in that form is undistinguishable, as far 
as orthography is concerned, from the title of a district, 
or province, in the Kurdish mountains to the east of 
Assyria. Careful criticism at the same time may 
determine in most cases to which country the Cunei- 
form passage refers ; and in now briefly recapitulating 
the various notices of Muzur in the inscriptions, I 
shall thus endeavour to show which apply to Egypt, 
and which have reference to the comparatively unin- 
teresting country on the Median frontier. 

1. The Muzur of the annals of the first Tiglath 
Pileser (about b.c 1150), — and this is the earliest his- 
torical record of the Assyrian kings, — is certainly the 
eastern district of that name, and not the great king- 
dom on the Nile. The mountainous and inaccessible 
character of the country, and its immediate proximity to 
Assyria, are decisive on this point ; and the geographi- 
cal names of Elamun, Tala, Kharutsa, Comani, Ayaza, 
Kapsun, etc., — which Mr. Fox Talbot, in his transla- 
tion of the annals, has endeavoured, but> with no great 
success, to torture into some resemblance to Egyptian 
names, — can for the most part be identified, from 
other sources, among the mountains of the Carduchi. 

2. The next notice of Muzur occurs on the broken 
obelisk in the British Museum, 7 which contains on one 

7 This inscription is given in the series recently published by me 
for the Trustees of the British Museum. Plate 28. 


side the record of a hunting expedition of the great 
Sardanapalus in Syria. Here, after recording the 
king's wonderful success in capturing and destroying 
a vast number of wild animals, which are named in 
the following order, — wild bulls and buffaloes (?), lions, 
wild sheep, the grey stag (or mardl), fallow-deer, wild 
goats (or ibex), leopards, tigers, bears, wolves, jackals, 
wild hog, hares, antelopes, foxes, hyaenas, wild asses, 
and a few others which have still to be identified, — 
it is said that the king of Muzur sent as a present 
a great pagut, a namtsu, ... a horned fish of the 
river, and other produce of the " Great Sea." As the 
title of the "Great Sea " is always applied to the Medi- 
terranean, and as the Assyrian king was, at the time of 
receiving the presents, in southern Syria, I presume 
that the king of Muzur in this passage really means 
the king of Egypt, and that the animals sent were 
natives of the valley of the Nile, though I have no 
means of deciding whether the names of pagut and 
namtsu applied to the hippopotamus, or rhinoceros, 
or giraffe, or some other rare African animals. From 
another inscription, however, of the same king, we 
find that on a later occasion he received both old and 
young pagut s, or pagdts, among the tribute furnished 
by the cities of Phoenicia, and that he placed them in 
the menagerie park at Nineveh, where they throve 
and bred. The Egyptian king who furnished the first 
pagut to Sardanapalus, must have belonged to the 
Twenty-second Dynasty, which is known to have culti- 
vated a close connection with Assyria, but the dates 
are not sufficiently determined to enable us to identify 
the royal donor. 8 

8 It is certainly most natural to Bupnoae the Pagut or Pagdt to 
VOL. VII. \ L 


3. The next notice of Muzur, in chronological order, 
is that contained in the third epigraph upon the 
famous Black Obelisk in the British Museum, which 
belongs to Shalmanusar, the son of Sardanapalus. 
Here the tribute of Muzur is said to consist of double* 
humped camels, a bull from the river Tsakiya, an 
animal with an horn (which is probably a rhinoceros), 
some species of deer, elephants, and apes or baboons, 
and the animals themselves are, as it is well known, 
depicted on the marble. Now when I first translated 
this document, eleven years ago, being ignorant at that 
time of an eastern Muzur, I supposed these animals to 
have been brought to Shalmanusar from Egypt. All 
the animals however seem to belong to the far East. 
The double-humped camel is a native of Bactria. The 
river TsaMya may represent the Jaxartes, or river of 
the Sacae. The rhinoceros, the elephant (which is of 
the Asiatic and not of the African type), and the apes, 
must have been brought fronj India. It must be re- 
membered too that Shalmanusar, although he was en- 
gaged in repeated wars within the Median frontier, 
and thus in all probability overran the eastern Muzur, 
of which however the name, strangely enough, is never 
mentioned in his annals, did not approach the confines 
of Egypt nearer, apparently, than the neighbourhood 
of Hamath. He was engaged in conflict both with 
Benhadad and Hazael, and received offerings from 
the Phoenician sea-ports, and even from Jehu, king of 
Samaria, but he does not seem to have ever even 
threatened Egypt, and there is no conceivable reason 

represent the Elephant, hut in the obelisk the name used to denote 
that animal is Baziat. The etymology of both of these names is 


therefore why the reigning Pharaoh should have sent 
him tribute. 

Under the three next reigns, I am not aware that 
any notice is to be found in the Assyrian annals, either 
of the eastern or the western Muzur ; and the inscrip- 
tions of Shalmaneser which follow next in chronolo- 
gical order, are too much mutilated to admit of a 
minute examination. 

It is from the time of Sargon that the Cuneiform 
notices of Egypt become frequent and regular.. This 
monarch, whose native name was Sargina, or " the es- 
tablished king," ascended the throne of Nineveh in 
b.c. 721. His first exploit was the capture of Sama- 
ria and the deportation of a portion of its inhabitants 
to Assyria ; the capital of Israel, however, took the 
first occasion to throw off the Assyrian yoke, and joined 
with Arpad, Zimirra, and Damascus, in a rebellion, 
which broke out during the very next year, 720-7 19. 9 
IluWadi, a pretender to the throne of Hamath, put him- 
self at the head of the confederacy, 10 and engaged the 
Assyrian forces at the city which is called Aroer in the 
Bible, but of which the true orthography seems to have 
been Gargaru. IluhVadi was defeated, and being taken 

9 Compare the Zemarite of Genesis z. 18, joined with the Arva- 
dite and the Hamathite. Hamath and Arpad are also usually named 
together in Scripture. Compare 2 Kings xviii. 34; xix. 13, etc. 

10 The name of this king is written indifferently as J/wbi'adi and 
Fafabi'adi, the first element being the name of God, or perhaps of a 
god, who was in Assyrian known by the double name of Yaku and Ilu. 
This is a very valuable illustration of the indifferent employment in 
Genesis of the terms of Elohim and Jehova for the true God, as wor- 
shiped by the Jews. It is embarrassing however that we are thus 
unable to decide on the true pronunciation of the name of the king 
of Hamath. 

L 2 


prisoner in the battle, was decapitated ; Aroer was 
burnt, the ringleaders of the rebellion were slain, and 
a heavy tribute imposed upon the cities engaged in it. 
The Assyrian forces then continued their march to the 
south, and encountered an Egyptian army at the city 
of Rapikh, which appears to correspond with Raphia, 
a frontier position beyond Gaza, well known in later 
history. The hostile army was led by Khanunu, king 
of Gaza, who seems to have been a tributary of Pha- 
raoh's, and by Paluhe, the Tartan, or commander-in- 
chief of the whole Egyptian army. 11 Paluhe fled from 
the field of battle and escaped, but the Egyptian forces 
were entirely defeated, and Khanunu fell into the hands 
of the victor. In the abstract record of Sargon's ca- 
reer, it would seem as if the submission of Egypt fol- 
lowed immediately on this victory, and such has been 
the explanation hitherto adopted ; but from the longer 
inscriptions of Sargon, where the various operations 
are annalized, we find that in reality several years inter- 
vened between this first success and the more formal 
humiliation of the Egyptian monarch. It was not until 
his seventh year, or b.c 715-714, that Sargon again ap- 
proached the confines of Egypt. On this occasion he 
was engaged in conflict with the Arabs, and penetrated 
far into the peninsula, for he is said to have subdued 
and carried off from the interior of the country the Ta- 
mudi the Inadidi, the Martsimani, and the Khayapa, 1 * 

11 Puluht is no doubt an Egyptian name, and may possibly mean 
" the Lion ;" his title of Tur-danu, or Tartan, is merely honorific ; the 
term signifies "the high in rank/' like the Alijak of modern Persian, 
and where it occurs in the Bible, it should be translated " General/' 
instead of being regarded as a proper name, 

18 The Thamudites are a well-known ancient tribe, belonging to 


tribes inhabiting the uncultivated (?) plains of the re- 
mote Arabia, 13 who had never before given tribute to 
Assyria, and to have settled them in Samaria ; u and it 
was in consequence of this successful inroad that the 
neighbouring princes, Pir'hu of Egypt, Tsamsi Queen 
of Arib, 15 and It'hamara the Sabaean, presented their 
offerings of gold, isbitarra (?), horses and camels. 

Egypt is again incidentally mentioned in the annals of 
Sargon's tenth year, b.c 712-71 1 ; and in this second 
passage the country is said to be under the yoke of 
^Ethiopia ; so that we are able, from a comparison of 

the central portion of Arabia, bat who, according to native tradition, 
were lost in remote antiquity. As they still occupied seats somewhere 
to the south of Arabia Petreea, in the time of Ptolemy the Geogra- 
pher, they could not have been removed bodily to Samaria by Sargon. 
The other names are obscure. In Inadidi we probably see the dupli- 
cation of the last radical, as in Libnan for Libanus, Yavnan for Yavun, 
or Yun 9 Ashdud for Azotus, etc., but I know of no ancient tribe of 
the name of Yanad. Inadidi may however simply mean the "fugi- 
tives," or even " nomades.*' Of the Martsimani and Kkayapa I can 
offer no explanation whatever. 

13 The name of Arbaya for Arabia is here written quite differently 
from Arid, which is the name uniformly used in the inscriptions for 
the country stretching from the Dead Sea to the iElanitic Gulf, and 
comprising Idumaea, Moab, and the whole extent of Arabia Petreea. 
I am obliged therefore to suppose that Arib is allied to the Hebrew 
rare Arabah, which was the name applied to the same country, 
though there is a separate Cuneiform word Khuribet, which more pro- 
perly answers to Arabah in its signification of a " desert." 

14 This Arabian colonization of Samaria is a completely new fact in 
Scripture history, and supplies an important gap, as it explains how 
Geshem the Arabian came to be associated with Sanballat in the go- 
vernment of Judaea, when the Jews under Nehemiah commenced to 
rebuild the Temple, and also how we find, at the same time, the Ara- 
bians joined with the Ammonites and Ashdodites in the army of 

15 The history of the Arib of the Cuneiform inscriptions cannot be 


Assyrian dates, to confine the period of the rise of the 
Twenty-fifth or ^Ethiopian dynasty within a narrow 
margin of three years. The notice of Egypt to which 
I now refer, occurs in the record of Sargon's Ashdod 
campaign, which is also mentioned, it may be remem- 
bered, in the twentieth chapter of Isaiah. The king 
Azuri, it is said, had been deposed from power in con- 
sequence of fomenting rebellion against Assyria, and 
his younger brother, Akhimita, had been set in his place. 
The Syrians however would not obey this new chief, 
but raised another officer, named Yavani, to the go- 
vernment. Sargon then, without waiting to assemble 
his army, proceeded With a light force to Ashdod, upon 
which Yavani fled away and escaped to the dependen- 
cies of Egypt, which were under the rule of ^Ethiopia. 

Now it is very interesting to observe that the date 
which it thus eliminated from the independent inscrip- 
tions of Assyria for the ^Ethiopian conquest of Egypt, 
coincides almost exactly with the chronology obtained 
from the historians and monumental records of Egypt. 
A comparison of the Florence column with the stelae 
discovered by Mons. Mariette, in the Apis tombs, has 
determined that the reigns of the Pharaoh Necho of the 
Bible, and of his father Psammetichus commenced re- 
spectively in b.c. 610 and b.c. 664. It is also found 
that Tirhakeh, the ^Ethiopian, immediately preceded 

conveniently discussed in a mere note. The country was usually 
governed by Queens (three of such Queens indeed are mentioned in 
the inscriptions), and as Arib is here immediately connected with the 
Sabseans, I conjecture that the Queen of Sheba who came to Solomon 
reigned over the same region. The geographical position of Arib 9 
in reference to Palestine, would sufficiently explain her title of " Queen 
of the South," without bringing her from the southern extremity of 
the Arabian peninsula. 


Psammetichus, and reigned twenty-six years, so that 
he must have ascended the throne in b.c. 690. Now 
Manetho either assigns twenty-two or twenty-four years 
to the two preceding reigns of the Shebeks, or Sabacos 
(the numbers being given differently by Africanus and 
Eusebius), and the ^Ethiopian dynasty must therefore, 
according to this calculation, have commenced either in 
b.c. 712 or 714, both of which numbers are within the 
margin ranging from the seventh to the tenth year of 
Sargon. Considering the entire independence of the 
dates which are thus examined, the coincidence of re- 
sult is certainly remarkable, and tends to the mutual 
verification of the two distinct systems of Assyrian and 
Egyptian chronology ; and from such a verification we 
shall be able, I think, in the sequel, to rectify some 
very important points of Scripture chronology. 

Sargon's annals contain no other allusion to Egypt, 
except in reference to the horses which the Assyrian 
king received from Pir'hu, and which he preserved 
with much care in the royal stables at Nineveh. 

There is however a notice of the eastern Muzur 
which is decisive as to the geographical position of the 
country, for in describing the building of the palace of 
Dur-Sargina, or Khursabad, from whence come almost 
all the inscriptions of this king, it is said that the city 
where the palace was built, and where the kings of As- 
syria had reigned for three hundred and fifty generations, 
bad been previously called Magganubba, and was si- 
tuated on a mound, above Nineveh and at the foot of 
the mountains of Muzur , evidently the great range over- 
hanging Assyria to the eastward. 

Before quitting the subject of the inscriptions of 
Sargon, it may be worth while to consider who the 


Pir'hu could have been, that gave the offerings to the 
Assyrian king in conjunction with the queen of Arib 
and the chief of the Sabaeans. The most natural ex- 
planation of the name, and that which I have hitherto 
always adopted, is that it is the simple Assyrian tran- 
scription of the Hebrew rUHD, which we pronounce 
as Pharaoh ; but it is most extraordinary that, if Pir'hu 
were thus a mere honorific title, common to all the 
Egyptian kings, it should not be applied in the Cunei- 
form inscriptions to some other monarch of the line ; 
instead of being restricted, as I believe it to be, to this 
single individual. To all appearance, it is used as a 
distinct proper name; and the question thus arises 
whether Pirhu may not rather represent the name 
which, although it has not yet been found, I believe, 
on the monuments, is given as Bocchoris by Manetho 
and Diodorus. One thing at any rate appears certain, 
that in the seventh year of Sargon, or b.c 715-14, a 
native king was on the throne of Egypt (and reigning 
apparently in the Delta, or he would hardly have been 
mixed up with Arabians and Sabaeans) ; and such a 
king, it would seem, can be no other than " Bocchoris 
the Wise," who had established his capital at Sais. 
But if such an identification be admitted, what are we 
to say to the So, king of Egypt, who had been in 
communication with Hoshea, king of Samaria, several 
years previously ? Unfortunately the Assyrian annals 
of Shalmaneser are almost entirely destroyed, owing 
apparently to the animosity displayed against him by 
the family of Sargon, who dispossessed him of the 
throne ; so that although we have in the inscriptions 
the name of Hoshea, king of Samaria, and some ac- 
count apparently of his rupture with the Assyrians, 


we can learn nothing positive of the connection be- 
tween the Israelites and the Egyptians antecedent to 
the siege of Samaria. I am at the same time entirely 
sceptical as to the identity of So with Shebek, the 
first king of the ^Ethiopian Dynasty. There is no- 
thing either in the historical or prophetical books of 
Scripture to indicate the conquest of Egypt by the 
^Ethiopians prior to the reign of Sargon. The evi- 
dence of the inscriptions is directly opposed to such 
a notion. The name of So again is very doubtful, for 
the Septuagint gives the Greek form of Sny&p; and 
even if WW be the correct orthography, it requires, I 
think, a greater amount of violence than is admis- 
sible in rendering Egyptian names in Hebrew cha- 
racters, to force the name into an identity with Shebek. 
I should rather think myself that So meant the king 
of Sais, and that the king of Egypt to whom Hoshea 
applied for support against Shalmaneser was thus the 
same Pir'hu, or Bocchoris, who a few years later gave 
tribute to Sargon. 

I now pass on to the reign of Sennacherib. The 
canon of Ptolemy, in fixing the date of Belibus at 
Babylon, whom Sennacherib placed on the throne in 
his own first year, determines the accession of the 
Assyrian monarch in 703-2. 

In Sennacherib's third year, or b.c. 701-700, the As- 
syrian arms again came in contact with those of Egypt. 
The annals say, at the close of the account of the con- 
quest of Syria, that " the princes and chiefs and people 
" of Ekron, who had revolted against Padi their king, a 
" faithful servant to Assyria, and had sent him bound 
" with fetters of iron to Hezekiah, king of Jerusalem, 
" to be destroyed, made their submission to the kings 


" of Egypt, and sought for their support. Then the 
" troops and the archers and the chariots and horses 
" of the king of Milukha, 1 * or ^Ethiopia, an innume- 
" rable host, came to their assistance. In the neigh- 
" bourhood of the city of Altaqu they took up position 
" before me and arranged their forces. With the help 
" of the god Asshur, my lord, I fought with them and 
" defeated them. The lords of the chariots and the 
" young men of the king of Egypt, and the lords of the 
" chariots of the king of Milukha (or ^Ethiopia), in the 
" course of the battle fell alive into my hands. The 
" cities of Altaqu and Tamna I attacked and took. 
" And I then went on to Ekron, and the princes and 
" chiefs who had been concerned in the revolt I took 
" and slew, and exposed their carcases on the walls 
" throughout the whole circuit of the city." The 
continuation of the record of Sennacherib's third 
year, referring exclusively to his contest with Hezekiah 
of Jerusalem, need not be here translated. 17 

The only inference of importance which I draw from 
this notice is that in b.c 700, or fourteen years after 
the ./Ethiopian conquest, there were still subordinate 
native kings presiding over the nomes of Lower Egypt. 
The petty chiefs to whom the Ekronites applied for 
succour are not included, it would seem, in the lists of 
Manetho, for the short reigns of Stephinathis and 
Nechepsus who preceded Necho, will not reach up to 

16 Milukha is the name rendered by the Greeks as Mcpoy, and pre- 
tended to be adopted from the sister of Cambyses. 

17 See the ' British Museum New Inscriptions/ pi. 38, col. 2, 1. 69, 
to pi. 39, col. 1, 1. 3. It was through my discovery of this passage 
in a MS. book of Mr. Layard's, in August, 1851, that a sure light 
was first thrown on the identification of the Assyrian Royal Names 
and the general chronology of the Cuneiform Inscriptions. 


the year 700. The ^Ethiopian lord paramount, how- 
ever, who sent his troops to oppose the Assyrians, must 
have been, I think, the second Shebek, or Sabaco ; and 
it is not at all improbable that the clay impressions of 
seals bearing the cartouche of Shebek, which Mr. Layard 
found in the palace of Sennacherib at Koyunjik, and 
which are now in the British Museum, may have been 
brought back from this successful Syrian expedition, 
in which the Egyptians were really discomfited by the 
Assyrians. The more indeed that we examine this 
period of history, and the more light that is thrown 
on it from the Egyptian and Assyrian monuments, 
the more certain does it become that there must have 
been two distinct expeditions conducted by Senna- 
cherib into Palestine, in both of which he came in 
contact with the Egyptians and ^Ethiopians. The first 
expedition, which was successful, and which is that 
described in verses 13, 14, 15 and 16 of the eighteenth 
chapter of the second book of Kings, must have taken 
place in b.c 700, in the third year of Sennacherib ; 
and, if Hezekiah had already reigned six years when 
Samaria was taken, in the twenty-seventh year of that 
king's reign. The second expedition, which was un- 
successful, and which is that described from the 17th 
verse of the same chapter of Kings, must have oc- 
curred at least ten years later, for Tirhakeh of iEthio- 
pia was certainly mixed up in it. Indeed it seems highly 
probable, from the story told to Herodotus in Egypt, 
of the fieldmice de\ouring the quivers and bowstrings 
of the Assyrians, that the ^Ethiopian army contributed 
to the discomfiture of Sennacherib before Jerusalem ; 
and the said Tirhakeh did not ascend the throne of 
Egypt till b.c 690. I should be inclined myself to 


place the second expedition as late as b.c. 688, be* 
cause, in the first place, Sennacherib lived till 680, and 
it is evident from the Scripture narrative, that his 
miserable defeat must have occurred at an advanced 
period, if not at the very end, of his reign ; and because, 
in the second place, Hezekiah is distinctly said to have 
survived his illness fifteen years ; and Merodach Bala- 
dan of Babylonia, who sent messengers to inquire about 
this illness, was driven from his country by Senna- 
cherib in b.c 702, and never again set foot in Baby- 
lon. 18 At any rate, by this exhaustive process we can 
confine the second expedition of Sennacherib, and the 
miraculous deliverance of Jerusalem, within the limits 
of b.c. 690, which was the date of Tirhakeh's acces- 
sion, and b.c. 687, which is the date of Hezekiah's 
death, obtained by reckoning fifteen years from the 
period of that illness, which must have occurred pre- 
vious to Merodach Baladan's expulsion from Babylon 
in b.c. 702. The result of this calculation however 
will be to give to Hezekiah a reign of thirty-nine years 
instead of twenty-nine as in Scripture, and we must 
further suppose that his life was only just sufficiently 
prolonged to enable him to witness the realization of 
the promise given him at the time of his repentance, 
that Jerusalem should be miraculously preserved from 
the hand of the Assyrian. 

The annals of Esar-Haddon are now to be examined. 
Those annals ought to furnish us with important 
matter regarding Egypt, for there is unequivocal evi- 

18 See the Babylonian campaign described in the first year of Sen* 
nacherib's Annals, Brit. Mus. Series, pi. 38, col. 1. After his ex- 
pulsion from Babylon, Merodach Baladan withdrew to Southern 
Chaldaea, and subsequently sought refuge in Susiana, where he died. 


dence of the Assyrians at this period having overrun 
the valley of the Nile. Unfortunately, however, the 
cylinders of Esar-Haddon which have been yet found, 
relate only to his early wars. There is, it is true; a 
notice among these early wars of his having conquered 
the country of Muzur, and planted a colony of the 
inhabitants in a position " beyond the eastern gate of 
Nineveh," but the name of the chief town that was 
captured, commencing with Arza-, is Armenian rather 
than Egyptian ; and the fact also of the colonists being 
brought to Assyria, together with a set of mountain 
animals, determines that it is the eastern and not the 
western Muzur which is commemorated in the passage 
referred to. The evidence of Esar-Haddon's Egyp- 
tian conquest is to be found in his later monuments. 
On the back of the slabs at the entrance of his palace 
at Nimrudy or Calah, which entrance is adorned with 
Egyptian sphinxes, instead of the usual Assyrian bulls, 
he calls himself " king of the kings of Egypt, and 
conqueror of ^Ethiopia ;" and the same or correspond- 
ing titles are found upon a bronze lion, which was dug 
up at Nebi Yunus, opposite to Mosul, and also on the 
slabs of Sheref Khan, which was a palace that he built, 
late in life, for the residence of his eldest son, Asshur- 
bani-pal. From the annals also of the last-mentioned 
king, I shall presently be able to furnish some details 
of Esar-Haddon's proceedings in Egypt. 

Esar-Haddon is well known from Ptolemy's canon 
to have succeeded his father Sennacherib in b.c. 680, 
and has been conjectured to have had but a short reign 
of thirteen years over the united kingdom of Assyria 
and Babylonia, Saosduchinus being given in the canon 
as king of Babylon in b.c 667 ; and the Egyptian dates, 


as I shall presently show, very nearly confirm this cal- 
culation. Tirhakeh, indeed, or Taracus, who ascended 
the throne of Egypt and ^Ethiopia in b.c. 690, and 
who is shown from one of the Apis stelae to have 
reigned twenty-six years, appears from the annals of 
Asshur-bani-pal, recently discovered, to have lived up 
to the second or third year of that monarch's reign, 
which, supposing Asshur-bani-pal to have succeeded 
his father Esar-Haddon in b.c 667, would thus give 
for the date of the ^Ethiopian king's death and the ac- 
cession of Psammetichus, b.c 665-64, the same num- 
bers, as nearly as possible, as are obtained from the 
Egyptian monuments. 

Nothing has been yet found in the Assyrian inscrip- 
tions to verify the names of Ammeris, or Stephinathis, 
or Nechepsus, who appear in the lists of Manetho as 
the three first monarchs of the Twenty-sixth Dynasty; 
but of the fourth king, Necho, the father of Psamme- 
tichus, we have a very detailed notice; and, judging from 
this notice, we may feel pretty sure that all the kings 
in question were mere viceroys of Lower Egypt, under 
the ^Ethiopians, the two first, Ammeris and Stephinathis, 
reigning at Memphis, while Sabaco and Tirhakeh were 
in the upper country, and while Sennacherib was king 
of Assyria, and the two last, Nechepsus and Necho, 
whose united reigns only amounted to fourteen years, 
being contemporary with Esar-Haddon,. and being con- 
tinued as governors of the lower country during the wars 
between that king and Tirhakeh. We shall find indeed 
presently, that when Asshur-bani-pal ascended the 
throne of Assyria in b.c 667-66, Tirhakeh the ^Ethio- 
pian was still lord paramount, and Necho was still 
reigning in Memphis and Sais, at the head of the twenty 


provincial governors, among whom were distributed 
the various cities and nomes of the Delta, and extend- 
ing up the Nile as high as Thebes. I shall now read a 
translation of the passage in the annals of Asshur-bani- 
pal relating to Necho and Tirhakeh, and leave the 
Society to judge whether I am not justified in saying 
that we have in this passage recovered a lost chapter 
of the history of Egypt. 

Translation of Passages in the Annals of Asshur-bani-pal, 
relating ts Egypt. 

" In my first expedition I went to the countries of 
Muzur and Milukha (Egypt and Meroe or ^Ethiopia). 
On a former occasion, my father, Asshur-akh-idanna 
(Esar-H addon), king of Assyria, had collected his 
forces, and had gone to that country. He had defeated 
the troops of Tarqu, king of Kuts (Taracus, or Tirha- 
keh, king of Cush, or ^Ethiopia); he had put to flight his 
officers and had subdued the whole country of Muzur and 
Kuts; he had plundered incalculable spoil of Tdrqu, and 
had taken the city of ... . (name lost), his capital city, 
where he reigned, and had added the whole country to 
the government of Assyria ; he had destroyed all the 
old cities, and had then a second time rebuilt them and 
named them afresh ; he had also appointed officers as 
kings and governors of these cities, and had caused 
them to dwell in them, and had imposed on them the 
tribute of his empire, making the city of Mempi (or 
Memphis) the seat of government." 

(This passage is taken from two mutilated fragments, 
one-half of the lines being defective throughout, and it 
is thus difficult to make any connected sense of it. 
The verbs are however throughout in the third person, 


and seem to me everywhere to refer to the past actions 
of Esar-Haddon.) 

A hiatus of some length follows, which, unfortu- 
nately, there are no means of effectively filling up, as 
one small fragment only has been yet discovered, 
referring to this portion of the expedition. I under- 
stand, however, from the fragment in question, that 
Asshur-bani-pal, before leaving Nineveh, had heard 
of Tarqu having reconquered Egypt; that when the 
Assyrian forces arrived in Egypt, the kings, and the 
governors, and the princes, and the chiefs, who had 
been raised to power by Esar-Haddon, and had been 
driven away by Tarqu, sided with the Assyrians, and 
that Asshur-bani-pal advanced, with their help, to the 
city of Kar-banit (perhaps Serbonis) . Tarqu, king of 
Muzur and Kuts, hearing of the progress of the expe- 
dition, then assembled his men of war, and sent them 
to oppose the invaders. From this point the inscrip- 
tion is continued uninterruptedly, with the mutilation 
of a few words only, for some fifty lines, and we thus 
obtain a passage of very considerable interest, both his- 
torically and geographically. I translate literally. 

" In the service of Asshur, chief of the great gods, 
my lords, I engaged with his wide-spreading army, 
and defeated his troops. Tarqu % being in the city of 
Memphis, heard of this defeat of his army. The terror 
of the god Asshur overpowered him, and the fear of 
the might of my empire overwhelmed him, so that he 
removed the images of the gods of his country, and 
having left the city of Memphis, he fled, in order to 
save his life, to the city of Nxa (No, or Thebes). This 
city also I took, and having refreshed my forces, I 
placed them within it." 


" 1 . Niku, king of the city of Mimpi and Tsai (Mem- 
phis and Sais). 

2. Sar-Aih-dairi, king of Zianu (Zoan, or Tanais). 

3. Pisankhur, king of Natkhu (the isle of Natho). 

4. Pakrur, king of Pisabat. 

5. Pukkunanniapi, king of Khattirib (Athribis). 

6. Nakh-ke, king of Khinins (Henes, or Khenes). 

7. Puthu-basti (Petubastes), king of Zaka .... 

8. Hunamuna, king of Nala . . . . 

9. KharziyJsu, king of Zapnu .... 

10. Puhu-aima, king of Bindi (Mendes?). 

1 1 . Tsutsinqu (Sesonchis), king of Pu 

12. Minakhti, king of Pu 

13. Pukkunanniapi, king of Akh .... 

14. Ipti-kharthesu, king of Pizatti-khurunp. 

1 5. Nakhti-khuru-antsini, king of Pisabthi-nut. 

1 6. Pvkur-ninip, king of Pakh-nut. 

17. Zikha, king of Siyaut (Siyout, or Lycopolis). 

1 8. Lamint a, king of Khimun (Chemnis, or Panopolis) . 

19. Ispi-mathu, king of Tain (Thinis). 

20. Mantimiankhe, king of Ni'a (No, or Thebes). 

" These kings, governors, and princes (sarin, simin, 
va kipani), whom the father who begot me had ap- 
pointed to power throughout the land of Egypt, and 
who, from the fear of Tarqil, had abandoned their go- 
vernments and fled, returned to their respective posts, 
and I reappointed each of them in his government. 
The country of Muzur and Kuts (Egypt and ^Ethiopia), 
which the father who begot me had conquered, I thus 
gained a second time ; and I strengthened the chiefs 
more than formerly, and bound them in a covenant. 
Then with much gain and a heavy spoil, I returned 
victoriously to Nineveh. 



" Afterwards these kings, whom I had severally ap- 
pointed, lapsed from their allegiance." (On an im- 
perfect duplicate fragment it is said that the insurrec- 
tionary movement was commenced by Niku and Pak- 
rur, the respective kings of Mimpi and Pisabat.) 
" They did not observe the worship of the great gods, 
they neglected their duties, they inflated their hearts, 
they trusted to their strongholds, and organized their 

(A passage of considerable length follows, describing 
he progress of the revolt, the communication of the 
malcontents with Tarqu f the measures adopted by the 
commanders of the Assyrian garrisons for restoring 
order, the seizure and imprisonment of many of the 
rebel leaders (Niku being again named), the punishment 
of the cities in the Delta chiefly implicated, Sais, Bindi 
or Mendes (?), and Zoan, etc. Many of the paragraphs 
contained in this passage are of so very difficult and 
novel a construction that 1 cannot venture at present 
on a literal or connected translation. The narrative, 
moreover, breaks off suddenly, owing to the defective 
state of the cylinders, and we are thus left in doubt as 
to the fate of Tarqu and Necho. Reverses, however, 
must have been subsequently sustained by the Assyrian 
garrisons; for when the narrative recommences, we find 
a chief of the name of Urdamand ruling in Egypt, not 
as king, but as a lieutenant, probably on the part of 
Tarqu). The history is thus continued : — 

" In my second expedition I again bent my way to 
the country of Muzur and Milukha. Urdamanf heard 
of the progress of my expedition, in which I trampled 
victoriously on the land of Egypt. Having left the 
city of Memphis, in order to save his life, he fled away 


to the city of Nt'a (No, or Thebes). The kings, the 
governors, and the princes whom I had before placed 
throughout the land of Egypt, came to my presence, 
and kissed my yoke. I then marched in pursuit of 
UrdamanS. I reached the city of NVa, his stronghold. 
The fear of my powerful array of battle prevailed, so 
he left the city of NVa, and fled away to the city of 
JSpkip. 19 This city I besieged ; by the power of Asshur 
and Istara it fell into my hands. Gold and silver and 
precious stones, the wealth of his palace of every sort, 

dyed garments, captives, male and female, two 

jet or ebony,' and ivory, etc., for the adornment of the 
gate of my hall of audience, I carried off to Nineveh. 
The spoil of the expedition was beyond calculation. 
Then I executed UrdamanJ in the city of NVa, and 
having appointed governors and exacted hostages, 
and imposed the tribute of my empire, I returned to 

(The latter portion of this passage is very imperfect, 
and the sense can only be conjectured, but the phrases 
are apparently of the standard type, and there is not 
much chance therefore of error in restoring the defec- 
tive words.) 

Now there can be no doubt but that this is genuine 
history, and that it is important in many points of 
view. The names, both of the kings and of the cities 
where they ruled, are highly interesting, as illustrative 
in some cases of Greek and Hebrew orthography, and 
as showing in others that the ordinary pronunciation 
in Egypt in the seventh century b.c, resembled the 
later Coptic rather than the grammatical forms of 

w This place should he higher up the river than Thebes, hut I 
have sought in vain for its Egyptian or Greek representative. 



hieroglyphic writing. I shall therefore examine the 
names in regular order. 

1 . Niku or Necho, the father of Psammetichus, and 
grandfather of Pharaoh Necho, is said to have reigned 
at Memphis and Sais. The Cuneiform Mimpi for Mem- 
phis is exactly the Coptic Ueutqi and Arabic <_JuU, 
Minf, and departs widely from the hieroglyphic Men- 
nufr. Tsai, also, is exactly the Greek Sais and Coptic 
CA.I. The name of Neku occurs in the hieroglyphs, but 
the signification is doubtful. 

.2. The name of the second king is Assyrian, but is 
doubtfully read. It is probably Sar-etik-'dairi or Sar- 
zabad-dairi, the middle element being a monogram 
with many different powers and senses. The king 
himself had been thirty years previously employed by 
Sennacherib in the government of Ascalon, and his 
father, Rukibut (the charioteer?), is mentioned in the 
earlier period of Shalmaneser, in connection with 
Tmmsi, the sun-worshiper, queen of Arib. The name 
of the city of Zi'anu, nearly reproduces the Hebrew 
Zoan and Greek Tanis, and may be compared both 
with the hieroglyphic t(j)ani and Coptic XA.riH. 

3. Pisankhur is the hieroglyphic pee-san-har, the 
son of Horus ; Natkhu is probably the Isle of Nathu. 

4. Pakrur of Pi-sabat presents many difficulties. 
The name of Pakrur is, I feel pretty sure, Egyptian 
rather than Assyrian, but the etymology is obscure ; 
and Pi-sabat, although signifying the fort par excellence, 
and thus most applicable to a stronghold, is not known 
in the geography of the Nilitic valley, unless indeed it 
can be identified with the Aevtcov t&xo$ of the Greeks. 
As Pakrur and Niku were associated as leaders of the 
revolt against Assyria, I should at any rate suppose 


Pi-sabat to be immediately contiguous to Memphis. 
Fostat, I may add, answers both in sound and posi- 
tion ; but it is not, I believe, an old name. 

5. Pukkunanniapi is a title which occurs in two in- 
stances, and ought therefore to be sufficiently intelligi- 
ble : but beyond the name of Api, or Apis, at the end 
of the word, nothing can be made of it. The city of 
Khattirrib, or Athribis, gave its name to a nome ; in 
Coptic it is A.epH&i. 

6. The name of Nakh-ke is also unintelligible ; but 
Khinins is in all probability the D3H of Scripture, 
otherwise called Heracleopolis. The Arabic form was 

From 7 to 13 % the geographical names are all imper- 
fect, but I should expect to find the cities which they 
indicate in a regular ascending series along the Nile. 
The proper names of the kings admit more or less of 

7. Puthu-basti is the Peto-bastis of Manetho ; pet- 
sa-bast in hieroglyphics, signifying " the approved son 
of Bubastis." 

8. Hunamuna : the last element is no doubt the god 

9. Kharziyesu seems to be har-sa-hes, "Horus, 
son of Isis." 

10. Puhu-aima cannot be explained, but is Egyptian. 

1 1 . Tsutsinqu is exactly the Sesonchis of Manetho, 
and Sheshenk of the hieroglyphics. 

12. In Minakhti, the last element means " strong." 
13 is the unintelligible word Pukkunanniapi, for the 

second time. 

14. In Iptirkhar-tesu we seem to have the names of 
Phtah, Horus, and Isis ; and in the first element of 


the geographical name of Pizatti-kkurunp, where he 
reigned, we seem to have the hieroglyphic Pi-zaza, 
which was the native name of Diospolis Parva. 

15. The fifteenth name is Nakhti-khuru-anteini, of 
which the first two elements answer to Nekhti (the 
strong) and Har (Horus) of the hieroglyphics ; and the 
geographical name of Pi-sabdinut would mean " the 
fort of the god," as Pakh-nut, the next name, would 
stand for " the city of the god/' though neither of such 
names are known in Egyptian geography. 

16. Pukur-Ninip, for the sixteenth king, who reigned 
at Pakhnut, is undoubtedly an Assyrian name, signi- 
fying "the offspring of Ninip," or Hercules. 

The four last geographical names are found in regu- 
lar order along the Nile, from south to north. Siyaut 
is the ssaut of the hieroglyphics, Coptic cioonre 
and Arabic tjj-ol, answering to the Lycopolis of the 

Khimun is khemmen in the hieroglyphs, yytxm in 
Coptic, and Panopolis in Greek, and *x*±J in Arabic. 

Tain is tenee in the hieroglyphs and Slvis in 
Greek, which gave its name to the Thinite nome ; and 
Ni'a is the No-Amon 20 of the Bible, which was the 
Semitic name for the great Thebes, though it seems to 
have been unknown in the country. 

Of the names of the four last kings, Zikha hardly 
seems to be Egyptian. Laminta may be for ra-mbn-ter, 
an old prenomen occuring at this period, and referring 
to Men, the god of Chemmis. Ispi-matu is very like 
an Egyptian compound, but gives no intelligible sense ; 

30 The etymology of this name has never yet been satisfactorily 
determined, bat perhaps nu or it A.* signifying " the place" xar Ifrxi 1 '' 
gives the most reasonable explanation. 


and even the compound Manti-mi-ankM, though it 
signifies " the living one, beloved of Mentu," is not 
known as a proper name. 

There seems every reason to believe that the geo- 
graphical order is from north to south. Memphis, 
Sais, and Tanis, are first mentioned, as of most import- 
ance. Then follow the great cities of the Delta,. 
Natho, Pi-Sabat, and Athribis ; and afterwards, from 
Khenes to Thebes, it is probable that the cities are 
enumerated along the banks of the river in direct suc- 
cession, though it is impossible to read the names of 
many of them ; and several which can be read, are 
not to be identified, as they were probably the mere 
temporary titles which were imposed by the Assyrian 
conquerors. It is only proper to state, that in this 
examination of the historical and geographical names 
of Egypt which occur in the inscription of Asshur- 
bani-pal, I have mainly followed the authority of Mr. 
Poole, in which I believe Mr. Birch also concurs. 

I now close my paper with a few general remarks. 
The historical and chronological results of the extract 
from the annals of Asshur-bani-pal, are, I think, as im- 
portant as the etymological and geographical consi- 
derations furnished by our examination of the proper 
names are curious. It is no small thing to have 
rescued from oblivion a chapter in the life of Tirha- 
keh, or Taracus, who is classed by Megasthenes among 
the greatest of Oriental conquerors. It is not less 
satisfactory to have succeeded in showing how exactly 
the Assyrian dates agree with the canon of Ptolemy 
on the one side, and with native Egyptian chronology 
on the other ; for supposing that Tarqu died in the 
third year of Asshur-bani-pal, that is, immediately after 


the Assyrian king's return from his second Egyptian 
expedition, — the very same year of b.c. 665-64 will be 
obtained for the accession of Psammetichus, which has 
already been determined from the Florence and Apis 
stelae, compared with the statements of Herodotus 
and Manetho. The true explanation, which is further 
obtained, of the Dodecarchy described by Herodotus, 
anterior to the accession of Psammetichus, is equally 
important to the study of history ; and even the recti- 
fications which we are able to make of the mistakes of 
Herodotus, in passing over Tarakus, and giving to 
Sabaco alone the full period of fifty years which really 
> belonged to the whole ^Ethiopian dynasty, and in as- 
cribing the death of Necho to the same Sabaco, rather 
than to his successor Tarqd, or Taracus, should be 
gratifying to all lovers of truth. Lastly, I believe that 
a service has been done to Biblical criticism, in show- 
ing that the events recorded -in Scripture, with regard 
to the mutual relations of Hezekiah, Sennacherib, and 
Tirhakeh, can be reconciled with the contemporary 
history of the Assyrians and Egyptians, with no fur- 
ther violence to the Hebrew text, than the simple al- 
teration of the number twenty-nine to thirty-nine, in 
reference to the length of Hezekiah's reign, and the 
substitution of Hezekiah's twenty-seventh for his four- 
teenth year, as the date of Sennacherib's first invasion 
of Palestine. 




(Read March 13, 1861.) 

Under this head I propose here to examine several 
passages which occur in one of the British Museum 
inscriptions, and which appear to present points of 

(1.) On the Antiquity of Coined Money. 

Various opinions have been entertained respecting 
the age and country which first adopted the practice 
of coining money. According to Herodotus (i. 94) the 
Lydians are entitled to the honour of this invention. 
We are assured that no coins have yet been found either 
in Assyria or Egypt, 1 notwithstanding the zealous re- 
searches of antiquarians and the numerous excavations 
which have been made. Yet the precious metals have 
been employed, from time immemorial, 3 for effecting 

1 Bawlinson's ' Herodotus/ vol. i. p. 684 : — " It is certainly most 
remarkable that among the numerous remains of Egyptian and As- 
syrian antiquity which have come down to 08, not a single coin has 
been yet found." 

* Abraham bought the field of Machpelah of Ephron the Hittite, ■ 
and " weighed to him the silver which he had named in the audience 
of the sons of Heth, four hundred shekels of silver, current money 
with the merchant." — Ibid. 


the payments necessary in the daily concerns of life. 
The metal was weighed : the value was of course in 
proportion to the weight 

Now this was all very well for large payments, — of 
a hundred talents, for instance, or even of one talent. 
But how was it in the daily transactions of life between 
private individuals ? — did the seller of a loaf of bread 
weigh the small piece of metal which was offered to 
him in exchange ? Surely the simple expedient must 
have occurred to some one, of cutting the metal into 
convenient lumps of moderate size, and stamping on 
them some mark or symbol which was known to ex- 
press some determinate value. 

I propose in the following pages to examine a pas- 
sage which I have found on the cylinder of Sargon, 
which is preserved in the British Museum, and which, 
if it bears the interpretation which I attribute to it, 
appears to throw some light upon this difficult subject. 

I shall examine minutely the words of the record, in 
order to enable scholars to judge of the truth of the 
translation, and to suggest the true interpretation, if 
the present one should prove to be inaccurate. 

The commencement of the inscription on this cylin- 
der is occupied in the usual manner by an enumera- 
tion of the victories gained by the king, and the names 
of the monarchs and cities subdued by him. After 
which, at line 40, the following passage occurs : — 

[40] Hma zigir sumi-ya sha ana nassarikti u mishari su> 
sutishur la likhi la kabalat simbu inni Hi Rabi. 

[41] kaship asibut ir shasu ki pi ummati sha yamanu-su, 
kaspa u takabar ana inni-sun wetaru. 

[42] assu rikkati la rusie, sha kaship asibut la tsibu : asib 
mikhar, asib akhar, panu-sun attan sunuti. 


[40] As the great gods have given renown to my name, 
which is triumphant and victorious, so also have they given 
to me the government of affairs unconnected with battle and 

[41] The money of the inhabitants of this city (as with 
unanimous voice they decreed) I renewed, both in silver and 
copper, in accordance with their prayers. 

[42] I made coins, but not of gold (which money the 
people did not wish for), and gave them to the inhabitants, 
both present and future, to be their own property. 

Omitting the words which very frequently occur, 
and concerning the meaning of which there can be no 
question, I will examine those which are of rarer oc- 

Nassarikti u mishari : so in the Bellino cylinder (1. 3), 
Sennacherib calls himself nassarikti rahim mishari. But 
the meaning of this phrase is uncertain. 

Sar mishari, probably " triumphant king," is a title 
of Nebuchadnezzar. 

Nassar, or natsir, appears to mean victory : also an 
eagle, which is the emblem of victory. 

Nassar means victory also in Egyptian (Bunsen, quo- 
ting Rosellini, Monumenti del Culto, plate xviii.). In 
Coptic, nosher is a vulture. But the vulture was the 
emblem of victory in Egypt. 

Sutishur, regulation, direction, order, or good go- 
vernment, is a common word : ex. gr. sutishur nisi, 
the government of men : sutishur mutsi mie, the care 
or due regulation of the watercourses (Birs Nimrud, 
col. i. 32), etc. Hence comes mustishir, a governor, 
and the verb ustishir, I set in order, etc. 

La likhi, are things or persons not warlike, or not 
connected with arms and victory : from lihu or likhu, 


which occurs in the sense of warrior or conqueror, as 
in the name of King Ashur-lihu (Ashur the Warrior : 
or, Ashur is victorious) , who had another name, Ashur- 
tzu of the same import. Other persons had similar 
names, as San-tzu, Nebo-tzu, in honour of the gods 
San and Nebo. When a king relates the capture of a 
city, he generally adds likhi-sun ashbit, " I seized their 
likhi," perhaps their warriors. 

La kabalat (or perhaps we should read, la kabalin), 
has much the same meaning: unwarlike things or per- 
sons, affairs of peace, or, as we should say, " civil af- 
fairs," in contradistinction to " military " ones. (The 
latter had in Assyria a vast prominence.) This expres- 
sion is derived from kabal, battle, a word of continual 
occurrence. Sirribu, they have given ; inni 9 to me. - 

N.B. The cuneiform sign for in has been misprinted, 
that for $ar (a king) having been substituted for it, I 
do not find a verb simbu in Hebrew ; but perhaps it 
was pronounced subu (as the name of the god IM was 
was also sometimes pronounced HU or U). 

Subu, would be, " they gave abundantly," from 
Hebrew JQtP, satiare, to fill full ; which is followed by 
a double accusative of the person and thing. (See Ge- 
senius's Lexicon, p. 955. To save trouble to scholars 
who may wish to verify the Hebrew words quoted in 
this paper, I add the page in which they are to be 
found. The edition employed is the Latin one, Leip- 
zig, 1833.) 

Kaship I translate " money," from 2tPn, kasheb, to 
compute or to count (Gesenius, 377). So also in mo- 
dern Arabic, but pronounced hasheb. Doubtless from 
from the same root as DD3, kaspa, " silver," also used 
in Hebrew for "money" generally. So, in French, 


argent means "money," whether it be of silver or 

It sham, " the city itself;" but we may more con- 
veniently translate " this city." 

Ki, with : pi, a voice, Hebrew ■*). We say " a vote," 
but the French, une voix. Compter les voix, to count 
the votes ; plurality des voix, etc. So the Germans 
say Stimme (a voice), in the sense of a vote. Einstim- 
mig, with one voice ; una ore, unanimous. Stimmen- 
mehrheit, majority of votes, etc. 

Ummati, same, similar, unanimous: from umma, 

similiter. The sign jTr is an error of transcription 

for 8T 

In another inscription the king imposes a tribute on 
the provinces with an equal {ummati) hand ; that is, 
fairly and justly. 

Sha, which. Yamanu-su, they decreed it : from 
amdn, JDN, to affirm or ratify. J13QN, amana, statu- 
tum, decretum, 

Wetaru, I restored ; ana inni-sun, according to 
their prayers. Here some obscurity arises from the 

ambiguity of the sign >*TT which has, besides its usual 

value of Bel, a Lord, two others, namely in and ad. I 
have here supposed' in to be its value, in which case 

the plural >TT Mfc will be inni, signifying prayers, 

Hebrew |n, hin (" preces," Gesenius, 353.) But it may 

be read ad ; and if so, the plural vT T T«< will be 

adut. This also offers a convenient sense ; for it may 
be the Hebrew n\Vf 9 adut, law ; which would give the 
reading, — 


Kaspa u takabar ana adut-sun wetaru. 

I restored the silver and copper coins to their lawful value. 

Perhaps base coin had been issued during the trou- 
bles which preceded Sargon's accession to the throne, 
for he was a usurper. 

Proceeding to the next line, the king says : — Assu, I 
made (Hebrew asah, TWV, to make). 

Rikkati, coins : or pieces of stamped money. This 
is the most important word. I can hardly doubt that 
it comes from the Hebrew ypl, rika> which means, to 
strike metal with a hammer so as to spread it out. 
Gesenius explains it, tundendo expandit, aut diduxit, ut 
laminam, malleo. Hence the substantive D^ypH, for 
lamina of metal. Hence also the more forcible verb 
p|Tl, of reduplicate form, explained by Gesenius tutu- 
dit ; tundendo expandit. 

If these pieces of silver and copper, used for money, 
were not coins, but pieces of given weight, to what 
purpose should they be beaten or spread out with 
hammers ? If they were not coins, they were laminte ; 
but surely such would be inconvenient in practice, and 
unsuited to the affairs of life. 

La rusie, "not made of gold." Rusie, golden, is a 
common word : it much resembles the Greek '/pwros. 

Sha kaship, " which money ;" asibut, " the inhabi- 
tants;" la tsibu, did not wish for. This important 
word is the Chaldean tsiba, N12, to wish (see Gesenius, 
p. 852), whence the substantive tsibu, 132, a wish. The 
Hebrew takes the form rQ2, to wish : usually substi- 
tuting n for the Chaldee N. I first perceived the 
meaning of this word, in an interesting passage in one 
of the Achsemenian inscriptions (Westergaard's H, line 


20), in which Darius, after enumerating many of the 
nations of his extended empire, adds : 

TSIBBU sha anaku bilemi ashkunussun. 

They wished that I should enact laws for them. 

This agrees with the epithet the Achsemenian kings 
bestow upon themselves, " the great lawgiver." As 
to the assertion which the king here makes, viz. that 
the people did not wish for gold coin, the fact probably 
was, that he had himself taken all the gold and em- 
ployed it for his own aggrandisement. 

Asib mikhar, asib akhar, " the present and future 
inhabitant, or citizen," appears to be in the singular 
number. Perhaps we ought to add plural endings to 
the whole, as the words in these inscriptions are fre- 
quently written short in order to save space and trouble 
of writing. But the sense would remain the same. 

I think mikhar means present. The preposition 
mikhrat, " opposite," or "near to, and by the side of," 
is very common. So in German, die Gegenwart or 
gegenwdrtige Zeit, " the present time," is derived from 
the preposition geg en, "opposite." The Greeks use 
vapa, as irapeoma, " things present," in Homer. 

Akhar is Hebrew TIN, sequens : posterior. nHHN, 
akharith, posteri : posterity or future generations (Ge- 
senius, 41). So dur akharoft, aetas postera (Ps. xlviii. 
14) ; yom akharon, tempus posterum (Prov. xxxi. 25). 

The phrases weshagila panussun and panu-sun attan 
have the same meaning, viz. " I gave it to them in 
full possession." These phrases occur very commonly. 

Attan, I gave : first person singular of the verb 
natan, to give, Hebrew JH3. The Hebrew language 
also rejects the initial n of this verb (as well as of most 



others which begin with n) from several of the moods 
and tenses. Thus ]r0 has for its future |r»\ and for 
its imperative |H, tan, or run, tanah. 

Sunuti, unto them ; panu-sun, as their property. 

(2.) Temple Worship. 

Immediately after this, follows a very curious but 
difficult passage. The king, still speaking of his civil 
rule and his wish to promote the welfare of the citi- 
zens, continues thus (line 43) : — 

Alsu banie-su mikhrat uksu : 
val ana > >4 . . . . ga 

u > >■ ■ Babelaiti inuti nishaeti talhtni 
as timiki weshakki. 

The meaning of which I believe to be : 

I watched over (or protected) their female children until 
they married. I would not permit handsome damsels of the 
upper classes to offer prayers and supplications in the temple 
of the Babylonian goddess. 

The first clause is obscure. The verb alsu is un- 
known to me ; but if it is the same as arsu, it implies 
kindness. Compare the phrase rima arsi-su> " I pitied 
him." I have therefore translated it, " I protected." 

Uksu, literally, " they were veiled." HDD, kasah, 
to veil oneself (Genesis xxxviii. 14, etc.); mDD, kasut, 
a veil. This word occurs in Genesis xx. 1 6 : kasut 
ainim, a veil over the eyes. The interpreters under- 
stand that passage to mean, that Abimelech gave 
Sarah one thousand shekels to purchase a veil, that all 
might see she was a married woman (ut omnibus pateat 


tc esse marito nuptam). Gesenius disapproves of this 
interpretation, but it seems to be borne out by this As- 
syrian text. If so, we may translate uksu, " they were 

In the name of the second goddess the sign sat 
seems to be an error of transcription for the usual bob. 

The name of the city Babylon, with TX TX added, 

is used for Babylonian ; but here we find the feminine 
ending ait or aiti (as in Kar-Sarginaiti), and therefore 

with > m prefixed it means a Babylonian goddess. 

Probably Mylitta was meant. 

Inuti, or enuti 9 fern. plur. " beautiful :" from ]PT, or 
pn, gratia, pulchritudo : as ]T1 pN, lapis pulcher, a 
precious stone ; pi rby*, rupicapra venusta (Gesen. 336 
and 353). 

•Om ■■IQ, beni hinni, handsome children (Buxtorf, 

Similarly a woman is said to be saphirat hin, " ele- 
gans, vel gratia pradita" (ibid.). 

Nishaeti, women : fern, of nishi 9 men. So in the 
East India House inscription, where a new palace is 
built, and the prayer is uttered, " May this palace ever 
be inhabited by a race of warlike kings, and of vir- 
tuous women, their queens 1" kalati nishaeti, bilat-zun ; 
where kalati is the fern. plur. of Hebrew TTT, virtuous ; 
«?. gr. TTT rWK, uxor proba (Ruth iii. 11). 

Taliuni, of the higher ranks : plural of feminine form, 
from Hebrew aliun, p^y, superior. 

Timiki is used for prayers to the gods in Tiglath 
Kleser, viii. 26 : timik ikribi-ya lishmiu! " may they 
hear the voice of my prayers 1" It is used for tears 
and supplications addressed to a monarch, in Botta, 



pl. 151, last line: In tzupie u timiki wetsalla annima, 
" he besought me with sighs and tears." Wetsalla is 
from Hebrew tsala, VOX, oravit : precatus est. 

The etymology of timiki is perhaps from Hebrew 
yi27 or njJDT, lacryma (in case the y in this word had 
the force of ghain). 

Weshakki. This verb is employed in many senses. 
I have rendered it provisionally, " to permit/' 

(3.) Auguries. 

In the same inscription (line 45) we read, that when 
Sargina was about to build his palace at Khorsabad (in 
the ruins of which so many rare antiquities have been 
found) he consulted the prophets and augurs. They 
named, most probably, some lucky day for laying the 
foundation-stone of the building. But, what is very 
curious, we find that the king was prompted by a su- 
perstitious feeling to build the palace of such a size 
that the number of cubits contained in its area corre- 
sponded exactly with the number of his own name ! 
— so ancient was the idea that the letters in a man's 
name, translated into numbers, had a mysterious in- 
fluence over his destiny, and so far was it from being 
only a late Jewish superstition. It follows that Sargina 
must have used habitually an alphabetic and not the 
cuneiform writing ; for can we suppose that numerical 
values attached to all the cuneiform signs, so that a 
cuneiform name could be read with certainty as a 

I will now adduce the original passages, and analyze 

[Line 45.] . ... Art uthuni eli nabi Makri bieti-ya mahatish 
ikhibu, epish ir khirie [nahlt] yekbuni. 


[46] namtimasrm la muspili la takilu bakhulati-ya gashati 
athie, maltha musikki weshassi. 

[45] From their auguries, on (which) the prophets of the 
gods my lords greatly relied, they commanded me to build 
my city by the stream of a river. 

[46] In obedience to their oracles, which never fall to the 
ground, and which are never deceitful, I assembled my gallant 
soldiers, and selected a vast number of captives. 

The account then goes on to describe the building, 
which was reared mainly by the labour of these cap- 
tives : the soldiers were there to guard them. Some- 
times however we find the soldiers themselves at work 
by the king's order. 

I pass to the examination of the words of the text. 

Uthuni : Hebrew utzun or hatzun, pTH, visio divina, 
revelatio divina, oraculum, Daniel i. 1 7, etc. (Gesenius, 
p. 328). 

Eli, prep. upon. 

Nabi, prophets : the same in Hebrew. 

Makri, the gods : properly " their majesties." This 
word is not so common as ilu ; but in the great in- 
scription of the East India House, Nebuchadnezzar 
prepares a splendid gift for his god Marduk, and then 
brings it to Babylon, and dedicates it " to his ma- 
jesty," Makri-su. Another inscription about a temple 
ends with a prayer to the god: "This building may 
thy majesty protect !" litzuru Makhar-ka I I am ra- 
ther inclined to think that the Greeks took hence their 
Maxapes Oeoi aiev comes, at least the Greek language 
itself affords no etymon for fuucap. 

The other words in this line are of frequent occur- 
rence. A river is denoted by a special symbol. I 
have therefore substituted the Hebrew 'jTO, which oc- 
curs sometimes in the inscriptions. 


In line 46, nannimassun, may be thus analyzed : — 
The preposition ana, when it begins a sentence, is 
often shortened into na y from rapid pronunciation, as 
na shatti, for ana shatti, " in honour of." Hence the 
word is ana-annima-sun, " according to their oracles." 
Annam is Assyrian for the Hebrew annan 9 an oracle, 
py , augurans, divinans : prastigias fecit : artibus rnagicis 
usus est (Gesenius, 783). 

This change of m and n is frequent. We find, for 
instance, the Hebrew p3jr changed to pny in Assyrian. 

We see that annima-sun was pronounced annimassun, 
so panusun, panussun (belonging to them). 

Ashkunu-sun, ashkunussun (I appointed for them). 

This illustrates the doctrine of enclitic particles in 
Greek. The final sun had no accent, consequently a 
strong accent fell on the penultimate syllable. 

La muspili, which never falls to the ground : from 
bstif. This verb is applied in Daniel v. 19, and vii. 
24, to kings overthrown and fallen (Gesenius, 1033). 

La takiluy " which are never deceitful :" from nakal, 
7D3, to deceive (Gesenius, 668). This verb must be 
carefully distinguished from ^Dn, in Syriac, "to hope," 
" to trust." This latter verb is very common in Assyrian, 
as wetakkil, I trusted ; ittaklu, they trusted, etc. One 
of the ancestors of Tiglath Pileser was called Mutakkil 
Nebo, " the truster in Nebo. ,> And there is a statue 
of Nebo in the British Museum which contains a 
prayer for the health of King Pui and his wife Semi- 
ramis II., in which the god is invoked by the title 
of Nebo-natkil, "Nebo the Refuge, or the god on 
whom we trust." Compare the modern Madonna del 
soccorso. But verbs so nearly resembling in sound, 
yet differing widely in meaning, must sometimes have 
given rise to equivoques. And in this instance there 


seems to be an intentional play on wards in the statue 
of Nebo aforesaid ; I mean the passage where he is 
called — 

Nebo natkil, ilu sha nim la ishtakkiL 

Nebo the refuge, the god who never deceives. 

Bakhulati are generally " young soldiers/' but some- 
times only " young men." Gashati, valiant ; and atkie, 
I assembled, occur frequently. 

Malthuy an abundance : from Hebrew vho, to be 
full, to abound. 

Musikki, captives, occurs very frequently. The 
etymology is rather obscure, but I think it must be 
from ptn, hezek, to bind strongly. 

Weshassi, or weshatsi, means "I separated some 
things from others ;" probably from HSTT, khatzeh, in 
Assyrian shatzeh, to cut off, divide, or separate. Thus 
when the King leaves his chariots behind, on account 
of the badness of the mountain roads, he says : Ana 
tikkati weshassi, " I separated them, and left them on 
the plain/ 9 

N.B. In this word the last sign ^^- is an error of 

transcription for O^* 

I now proceed to another portion of the text (line 
55), where we find a series of numbers. The sign <flr 
is four times repeated, then T^ three times ; then fol- 
low one vas (or sus), three kani y and two hu 9 which 
last we know to be cubits, since the word is explained 
by amma in the East India House inscription (Hebrew 
omnia, riDDN, a cubit). 

I am unable to say what sum these numerals when 
added together amount to. But there immediately 


follows, NUnt mu-ya 9 "the number of my name/ 9 
misikhti tiUsu ashkunu, " I determined should be the 
measure of the palace." 

Nibit is sometimes used for name (as ashkira nibit- 
zu), and sometimes for number, as in the phrase, la 
nibi, numberless. 

Mu, a name, occurs very frequently. It interchanges 
with Sumu (Hebrew Dtt>, a name). In fact mu may 
have been an old Hamitic word which continued to be 
written so, though pronounced sumu. This however 
is of no importance. 

Misikhti, the measure, from Hebrew misikh, ntPD, 
mensus est: mensuravit (Gesenius, 625). 

Bellino, line 52, amsukh rnisikhta, I measured the 

Til, is sometimes a vast building ; sometimes the 
platform on which it stands. 

Ashkunu, I fixed, established, settled, etc., is a very 
common verb. It is the Hebrew ptt>, but the mean- 
ing is more forcible. 

The " number of a man's name " brings to mind a 
passage in the Apocalypse. 

Returning once more to the passage quoted from 
one of the Achsemenian inscriptions, where Darius 
says that the nations wished him to enact laws for 
them, it recalls to mind the very similar passage of 
Virgil, in praise of Augustus : — 

" Victorque volentes 
Per populos DAT JURB." 

Georg. iv. 561. 

I have translated IAhu (line 40) a Warrior or Con- 
queror. In support of this I may refer to line 21 of 
this inscription, where Sargon calls himself the Lihu 
(or conqueror) of the Pirates of the Ionian Sea. 




(Read March 13th, 1861.) 

As it would be a work of considerable time and diffi- 
culty to give a full analysis, with critical and gram- 
matical notes, of the numerous inscriptions which the 
British Museum possesses, I have thought it might be 
interesting to the Society, if I were to select a few of 
them, and to give an English translation of them. At 
a future time this might be made more complete, and 
illustrated with more copious notes. 

1. The Inscription on the Monolith of Ashurakhbal, now 
preserved in the British Museum. 

Ashur, the great Lord, king of the whole of the great 

Anu, the exalted king, bestower of 

Bita, king of the Ocean, lord of kings, the (mystical) 

San, the sovereign, lord of crowns full of splendours, 

Marduk, lord of 

Ykm, the king, of the exalted gods. 

Bar (or Ninev), hero of heroes ..... destroyer of here* 

Nkbo, the Judge, who carries the golden sceptre. 



Murilu {Myrilla? 1 ), lady of the world, wife of Bel, and 
mother of the great gods. 

The god .... king of War. 

Bel, the highly exalted : father of the gods : the sire who 
created me. 

The Sun, ruler of Heaven and Earth, inspector of the 

IsHTAR, queen of heaven and earth, who is the leader of 
all heroism. 

These great gods are the givers of crowns, and they are 
the supporters of all Royalty. 

The former city of Calah, which Divanurish, king of 
Assyria, my ancestor, had built ; that city had fallen to de- 
cay, and its buildings had sunk into ruins and rubbish. That 
city I built again. And I dug a canal from the Upper Zab 
river, and I gave it the name of {Babilat kanik) the Babilat 
canal. And I planted beautiful trees along its banks, and 
trees of utility for every kind of work. 

The best of them I kept for Ashur my Lord and the god- 
desses of my country. I erected palaces with them, and from 
the foundation to the roof I built and I finished them. A 
palace for my royal residence and for an eternal remembrance 
of my reign, I founded within the city. I adorned it: I 
enlarged it : and with images of bright copper I embellished 
it. I then made columns, adorned with noble carvings. 

With nails of bronze I fastened them together, and I placed 
them at the gates. 

Thrones of cedar and various other precious woods ; orna- 
mental ivories, skilfully carved ; heaps of silver, gold, lead, 
copper, and iron, the spoils gained by my valour, which I had 
brought away from the nations I had conquered : all these 
treasures I deposited within it. 

The king of future days who shall restore its ornaments, 
and shall replace the written tablets in their places, Ashur 
will hear his prayers ! 

1 Compare the Homeric Mvpiwrj, evidently an Asiatic goddess, 
worshipped by the Trojans. 


That good king shall never fly before his enemies, nor 
abandon this palace, my royal dwelling, in the city of Calah. 

Its columns, its roofs, its splendid images, which are now 
fixed up within it, shall not be destroyed. They shall not be 
removed to the city of his enemies, nor to the palace of his 
foes. Its roofs shall not be broken down, its images shall 
not be torn off, the sources of the springs which supply it 
with water shall not be cut off, and its gate shall not be 
(thrown down?). Its chambers of treasure shall not be plun- 
dered. Its closed apartments (or harem) shall not be burst 
open with violence. The women, residing in it, of the double 
service, 3 shall not be insulted, nor with unseemly shameful 
and immodest treatment be dragged away to the enemy's 
palace, during the destruction and downfall of their own city. 

The king, who shall not injure my palace ......... who 

shall not suffer the front of my throne and my royal dwell- 
ing-place to be broken, who shall spare (i.e. protect) the face 
of these my written tablets, and shall not hurt the clay re- 
cords of my reign : May Ashur, chief of the great gods, who 
is the supporter of my kingdom* uphold his power over all 
the nations, and cause them to bow down before the steps of 
his throne, and the seat of his royalty ! May he subject the 
country of the four nations to his arms ! and pour abundant 
glory over his land during long cycles of years ! 

But he who shall not spare the face of these my tablets, 
who shall injure the clay records of my reign, who shall de- 
stroy these sculptures and their descriptions, or tear them 
off, or break them in pieces, or bury them in the ashes, or 
burn with fire, or drown them in the waters, or who shall re- 
move them from their place and shall throw them down where 
they will be trampled on by animals, and shall place them in 
the pathway of the young cattle : or who shall falsify my 
clay tablets, which are now sculptured with all manner of 
good and pious words, and shall write on the face of my re- 

8 i.e. Those serving the gods and those serving the king, as appears 
from other inscriptions. Here briefly called bit tsibitti, " the double 

o 2 


cords anything that is bad and impious : or in the place of 
these clay tablets shall make other new ones hostile to me, 
or heretical 2 or shall hide mine away either in a locked-up 
apartment, or in some dark place .... or shall damage the 
ivory ornaments with fire : or, for the sake of injuring these 
my tablets and writings, shall change their divisions for new 
ones, or shall make alterations in them, so as to confound 
their meaning : whether he be a nobleman, or a military man, 
or any one else of my subjects 

He who shall not spare them but shall trample on them, 
or who shall deface and destroy them, or who shall scratch 
any words of derision upon my works, or shall change my 
name on the sculptures for his own : 

May Ashur, the great Lord, the god of Assyria, the lord of 
all royal crowns, curse his reign and destroy his works! 
May he shake the foundations of his kingdom ! May his own 
blood-relations and his dearest friends be those who shall 
admit his foes into his kingdom ! 8 

2. The Stone of Zaaleh* 

In attempting to interpret this curious inscription 
on a black stone, found twelve miles from Babylon, 
there is a difficulty, owing to the fractured state of the 
stone, and the obscurity of the subject to which it 
relates. I will therefore make a few preliminary re- 
marks before attempting a version. 

It is a zakut 9 or bond, by which certain parties bound 
themselves (wezakku) towards one another. This word 
is the Hebrew zak, pt, firmiter obligavit, which has a 
reduplicate or more forcible form, ppT (see Ges. p. 310), 

The fourth line contains the designation of the par- 
ties. They were probably the members of two rival 
trades in Babylon, but the terms employed to express 

3 This inscription contains a few more lines, but they are much 
defaced. « B. M., pi. 66 of the new volume. 


them are unknown to me. Most likely they were 
sailors or boatmen who dwelt on the borders of the 
river : sha pi nahal zaluni, col. ii. line 2, where ^D an- 
swers not only to os, oris in Latin, but to ora, a border. 
Or they may have been two rival factions in the city. 
I think they wore dresses (kallie) of different colours 
as party emblems. One may have been light blue, as 
denoted by the sign for " water ;" while the other party 
wore dyed dresses (thabali, from Heb. 7310, Ges. 384. 
Kallie I would derive from khalul). 

If we remember the violent and bloody quarrels 
which often occurred at Constantinople during the 
Byzantine empire, and which are related by Gibbon, 
between the different colours into which that factious 
city was divided, my conjecture will perhaps not be 
thought improbable. 

By this bond they bound themselves no longer to 
wear these distinctive dresses (la nasha sun, " not to 
wear them"), in order not to create heats and animo- 
sities. Perhaps this was done by command of the king, 
and was therefore one of his very first acts on assuming 
the reins of government. But the next line is frac- 
tured, and there only remains "... of the king." 


The Bond, by which, in the city of Babylon, in the month 
Ash of the first year of Marduk-haddon, the great king ; the 
people called ( ), and those called ( ), bound them- 
selves : with respect to their distinctive dresses of light blue 
and dyed stuffs — no longer to wear them — in order not to 
excite heats and animosities (in obedience to the commands ?) 
of the king. 

A long fracture of the stone here interrupts the sense : 


it evidently contained the names of numerous persons ; 
for the second column, which is perfect, begins with 
the words — 

And all the others who dwell by the riverside, unto the 
man (A), son of (B), have bound themselves firmly for ever. 

At the affixing the seal to this Pi, or declaration (id)? the 
following persons were present : — 

(....) son of Bita-adanna {i.e. Bita gave him), judge 
(shaphaty BDttf) °f the city Isin. 

Babilaya {i.e. the Babylonian), son of (. . . .). 

Bagahaddon, son of Nigatsi, a shakrus.* 

Khigaship-Marduk, son of In-beth-shaggathu-zir-ashbit. 

Ardi-Nanaya {i.e. worshipper of the goddess Nanaya), son 

of (. . . .)• 

Nebo-ramzir {i.e. Nebo sustains the race, or loves the 
family), son of Ardi-Bita-Belnam (worshipper of Bita 
the glorious?). 
And Nebo-haddon, son of Namri : 
and they all confirmed it of their unanimous will. 

{Done at) Babylon, in the month Ash, in the first year of 
Marduk-lladdon the great king, and sealed with the great 
seal of the king who is recently dead. 


Among the witnesses is found a name which also 
occurs upon the stone of Michaux, thus identifying the 
epoch of the latter. 

This bond must have been executed at the very 
commencement of the king's reign, for we see he 
had not had time to have his own great seal made. 
He therefore probably succeeded unexpectedly to his 

This inscription supplies a Hebrew etymology, which 

6 Probably the namp of some trade. 


may be worth noticing. Wezdkku or hezdkku (they 
bound) is plainly the Hebrew ptn, to bind firmly ; and 
zakut is the Hebrew pt. But in the phrase zdkut he- 
zakku the two terms have surely the same origin : and 
therefore the Hebrew pt and ptn have the same origin : 
in fact they differ only by a breathing. But Gesenius 
does not notice the connection. An intermediate form 
is the Chaldee Opttt, azakJdm (bonds). I think this 
leads us to a new interpretation of the illustrious name 
of Hezekiah, generally rendered robur Jehovte. It may 
mean, " he who is bound to Jehovah," i.e. bound to 
his service by oath or promise ; or else, " to whom 
Jehovah is bound by covenant. " 

3. The great Inscription of Ndbonidus. 6 

This fine inscription, of which unfortunately only a 
small portion remains, was found on a barrel cylinder 
among the debris of the great mound at Mugheir, and 
is now in the British Museum. 

From its very remarkable contents it might be en- 
titled, " The Search for the Foundation-stone." No 
other inscription has, I believe, as yet turned up on a 
similar subject. 

First Fragment, Col. J. 11. 

.... and with shining brass I covered them [probably the 
columns], and at each of the gates I placed them. I com- 
pleted the buildings of that temple of Tara, and I made the 
temple as splendid as the Sun. For the prosperity of my 
life, I gave a share of the spoils of my enemies to the Sun 
my Lord. Oh ! Sun ! great Lord ! . . . . together with the 
god San thy progenitor, protect with thy sceptre the build- 

6 PI. 69 of the new volume. 


ings of the temple of Shaggathu, the temple of Zida, the 
temple of the great Asukha tree, the temple of Tara, the 
temple of Anna, and the temple of Valmas, the dwelling- 
places of their great divinities : and may those royal edifices 
endure as long as heaven itself ! I pray thee to fix firmly in 
the zealous hearts of the inhabitants, veneration and awe for 
San, lord of the gods. Like the duration of the Moon, may 
its foundations stand fast for ever ! 

I, Nebo-imduk, king of Babylon . . . . [the rest is lost"]. 


The name of Nabonidus, or, more properly, Nabo- 
nahid, signifies " Nebo is glorious/' But as many of 
his subjects spoke the old Hamitic or Proto-Chaldean 
language, and did not understand Assyrian words, the 
king took another name, Nebo-imduk, signifying the 
same thing in the Hamitic tongue. 

San being the lunar god, the king very properly 
prays that the temple may endure as long as the moon 
itself: " like the life of the moon may its foundations 
last !" 

The names of the temples: shaggathu signifies 
" worship ;" the Asukha tree was, I think, the Egyp- 
tian sacred Sycamore, or the equally sacred Asoka of 
India, now planted around temples ; and Anna signifies 
" beauty/' 

Second Fragment (very much fractured), Col. L 43. 

.... in the days of ... • who was king of Babylon in 
former times .... 

(....) son of Nabopolassar, king of Babylon .... 

.... the Moon and the Sun, his lords .... 

.... the temple of Tara, which Bumaburiash my ancestor 
erected .... 

.... upon the platform [or original foundation] of Buma- 
buriash .... 


The above is very important, because the Museum 
possesses bricks of the time of this King Burnaburiash, 
written in Hamitic. The rest is much mutilated, but 
the last line of the fragment seems to mention the tenth 
year of some monarch's reign. 

Third Fragment, 7 Col II. 4. 

.... Seven hundred years .... unto the Sun he made it 
. . . . upon the original platform or foundation of Kham- 

The bricks of this old Hamitic king are also in the 
Museum. The above sentence is fractured, but may 
be restored by comparing Col. I. 57. The sign ^T 
is the end of the preposition eli, " upon." 

He built anew the temple of Tara. With beams of lofty 
cedar-trees, from the land of (. • . .), its roofs he covered .... 

He built it for the Sun, the great Lord, for the prosperity 
of his life and the spoiling of his enemies. Grant, O Sun ! 
that these six temples (the same as before being mentioned) 
may last as long as Heaven itself ! 

I, Nebo-imduk, king of Babylon, pray to thy great divinity 
that this temple may be crowned with abundant glory. 

And Bel-sar-ussur, my eldest son, my rising hope, grant 
him length of days equal to the life of the Moon ! 

We now come to a long account of a search made 
for the sacred timin or foundation-stone of the temple 
of Valmas : or rather, for its inscribed cylinder. This 
gives a high idea of the sacred feeling with which these 
cylinders were regarded. 

The temple of Valmas, in the city of Agab. 

7 This seems to have contained a kind of history of the temple of 


In very ancient days, ( ) king of Babylon and Naram 

Sin his son .... 

I must here draw attention to the importance of this 
record. The alabaster vase of the old Hamitic monarch 
Naram Sin, is given in the British Museum volume, 
plate 3, No. VII., but the valuable relic itself was lost in 
the river Tigris. It is unfortunate that a fracture of the 
stone has deprived us of the name of Naram Sin's father. 

The inscription continues thus : — 

. . . . and Naram Sin, his son, that ancient king 8 [searched 
for it?], but down to the times of Nebo-radduk, king of 
Babylon, it was never found. 

Kuri-galatzu, king of Babylon, that ancient king, sought 
for it. 

Here we have another old Hamitic king whose bricks 
are in the Museum. His name seems to mean, " his 
head is lofty," kuri being frequently used for a " head " 
in Assyrian. 

.... sought for it. But the timin of the temple of Val- 
mas was not found. Then he issued a proclamation in these 
words : — u The timin of the temple of Valmas I have not 
been able to find." 

The words are Jciham .... bilema ishfain, umma : of 
which bilema is uncertain from fracture. Kiham, * a 
decree/ is a most important word, because it fixes 
the meaning of the clause which occurs so often in 
the Behistun inscription : " Dariaus sar kiham igabbi," 
' Darius speaks a decree/ or ' Darius proclaims thus/ 

It is the Chald. Dp, statutum, edictum (Ges. 890) ; 
Syriac Mma: and being derived from Dp, manens, 

8 Read sar sut makri, as in the next line but one. 


ditrans, implies something very firmly or permanently 
fixed. We read that the laws of the Medes and Per- 
sians could never he changed, which contains the same 
leading idea as Dp does. 

Then Esarhaddon, king of Assyria, king of the nations .... 

The rest of this fragment is lost. It is to he regretted 
that the particulars of the search made hy order of 
Esarhaddon have not heen preserved. 

Fourth Fragment, Col. II. 40. 

( ), king of Babylon, son of Nabopolassar a former 

king, commanded a large army to search for the timin of this 
temple of Valmas. They dug : they sunk pits : they carried 
away the earth : but the timin of the temple of Valmas was 
not found. 

itakaru : ikthutu : ishebilu : three verbs in succession. 

itakaru, they dug : T conjugation of akar, 13M,/odi* 
(Ges. 54). 

ikthutu, they sunk pits : the same as ikdudu ; from 
T13, to dig with labour ; but especially " to sink wells/* 
Ges. 465. 

ishebilu, they carried away the earth ; from subul, 
TOD, bajulavit : portavit grave onus. Ges. 702. 

Then I, Nebo-imduk, king of Babylon, restorer of the holy 
temples and holy places, during my glorious reign, moved by 
my reverence towards Ishtar, my Lady, who presides over 
the city of Agab, I dug deep pits or excavations. The Sun 
and the Sky granted to me the distinguished favour to find 
the timin of the temple of Valmas, partly through my good 
luck, and partly through my ardent zeal. So I, the king, 
assembled my large army to witness the opening, or drawing 
forth of this timin, (thirty ?) years after the digging which 
Neboshadussur (Nebuchadnezzar), king of Babylon, had 


caused to be dug. Both before and after him, other kings 
had sought it, but not found it, and they had issued decrees 
like these : — " We have laboured much after this timin, and 
have found nothing." 

Here are some words and phrases worth noticing, 

Anna kini, gratia insignis ; from Heb. TOJn, hanna, 
gratia. , 

biri, pits or wells : abriu, I dug them ; from bara, to 
dig a well, Ges. 123, who says, fodit, specialiter pu- 

Ambit (adverb), partly; contracted from ana bit, 
literally " in part ;" from Heb. no, pit or bit, a part of 
anything (Ges. 846). 

Tuki, good luck ; exceedingly like the Greek n/^?, 
but the coincidence may be casual. This word occurs 
in most of the Achaemenian inscriptions, where it is 
said that Oromasdes gives to men their various for- 

Kin or Kini, ardent zeal ; Heb. p, Ges. 895, who 
renders it studium : amor ardens : (fr\o*. 

The whole phrase is therefore, ambit tuki u ambit 

The next phrase I translate, " So I, the king, assem- 
bled my army," etc. The first word being the adverb 
Jcun, sic : ita ; Ges. 488. 

Bukhi timinna seems to imply the drawing out of 
the timin from some fissure or opening, an expression 
very suitable to the tenor of the narrative. For Gese- 
nius renders the verb ypl by such terms as aperiri, to 
be opened ; excludi, to be taken out ; prodire, to come 
forth ; diffindi y to be split open, etc. He says it is used 
in Isaiah and Proverbs of water coming out of a fissure 
and coming forth to the light. He adds, p. 168, " fin- 


dendi vis translata est ad rem prorumpentem." The 
diggings made by Nebuchadnezzar are called khiddata 
(from the same root, TT3, to dig wells). Imnu-su, he 
commanded them ; ikthutu, to dig. This verb we had 
before in the same sense in Col. II. 43. With respect 
to imnu-su, he commanded them, or yamanu-su, as it 
might be written, the same verb occurs on the cylinder 
of Sargon, where it is said, asibut yamanu-su, the in- 
habitants decreed it. It comes from the verb aman, 
pM, whence the subst. amanah, I130N, statutum, decre- 
turn, Ges. 73. 

nunahiy we have laboured much : from H2V, anah 
(Ges. 781), labor em impendit alicui rei. Compare the 
Greek avia. 

la nimutsah, we have not found it : from matsah, to 
find, HSD, Ges. 606. 

Column III. 

The fragments which remain of this column are less 
interesting than the others, because a great deal of 
the previous matter is repeated. This column is chiefly 
occupied with praises of the goddess Anunit, who was 
probably the same as Ishtar, or the Moon, though pos- 
sibly she may have been the planet Venus. Her name 
resembles Anaitis. I will make only a few extracts 
from this column. 

Line 19 (much broken) . . . . the tiyiin of the temple of 
Valmas .... on the tablets (?) of Shaga-saltiash .... con- 
cerning those diggings I have read .... 

Shaga-saltiash is named again at line 41, and called 
" King of Babylon in former times." His bricks, I 
believe, have not yet been discovered. Khiddati, dig- 
gings. Akharu, I have read. It is then added, in 


praise (apparently) of this ruler, that he was ship kinu, 
rubu nadu, a glorious king, and a noble prince. It then 
continues — 

By the favour of the Sun and Anunit, I became supreme 
ruler of the country. And by their favour I built the temple 
of Tara, which is the temple of the Sun, in the city of Sen- 
kereh, and that of Valmas, which is the temple of Anunit in 
the same city. 

inu, favour, is the Heb. pn, hin, gratia. Senkereh 
is the modern name of the city. I have used it here, 
being uncertain of the ancient name. The record con- 
tinues — 

Of these temples, that of Anunit, my Lady, was most 
ruinous. From old-age its stones had all fallen down. Those 
stones I dug out of the ground : I renewed the foundations : 
I removed the fallen rubbish, etc. 

Many other repairs are related, and it concludes — 
" I restored the temple more grandly than ever." The 
king then prays for a blessing on his work, and on him- 
self for having done it. And he says, " I did this work 
for the prosperity of my life, and the spoiling of my 
enemies." Then comes a prayer : " O Anunit, great 
Lady (billot rabiti), together with Sen thy father [the 
Lunar god] 9 protect the buildings of those six temples, 
with thy sceptre, for evermore !" 

The same temples as before are here enumerated. 
Lishakin, protect ! literally, " make them to last very 
long !" from kun, p3, to be firm : confirmavit : statuit. 
In another conjugation it is lifain, as in the very next 
line, Col. III. 53, frima shamie ishda-sun likun! may 
their foundations last firmly for ever, like the heavens ! 
He then prays once more for a blessing on Bel-sar-ussur, 
his eldest son. 


Additional Observations. 

In the invocation to Ashur and the twelve gods ; in- 
stead of " the god .... king of war," I would now 
read " Acherib the destroyer, (bulu) — king of War." 
And since this deity was the king of war, I think his 
name may be derived from the Hebrew y\p ierib, bat- 
tle : Syriac, N21p, the same. 

Among the Zaaleh witnesses, I have left blank the 
name of the father of Babilaya : but I see that it reads 
San-sik-ash-ka (San ! preserve thy votary !) literally 
haminem tuum (tt^N). The verb seems to be 3KP\ libe- 
ra™ : auxilium dare (Ges. 453) : which has another 
form, 3fltP, liberare ex periculis, according to Ges. 989. 
The final V has sometimes the force of k or g in As- 
syrian, as for instance in the Hebrew in mains ; As- 
syrian, Raga : RaJca : vir scelestus, impius, vel scele- 
ratus ; which I believe to be the origin of the term 
Raca in the Scriptures. 

I return for a moment to the inscription of Naboni- 
dus. At the end of Col. II. it is said that the ancient 
kings issued a declaration: which I at first thought 
was comprised in one line, but I now believe that the 
following line also formed part of it. I would read : 

Timinna suaii nunahi, la nimutsa. 

Radu sha mami, yanep nali, makkipi ishkunu ; 

and translate — 

"We have laboured much after this timin, and have found 

" Surely, the falling rains and the violence of the river 
must have washed it away." 

The last line is difficult. Radu is falling rain : mami, 
waters : yanep may be D3M, anep } in the sense of vio- 


lence, wrath, turbulence (Ges. 80). Noli, a river, 
occurs frequently, and is Hebrew 7TD. Makhipi, 
" washed away," may be a participial form from Dn, 
which is the primitive form of SSH, abluit 9 detersit, 
abrasit (Ges. 359), whence also the seashore, or wash 
of the sea, is called in Hebrew DH (see Ges. 325). Ish~ 
JcunUy they have done it : they have made it : (a very 
common word.) 

Passing to Col. III., although it is much broken and 
defaced, yet I find, on further examination, that more 
of the general meaning can be made out than I at first 

It seems that after the timin of the temple of Valmas 
had been recovered with so many efforts and so much 
difficulty, the king proceeded to read it, and found 
that it recorded that the ancient king Shaga-saltiash 
was the original builder of the temple, and had dedi- 
cated it to the goddess Anunit (compare lines 20, 21, 
with 41, 42). Nabonidus therefore resolved to rebuild 
the temple with much splendour, and to dedicate it 
anew to the same deity with a solemn prayer (see line 
47 and following lines). But the most interesting 
point is this, that he says he replaced once more the 
ancient timin in its former place. This shows its 
sanctity and his great veneration for it. I read the 
words thus : (line 45) " timinna labirita shanutish ad- 
diu ;" where labirita signifies " old" : shanutish, " for 
the second time," is here represented by a monogram 
containing the same sign twice repeated. 

Addiu signifies jeci : fundavi : I deposited or laid 
down the foundation of a building, or something upon 
it. This verb, of constant occurrence in the inscrip- 
tions, is the first person singular of the Hebrew 7TV % 
idah 9 jecit, which makes in the plural iddu, jecerunt. 


In his prayer the king prays for prosperity to him- 
self and his successors, and confusion to his enemies ; 
where I remark the word gadumi (1. 40), which must 
mean " himself," since shaasu gadu, " he himself," or 
" himself in person," is a common expression. Shakab, 
confusion , is from the same root as eshkub, prostravit ; 
which occurs so often in the phrase " the terror of 
Ashur overwhelmed them, eshkub sunuti." It is the 
Hebrew 33tP, shakab, prostravit. The prayer for in- 
crease of religious fervour is curious, and contains an 
important word (see 1. 54): — 

" bulukti San bel ilu in shamami libbi nisi-su suskin-ama." 
i.e. " and veneration for San, lord of the gods, implant 
thou firmly in the warm hearts of its inhabitants." 

This shamami is the Assyrian form of the Chaldee 
khamima, MO^n, calidus. In many other words the 
Hebrew n becomes sh in Assyrian. This occurs, as 
I have before remarked, in other languages : compare 
calor, chaleur: carus, cher: etc., etc. 

One of the Assyrian months was called Shami, "the 
month of heat," from the Hebrew on, kham, calidus 
(Ges. 346), a word from the same root and similarly 
changed in the two languages. 

I observe moreover that it is said that both the great 
temples of this city (Senkereh) were in ruins and that 
the king rebuilt both of them, viz. the temple of the 
Sun and that of Anunit. 

After describing at some length these repairs, by 
which " the temples were restored more grandly than 
ever" (1. 35), he continues thus (I. 36) : — 

" Wherefore I pray the Sun and Anunit, may their hearts 
rejoice over this work which I have done ! May they requite 
it with manifold blessings !" etc. etc. 

VOL. vn. p 


The words of the text are : — 

"Ana shatti Shemesh u Anunit ana ebshati-ya damgati 
libba-sun likhadu." 

The first phrase, "ana shatti" signifies ob hoc, vel 
ob hanc rem; "for this cause," or " therefore." It 
answers to the Heb. nw 7N, al zat. See Gesenius, 
p. 294. n*tt, " this thing" is the fem. of m, zeh or zah, 
the article hie, fuze, hoc. From hence, according to 
Gesenius, arose the Aramaic form di or da (for which 
the Assyrians always substitute sha). In fact the He- 
brew letter zain had a sound which in some words was 
undistinguishable from sh, so that nfctt or nnttt, as it is 
written in Jerem. xxvi.6, was pronounced shateh or shati, 
just as in Assyrian. Ttt sometimes becomes a relative, 
as sha does very frequently in Assyrian, Psalm 
civ. 8: rnD 1 * Prt S)pD 7N, al makom sha is data, " to the 
place which thou hast founded." This example is taken 
from Gesenius. 

Moreover the Heb. "WN, asher 9 and ttf, sha, are mere 
forms of the Assyrian sha : for instance, \P3, Ai-*Aa, 
quemadmodum, " in like manner as," agrees exactly 
with an Assyrian word of similar sound and meaning. 
And since writing this, I have observed a passage in 
Gesenius (p. Ill), where he gives his opinion that all 
these words, Pft, IP, TON, T, were originally the same. 

Likhadu answers exactly to the Heb. PTTPT, khada, 
gavisus est, exhilaravit, (Ges. 320,) who considers 
yadecDy gaudeo, to be of the same origin with khada. 




(Read January 8th, 1862.) 

The following political poem referring to the troubles 
during the reigns of Edward II. and Edward III. is 
preserved in a manuscript volume, belonging to the 
Royal Public Library at Stuttgart, under the signature 
"Cod. Poet. 4° Nr. 16." As the volume evidently 
comes from England and must have passed through 
various hands, until it merged into the Stuttgart col- 
lection, I think a description of its contents may not 
be out of place. 

Being written on vellum, divided into seventy-eight 
leaves in 12mo, it is still kept together by wooden boards 
covered with leather, though the clasps, which origi- 
nally closed them, have been torn away. The main 
portion of the book is taken up by two distinct works, 
both written in the beginning of the fifteenth century, 
bat each by its own band. The first, beginning on 
fol 1, is headed : " Tor Spt Assit nobis Gracia ;" after 
which the text, regularly written in 31 lines, com- 
mences : " Signum primum a quo incipiendum est in 
phisionima est color, etc." It terminates on fol. 10 

p 2 


with the words, " Explicit fisonima ab Aristotele data/' 
Two entries, however, on the first page deserve a 
special notice. On the empty space in the upper 
corner two names of Englishmen are inscribed, both by 
hands belonging to the seventeenth century: " Fairfax 
of y e gift of Capt. W m Bradford/' and : " nunc e libris 
Had : Thoresby Leodiensis." I believe the first be the 
General who commanded the Parliamentarian troops 
against the Royalists, and the other, one of the many 
Englishmen who about the same time were professed 
monks in French or Belgian monasteries. Thoresby 
very likely took the volume away from England. 

From fol. 10 b to fol. ll b , by another hand of the 
fourteenth century, the poem is inserted which I have 

Fol. 12 is empty, and fol. 12 b filled with samples 
and recipes of medicine in English, in a hand either of 
the fifteenth or sixteenth century. On fol. 13 a few mu- 
sical notes are found, and on the top of fol. 13 b another 
recipe, under which, by a hand of the time of James I. 
and in a darker ink, the following memorandum is 
added : — 

Naturall Philosophy. 

A booke (as itt seems) was giuen by y e lord Clifford (father 
to the i Earle of Cumberland) to y e Priory of Bolton. 

The Contentes of euery Chapter of this booke are expressed 
in y e Preamble. 

This Memorandum introduces the second work 
writted in this volume, beginning on fol. 14 and ter- 
minating on fol. 76 b . It is a Norman-French poem, 
transcribed in a clear hand of the fourteenth century, 
with initials illuminated in blue, red and gold, in double 


columns of 33 lines each, the lines drawn by a sharp 
pencil, and the stitches, through which the scribe fixed 
the volume on his desk, still being visible along the 
edges. Towards the end the work is illustrated by 
several astronomical drawings in red colour. It be- 
gins : 

Qui uoet entedre a cest comenz 
Si poet ap r ndre en cest romanz etc. 
er. 15. Cest liure q 1 descPt le mode 
Q 1 a no ymage du mode etc. 

It ends, fol. 76 b : 

Ci finist limage du mode 
A deu comece, a deu p'nt fin 
Ki toz nos meine a bone fin 
fol. lxiii in gallic [hand of the 16th century]. 

(Fol. 770 1° isto libro sunt folia lxiii scripta 
in gallica lingua [by the same hand]. 

By smother hand of the same time some English words 
of translation now and then are inserted between the 
ancient French original. The poem itself, it appears, 
was composed by Gauthier (Walter) de Metz about 
the year 1247. 

Fol. 77 b I find covered with lines in English, ap- 
parently belonging to the fifteenth century, but the 
greater part erased and almost entirely illegible. 

The upper part of fol. 78, in a handwriting of the 
time of Henry VIII., contains the following lines : — 

Nowe fare well lady I take my leve 
Vnto your' grace I me submytte 
And what so eu d y l ze saye 
Your* love all on iny hert ys knyt. 


To which, by the same hand as on fol. 13 b , a memo- 
randum is added : 

These verses were made by y e 2 d Earle of Cumberland 
before his marriage with his first lady y e daughter of Charles 
Brandon by Mary Queene of France. 

Another hand hath filled the lower part with ciphers : — 

The b. xoc fyn 

b. for a. x for v. p for o. k for f. f. for e 
•a v [\ o \ ] - j \ * e ! 

X 3 2 

The last page, fol. 78 b , shows some more illegible scrib- 
bling in different hands. 

I. The Political Verses on fol. 10 b are not found in 
Mr. Th. Wright's Collections, published for the Cam- 
den Society, 1839, or for the Master of the Rolls. They 
are written in the well-known metre, in strophes of 
four lines, the latter rhyming in the middle and at the 
end. 1 The orthography as well as the Latinity are very 
bad, and besides several obscurities with regard to 
certain historical and personal allusions, more than 
one word defies explanation. 

Plangens plorat Anglia pro cede baronum 
Plebs cadit iniuria, heu dat plebi sonum, 
Dolus et discordia torquent terre tronum, 
Post pensare talia multis erit bonum. 
5 Mire cadunt nobiles de rota fortune, 

Micant, monent milites, monstrant modum lune. 
Palam premunt proceres plebem nee impune 
Vt gestis instabiles plures pendent fune. 
Pollent panni precio Uteris auratis. 

1 A kind of alliteration within the verses is very curious, reminding 
the reader of Anglo-Saxon and early English poetry. 


10 Nunc pergunt ut garcio nee more magnatis, 
Minantur in publico, clam sunt pii satis, 
Non pandunt in prelio punctum probitatis. 
Fauent adulteriis, assisis procurant, 
De letis et curiis plus de missis curant. 

15 In foris et feriis cedunt, iactant, iurant, 
Malis uacant variis, que non diu durant. 
Prime pestis passio pugna fit Schotorum, 
Datur ezterminio magna gens Anglorum, 
Fugiunt de medio duces populorum. 

20 Civili discidio plebs obit proborum. 
Sic Comes Cornubie Petrus decollator, 
Et Comes Glouqrnie Gilbertus raactatur, 
Humfridus Herfordie per noctes necatur, 
Comitis Lancastrie capud amputatur. 

25 Clifford, Moubray, Batismai^ tyeys fere centum 
Ferunt fero federe funus per tormentum. 
Uxoris in carcere nati dant lamentum, 
Ullum potest soluere genus nee argentum* 
Gauaston 9 de Mildetone mors dat hos perire, 

SO Comes de Carliolo neci datur dire. 

Plane patent populo causas qui vult scire, 
Et multos pro merito deus vult punire. . 
Felix est prouincia cu>m pace secura, 
Tuentur ecclesia, rex et rengni iura. 

35 Sed cum ferox furia fit sine mensura, 
* Cadunt rex et curia sub vindicta dura. 
Dicte cedis ultio per tempus quieuit 
Regina cum filio facta freto fleuit. 
Mox de Mari mortuo stupor flatus fleuit, 

40 Terre de dominio regem qui doleuit. 
Comes Arundellie fuit decollatus 
Et presul Oxonie capite truncatus, 
De Spenser cognomine sic sunt pater, natus, 
Hie Comes Wintonie, ducis alter status. 

45 Baldok cancellarius obit noue porte, 
Scrop iusticiarius transit statum forte 


Vel et Holand penitus, plays pares sunt morte 
Reding et Aquarius pendent equa sorte 
Bemond Trussel Ruscelyn Wiler pauent plecti, 

50 Fas sumunt exilii trans mare directi, 
Quorum forsan emuli fient furcis necti, 
Et reddibunt singuli pace regis tecti. 
De rege, qui dederat inulta castra multis, 
Postquam dictus fuerat mortuus sepultus, 

55 Dicta ficta fecerat forte frater stultus 

Apud Crofth qui vixerat clausus mesti vultus. 
Creuit pudor patrie, fama feda fluit, 
Cum castro cotidie rex in rengno ruit. 
Fratrem Comes Kancie mesta morte luit, 

60 Pro quo Comes Marchie post suspensus fuit. 
Mous humeri Berenger vinclis sunt artati, 
Wake, Fulco fizWarin fugam malunt pati. 
Ocle Gurney fugiunt causa regis fati, 
Interim sunt exules ad voca vocati. 

65 Laus regis excelfitur, sed flos matris cadit, 
Cum Mors maris moritur, Berford funus vadit 
Malus trauers traditor unus vix euadit. 
Sic fraus fine fallitur, dum sors reos radit, 
Tu sors dira decipis reges et reginas, 

70 Posse pape principis seuas et declinas 
Nunc letis eras subvenis aufers et propinas, 
De morte nunc eruis eras das mortis minas. 
Heu que tanta vanitas sic fallit potentes, 
Que ceca cupiditas fine facis flentes, 

75 Quorum ius nee pietas malas mutat mentes, 
Parant neces proprias, qui sic necant gentes. 
Onos pacis presides predicta pensate, 
Barones et consules de cede cessate, 
Et cum sitis iudices iuste iudicate, 

80 Semper pii, stabiles pauperes iuuate. 
Nam si scirent Anglici scribe seculares, 
Quid iam scriptum reperi mene techel phares, 
Non vacarent veneri nee necarept pares 
Set curarent consequi celum plus quam lares. 


85 In bona milicia duo solent esse, 

Fides et mundicia, que iam sunt oppresse, 
Nam fraus et luxuria nunc rengnant expresse, 
Per quod multis gracia deest adnecesse. 
In minori termino quam annis bis decern 

90 Hoc turpi litigio cuncti ferunt necem 
Peiori patibulo, quam fur dat vervecem. 
Ut fruantur gaudio, deo demus precem. 
Quis audiuit talia nee valeret flere. 
Hec agunt periuria fastus liuor vere, 

95 Xriste, regens omnia, terram hanc tuere 
Reddendo iudicia, horum miserere. Amen. 

By a different hand, not much later : 

Hie sto pro ventis et pro multis nocumentis 
Et do student! lumen sine flamine venti 
Et qui me frangat sine maledicione tangat. 
Non quidam/ nullus/ omnis non/ nullus habetur 
Non nullus/ quidam/ non quidam non/ valet omnis 
Non omnis/ quidam non/ nullus non/ valet omnis 
Non omnis non/ quidam/ non nullus non/ aliquis non. 

V. 14 evidently, but against the metre, plus quam 
de. V. 16, an allusion to the battle of Bannockburn 
a. 1314. V. 21, the death of Gaveston, a. 1312. V. 
23 and the following allude to the attainder and deca- 
pitation of so many noblemen, a. 1322. V. 25, tyeys 
seems to be the Norman-French word for Germans, 
undoubtedly mercenaries in the king's service. V. 30, 
the Earl of Carlisle beheaded, a. 1323. V. 38, facta 
freto, very dark, but literal, alluding to the flight of 
Queen Isabella to Paris, a. 1325. V. 42, Oxonie, a 
mistake instead of Exonie. V. 45, nove porte, New- 
gate. V. 47, plays ? V. 48, Aquarius, I do not know 
who is meant by this name. V. 55, the Earl of Kent, 
who supposed that his brother, King Edward II., was 


still alive. V. 64, voca, vota ? V. 66, the catastrophe 
of the year 1330. V. 89, must the verses not have 
been written in the year 1330 or very soon after? 
V. 91, vervecem instead of cervicem. 

The puzzling lines, which fill the rest of the leaves 
seem to be of a grammatical nature. 



Wie und in wellicher yesialt Key. May. von Bruck ausz gen 
Lunden in Engeland gezogen, ankorhen und empfangen wor- 
den ist. 

In dem xxiiii tag May ist Kay. May. in ainem schonen 
Stettlin, an der See, genannt Thiinkirchen, ir May. zuge- 
horig in dem Land zu Flandern iibemacht gelegen, und am 
xxv Tag verruckt, ungevorlych umb v ur Nachmittag gen 
Greszling komen, da selbs ausserhalb des Stetlinsz ain 
Schlange schusz enhalb aines wassers, haben die Englischen 
auff irem Confin, in ainer wisen, bisz in zweyhundert pferdt, 
darunter bey achtzig pogner, und das ander Kirisser, und 
spyeser mit ainem Ennglischen fanen, fast kostlich mit Iren 
klaidern, auch pferden harnisch gehalten, Und haben vor der 
ordnung steen gehebt uu Valckenerlach, Vom hauffen sein 
drey hern personlich man in jrem harnasch, vnd kostlicben 
gulden stucken ain bogenschusz weit, von der ordnung zu 
kay. May. geriten, und zu fusz abgestanden, und Ir May. 
Mit grosser Reverentz enntpflanzen, und als bald ain brieff, 
von dem Kiinig von Engeland uberantwurt, denselben die 
kay. May. verlesen und nach verlesung des selbigen durch 
den groszen kantzler antwurt darauff geben und further auff 
Kallisz zu geryten, und nach vii urn da selbs eingeriten/ 
Oa selbst sein jr May. entgegen, all Gaystlichayt, jnn jrer 


ordnung mit den Creiitzen und haltumb, entgegen gangen, 
Item es seyn auch all gassen, dardurch die kay. May. ge- 
riten bysz gehoff hat mussen, Thappeserey behenckt werden, 
Vnd auff alien thiirn fanen, Darinn des Kiinigs von Enge- 
lands wappen. 

If Es haben auch die Englischen, So bald Kayse. May. 
mit jrem gezeug, zu der Stat kommen ist, als in geschiitzs 
abgon lassen, inn sollycher menyg, das verwundern was, und 
kayserlich Mayestat ist daselbs iibernacht belyben. 

% Am Montag nach mittag hat kayserlich Mayestatt un- 
gevorlich mit drey oder vier schyffen mit vast starckem (pag. 3) 
wind, sich gewagt zu Kallisz abweg, und mit jr Mayestat 
etlich Englisch herren bisz geen Thaufers, ain Stat unnd 
Schlosz am mor, jnn Engeland angefarn, und ankommen. 

% Wie die kayserlich Mayestat zu Thaufers, auch der 
kiinig von Engeland am afftermontag, da selbs zu jrer May. 
kommen, empfangen worden, und wie sy sich gegen einander 
gehalten, ist dem hoffgesynd nit wissent gewesen, Dann 
kayserlich Mayestat hoffgesynd ist derselben zeit noch zu 
Kallysz geweszen. 

H* Am Freytag den xxx tag May. haben die Englyschen 
zwey Frantzosischen Rawbschiff gefangen, unnd geen Thau- 
fers gebracht und all schyff daselbs in der porten gehalten, 
der bysz in die Dreissyg Streitschyff gewesen seind haben jr 
geschiitz abgeschossen, mit aynem sollychen tharmerein und 
pufien, ainer mechts nit glauben, er sechs dann daz man 
solchs gewaltig geschiitz auff dem wasser gepraucht hett. 

% An diesem Freytag, Ist kayserlich Mayestat, und der 
Kiinnig von Engelandt zu Thaufers abweg, und bisz zu Sant 
Thomas zu Kandelberg gezogen, und da selbs iibernacht 

^f Am Sambstag zu morgens, Da gieng kayserlich Maye- 
stat und der Kiinig von Engelannd in Sant Thomas kirchen 
neben den Altar, daran sant Thomas sarch oder kast stat, 
hat kayserlich Mayestat und der Kiinig von Engelandt zwu 
messen gehort und ist der kiinig, kayserlich Mayestat auff 
der lincken seyten gestanden. — 


% Nach dem selben hat kayserlich Mayestat Sant Thomas 
sarchen oder kasten gezaigt, den gesehen, den selbygen (p. 4) 
zu beschreiben, oder die kostlichait an zu zaigen, ist nit wol 
miiglich der iibertreffenlichisten kostlichen, edlem gestayn, 
von Berlin edelm gestain, Auch mercklich anzahl Ryng mit 
jren eingefasten stainen, unnd Berlyn, Die in uberflissigen 
menyg dareyn gearbayt, unnd unerzellyg seind und in Summa 
ist sollychs ain morcklyches werck, Aynner sollychen uner- 
schetzlichen kostlicheyt, das da nyemandes glaublich ist, er 
seche es dann selbst. 

If Item under den alien Edlen gestayn vil ubertreffen- 
lichen Seyn zweyen Edell gestayn ann gedachtem sarch, die 
ayn kiinnig von Franckreych, Fiir seyn Rantzon, oder 
schatzung gelt dareyn geben hat, Die man auff etlych hundert 
tausent kronen schetzet, Unnd das schlechttest des ann der 
sarch ist, Ist das gold. 

If Ittem die lenng Sant Thomas kirch Seind Ungevorlich. 
gemayn schrydt bysz zwayhundert ung zwayntzig schryt, 
Inn der grufft ist Sant Thomas grab, Unnd da weyszt man 
ainem Sant Thomas kolch, Es stet auch auff dem selben grab, 
ain vier Egketten tafel, oder platt, darinn ist geschriben oder 
gestochen, aber vast unnleszlich, Sant Thomas Epithavium. 
So man auff seinem leychnam funden hat Unnd lautet also : 
Hie requiescit Thomas de obernensis, Archiepisoobus Bri- 
tanie. primas et sedis apostolice Legatus. Qui pro justicia et 
jure ecclesie, interfectus est. mi Kalendas Januarii Mileno 
Centena septua. 

% Further Stedt auff der glyncken seytten ain Prunn an 
ainer wand, In stain gefaszt, Dariiber stet ain geschrift die 
zaigt an, das sich das selb wasser, ain mal in millich und vier 
mal in blut soil verkert haben. 

(p. 5) % Item wie das Kloster, da kayserlych Mayestat 
und der kiinnig von Engelandt zu herberg gelegen seyn, vast 
grosz im zirckell ist. 

% Am gemelten Samstag iibernacht ist kaiserlich Mayestat 
und der Kiinig von Engeland in ainem grossen marckt iiber- 
nacht gelegen, genant Sednigbon. 


•[ Sontag ara tag Primo Junij zu Raygestir ain Stetlyn 
unnd Bistumb seind wir iibernacht belyben, Und am Montag 
gen Griinewytz Sechs Engelysch meyl von Lunda, Da das 
Kiinnygs von Engeland tochther ist gezogen. 

Kaiserlich Mayestat Einreytung zu Lunden inn Engeland. 

% Am Sambstag den sechsten Junnij seind zu Lunden 
aingeriten in Engeland die kaiserlich Mayestatt unnd der 
Kiinig von Engeland. 

% Erstlych seind die gassen von dem ausseristen ort d r Stat 
bisz in das schlosz, dardurch kayserlich Mayestat, Unnd 
kiinig von Engeland haben reiten miissen mit sand beschit 
Unnd auff beyde seyten, die Heiiser mit Tappessern Be- 
henckt geweszt, Es seind auch in der selben gassen bey 
syben Spectacula gemacht geweszt, vast zierlich und schon 
so die kauffleiidt unnd herren, vonn der Stadt Lunden 
machen lassen. 

% Item in den ersten aspect seind gesessen, od T gestanden 
ettlych personen anngelegtt, als die syben Churfursten (p. 6) 
darunder kayserlich May. in der mit, auch zierlich mit jren 
wappen, klaidern und klaynetern vast kostlych. 

% Item in dem andern aspect, warn der stamm des ge- 
schlechts des Teiitschen Kay. auch des kiinigs von Engeland, 
man und frawenbild, alles von schonen Junckfrawen und 
knaben, auff das zierlichest angelegt, in kingklyche klayder, 
und jr kronen auff dem haupt, und Ceptar und schwertter in 
der hand, vast lustig zu sehen gewesen, und ander matterien 
in den andern Spectacula mit aller zierlichesten aspecten an 
zu schawen geweszt. 

^f Item zu Erst sein forher geriten, des kiinigs von Enge- 
land Edelleiit und herren, in schartz sameten Rocken, dar- 
under etlich mit gulden stucken, mit jren guldin kettin, bey 

^ Auf die selben haben gefolgt, die herren von der Statt 
Lunden, bey den xxxx. In rot scharlachen Rocken, auff die 
selben aber etlich Engelisch herren, weytter darauff gefolgt, 


leave Calais, on about three or four vessels with a very strong 
wind, and with his Majesty arrived and landed in England 
several English lords at Dover, a town and castle on the sea. 

How the King of England, the Emperor's Majesty being 
at Dover, arrived there on aftermonday, how his Majesty was 
received, and how they behaved towards each other, is not 
known to the servants of the court, since the court of the 
Emperor's Majesty was at that time still at Calais. 

On Friday the 30th day of May, the English caught two 
French pirates and carried them to Dover ; and all ships 
there in harbour, of which there were about thirty ships of 
war, fired their ordnance with such a thunder and noise, that 
a man might not believe it, unless he saw, how such powerful 
ordnance was used on the water. 

On the same Friday the Emperor's Majesty and the King 
of England left Dover and went to Saint Thomas of Canter- 
bury, and remained there during the night. 

On Saturday in the morning the Emperor's Majesty and the 
King of England went to Saint Thomas's Church, and at the 
altar where the epitaph or shrine of Saint Thomas is standing, 
the Emperor's Majesty and the King of England heard two 
masses, and the King was standing on the left-hand side of 
his Majesty. 

After the same, the King showed the Emperor's Majesty 
the epitaph or shrine of St. Thomas, which seen also to de- 
scribe or to demonstrate its preciousness is all but impossible 
on account of the most excellent, costly and precious stones, 
pearls and jewels, also a great number of rings with their set 
stones and pearls, which are wrought in abundance and in- 
numerable ; and in summer such is a wonderful work, of such 
an inestimable value, that nobody would believe it, unless he 
saw it himself. 

Item, on the said epitaph by far the most excellent among 
the precious stones are two jewels, given by a King of France 
as his ransom or redeeming fee, which are worth some hun- 
dred thousand crowns ; and the meanest, which is on the 
epitaph, is the gold. 


Item, the church of St. Thomas is about two hundred and 
twenty common paces long. In the crypt is the tomb of St. 
Thomas, and there one is shown a chalice of St. Thomas. 
On the same tomb is fixed a square tablet or plate, on which 
is written or engraved, but now very illegible, Saint Thomas's 
Epithavium, which was found on his corpse, and it says : 
" Hie requiescit Thomas de obernensis. Archiepiscobus Bri- 
tannic Primas et sedis apostolice Legatus. Qui pro justicia 
et jure ecclesie, interfectus est mi Kalendas Januarii Milleno 
Centena septua." 

Moreover there is on the left-hand side a well in the wall, set 
in stone, with a writing above it, saying that the same water 
had been turned once into milk and four times into blood. 

Item, the monastery, in which the Emperor's Majesty and 
the King of England had taken lodging, is very large and of 
a circle shape. 

On the said Saturday, the Emperor's Majesty and the King 
of England spent the night at a large market-town, called 

On Sunday, the 1st of June, we remained at night at Ro- 
chester, a small town and see of a bishop. 

And on Monday we went to Greenwich, six English miles 
from London, where the daughter of the King of England 

The entrance of the Emperor's Majesty in London in England. 

On Saturday, the 6th of June, the Emperor's Majesty and 
the King of England entered London on horseback. 

First, the streets from the very beginning of the city until 
the palace, through which the Emperor's Majesty and the King 
of England had to ride, were all covered with sand, and from 
the houses down hung tapestry. There were also performed 
in the same streets about seven spectacles, very nicely and 
beautifully, by the merchants and gentlemen of the city of 

Item, in the first show were sitting or standing several 
persons dressed as the seven Princes Electors, and in the 



midst of them the Emperor's Majesty, very nicely and 
sumptuously, with their coats of arms, dresses and jewels. 

Item, in the other show the genealogies of the German 
Emperors and the Kings of England, men and women, were 
represented by beautiful girls and boys, clad most prettily 
in royal robes, with crowns on their heads and sceptres and 
swords in their hands, very amusing to look at; and other 
matters in the other spectacles, the nicest shows to look at. 

Item, the first, who rode before, were the lords and gentle- 
men of the King of England, in black velvet coats, some of 
them with golden pieces and with golden chains, about three 

They were followed by the gentlemen of the city of 
London, about forty, in scarlet coats; but after the same 
followed several English lords, and the trumpeters of the 
King and the Emperor's Majesty all together, after the same 
some of the courtiers of the Emperor's Majesty, in their vel- 
vet coats, after the same about a hundred and fifty English 
gentlemen, very richly adorned in velvet and golden chains. 

Item, then came the brother-in-law of the King of England, 
on his left side the Marquis Hans of Brandenburg, and before 
him the Prince of Orange and the Marquis of Aerschot and 
other great lords, in their golden pieces and chains, on beau- 
tifully-caparisoned stallions. 

After the same followed the heralds of the Emperor's 
Majesty and on both their sides six men with gilt sceptres ; 
then two men came riding with two silver crosses, and after 
them on horseback the Cardinal of England, and after him 
a man with a golden sword, who introduced the Emperor's 
Majesty, after him the Emperor's Majesty and the King of 
England. And his Majesty the Emperor wore the order of 
the King of England round the neck, and the King the order 
of the Emperor, in their golden pieces, both after the same 
fashion and made in the same manner. 

Then came riding the archers of the Emperor's Majesty and 

. the King of England, very well adorned, about two hundred. 

And when they had come to the great church, they alighted 


thereat and went in ; there was prepared in the midst of the 
church a bench covered with cloth of gold and cushions, on 
which they knelt down, and immediately was sung with great 
solemnity Te Deum laudamus. 

When that was done, they rode to their lodgings in the 
palace, which is a large and beautiful building. All rooms 
throughout, especially those in which the Emperor's Ma- 
jesty and the King of England are staying, are of such ex- 
cellent, inestimable and skilful workmanship, and everywhere 
covered with tapestry, as one has never seen the like. 

During the four days that his Majesty stayed at Greenwich, 
the King of England kept much entertainment with banquets, 
dances, jousts, tournaments and other the like, and everybody 
was given gratis to eat and to drink. 

The account of the reception of the Emperor Charles 
V. in England was discovered in the celebrated collec- 
tion of books and antiquities, formerly preserved in the 
castle of Ambras in the Tyrol, at present in the Impe- 
rial Library at Vienna. It is an old and evidently 
contemporary print in small quarto, but unfortunately 
a mere fragment of only four leaves. The two rubrics 
are printed with red type, and the first is embellished 
by some rude arabesques in woodcut, the centre of 
which is meant to be the Emperor. 

The author, as an eye-witness, was certainly among 
the Emperor's company, perhaps one of his heralds, 
whose duty it was to describe the visit at the English 
court in the styte of a journal, for distribution in 
print. However, the German, the orthography,. and 
the style of the production are abominable, and of 
that uncouth and illogical character which was always 
general in Germany before the influence of Luther's 

Q 2 


translation of the Bible made itself felt. It is therefore 
all but impossible to venture on a literal translation of 
even such a simple description. 

There is a good account of the Emperor's doings in 
England, when he came over in May, 1522, in Her- 
bert's 'Life and Reign of King Henry VIII.,' Rennet's 
History of England, vol. ii. p. 47; and it will be seen 
by comparison, that all the dates of the German diary 
agree with it, with the single exception of the day 
when the cavalcade entered the city of London, which 
should of course be : " Sambstag, den siebenten Junij" 
(Saturday, the seventh day of June). 

I cannot tell what is meant by " aftermontag." The 
words from the tomb of Thomas a Becket may be both 
copied wrongly and misprinted. The noblemen who 
came with the Emperor, besides the Marquis of Aerschot, 
were, the Margrave John of Brandenburg — who had 
married Germaine de Foix, the widow of Ferdinand 
the Catholic, of Aragon, and held the place as Viceroy 
of Valencia — and Prince Philibert of Orange. The 
Emperor resided at the Black Friars', his train at Bride- 

It is to be regretted that the rest of the fragment 
seems to be lost, as it would have contained the de- 
scription of the festivals at Windsor with the journey 
to Winchester and the voyage from Southampton to 
Spain. Yet such as it is, it contains curious infor- 
mation by a foreigner, especially about Becket's shrine 
only a very short time before the tomb was demolished. 




(Read November 27tb, 1861.) 

I havb much pleasure in laying before the Society 
two papers forwarded to me by my friend Mr. D. E. 
Colnaghi, one containing an account of a tour he has 
lately made through the south-west district of Acar- 
nania, with interesting notices of the ruins still visible 
there, and of the present state of the country : the 
other, offering some curious details of the ruins of 
New Pleuron. 

There were, as is well known, two cities of this 
name in ancient times ; one called Old Pleuron (17 
Tra\ataII\€vpcov y Strab. x. p. 451), situated in the plain 
between the Achelous and the Evenus, at the foot of 
Mount Curium ; a city, which supplied troops during 
the Trojan War, under their leader, Thoas, the son of 
iEneas (Horn. 11. ii. v. 639). This city is said to have 
been abandoned by its inhabitants (Strab. x. p. 451), 
owing to the ravages of Demetrius II., King of Mace- 
donia, b.c. 239-229. The second, New Pleuron (17 
v&ttT€paIlkevpwv), which was built by the inhabitants of 


the elder city, in consequence of the former being no 
longer habitable. It is stated by Pausanias (vii. 11, 
§ 3), that a little while before the destruction of Corinth 
(b.c. 146)NewPleuron, then a member of theAchaean 
League, petitioned the Romans to be dissevered from it. 
The site of the new town has been examined in modern 
times with more or less care, by Dodwell ( c Tour through 
Greece/ i. 96), Leake (' Northern Greece/ i. 115), and 
Mure ( 4 Tour in Greece/ i. 140). 

No coins have been discovered that can be attributed 
to either of these cities. 

I will now leave Mr. Colnaghi to tell his own story. 

W. S. W. Vaux. 

Missolonghi, June, 1860. 

My dear , 

I send herewith a short journal of my first tour 
through Acarnania. I was not able to see all I wished, 
as there is some difficulty in overcoming the prejudices 
of the peasants to strangers, and in inducing them to 
point out where remains are ; moreover, official duties 
compelled my return to Missolonghi earlier than I had 

May 14, Monday. — Missolonghi to Vrachori, eight 

We ride across the plain of Missolonghi, leaving 
the ruins of New Pleuron on our right. In the plain, 
behind, is the town of Aitolico, which is placed on an is- 
land in the centre of a placid lake ; the olives are in full 


bloom ; farther on, the road is lined by the Rhamnus 
palustris, a graceful plant with light green leaves and a 
yellow flower. At nine we entered the Klissoura Gorge, 
a magnificent chasm, which forms a way through 
Mount Aracynthus, to the upper plain of iEtolia. 
During the upheaval of this range of mountains, this 
gorge, which forms a rectangle, and is about two miles 
in length, was probably caused by an earthquake. 
The mountains on either side of the narrow path 
through which the traveller passes, rise nearly two 
thousand feet in height ; the summits are castellated, 
and appear like the ruins of feudal castles ; there are 
fine caves in various parts. The mountains are of 
limestone, now blue, now red ; the tops are covered 
with trees, which appear like mere bushes ; and the 
sides of the hills and the narrow valley are rich in 
vegetation. Cattle, sheep, and goats graze on the 
mountain side ; and fine eagles soar overhead. Half- 
way through the gorge is a ruined monastery, a con- 
ventional halting-place. Looking back, the view is 
glorious ; through the entrance of the gorge you see 
the plain and head of the lake of Aitolico, with moun- 
tain rising above mountain, of a deep blue colour, in 
the distance. From the monastery the road ascends 
slightly. The scenery becomes still wilder ; vast boul- 
ders of rock lie in the path, and the masses of moun- 
tains are sterner and more solid. A small barrack for 
gendarmes stands on a rock at the head of the Klis- 
soura. We now pass through a richly-wooded valley, 
with a mountain-stream running rapidly through it. 
Planes, elms, and other trees, are growing in wild luxu- 
riance. In an hour and a half, on ascending a hill, 
we have a fine view of the upper plain of jEtolia, with 


its two lakes (Hyria and Trichoma), surrounded by 
woods. In the plain we ride through forests of Valonea 
oaks ; by the lakes are willows, poplars, and a thick 
jungle of underwood, — excellent cover for woodcock. 
The plain is partially cultivated with corn, but the 
style of agriculture is very primitive, and the plough, 
with the oxen yoked together by a single bar of wood, 
is of the same form as in the time of Homer. 

We halt at the Khan of Alaibe, at the entrance of 
the Turkish causeway, which crosses the marsh be- 
tween the two lakes. On either side of the paved 
road, elms, poplars, willows, and fig-trees, with wild 
vines and creeping plants pendent from their branches, 
rise in graceful confusion, and join their branches 
overhead, forming a canopy impervious even to a 
Greek sun. This wood extends two miles, after which 
we come to a fine glade of oaks, and then turn on to 
the open plain, riding west. We cross a river shaded 
by plane-trees, and have a fine view. On our right 
rises the loft summit of Arabocephalo, at this moment 
covered with fleecy clouds. Before us, looking west, 
is the plain of JStolia, with the vale of the Achelous, 
bounded by the bold mountains of Acarnania. On 
t^e left of the plain the ruined citadel of Angelo Castro 
may be observed. On the right a small white house, 
on an eminence, marks the site of Stratus, above which 
is the modern village of Lepenu. In one hour and a 
quarter, the gardens of Vrachori, planted with vines 
and tobacco, commence ; in another hour we reach 
the village itself. 

Vrachori, or Agrinion as it is also called, though 
not built on the site of the ancient city of that name, 
is well placed on a rising ground, about the centre of 


the plain. It contains about three thousand inhabi- 
tants, and as the chef-lieu of the Eparchy of Trichonia 
is graced by the presence of an Eparch, zjuge de paix, 
a commandant of gendarmerie, and two companies of 
regular troops. It has a trade in tobacco and grain. 

Tuesday, 1 bth May. — The road from Vrachori to Stra- 
tus (three hours) leads us through the plain, past the 
ruined Turkish village of Zapandi, — where the remains 
of two mosques and their minarets are memorials of 
Mussulman dominion now gone by. Thence we de- 
scend to the bed of the Achelous, but before reaching 
the river we pass (one hour and a quarter from Vra- 
chori), the Calyvia of Spolaiti, where I noticed some 
very large blocks of country stone, and appearances of 
walls on the mountain on the right. From this point 
we enter the vale of the Achelous, and passing over 
some meadow land, covered with wild pear-trees, soon 
reach the bed of the river, which here is about three- 
quarters of a mile in breadth. We forded two or three 
shallow streams, till we came to the principal one, 
which runs rapidly down by the right bank. The ferry 
boat came over to meet us, and we were landed safely 
on the opposite shore. Soon after we entered the ruins 
of Stratus. By the river-bank the women of the 
Vlach village of Surovigli, built among the ruins, were 
washing their clothes. Some were handsome, and 
their blue and red dresses — rather succinct — had a 
very picturesque appearance. 

The city of Stratus wbs the principal town of Acar- 
nania, and was frequently mentioned during the Ro- 
man and Macedonian wars. The town was strongly 
fortified. Stratus was built on a spur of Mount Pe- 
tala, which runs down by the river into the vale of 


the Achelous. On a height three-quarters of a mile 
from the plain was the Acropolis. From the Acro- 
polis the walls were carried down on the east side by 
the river, on the west to the plain, and enclosed four 
irregular branches of the spur, running north and 
south. Down the centre ridge was a wall, apparently 
dividing the town into two parts. The whole circuit 
of the walls, which, according to Colonel Leake, are 
two miles and a half in circumference, may still be 

At the eastern corner of the south wall, facing the 
plain, is a postern gate, flanked by a tower, which 
forms an oblique angle with the gate. The two blocks 
forming the architrave of the gate on the outside are 
cut so as to form an arch. The blocks of which the 
walls are built, are in layers of irregular size and rough 
workmanship, but carefully fitted together. 

Proceeding west, along the line of walls, I came to 
an arched building, formed of larger limestone blocks, 
most carefully fitted together without cement. The 
arch begins after the first row of blocks, each block 
being slightly curved inward. On the east side is a 
square doorway, blocked up externally by a square 
mass of rock. The arch at the end of the building 
forms the segment of a circle. This building, which 
is nine feet five inches in length by six feet four inches 
in breadth, can only have been used as a tomb. Its 
present height to the key-stone of the arch is five feet. 
The key-stone is most carefully fitted down the centre 
of the building. This tomb runs due north and south, 
and is situated about twenty paces outside the city 
walls. Close by is another tomb, formed of four 
squared blocks, which has been opened. 


At the south-west corner of the walls is another 
postern gate, resembling in general character the one 
already described. 

On the summit of a hill on the western side of 
the city are the ruins of a temple. Drums and bases 
of columns, with squared blocks and architraves, are 
mingled together in shapeless confusion. The temple 
had apparently never been finished ; some of the drums 
and bases are cut into the Doric form, others are half 
finished, while the remainder are merely rounded with 
the knobs, round which ropes were attached to bring 
them from the quarries still left. In the plain below 
were many blocks, formerly belonging to the temple. 

Down the centre of the town runs a valley, which 
has much the appearance of a hippodrome. On the 
steep side of a hill to the east of this, are the remains 
of many houses, built in terraces. The theatre may 
be traced in a hollow on the south side of the town. 
But very little is left of it. The position of the seats 
may still be traced. The diameter is about fifty paces. 
The theatre commands a view of the plain, partially 
obstructed by an advancing spur of the hill. 

Following the line of the interior wall, which seems 
to have run north and south from the Acropolis to 
the plain, we come to a gate ten feet wide facing east 
and west, flanked by two towers. Under the wall of 
the Acropolis, which forms the highest peak on the 
north side, is a square slab, with marks on it as if it 
had been the base of a statue. There appears to have 
been an inscription on the face, which is quite worn 
out. The walls of the Acropolis are well and solidly 
built; from the summit is a fine view showing the 
green vale of the Achelous and mountains beyond. On 


the left, the plain of ./Etolia loses itself in the mountain 
range above Naupactus. My guide over the ruins 
styled himself the Didaskalos (or schoolmaster) of the 
village. He had travelled with Mr. Leon Heuzey, a 
member of the French school at Athens, and under 
his guidance had become a zealous, and really acute 
antiquarian. I stayed in the house of Mika Janco, 
the chief of the Karagounides, the shepherd-tribe who 
live at Surovigli. During summer they retire to the 
mountains above Carpenisi. Mika had a house, but 
the rest of the village consisted chiefly of Caly via, or 
huts built of reeds, much resembling, I should fancy, 
Indian wigwams. My host was a fine old man, and 
treated me with much hospitality. He was fierce 
against the Turks, and told me his village could turn 
out sixty or seventy muskets. He is rich, possessing 
flocks and herds, and land, but says that he prefers 
living in Vlach or shepherd-style, of which dirt and 
fleas form a prominent feature, than indulging in the 
chairs and tables of the Frank, of whom he, in com- 
mon with the inhabitants of Greece, generally, enter- 
tain! a cordial dislike. Jealousy of strangers is still 
the most marked feature of the inhabitants of this 
country. When they know you, they are all hospi- 
tality, but till they do, you are treated with extraor- 
dinary distrust. 

Wednesday, May 16. — Stratus (Surovigli) to Cara- 
vasera, six hours. 

Left Stratus at 9.15 a.m. About fifteen minutes 
to the west of the village, in the plain which is called 
Alonia, are the remains of a large building with squared 
blocks for a pavement At 11.10 we reached the 
khan and military station of Kouvara. The road through 


which we had passed, had led us first through the 
plain of the Achelous. We then, turning to the north, 
rode through a valley ; the mountains and vale covered 
with fine forests of the valonea oak. This part of 
Acarnania has only been cleared of brigands since 
1856. Between 1850 and 1855 more than forty per* 
sons were killed in this pass by the robbers ; and thq 
khan of Kouvara was three times burnt down by them : 
once, I believe, with the proprietor inside. This was 
also the high-road for the expedition into Turkey in 

From Kouvara the valley, which is undulating, nar- 
rows at first, till in half an hour we reach the head of 
the Lake of Caravasera, where the fields are cultivated. 
Shortly after we pass the military station of Ridio, at 
the entrance of a fine oak forest, through which we 
ride for more than an hour. Passing over open ground 
by the lake, we cross the valley at the end of it, and 
ascending a rocky hill, enter a narrow pass, which 
in a few minutes takes us to Caravasera. 

Caravasera is a rising commercial town, containing 
about two hundred houses. It is situate on a narrow 
ledge between the mountains and the sea, at the end 
of a fine bay, forming the south-east angle of the Am- 
braciot Gulf. It is the chief town of the Eparchy of 
Valto, has an export trade in valonea and wool, and 
imports coffee, sugar, and manufactured goods for the 
use of the province. 

Thursday, May 17.— On the stony mountain behind 
the town, are situate the ruins of the city of Limnsea. 
The walls were carried round the crest of the hill, and 
down to the sea on the east and west sides. The 
wall on the west supported a road, which probably 


led up to the principal entrance to the town. The 
walls have been greatly destroyed, but the whole cir- 
cuit can be traced. They appear to have been care- 
fully built, of large limestone blocks, fitted together 
without cement, with towers at various intervals. A 
colony of Albanians was planted among the ruins by 
the celebrated Ali Pasha of Janina. The remains of 
their church and houses are still to be seen. From 
the top of the hill looking south is a fine view of the 
valley we passed through yesterday, surrounded by 
mountains, with the lake which probably gave its name 
to the town. Towards the north, the Ambraciot Gulf, 
with the bold and lofty mountains of Arta, are spread 
out before us. 

The wall down the side of the hill on the north-east 
side was well and strongly built of large blocks of 
various sizes, well fitted together, though roughly hewn 
on the outside. In some parts the interior lining of 
the wall was of polygonal masonry. The wall forms 
an angle on approaching the base of the hill. About 
halfway down is a postern gate resembling those at 

Caravasera to Lutraki, three hours and a half. 

The exit from the town is over a steep and stony 
mountain, which has to be crossed on foot, for road 
there is none. More than an hour's walk over barren 
hill, when we descend into a plain, and see the large 
village of Catuna, on the mountains to the south-west. 
We now pass through a splendid forest of valonea 
oaks, down and round the side of a mountain, with 
once a little peep of the sea through an opening in the 
wood. The road then turned down a valley, and over 
a hill, covered with trees with graceful foliage, till we 


came upon the Bay of Lutraki, a beautiful little creek. 
It was just evening, and a quiet glow softened the 
whole scene. Lutraki consists of a few huts and 
magazines, situated on a fertile plain, at the edge of 
the creek. There is a beautiful group of plane-trees 
in the village. 

Friday, May 18. — Lutraki to Vonitza, five hours and 
a half. 

About fifteen minutes to the west of the village, 
we cross a river with steep banks and a wooden bridge. 
An old Turkish or mediaeval bridge of stone once 
spanned the stream, round which is a fine wood of 
plane-trees. On the top of a small hill are the remains 
of buildings with some ancient blocks in the centre, 
and the foundations of walls round. All over the hill 
are blocks of stone, and coarse pottery. 

The chief remains appear to be mediaeval or Byzan- 
tine, but there are some ancient blocks. Their position 
is distant about five minutes from the sea. For two 
hours we passed over the plain — generally cultivated 
with corn — when we descended into a glen, where there 
is a Turkish well surrounded by fine trees, and the re- 
mains of a paved road. We now pass up the mountain 
side in a southerly direction and enter an undulating 
valley, partially cultivated and partially covered with 
trees and thick underwood, through which we ride. We 
soon come to the remains of some ancient buildings. On 
a knoll to the right of the road are ruins composed of 
squared blocks, part of a column, some coarse tiles, and 
portions of more modern buildings. A little further on, 
in a small chapel, are two small columns. The whole 
wood, which is on rising ground, is filled with the 
remains of an ancient city — according to Leake — that 


of Echinus. I saw no monuments worthy of remark ; 
but the wood should be explored, as inscriptions might 
be found there. As we near the village, we pass the 
walls of the town, built of large squared blocks, but in 
a very ruined state. They cross a ravine at this point, 
down which a torrent runs in winter. The acropolis 
appears to have been on an eminence on the north 
side of the village, on which is the modern church. 
There are the remains of buildings here, composed of 
large blocks of a kind of pudding-stone. The acropolis 
commanded the whole city, which had a circuit of 
about one mile and a half or two miles, and extended 
round two hills to the level ground in the valley. From 
this spot there is a fine view — a stretch of undula- 
ting country, covered with corn and woods — as far as 
Vonitza, the fortified hill of which town is just visible 
by the sea. Beyond the town is Gape Madonna. On 
the opposite coast Prevesa may be seen, while on the 
left, across the gulf, rise the fine mountains of Epirus. 
From Ai Vasili, we passed down into a rich valley, 
cultivated with corn — having on our left the mountains 
about Zaverda and those of Sta. Maura. In about one 
hour and a half we saw some squared blocks on the 
right of the road, on a little knoll on the left, a fine 
wooded ravine. In a quarter of an hour we descended 
into the plain of Vonitza. On a round hill called 
Magoula, in the plain, is an Hellenic wall. In about 
an hour and a half we enter Vonitza. The town is 
built on a bold oblong hill, which rises abruptly from 
the plain by the sea, and is crowned by a Venetian 
castle. Gardens are prettily interspersed among the 
houses. Vonitza contains about one thousand four 
hundred inhabitants, and is the chief town of the 


Eparchy of Zyromero. There is a trade in wool, and 
when the harvest is good Indian corn is exported to 

Saturday, May 19. — Started about nine a.m. for 
Agios Petros (Anactorium) en route for Actium (four 
hour 8). 

We passed along the plain to Cape Madonna, and 
then crossed the base of the cape through a thick 
cover of Rharnnus palustris. About five minutes be- 
fore arriving at Agios Petros (a deserted chapel), I saw 
several Greek tombs, formed of squared slabs, situated 
a little off the path, at a place called Ambelakia. The 
tombs had been opened, and I only saw a few pieces of 
coarse pottery lying about. We emerged from here 
into a little plain covered with shrubs and stones, by 
the sea. On our right is a hill, probably the acropolis 
of Anactorium ; in the valley is a marsh. Under the 
hill are the remains of a building formed of large blocks 
of blue limestone. Round the edge of the cliff, for 
about a mile, are here and there blocks, apparently the 
remains of a sea-wall ; from the top of the hill is a fine 
view of the Gulf of Arta, and the mountains of Epirus. 

We now forded a small bay. On a hill, but over- 
grown with thick cover, are some ancient blocks. I 
saw some Greek remains in two or three other places 
as we passed along. In the thick of the wood, by a small 
stream, are the remains of an ancient wall, composed 
of large squared blocks ; and in the bed of the stream, 
I found two or three pieces of an ancient vase. The 
shepherds who were guiding us through the forest, told 
me that they had found several vases in tombs about 
here, but had broken them up. The place is called 
Arkondavlaco. We rode on from here to the promon- 



tory of Actium. At the base of the sandy spit of land 
ends the Greek territory, Turkey commanding both 
sides of the entrance to the Gulf of Arta. We rode 
over the plain where Antony's troops were encamped 
before the celebrated battle of Actium, and soon after 
reached Fort Punta, where is a garrison of Turkish sol- 
diers. Across the channel is situated the town of Pre- 
vesa ; the distance of this shore to the other is about 
half a mile. 

I crossed over to Prevesa in the afternoon. Pre-, 
vesa is a town of about five thousand inhabitants, con- 
sisting of Turks, Greeks, and Jews. It is well forti- 
fied, and has a strong garrison. About an hour from 
the town, are the ruins of Nicopolis, or the City of 
Victory, built by Augustus after his victory at Actium. 
The road to the ruins leads through a beautiful olive- 
wood. The ruins are very fine from their immense 
extent, and stand in an open plain, stretching down 
on both sides to the sea. The principal remains are 
the citadel, the baths, the small theatre, and the large 
amphitheatre, close to which is the stadium. All the 
buildings are of Roman brickwork. It is probable 
that some of the more important were cased in marble. 
The whole scene reminds one of Italy more than of 

Tuesday, May 22. — Left Prevesa by the Austrian 
steamer for Sta. Maura. We passed over the spot where 
the naval action was fought between the rival fleets of 
Antony and Augustus, outside the Bay of Prevesa, 
and in an hour were at Sta. Maura. The town (Amaxi- 
chi) is situate at the end of a lagoon about a mile 
and a half in length. The castle, which is principally 
Venetian, is placed at the head of the lagoon, and is 


only separated from the neighbouring coast of Acar- 
nania, of which, at one time, the island formed a part, 
by a narrow strait, which is fordable below the town. 
A canal to enable vessels to approach the town is being 
cut, and though not yet finished, has already cost 
£30,000. Amaxichi contains about five thousand in- 
habitants ; the island twenty-five thousand. The in- 
habitants of the interior are called Leucadians, after 
the ancient name of the island Leucas, and are most 
indignant if called Santa-Mauriotes, a name which pro- 
perly belongs to the fortress only. Sta. Maura is fertile, 
and produces oil and wine in large quantities. Round 
the town there are beautiful olive-groves, which form 
pleasant walks. The houses are low, on account of 
the frequency of earthquakes. In 1825, the town was 
entirely destroyed by an earthquake, and a Turkish 
aqueduct which conveyed water to the citadel, and es- 
tablished a communication between the town and the 
fort, was likewise ruined. The churches are low, with 
belfries, and have rather a Venetian air, which indeed 
pervades the whole town. The ruins of the ancient 
city of Leucas are situated on two hills, about a mile 
and a half south-east of the town, and extends down to 
the sea. The walls ascending the hill are composed of 
large blocks roughly squared, and in some parts are 
polygonal. They appear to have been of immense 
strength. The ancient port was at a spot now called 
Spasmeni Vrisi, from a fountain. The sea has receded 
here. Many tombs have been found on a hill by 
the walls of the old city. I copied several fragmentary 
inscriptions from tombs. A gate of the city, and large 
portions of the walls were taken down by a former 
Resident, to build a church outside the town. The 

r 2 


church is not built, and the olive-grove near it is filled 
with the blocks taken from Leucas. 

Friday, 25th May. — Rowed over to Palaiochalia and 
are once more in Acarnania. Palaiochalia to Kekro- 
poula, three hours. 

We leave Palaiochalia at 11.30, and pass through 
a pretty valley partially cultivated. In an hour cross 
over to the mountain on the left, and through the vil- 
lage of Playa, which contains eighty-two families. Our 
road now takes us through a fine oak forest, up the 
mountain side in a southerly direction. In two hours 
more we pass the remains of buildings in the wood, 
and soon see the ruins at Kekropoula which are placed 
on the crest of a steep and rocky hill, on the north 
side, and looking into the plain of Zaverda. These 
ruins may mark the site of the city of Palaerus. The 
city was built round the crest of two hills ; in the centre 
is a valley forming a natural amphitheatre. The walls 
are built of squared blocks of stone, and in parts are 
cyclopaean. The entire circuit of the walls exists, but 
they are more perfect on the west and north-west than 
on the other sides. 

In the interior of the west wall are a flight of steps, 
leading up to the battlements, in perfect preservation. 
The height of the wall at this place is thirty-nine feet. 

On the north-west side of the town is an arched 
gateway, — the arch, formed of blocks carefully cut to 
the position of each and well fitted together without 
cement. From here there is a fine view of the Gulf of 
Arta. On the plain beneath is the Lake Myrtuntium. 
Inside the town, facing north, are the foundations of a 
building formed of large squared blocks. Facing the 
south-west is a square gateway, with a tower on the 
east side. 


In the valley below the city are many tombs, chiefly 
formed of four squared slabs. But I noticed among them 
some large crocks, Pithi, similar to those found by Mr. 
Calvert on the plain of Troy.* The tombs had been 
open, the slabs broken being required for the belfry of 
the church at Zaverda. 

We now passed down the plain of Zaverda, through 
cornfields intermixed with the Rhamnus palustris and 
oak-trees. We had a fine view of the blue sea and blue 
hills of Santa Maura, Cefalonia, and Ithaca. 

The village of Zaverda is prettily situated in a little 
creek ; behind the village rises a fine rocky mountain, 
called Livitova. Zaverda contains about twelve hundred 
inhabitants ; its principal trade is in the export of cat- 
tle for the use of the garrisons of the Ionian Islands. 

Left Zaverda at 11.30 p.m., in a country-boat with 
lateen sails, for Mytica, a village situate on a point of 
land in a fertile plain, opposite the lofty and rocky 
island of Calamo. The day was hot, and we were 
pressed for time, and could only ride over to the village 
of Candela, on the north side of the plain, where are the 
ruins of Alyzia, which we only were able to inspect 
superficially. I copied two or three inscriptions. 
There is excellent red-deer shooting in the mountains 
about here. 

From Mytica a fair wind carried us down in seven 
hours to San Sosti, at the head of the lagoon of Misso- 
longhi. We passed the bold mountains of Acarnania, 
the mouth of the Acheloiis, and between the group of 
islands (the Echinades) which lie off there. The next 
morning early we were anchored off the town of 

* 'Archaeological Journal/ xvi. p. 1. 




Gate.— South Wall.— Stratus. 
Height of gate to base of ft. in. 

arched stone ... 8 
Height to centre of arch 10 
Width of gate ... 5 3 
Depth of wall ... 8 6 

Size of some of the Blocks of Wall. 
ft. in. ft. in. ft. in. 
Height... 3 7 ... 3 9 ... 1 6 
Depth ... 1 9... 2 ... 1 10 
Length,.. 4 10... 6 2.. .4 9 
Present height of wall 1 3 ft. 6 in. 

Rough Sketch. — Gate and Tower. 

Arched Tomb outside south wall, 
west corner, Stratus. 

ft. in. 
Present height to centre 

of arch 5 

Length 9 5 

Breadth 6.4 

Doorway, height (abont) 2 6 
Breadth ..... 27 

Rounded block at end of Tomb. 

[Piece fitted into corner. 

Square Tomb by arched building. 

ft. in. 

Length of tomb ... 5 9 

Breadth 2 

Thickness of each slab 
(about) 3 

Temple, Stratus. 

Diameter of drum of co- 
lumn (unfinished) ..41 

Diameter of base of co- 
lumn (unfinished) ..31 

Length of architrave with 
triglyph ..... 7 11 

Width between each 
channelling .... 7 



Section f base of Column. 

Length, etc. 9 of block, in plain below 

ft. in. 

Length 5 4 

Breadth 4 2 

Depth 7 

Diameter of theatre, about fifty 

Rough Sketch of Gate in interior wall, Stratus. 





Foundations of buildings in the plain of Alonia, near Stratus. 

21. PACES 



size of blocks of walls on 

ft. in. 
Length 3 


. 2 3 

. 4 6 

. 1 7 

. 1 6 

Arched Gate,wall descending to sea. 

Height of gate to centre 

of arch 6 2 

Diameter of ditto ..39 
Depth of wall .... 5 4 

1£ * 


* Diameter about 1 1 inches. 

Section of base of column. 

Block in Acropolis, Echinus. 
Length .... about 3 
Height . . . . „ 10 
Depth . . . . „ 2 



Block forming arch 

on right . . . 7 4 by 1 2 
Ditto on left . . 5 „ 1 2 

Anactorium. Block. Ruins of hold- 
ing under hill. ft. in. 

Length 5 9 

Height 1 10 

Depth 10 

Rough Sketch of Gate, north-west until of Kekropoula* 


m 1 1 1 1 1 1 


Present height of gate six feet. Length of passage into town, 
eight paces. 

Gateway facing south-west Kebropoula. Rough sketch. 

South-west Gate, Kekropoula. 
ft. in. 
Breadth, of supports of 

gate 4 3 

Width of gate .... 7 8 

Height 8 5 

Stone architrave, length . 11 7 

,, breadth 2 6 

depth . 1 



9 PACE* 

Steps in west wall, Kekropoula. 
ft. in. 
Length of step ... 4 
Height „ ... 1 
Stones forming west wall gene- 
rally 2 ft. 10 in. by 2 ft. 5 in. 

Tomb in Valley. 

Length 5 7 

Width 2 H 

Depth 2 3 

Breadth of slabs ... 4} 




A, 1 



mm > 1 

^ A '■ ■ 




3*/ \ 4 

V 3J 




A, Hew Pleuron. B, Gyfto Castro. 
0, Petro Vouni. 

Situation. — The ruins 
which now bear the name 
of the Castle of the Lady 
Irene {Kdarpov r!js Kvpias 
Elrfvrisi), and which are ge- 
nerally considered to be 
those of New Pleuron (17 
veoyrepa TlXevpwv) , are situ- 
ate on a spur of Mount 
Zygos (Aracynthus), which 
stretches out into the plain of Misssolonghi, about 
three miles to the west of that town. 

The walls of the city extend round the broad summit 
of a lower hill, and are carried up to the top of the 
spur, which rises about six hundred feet above it, where 
they join the acropolis, which is surrounded by a wall 
with towers. 

The walls of Pleuron are built of large blocks of 
limestone, carefully fitted together, though irregular in 
size and form. The interior is filled with rubble. The 
town walls are between 6 and 7 feet in thickness, those 
of the acropolis 8 feet. 

Nearly the entire circuit of the city, about one mile 
and a quarter, is preserved. Though in parts much 
ruined, the walls are still, in some places, from 18 to 
20 feet in height In the steepest parts of the north- 
east wall, leading to the acropolis, steps are built to 
facilitate the ascent. 

Gates. — There are six gates (not including the en- 
trances to the Acropolis, or the doors in Tower 3), of 


which the principal was at the south-west angle of the 
city (PL I. A. and PL IV.). From this gate the 
road appears to have passed in a north-east direction, 
keeping, at first, near the town wall. The block which 
formed the lintel of the doorway is 12 feet in length. 
In the west wall is an arched gate, which is inter- 
esting (PL I. C. and PL VI.). It is not unlikely, from 
the form of some blocks lying near, that the ruined 
gate (PL I. D.) in the north-west wall was also arched. 
Pleuron is, I believe, the only iEtolian city where 
arched gateways have been found. The gate in the 
eats wall (PL I. F.) is described by Dodwell, * Tour 
through Greece/ p. 96. 

Towers. — The towers have generally a front of from 
18 to 20 feet, and project about 1 1 feet from the wall ; 
the corner blocks are carefully cushioned. The steps 
leading up to the towers, on the inside of the wall, are 
preserved in many places. Tower 3 (PL I. B. and 
PL V.) has two postern-gates, perhaps for the conve- 
nience of the habitues of the theatre, which is close to it. 
This tower has two loopholes. The towers in the north- 
east wall, leading to the acropolis, are distinguished 
from the rest by being divided into four compartments 
by cross walls. Thirty-six towers, more or less ruined, 
can now be seen. 

Acropolis. — The acropolis is in very bad preserva- 
tion ; but little more than the foundations of the walls 
and towers exist. It contains no remains of ancient 
buildings, but in the interior of a ruined chapel is a 
fragment of a small Doric column, 1 foot 2 inches in 
diameter. The column is of white country-stone. 

Polls. — The ruins of the city itself are thickly scat- 
tered over the uneven summit of the lower hill, which 


is rocky and now covered with underwood. The foun- 
dations of several edifices, carefully built of large 
blocks of limestone, may be met with in various parts 
of the city, but they are in a very ruinous condition. 

Agora and adjacent Buildings. — The principal block 
of buildings, on a level space on the eastern side of 
the town (PL I. G. and PL III.), probably repre- 
sents the Agora, which was built of large blocks beau- 
tifully squared. Before its western front, which is ut- 
terly ruined, many rounded and squared blocks, portions 
of architraves and pilasters are scattered. It would 
seem as if they had belonged to a portico, which ex- 
tended the whole length of the building. A few paces 
to the south, and a little behind the Agora, are the 
foundations of a square building. On the eastern 
front is a tower, 1 by the side of which is a semicir- 
cular recess (PL III.). Opposite the Agora, in the 
same group of buildings, is a square chamber (25 feet 
by 20) hollowed out of the rock, but built round with 
well-squared blocks. Six steps lead down to the in- 
terior. The walls were covered with a cement, com- 
posed, apparently, of lime mixed with pounded flint. I 
think this was probably a cistern. 

Great Cistern, etc. — The great cistern (PL I. H. and 
PL II.) is near the centre of the town. It is an ex- 
cavation in the rock, about 88 feet in length by 69 
feet in breadth. Across the excavation four walls are 
built of carefully-squared blocks, which divide it into 
five compartments. The western division is the nar- 
rowest, and was covered at the top by large blocks. 
The walls have triangular openings at the base, and are 
about 21 feet in height. The rock, at the eastern end, 

1 The foundations only remain. 


is cut to a depth of about 50 feet. On the north side 
steps roughly cut in the rock, to assist the descent to 
the interior, may be traced. 

Near Tower 33, in the south wall of the city 
(PI. I. L.), is a small excavation about 13 feet in 
length and 10 feet in height. The walls were co- 
vered with the cement, already noticed in the cistern 
near the Agora, and the top was covered with large 
slabs in which circular holes, about 1 foot 4 inches in 
diameter, were cut. In one corner, about 9 feet from 
the ground, is a round earthenware pipe, which leads 
at the top of the work, in all probability, to some build- 
ing close at hand. This smaller excavation, I am in- 
clined to think, was also a reservoir. 

Not far from the great cistern, though I could not 
see that it has any connection with it, is a low passage, 
about 5 feet under ground, covered with bricks which 
are well made, and about 1 foot 4 inches in length. 
This passage seems like a ruined watercourse, but 
most likely it belongs to a later period, when the city 
was in the hands of the Romans. It must have taxed 
the resources of the inhabitants to supply the town 
with water on this rocky hill. 

Theatre.— The theatre (PI. I. B. and PI. V.), which 
is 88 feet in diameter, is situate close to the west wall. 
It is partially excavated in the hill side, and partly 
supported by walls composed of large squared blocks. 
Eight rows of plain seats can still be distinguished in 
the interior, which is greatly ruined and covered with 
thick underwood. A wall, the foundations of which 
can be faintly traced, seems to have separated the 
stage from the town wall. 

No Inscriptions. — I have met with no inscriptions at 


Pleuron, neither have I seen traces of any sculpture 
or ornament with the exception of the mouldings of 
the architraves before the west front of the Agora, 
which are very simple, and a small block in front of 
the theatre which is cut in low relief in rough re- 
semblance of a thick spear. A small statue, much 
rubbed, of a draped female figure, without a head, was 
found in a field below the town, and is now at Mis- 

Tombs. — In the plain below the ruins I observed 
some fragments of crocks, resembling those noticed 
ante, p. 17, and some small vases have been found 
in tombs, on the hill-side, which were built of four 
slabs of country- stone. 1 

View from City. — The view from the city is very 
fine. ' On the east and south-east may be seen the 
site of Calydon, Mount Varasova (Chalcis), the plain 
and town of Missolonghi, and in the distance the Gulf 
of Patras, bounded by the mountains of the Pelopon- 
nesus. On the west, beneath us, we see the Gulf 
and town of Aitolico ; and further on, the plain of the 
Achelous, the villages of Catochi and Neochori, the 
site of OEniadae : the whole bounded by Cephalonia and 
Ithaca, across the Ionian Sea. This scene bears out 
the description of Statius, which has been pointed out 
to me by a friend : 

"Si patriis Parthaonis arvis 

Inferar et reduci pateat mihi Martia Pleuron : 
Aurea tunc mediis urbis tibi templa dicabo 
Collibus, Ionias qua despectare procellas 
Dolce sit, et flavo tollens nbi vertice pontum 

1 On the bill side, below Tower 33, are two tombs cat in the rock 
(Sheet 2, No. 10). 


Turbidus objectas Achelous Ecbinadas exit. 
Hie ego majorum pugnas vultusque tremendos 
Magnaniraum effingam regum, figamque superbis 
Arma tholis, quseque ipse meo quaesita revexi 
Sanguine, quseque dabis captis, Tritonia, Thebis. 
Centum ibi virgineis vote Calydonides aria 
Actaeas tibi rite faces, et ab arbore casta 
Nectent purpureas niveo discrimine vittas 
Pervigilemque focis ignum longeeva sacerdos 
Nutriet, arcanum nunquam inspectura pudorem." l 

The poet alludes to Old Pleuron, but was probably 
thinking of the position of the later city. 


Situation. — The ruins at Gyfto Castro and Petro 
Vouni are situate on two low, rounded, and very 
rocky hills, spurs of Mount Zygos, but separated from 
the main range and the ruins of New Pleuron, below 
which they are, by a narrow strip of plain, through 
which flows a mountain torrent. Petro Vouni is the 
southernmost of the two hills. The Lagoon of Mis- 
solonghi is distant about one mile and three-quarters. 

Preservation. — The ruins on these hills are in the 
worst preservation ; in many places it is difficult even 
to trace the line of walls, and in no part are the walls 
more than 8 feet in height. They are of but very 
little interest in themselves, beyond marking the site 
of a city, which seems anterior to New Pleuron, and 
which Colonel Leake considers to have been Old Pleu- 
ron (17 iraXaia IlXevpai/). It is difficult to find an alto- 

1 Statius, Th ii. 726-41. 


gether satisfactory site for this city, the great rival of 

Enceinte t Gyfto Castro. — The wall surrounding Gyfto 
Castro (PL VII. I.) is built of blocks of various sizes, 
roughly placed together without mortar. The founda- 
tions of the towers on the south side are more regular 
in construction. The wall which joins the enceinte 
on the south side was built of large blocks, and I 
notice in it the foundations of two round towers. The 
walls have been rebuilt and added to, probably at 
various periods, but always, I think, on the old founda- 

Acropolis. — The acropolis is in a very ruinous con- 
dition, and it is very difficult to give any idea of it. 
The tower at the east end was built of small blocks, 
regularly squared, as was likewise the square building 
on the west. Between the acropolis and wall on the 
south, are the remains of walls and buildings of rough 

Petro Vouni. — The wall leading up the eastern 
side and south front of Petro Vouni, at the west end 
of which its traces are lost, was formerly joined to the 
wall of Gyfto Castro. The principal gate of the town 
was probably on the level ground between the two 
hills, and was composed of large blocks roughly 
squared. The wall, which is entirely in ruins, ap- 
pears to have been built of large blocks of limestone 
and was probably about 8 feet in width. The interior 
rubble alone remains, in many instances, to mark its 
course ; and I cannot help thinking, from the disap- 
pearance of such large blocks, that they were em- 
ployed in the construction of New Pleuron. 

In the plain, below Petro Vouni, are the remains of 


a square Hellenic building, now below the surface of 
the ground. The corner only, which is built of large 
blocks of white stone, has been uncovered to obtain 
stone for the steeple of the parish church of Mis- 
solonghi. In this building a few small silver coins 
were found among them ; one, I think, of Argos, one 
of Sicyon, and another of iEtolia ; but I write from 

The plans, which accompany this description, only 
profess to be the merest sketches. They are as accu- 
rate as I could make them, with the aid of my guide 
and a fifty-feet measure. The sketches I will not apo- 
logize for. I only hope they will give some faint idea 
of what they are intended to represent. 

Missolonghi, 1861. 

l#f£fit&8 './f Fl t '.) 







r t »»/-*0 ,/»i/ 

' X- 


much /waaio 


T*0 yOO#/ f OL0 *4.*4/*0#* 

vp £0 rmsrs from pUun. f.Gyftb Castro. 6irui*e* ' kmU 

— ^X 

«.L^ r ' 

^ ~ - - - ^ **^ • 


,rf*-X; '"V ^_ 

5f ^u-K-«^ _ 

V;: '_ 

ass us. M.N. 1*400 ft of Afi**0t*nf*i . 

i c c u ... u* l, n ; ^ ^ ' 

i ♦ 

1 AoTOK, f-i-N )X 



W >-Q 


m i *iiA \ 


*AC£NT 3(/UO/#CS 

( O. PL J.) 


< be aCistuiffuish.ecC N % 

t nt&rt*r I* muck. rutAuC 
t>rer&a *ah thicA ivuttrirood, 

\T HE AT RE \ 

(A. PL/.) 

tVaU pi 





r /yri7 T0#£# J. (B.P L./.) 




TO*r£fi'J fPU; 

x V" 


J/.ST*TU£ FOUftD tNAFt£LD B£LOW r/f£ C/TY 




(Read November 25th, 1857, and May 7th, 1862.) 

It is remarkable that so few ancient inscriptions have 
been preserved amongst the extensive and splendid 
remains of Baalbec, the Syrian Heliopolis, or " City of 
the Sun ;" and that the principal of those which have 
been there discovered are imperfect, and have been 
incorrectly copied by most travellers. After endea- 
vouring to determine the original Biblical names of 
that city, I purpose to restore, as far as I am able, the 
chief Greek and Roman inscriptions ; to illustrate them 
by a brief examination of the records of ancient au- 
thors; and to notice the three extremely beautiful 
but decayed temples, the principal deities, and the 
worship of the Sun as prevailed in that city. 

First. Many writers have considered Baalbec to be 
identical with Baalath, H7JQ, or Bahalath, 1 mentioned 

1 In using the word Bahalath in this memoir, I have done so with 
reference to it as given in the Latin, above the Hebrew, word for 
word, in Bryan Walton's * Biblia Sacra Polyglotta,' edit. Lond. 1657. 
He there renders our Baalath, Bahalath; Baal, Bahal; and Baal-gad; 

VOI*. VII. 8 


in 1 Kings ix. 18, the BdkaO of the Septuagint, which 
" Solomon built," but which is written BaXaas in 
2 Chron. viii. 6, in the Alexandrine, or BaXaati 2 in 
the Vatican version of the Septuagint; although in both 
verses of the Hebrew text the word is the same. And 
this, at first sight, seems highly probable, since it is 
coupled with " Tadmor in the wilderness," Oeppad h» 
tq epnfup (I Kings ix. 18), or GeSfiop (2 Chron. viii. 4), 
in the Alexandrine, but QoeSfwp in the Vatican, text ; 
which now all recognize as indisputably corresponding 
with nakfilpa of Josephus (Antiq. Jud. lib. viii. cap. 
6, sect. 1), and at this day with the " City of Palms," 
Palmyra "in the desert" of Syria. Also a Baalath 
is enumerated among the cities of Dan, in Joshua xix. 
44, which some interpreters have supposed to be the 
same city as that Baalath which was built by Solomon, 
being confirmed in their supposition by the state- 
ment of Josephus, 3 that the Baalath, or Baleth, which 
Solomon founded, was not far from Gezer, or Gazara, 

Bahal-gad. And in the same Bible, the Latin version of Paraph. 
Chald. renders Baalath by Baghalath, and Baal by Baghala. Also 
the French Bible translates these words Bahalath and BahaL And 
throughout my paper I have added many original Hebrew words, as 
well as translations of them, where they are found to vary from those 
inserted in our common Bible. 

2 But in Mai's edition of the Vatican Codex, the word here is 
BaAaa, and in v. 4, Tadmor is written ®oc8o/*op. Vide Edit Rome, 
1857. So Josephus calls the last 0aoa/io/>, Antiq. Jud. viii. 6, 1. 

8 In a former paper which I read before the Geographical Sec- 
tion of the British Association at Dublin, relying altogether on 
Josephus, I maintained that Baalbec could not answer to the Baalath 
of Scripture. See Report of the Brit. Association, 1858, p. 143. 
But a later and more careful comparison of that author with the 
Biblical accounts, as given in the text, has now convinced me of his 


in the south-west of Palestine. On reference to the 
' Antiquities of the Jews, 9 1 find the original passage 
IS this : Ov irdp/xo h'avrfjs akXas a>/co8ofjLr)<r€ Bvo 7roXeis. 
Brjr^oypa rrj erepa opofia r}v, rj 06 erepa Ba\e0 hccthuro.* 

" Not far from this (Gezer), Solomon built two cities; 
Betchora was the name of one, but the other was called 
Baleth.' 9 To this last city, which our English version 
terms Baal at h, but Josephus Baleth (BaheO), the He- 
brew Bible has assigned the same word rfcjD, as well 
as to the Baalath in 1 Kings ix. 18, and in 2 Chron. 
viii. 6. And it is worthy of notice that the Latin Vul- 
gate renders that word, Baalath, in 1 Kings ix. 18, but 
Balaath in Joshua xix. 44. 

Yet the Vatican Septuagint translates the Baalath' of 
Dan, Gebeelan, TefieeXav : the Alexandrine Codex ren- 
ders it Baathoth 9 Baadcod, giving also BaaXwv, Baalon, 
in the margin ; and the Aldine edition has BaaXvd, 
Baaloth (see Joshua xix. 44) : whereas, as I have be- 
fore pointed out, the Greek names for the Baalath in 
1 Kings and 2 Chronicles are, Balath, BaXaO, Balaath, 
BaXaoBy Balaas, BaXaas, and Balaa, BaXaa. 

It may then be asked, do the several names of Baha- 
lath, Baalath, Balath, Balaath, Balaas, Balaa, Gebeelan, 
Baathoth, Baalon, Baaloth, and Baleth, refer to one and 
the same city ? 

To this I answer that they assuredly do not ; and I 
have formed this opinion for the following reasons :— - 

In the 18th verse of 1 Kings ix. it is expressly 
written that Solomon built " Baalath and Tadmorm 
the wilderness ;" these two cities are coupled in the 
same verse as being somewhat in the same district in 
the north of Syria, in the same manner as the writer 

4 Joseph. Antiq. Jud. lib. viii. cap* 6, sect. 1. 



had previously associated " Gezer and Bethhoron the 
nether," both of which were in the territory of Dan, in 
South-western Palestine, and not far apart from each 
other. So, in chap. viii. 2 Chronicles, verse 4, says, 
Solomon " built Tadmor in the wilderness, and all the 
store cities, which he built in Hamath;" that is to say, 
in the district or kingdom of Hamath, — the Amathis 
or Hamathis (1 Maccab. xii. 25), in the north of Syria, 
and not so very far from Tadmor in the Syrian de- 
sert. Then verse 5 states, that " he built the two Beth- 
horons" which were approximate, and in the land of 
Dan ; and lastly, verse 6 associates " Baa lath with all 
the store cities," which seems equivalent to the pre- 
vious account inverse 18, 1 Kings ix., wherein " Baal- 
ath and Tadmor" are distinctly coupled. 

Again, as to the Baalath mentioned by Joshua, xix. 
44, as being part of the inheritance of the children of 
Dan, i.e. in the south-west of Palestine: as it is not 
stated to have been rebuilt by Solomon, — and especially 
pince the Greek translators have assigned to it these 
different names, Gebeelan, Baathoth, Baalon, and Baal- 
oth, — I am' satisfied that it was a city perfectly distinct 
from the Baalath which is associated with " Tadmor 
in the wilderness," or with " all the store cities in 
Hamath" and which most probably answers to Baal- 
bee in the district of, or between, the two Lebanons. 
Moreover, this Baalath of Joshua was in existence 
about four hundred and thirty years before the pe- 
riod in which Solomon is related to have built, his 
Tadmor, his Baalath, 5 and his Hamath store-cities. 

6 Sherif Edin states that Baalbec was built by Solomon : Hist, de 
Timur Beg (Tamerlane), trad, par Pltis de la Croix, liv. v. chap. 27 ; 
and the same is orally handed down to this day by the Arab natives. 


Josephus appears to have been the chief cause of the 
confusion respecting these to Bawalaths, which seems 
to have arisen in this manner. He read in 1 Kings ix. 
17, 18, that " Solomon built (or rather rebuilt) Gezer, 
and Bethhoron the nether, and Baalath" and in 
2 Chron. viii. 5, 6, " he built Bethhoron the upper, 
and Bethhoron the nether and Baalath" forget- 
ting that that Baalath in Dan's territory, which he 
terms Baleth, existed long before, even in the time of 
Joshua, and that it is not said that Solomon had only 
rebuilt it, like Gezer : he wrote, that Solomon " built 
not far from Gezer two other cities, one Betchora" — 
intended, I conclude, for Bethoron, or Bethhoron — " and 
the other, Baleth." 

Having thus disposed of Baleth in Dan's territory, the 
building of which the Jewish historian incorrectly at- 
tributes to King Solomon, he then proceeds to mention 
the store or pleasure cities, though not as being " in 
Hamath," and the building by Solomon of Thadamor* 
or Palmira, in the wilderness ; but he omits all notice 
of the other Baalath — now Baalbec — actually con- 
structed by Solomon, not far distant from the kingdom 
of Hamath, 7 in, or under, Antilebanon, and founded 

See, likewise, Edrisi's account, about a.d. 1 150 ; Geogr., edit. Jaubert, 
vol. i. p. 353. 

6 The word Qa&apop is written either Thadmor or Tadmor. The 
Latin word from the Syriac is Thadinur; but from the Arabic, 

7 "The kingdom of Hamath included the whole valley of the 
Orontes, from the source of that river (now ElAsy) to near Antioch, 
with the great plain eastward. It bordered Damascus on the 
south, Zohah on the east and north, and Phoenicia on the west." — 
Porter's 'Handbook for Syria,' vol. ii. p. 621. Emesa, or Hemesa, 
now Hems, or Hums, within the territory of Hamath, was a very an- 


contemporaneously, about b.c. 1014, with the splendid 
and neighbouring Tadmor, in the great eastern desert, 
above or beyond Syria, in the ancient country of 

In like manner I find that another Jewish author, 
Benjamin of Tudela, makes a mistake in asserting that 
Solomon had built Baalath for his wife, the daughter 
of Pharaoh, He writes in his ' Itinerary/ about a.d. 
1160, that "this (Baalbec) is the city which is men- 
tioned in Scripture as Baalath in the valley of Leba- 
non, which Sh'lomo (Solomon) built for the daughter 
of Pharao ;" 8 whereas, the city so built by Solomon was 
Gezer (1 Kings ix. 16, 17) and not Baalath. And 
moreover, Scripture does not assert that this Baalath 
was "in the valley of Lebanon," or Bukaa; but it 
would seem to be so inferred from the words " in Le- 
banon," in verse 6 of 2 Chron. viii. 

It is worthy of remark, that the name of a city very 
nearly resembling Bdlbec occurs in the Vatican Codex 
of the Septuagint, in Joshua xix. 8 ; it is there written 
Ba\U, Balec. But, as it is stated to have been a city 
of the inheritance of Simeon, and consequently in the 
extreme south-west of Canaan, it cannot be referred to 
Baalbec in Antilebanon. In Hebrew it is 1N3, rnjD, 
Bahalath Beer; 9 or, as our version has rendered it, 
" Baalath-beer," meaning the well, INI, of Baalath. 

cient city, most probably one of Solomon's store-cities; it, like Baal- 
bec, was a chief sanctuary of the worship of Baal, or the Sun- God. 
About 710 B.C., in the time of Hezekiah and Sennacherib, it was 
asked, " Where are the gods ofHamathP" (2 Kings xviii. 34.) 

8 Ben. of Tudela's Itinerary, by Asher, vol. i. p. 86 : Berlin, 1840. 

The Versio Latina, Paraph. Chald., writes here Baghaiaih only, 
and places the Beer at the beginning of the other word, Ifrer-Ramath; 


It is singular, that for the word Bene-berak, jTQ n 33, 
in Joshua xix. 45, meaning ' children of Berak/ which 
the Latin Vulgate writes " Bane et Barach" and the 
Vatican Codex, BavcufiaxaT, but the Alexandrine, Bawj- 
Papax, the Syriac text and its Latin version should 
have translated " Baaldebech," which is so similar to 
Baalbeck. The translator perhaps had Baalbec in his 
mind, though it cannot correspond with it, as Bene- 
berak was a possession of the children of Dan. 

Some might also conjecture that Baalah, Badkd, or 
Boko, mentioned in Joshua xv. 29, or, as it is called 
in the Hebrew text, P17JD, might be intended for 
Baalbec ; but, since this was a city belonging to the 
tribe of Judah, it was situated much too far in the 
south of the land of Canaan. It should be observed 
that this word Baalah is easily mistaken for Baalath, 
owing to the resemblance between the final letters ii, A, 
and n, th. 

Others consider Baalbec to be the Baal-Hamon 10 
(BeeXaficov) of the * Song of Solomon' (viii. 11), from 
the supposed similarity of that appellation to that of 
Jupiter-Hammon, the great deity of Baalbec. 

It does not, however, appear from the context, where 
Solomon's "vineyard at Baal-Hamon" in Hebrew 
pon 73D, was situated ; though it is likely that it was 
adjoining to "the house of the forest of Lebanon" 
(1 Kings vii. 2), doubtless so called from its having 
been constructed by Solomon with the timber of the 

bat the Vulgate Latin makes one word of the three, Baalath-Beer- 
Ramath. The Arabic Latin version reads Baal-bab, i.e. Baal's Gate, 
in the same Terse. 

10 See note 25, p. 15, for Iken's erroneous opinion as to the identity 
of Baal-Homo* and Baalgad. 


cedars hewn in the forest of Lebanon, 11 it was in all 
probability in the vicinity of his capital, Jerusalem; 
and so thought the learned Bishop Patrick, for he ob- 
serves Baal-Hamon was " a place near Jerusalem." 

Another BeXafu&v (Vat.) or Bdkap&v (Alex.) neverthe- 
less is named in Judith viii. 3, which is represented in 
our version by " Balamo," and not by Bdl-kamon : it is 
thought to have been not very far north of Samaria, 
and it may possibly indicate the site of " Solomon's 

Again, some other authors have identified Baalbec 
with Baal-hermon (1 Chron. v. 23), which is written in 
Hebrew p»VT hyi, but, on referring to Judges iii. 3, 
this locality is described as in, hor, a " mount," 12 not 
a mere city, in "Mount Lebanon." Although in 
1 Chron. v. 23, " Baal-hermon and Senir, and Mount 
Hermon" (p»m), are mentioned separately as three 
distinct localities, still in Deuteronomy iii. 9, it is 
clearly explained that " Mount Hermon" was called 
by the Amorites " Shenir," or Senir. 13 Thus indeed 

11 Vide 1 Kings v. 6-10, for the agreement between Solomon and 
Hiram, king of Tyre, relative to the hewing of cedar-trees in Leba- 
non ; and also Josephus, Antiq. lib. viii. cap. 2, for the epistles on 
this subject. Calmet observes, that the cedar-wood of Lebanon 
used in Solomon's Temple was so abundant that the temple itself is 
called "Lebanon," in Zechariah, chap. xi. verse 1. 

12 This mountain, in that verse of the Vatican Septuagint, is called 
to opos rb 'Acpfitav, but in the Alexandrine Codex (vide Grabe, vol. i.) 
ro 6pos to BaaXepfjmy. This last adds in the margin, BaAaypar. The 
Hebrew (in Judges iii. 3) is pOVf SjD VT, tor Baal-Hermo*. 
" Mount Baal-Hermon." 

18 In Deut. iii. 9, Mount Hermon is particularly described as that 
Hermon which the Sidonians call Sirion, and the Amorites Shenir; 
in Hebrew, these names are p*tp and "YW. The Vatican Greek 
text gives them as iavvwp and %uap, whilst the Complutensian Codex 


it would seem that at that time, b.c. 1451, only 
Baal-hermon and Mount Hermon were held to be 
really distinct ; but Baal-hermon was a " mount ;" 
hence, then, Baal-hermon and Hermon are not 
strictly considered in Scripture as the same peaks 
or mounts. 

I must, however, remark, that from our English 
translation of verse 23, ch. v. of 1 Chronicles, it does 
not appear that these two Hermons were in the Leba- 
non district ; but the Vatican and Alexandrine versions 
both insert the words *ai ev t<? Ai,fidv<p. I here add a 
literal translation of this entire verse, according to the 
Alexandrine text: 'And the halves of the tribe of 
Manasseh dwelt in the land from Bashan unto Baal- 
hermon, and Seneir, and Mount Hermon; and they 
increased in Lebanon. 9 Moreover the text of the Vati- 
can Septuagint omits hi y$, " in the land." This de- 
scription, then, better accords with that in verse 3, 

writes the first, 'Sapuap, and the Alexandrine the second, Savc^P* Also 
in Psalm xxix. 6, the former is termed Sirion, p*Htt7. The LXX. 
have translated "the Phcenicians " ol Qobuces, instead of M the Sido- 
nians," which is more correct, as the Hebrew is D*0T2, Tsidonim or 

But Hermon is also coevally (b.c. 1451) named in our version, 
Dent. iv. 48, "Mount Sion" which in Hebrew is ftWP* and ac- 
cording to the Septuagint, 2vp>v. Since the true Sion, at Jerusalem, 
is written in Hebrew, p^2, Zion or Sijen, in Greek, 2,uav (vide 
Psalm ii. 6 ; huriv. 2 ; Izxvi. 2), oar English word " Sion" in Beut. 
iv. 48, is clearly erroneous, and, as Bishop Patrick has well suggested, 
must be intended for Sirion; i.e. VtfFQf for p'H'ttf. The meanings of 
these names are said to be as follows: Hermon is a ' high peak;' Sirion 
and Shenir, a ' breast-plate/ or * armour/ of snow and ice ; Sion, or 
Zion, 'uplifted/ or 'exalted/ and Lebanon, 'white/ from Leban, 
which signifies in Arabic 'curd/ or * curdled milk/ and in Hebrew, 
from p7, white. 

256 ON THE 8UPP08ED 

chap. iii. Judges, which mentions the locality as being 
rov Aifiavov y and in Hebrew, Hot ha Lebanon, p3lbn "VT, 
" Mountain, the Lebanon." 

If Mount Hermon be received as the highest peak, 
and as thus giving its name to the entire circuit of the 
southern and loftiest range of Antilibanus — a name 
which very seldom occurs in our Bible, 14 — and Mount 
Baal-hermon be taken as a particular but lower summit 
or peak of that same mass, all difficulty, will, I think, 
cease. And that such was in fact the case will ap- 
pear to be strongly conclusive from verse 3 15 of chap, 
iii. of Judges in the Alexandrine and Vatican interpre- 
tations of the LXX. The first of these reads anv rov 
opovs rov BaaXepfjwp &>* Ao&wtfuiO, which indeed our 
translation follows, whilst the second, or the Vatican 
Codex, has airb rov opovs rov 'Aep/iwv ecos Aafhoefiaff: 
consequently it would appear, that Mount Baal-her- 
mon and Mount Hermon, although not identical, 
were at least close together ; or the one a mere peak 
of the other. And this view is further confirmed by 
the following recent account. 

My kind correspondent, the Rev. J. L. Porter, de- 
scribes 16 the loftiest peak of " the graceful cone-shaped 

14 In Judith i. 7, both "Libanus " and "Antilibanus" are given ; so 
also in the LXX. translation ; but in the Latin Vulgate, only " Liba- 
nus." The name of Antilibanus first occurs in the Septuagint, in 
Deut. i. 7 ; and see note 24, infra, p. 14. Both the Libanus and An- 
tilibanus mountains are expressly mentioned in the Phoenician history 
of Sanchoniathon ; vide p. 24, edit. Cumberland (1720). This very 
ancient author is supposed to have written in the eleventh or twelfth 
century before Christ ; some think even earlier. 

14 The Hebrew text in this verse reads " from Mount Baal-hermon 
to" etc. (See ante, note 12, p. 8.) 

16 ' Five Years in Damascus/ vol. i. p. 292 et seq* 


Heraon," to be " on the northern side ;" and another, 
or the central one, a little to the south of it, as some- 
what differing in altitude. " On the second of these 
summits" he discovered, on August 31, 1852, some 
very curious and extensive remains, not only the foun- 
dations of a ring, or a circular wall of stone about 180 
feet in diameter, with an excavation 8 feet in depth in 
its centre, but also within that enclosure, the sub* 
structions of a small temple. This summit he con* 
siders " as one of the most ancient sanctuaries in the 
Holy Land ;" and adds, " In two passages of Scripture, 
the name BaaLhermon is applied to this mountain. 17 
The only reason which can be assigned for this is, 
that Baal was there worshipped, and that a sanctuary 
of his was there erected. Hieronymus, in the ' Ono- 
masticon,' makes the following statement, which leaves 
the matter without a shadow of doubt : ' Diciturque 
esse in vertice ejus (sc. Aermon) vasigne templum, quod 
ab Ethnicis cultui habetur e regione Paneadis et Li* 
bani.' 18 It can scarcely be called in question that the 
temple here referred to is that whose ruins we have 
described. Its situation, on the summit, in vertice, 19 
is sufficiently explicit." 

It is, therefore, very evident that Baal-hermon can- 
not have been the original name of Baalbec, as given 
in the Hebrew Bible. 

Many travellers have maintained with great cer- 

17 " Judg. iii. 3, and 1 Chron. v. 23." 

18 " Onomasticon Urbium et Loc. Sac. Scrip., ed. Bonfr. p. 10." 
" 'EvTowv^Aor?, or the tyr)\a rov Book, "the high places of 

Baal ;" and the altars and temples on mountains and tops of hills 
were peculiarly fitted for burnt offerings and incense unto that god, 
" to the im and to the moon, and to the planets, and to all the host 
of heaven." (See 2 Kings xxiii. 5, and Jeremiah xix. 5.) — [J. //.] 


tainty that Baalgad, Tjfao, described in the Book of 
Joshua (about b.c. 1450), answers both in its etymo- 
logy and geographical position to Baalbec. 30 In ex- 
amining the first of these arguments, or that which 
arises from a mere similarity of names, I will show 
there exists much coincidence; while, on the con- 
trary, I will prove that the second, relative to the lo- 
cality itself, cannot accord with the geographical de- 
tails of Baalgad as specially assigned to it in Holy 

First, the Hebrew, blfo, Baal, in its primary signifi- 
cation means master or lord ; hence also the deity or 
god, bmn, ha Baal, is translated 6 Book in the Sep- 
tuagint (Judges ii. 13; 1 Kings xvi. 31, 32, etc.), and 
this Baal, being the principal deity of the Phoenicians 
and Syrians, was considered as the Sun or Jupiter ; in 
fact, Sanchonialhon" observes in a fragment of his 
history, supposed to have been written in the eleventh 
or twelfth century b.c. (if not before), that the former 
people held the Sun to be the sole Lord of Heaven 
{jiovos Olpavov Kuptos), calling him ' Beelsamen,' which 
is Jupiter, or " Zeus of the Greeks." Now the de- 
rivation of Belsamen, or Balsamen, is clearly pOtt> 7JJ3, 
Bal Shamen, ovpav&v Oeos, Ccdorum Deus, God of the 
Heavens, or Lord of the Heavens ; and the identical 

20 See post (note 25, p. 15) where the learned Iten considers 
Baalgad to he the same as Baalhec. 

81 Vide Sanchuniathonis Hist. Phoenicia*, lib. ix. ex edit. Wage*- 
feld (Bremse, 1837), where he (Sayxowtotfuv) says at page 12, w 
*HXtov, tovtov yap Icov cVo/ai£ov povov Ovpavov JLvpwv BccXoxyu/i' 
koAovvt€9, 6 hm irapa &owi£i Kvpio? Ovpayov, Zcvs Sk trap 9 *EAAi^ru\ 
and which Dr. Cumberland has thus rendered : — " The Sun; for him 
they thought the only Lord of Heaven, calling him BeeUamen, which 
in Phoenician is ' Lord of Heaven,' in Greek it is Zeus " (p. 24). 


word is found in the Phoenician or rather Punic lines 
in the ' Poenulus/ of Plautus (Act v. seen. 2, ver. 67). 

Also, gad, IX signifies a deity, for the Septuagint 
has translated that word in Isaiah lxv. 11, as haifioviov, 
therefore Baalgad, TTOQ, or BaXayaS, so interpreted 
would be the Baal deity, or god Baal, and which would 
further signify the Sun deity, or god Jupiter, since 
Baal was considered not only the same as Jupiter, but 
also as the Sun, Helius; indeed Bryan Walton, in 
' Biblia Sacra Polyglotta/ has given "Jovi" for "Q, gad, 
in the verse referred to. 

Another interpretation of Gad is preferred by others, 
who, deriving it from the verb Ttt, to press, have ren- 
dered it a crowd, or troop ; and it is so translated in 
that verse of Isaiah in our English Bible. Wherefore 
Baalgad would thus mean Baal-crowd, or Baal-city, 
or the Sun-city, which in Aramaic or Syriac, is Baal- 
Jec, M and in Greek Heliopolis. ' 

Secondly, as to the geographical position of Baal- 

In chap. xi. verse 1 7, of the Book of Joshua, the 
entire land of Israel, or the country conquered and 
taken by Joshua, is described as extending from the 
land of Edom on the south, " even unto Baalgad in 
the valley of Lebanon under Mount Hermon " on the 

But it might be said that Hermon, from that de- 
scription, was a mount in Lebanon proper, that is, 

83 Baal-bec, or Baal-bek, means the •« city of Baal " or the u Son/* 
"Beki, or Baki, is still used for 'a city' in the Coptic or Modern 
Egyptian: 9 * Rawlinson's Herod, vol. iv. p. 245, note 13. May 
not this Egyptian terminal word have been introduced in the tenth or 
eleventh century, by the Egyptian Caliphs, who governed Baalbec i 

260 ON THE 8UPP08ED 

on the north-west of Palestine, and consequently it 
could not be identical with that noble mountain at 
this day named Gebel e Sheikh?* or the " Mount of the 
Chief/' which, more strictly speaking, is situate at the 
southern boundary of the Antilibanus, now known as 
the range called Gebel e' Sharky, or the 'Eastern 
Mountain/ This, however, in the first verse of the fol- 
lowing chapter (xii. 1) of Joshua, is clearly explained. 
For Joshua having taken the cities of the Anakim in 
the south-west of Palestine, or on the west of Jordan 
and the Dead Sea, then describes the " land on the 
other side of Jordan toward the rising of the sun, from 
the river Arnon unto Mount Hermon, and all the plain 
on the east." These words prove that Mount Her- 
mon was on the east of the Jordan, or rather of the 
sources of the Upper Jordan, and consequently placed 
at the north-east limit of the " whole land taken by 
Joshua/' The appellation of Antilibanus** occurring, 

88 In 1850 I stated that in writing those Arabic names in English 
which have the article el before any word beginning with a solar let- 
ter, as Esh Sheikh, Et Teim, etc., I abbreviated them thus: — E* 
Sheikh, E 9 Teim, etc.; but in pronouncing them, a double force must 
be given to the solar letters. See notes, p. 194, Edin. New Phil. 
Journal/ vol. xlviii. 1850, and p. 347, vol. v. Trans. Roy. Soc. Lit. 

34 Moses, being on the east of the Jordan, in the land of Moab 
(Deut. xxxiv. 1), prays the Lord, to let him go over (the Jordan) and 
see the good land that is beyond Jordan, that goodly mountain (the 
Lebanon) ; and the Antilebanon. Such is the meaning of the Septua- 
gint interpretation of verse 25, Deut. iii. ; our Bible merely adds, 
that " goodly mountain, and Lebanon," which, if correct, should be 
that " goodly mountain, even Lebanon," which was beyond, or to the 
west of Jordan ; whilst Mount Hermon and Antilebanon were on this 
side, or the east of Jordan. The original Hebrew in Deut. iii. 25, is 
pT?m, which the LXX. have translated, koI tw 'AvrtXifiayoy, but 
the Latin Vulgate reads " et Libanum." The 'AmAiJjSavos also occurs 


I believe, only once in our Bible (Judith i. 7), shows 
.that that eastern range (Gebel e' Sharky) was con- 
sidered as a portion of Lebanon itself; so, indeed, 
there can be no error in the identification of Mount 
Hermon with the modern Gebel e' Sheikh. 

Again, in the 13th chapter of Joshua, the borders 
of the land then unconquered, or unpossessed by Jo- 
shua, are set forth, and among which is the portion 
described in verse 5 as "all Lebanon toward the 
sunrising from Baalgad under Mount Hermon, unto 
the entering into Hamath ;" that is to say, all the dis- 
trict of Lebanon, and Antilebanon on the east, from 
Baalgad under Mount Hermon as far as the entrance 
into Hamath on the north. 

It appears, however, that the same region in chap, 
iii. of Judges, verse 3, is thus detailed, namely, 
" in Mount Lebanon, from Mount Baal-hermon unto 
the entering in of Hamath." Hence, Baal-gad and 
Baal-hermon are stated to have been, according to the 
interpretation of 6ome, identical: this, indeed, could 
not be so, because the former, being nowhere termed 
Mount Baalgad, was evidently a city ;** Baal-hermon, 
on the contrary, is generally called a mountain; yet 

in the LXX. in Dent. i. 7 ; zi. 24 ; Joshua i. 4 ; iz. 1 ; and in 
Judith i. 7. 

98 Iken wrote a learned dissertation on Baalgad, and Baal Hamon 
which is published in vol. i. p. 236, etc. of Dissert. Philolog.-Theol., 
Lugd. Bat. 1 749, I have not had an opportunity of reading it with 
attention, but he seems to consider Baalgad and Baal Hamon as iden- 
tical with the modern Baalbec. He says u antiquissimam urban 
Baalgad, eandem cam hodierna Balbek esse . • . Baal Hamon quo- 
que, cujus semel tantum (Cant. viii. 1 1) fit mentio, ab eadem rai- 
nime esse diversam " (s. iz. p. 245). With this view, however, I can 
by no means agree. 


these two passages are easily reconcileable if we con- 
sider them to be (as they really must have been) ad- 
jacent to, or at least not far distant from, one an- 
other ; that is, the city of Baalgad was placed in a 
valley of Lebanon under Mount Baal-hermon in the 
Mount Hermon range. 

In fact, the last, we know, was a mountain of much 
extent, at least comprising a mountain district ; for in 
Joshua xii. 5, Og, the king of Bashan, is mentioned 
as " reigning in Mount Hermon," and which Tre- 
mellius and Junius 36 have thus rendered into Latin, 
" Conterminus Hog Rex Baschanis . . . dominabatur- 
que in Monte Chermonis." 37 Also, " all Mount 
Hermon" is spoken of in Joshua xiii. 11, and with 
this corresponds very exactly at the present day that 
glorious and imposing mass of mountain-elevation of 
about 10,000 feet in altitude, with its three snow- 
capped peaks, the base of which includes an area of 
great extent, some 45 or 55 miles in circumference, 
known by the Arabic name of Oebel e' Sheikh.** 

Further, if we more correctly examine these two 
parallel passages, it will be seen that in the first 
(Joshua xiii. 5) " Mount Herman 99 occurs, but in the 
second (Judges iii. 3) "Mount Baal Hermon" is 
given ; consequently, this appears to confirm the view 
which I have taken, that Baal Hermon was a portion 

* Vide ' Biblia Sacra/ p. 1 70, edit. Anut. 1669. And tbe French 
Bible also, in that passage and in Deut. iii., writes, " Hog, le Roi de 

97 Joshua xii. 5. The Vulgate here translates "Terminus Og regis 
Basan, . . . et dominatus est in monte Hermon." 

28 The traveller Russegger gives the greatest height of Gebel 
E'Sheikh as 9,500 Paru feet, or about 10,000 English feet* 


or a peak 29 of the larger mountain-mass, or range of 
Herman. And this is further corroborated by the 
difference existing between the Alexandrine and Vati- 
can texts, as I have already pointed out, because in 
the last-cited passage the former specifies the limits 
of the country as extending " from the mountain 
Baal-hermon unto Lobohemath," whilst the Vatican 
states them to be " from the mountain Hermon unto 

Since then, Baalgad is expressly declared in Joshua 
xi. 17, and xiii. 5, to have been situated under Mount 
Hermon, the position of Baalbec is much too distant 
in the north to be accounted, in any possible terms, as 
lying under that mountain (Gebel e' Sheikh), or under 
the distinct peak, Baal-hermon. 

Also, in the last-cited verse of Joshua, the precise 
expression, " all Lebanon/' most clearly defines that 
the entire region of Lebanon and Antilebanon 30 is 
signified, and not the remainder or rest of Lebanon, 
being indeed less than one-half of "all Lebanon," 

» Vide ante, p. 10. 

30 The whole mountain- region of Lebanon is erroneously translated 
f * Mount Hor" in the 7th and 8th verses of Numbers, chap, xxxiv., 
as the north border of the land of Canaan. This name naturally mis- 
leads the reader, and makes him suppose it to be Mount Hor in the 
territory of Edom. Hot, *SH> signifies a mountain. The original is 
■VTJTVT, i- e. Hor ha-Hor, " mountain the mountain," or "mount- 
tain of the mountain/' meaning " the double mountain," or the " two 
mountains ;" this term includes the two parallel chains, the Lebanon 
and the Antilebanon. Both the Vatican and Alexandrine texts pro- 
perly render hor ha hor by rov opovr to 6pos, in verse 8. The Latin 
Vulgate translates them " mons altissimus ;" the Latin version of the 
Samaritan text, " mons Hor;" and Tremellius and Junius give them 
* 4 Hor mons." In the former, Hor is undeclinedj but by the latter 
it is declined. 



which it would have so limited, if Baalgad had stood 
on the present site of Baal bee. And in that case, 
Joshua's description would doubtless have been, " the 
rest of Lebanon, towards the sun-rising, from Baalgad 
unto the entering into Hamath." The last-named pass 
or district, being some thirty-five miles further to the 
north-east, shall be afterwards briefly considered. 

I must, however, enlarge a part of the preceding 
reasoning in more comprehensive terms, because Dr. 
Robinson, in his new work on Palestine, 31 writes, in 
a " parallel passage (Joshua xiii. 5, comp. Judges iii. 
3), we find Baal-hermon instead of Baal-gad. It would 
6eem, therefore, that Baal-gad and Baal-hermou were 
different names of the same place ; that this place was 
in a valley under Hermon ; and that it here served 
to mark the northernmost limit of Palestine, to which 
the conquests of Joshua extended; just as, at a later 
period, after the city of Dan had been built, that 
place is always put as the northern limit. The name 
Baal-gad (god of fortune) implies a place of heathen 
worship ; 32 which apparently took also the name of 
Baal-hermon from its connection with that mountain. 

" All these considerations go to make it probable, 
that Baal-gad was no other than the romantic spot, 
the secluded grotto at the fountain of Jordan, where 
the Phoenicians or Syrians had established the wor- 
ship of one of their BaalsJ 33 In process of time this 
was supplanted by the service of the Grecian Pan, 

il 'Later Biblical Researches in Palestine/ p. 409. 

89 " Baal-gad, * god of fortune/ is referred by Gesenius to Jupiter, 
Thesaur. p. 264." 

88 "So Gesenius, Thesaur. p. 225. Ravmer, Falsest, edit 3, p. 
215. n." 


and thus the name Panium was introduced, and the 
earlier one forgotten. The name Banias is merely the 
Arabic pronunciation of the ancient name Paneas" 

The first passage here referred to has been already 
mentioned as that which our English Bible thus ren- 
ders : "All Lebanon, toward the sun-rising,/rom Baal- 
gad under Mount Hermon unto the entering into 
Hamath." The same is translated in the Vatican Sep- 
tuagint with the exception of the two words 'from 
G algal' (anro TaXyoX) 34 being substituted for 'from 
Baal-gad ;' but the Alexandrine version agrees with 
our English translation in reading diro BaaXydb. 

And the second passage (as contained in Judges iii. 
3), from our English rendering, which agrees with the 
Hebrew, is this : " Mount Lebanon, from Mount BaaL 
hermon unto the entering in of Hamath." The diffe- 
rence in the Septuagint texts has been already pointed 
out, 35 in showing that the one reads " Mount Hermon/' 
and the other " Mount Baal-hermon." Consequently, 
according to Dr. Robinson's view, Baal-gad, Galgal, 
Hermon, and Baal-hermon are " different names of 
the same place :" but their identity cannot be supported, 
because to Hermon as well as to Baal-hermon the 
term mountain, ro Xpo*, is expressly given, and BaaUgad 
and Galgal (if distinct places) not being so designated 
were evidently cities, and probably contiguous to each 
other. Indeed, I have before shown that most likely 
Baal-hermon was only a separate peak of the Mount 

84 The word Galgal, which occurs in the Vatican edition of the 
LXX., is possibly a mere error of the copyists in writing T and A for 
B and A ; thus TAATAA for.BAATAA. The only known Gilgals or 
Galgals, FaXyoAa, were situated in central and south Palestine. 

36 See ante, p. 10, and note 12, p. 8. 



Hermon range. Scripture (as I have previously ob- 
served) sometimes mentions "ail Mount Hermon, ,,3fi 
therein of course including the peak of Baal-hermon, 
and the entire chain or mass of the noble Mount 
Hermon. For, although it i6 stated in Deut. iii. 9, 
that Hermon was called in b.c. 1451, by the Amorites 
Shenirv still in after-times (about b.c 1300 and 1014) 
Senir, or Shenir, 6eems to have been considered as a 
distinct peak or summit (see 1 Chron. v. 23, and Song 
of Sol. iv. 8). So then Shenir, Baal-hermon, and Her- 
mon may have been subsequently the names of the 
three separate peaks described by Mr. Porter in his 
work on 'Damascus' (vol. i. p. 292), and this seems 
most probable, because the " mountains of Hermon " 
(opeaw 'Aepfivv) are mentioned in Ecclesiasticus xxiv. 
13, at a much later period, viz. about b.c 200. 38 

There is, however, another and a still more decisive 
answer to Dr. Robinson's supposition — that Baal-gad 
" was no other than the secluded grotto/' Panium, 
near Paneas, where was an altar or shrine Oeov Flavor 
originally supposed to have been dedicated to Bad* 
most likely from following these words of St. Jerome, 
" quod ab Ethnicis cultui habetur 6 regione Paneadis "* 
— which is this : the situation of that grotto was far too 
distant to the south of Mount Hermon, to be, by any 
construction, included in a valley or plain of Lebanon 

86 Vide Joshua xiii. 11. 

87 Consult the previous note 13 at p. 8. 

88 Abulfeda states ('Tabula Syria?,' p. 164), that the Arabs in 
mediaeval times termed the northern part of Antilibanus Sttnir, which 
is evidently a corruption of Senir, or Xavtp. And this name seems 
to be retained at this day in a more corrupted form, Sunnin or Smudn, 
for the highest peak of the opposite range of Lebanon. 

89 Hieron. Onomast. Urb. p. 10. 


— cp t© ireSly rov Aifiavov — in which Scripture, as 40 I 
have already shown, expressly says Baal-gad was placed. 

But the same American author 41 has with much 
more probability conceived, " that the prophet Amos 
(chap. i. v. 5) alludes to Heliopolis (Baalbec) and its 
idol- worship, where he speaks of the " plain of Aven" 
(or Bikath Aven in the margin). The Seventy appear 
to have so understood the passage, since they here give 
the Hebrew Aven by On, the domestic name of the 
Egyptian Heliopolis. 42 The allusion would then be to 
the great plain of the Bukaa, or Ccelesyria, of which 
Heliopolis was always the chief city ; 43 and this ac- 
cords well with the context." 

It is, however, only just to remark that this " allu- 
sion " had been long before made by one of our En* 
glish divines, Dr. William Lowth, as well as by the 
traveller Maundrell. The former 6ays, "Mr. Maun- 
drell, in his Travels, observes that not far from Da- 
mascus there is a plain, still called the ' Valley of Bo- 
ca*/ which he supposes the same with ' Bikath Aven,' 

40 Joshua xii. 7. Tbe Alexandrine Codex here has BoaAyaS, and 
the ordinary Vatican Codex BaAayaS ; whereas Mai's new edition of 
the last reads BaXaya88a, cv ircSap Aifidvt^ — ' Balagadda in Lebanon 
plain/ — which is less agreeable to the original. 

41 Robinson's Later Bibl. Res. in Palest., p. 519. 

<* "Sept. irc8iw*Ov, Vulg. campus idoli. The Heb. p*or|N, for 
Heliopolis in Egypt, occurs in Gen. xli. 45, 50, xlvi. 20, and Ezek. 
xxx. 17. In all these examples the Seventy and Vulgate give it by 
Heliopolis, HAiovjtoAis. The former nowhere have *Qv, except in 
Amos i. 5." [I find that Tremellius and Junius render these words 
in Latin, " convallis Jvenis" See * Biblia Sacra,' p. 596, edit. Amst. 
1669.—/. #.] 

48 " The Hebrew 7Wp2 and Arabic Bukaa are strictly one and the 
same word, signifying ' a cleft or plain between mountains/" 


here mentioned "; 44 indeed, I find that the learned Iken 
writes that Zorn considered " urbem Balbek apud 
Amosum i. 5, per Bikath Aven intelligi. ,,45 Accord- 
ing to Ritter,* 6 On, or* Ilv, is explained to be an Egyp- 
tian or Coptic name, meaning the light, or sun, and 
is exactly translated " Heliopolis " by the Septuagint 
So then Bikath Aven, 47 or Ann, or On, would signify 
Bukaa On, the c plain of On? or the plain or valley of 

In finishing this first part of my memoir, I have 
only to remind my readers that I have arrived at the 
conclusion, and I trust have also proved, that the 
ancient Biblical names of Baalbec, or its Greek equi- 
valent Heliopolis, are two, namely, the earlier and ori- 
ginal one the Baalath recorded in 1 Kings (ix. 18) and 
2 Chron. (viii. 6) ; and the second or later name — On, 
or Aven, pM (which is the word assigned in Genesis 
xli. 50, to the Egyptian Heliopolis), mentioned by the 
prophet Amos (i. 5) in b.c 787 ; and that the plain 
of Baalbec or Heliopolis, in Ccelesyria, is designated 
by this last author as Bikath Aven, pM WpQ, or Bi- 
kath On, 46 or simply as the Bikah or Bukaa, which 

44 D'Oyly and Mant's ' Holy Bible/ vol. i. part 2, note 5. Amos 
i. 5. 

46 Iken's ' Dissert, de Baal-Haraon et Baal-gad/ 8. zvii. p. 257. 

46 Erdkunde, vol. i. p. 822. 

47 The French or Paris edition. 1805, of 'La Sainte Bible/ trans- 
lates these words " Bikhat Aven/' but the edition of 1743, byD. 
Martin, has " Bikhat h-*ven." 

48 Some traveller in Syria has reported a " plain of Un," some- 
where in the district of Damascus, on the side of the Great Desert, 
from the mere affirmative answer of his Arab guide when asked about 
such a spot ; but, from later and more exact inquiry, no such place 
has been discovered. Indeed the word Bikah does not signify an 


is identical with what Maundrell terms the "Bocat,' % 
and what the Crusaders call (a.d. 1176) "the valley 
Bacar."* 9 

I will now make a few observations on the two fol- 
lowing and important questions in the early topo- 
graphy of this district : first, the position of Baal-gad ; 
and secondly, the entrance into Hamath. 

The first of these, or the supposed site of Baal-gad, has 
been in some degree determined from the texts of Scrip- 
ture already cited. Tt was known to be situate in a valley 
of Lebanon under Mount Hermon or under Mount 
Baal-hermon. Considering the last of these mounts 
to have been the second or central summit of the mag- 
nificent mountain-range of the Great Hermon, now 
called Gebel e Sheikh, we must look for some valley 
nearly under that second summit, and to the west of it, 
" in Lebanon," wherein that city might have stood. 
For this purpose I will take Dr. Robinson's ' New 
Map of Palestine' (by Henry Kiepert, 1856), and ex- 
amining the west side of Gebel e Sheikh, the modern 
town of Hasbeya will be seen in the valley of Lebanon, 
now named Wadi e* Teim, and distant some seven or 
eight miles to the west of, and below, the spot marked 
Kusr Antar, 60 upon the summit of that second peak 

open plain or desert, bat a wide mountain-valley, or plain enclosed 
within lofty ranges. 

49 Robinson, * Later Researches in Palestine,' p. 496. 

50 This is the name given, in Robinson's new map, to the ruins on 
the second peak of Gebel e' Sheikh ; bat the author himself, who did 
not ascend to them, calls them " Kulat Antar," at p. 432 of his ' Later 
Researches." Mr. Porter, however, in his work on Damascus, vol. i. 
p. 293, does not assign to them any appellation. There exists also a 
great difference between the position of this ruined temple in Dr. 
Robinson's and Mr. Porter's maps. 


of Gebel e' Sheikh, which Mr. Porter identifies with 
Mount Baal-hermon, whose summit is situate in the 
parallel of about north latitude 33° 25', whilst the 
latitude of the town itself is 33° 25' 12" nearly. 

Dr. Robinson describes Hasbeya, " as almost hidden 
in a short valley, which commences at no great dis- 
tance east of the town" (p. 380). And hereabouts 
might be fixed the ancient site of Baal-gad: at least, I 
apprehend that spot to have corresponded with the 
extreme limit, on the north, of Joshua's conquered 
country. It is, however, not unlikely that Baal-gad 
may have stood in a valley somewhat further to the 
south, perhaps in the larger valley now called Wadi 
Shiba, " which breaks down by an enormous gorge 
through the western ridge of Gebel e* Sheikh," 51 and 
which opens out, in a south-westerly direction, into 
the upper Wadi e Trim. Indeed the present village 
of Hibbaryeh may possibly indicate the site of the sun- 
city under the sun-mount, Baal-hermon, and, if so, its 
north latitude will be about 33° 24' 47". This Ame- 
rican traveller says, " The only point of interest in this 
village, apart from its remarkable position, is the beau- 
tiful ruin of an ancient temple, now standing in a 
ploughed field. It fronts directly upon the great chasm 
looking up the mighty gorge, as if to catch the first 
beams of the morning sun rising over Hermon. ,,w And 
in confirmation of this being nearly the probable site 
of Baal-gad* the name seems to have been corruptedly 
preserved in a neighbouring village, about five miles 
further to the north-west, on the other side of the 
Wadi e' Teim. The present name of that place is 

« Robinson, p. 416. * Ibid. p. 147. 


Belat, which may be an Arabic corruption of Belgat 
or Belgad, for Bdlgad. 

There can in fact be no doubt, that in this district, 
on the west of Gebel e' Sheikh, must have been situ- 
ate the long-lost Baal-gad ; if not in, or close to, one of 
the places I have mentioned. Neither am I without 
hope that the remains of that city may at a future day 
be brought to light, when careful researches and ex- 
cavations may have been carried on in this beautiful 
portion of the splendid Hermon. Dr. Robinson, writ- 
ing " of the many ancient temples " that are still 
visible in the valleys between the Lebanons, relates, 
" they are found in all situations, crowning hills and 
mountain-tops, or secluded in valleys and deep gorges. 
The founders and worshippers have disappeared for 
unknown ages; whether they were Phcenicians or Ghraco- 
Syrians, we cannot tell ; they have left behind no trace 
but these their works, and no record to show how or 
why these works were erected. ,>63 

Secondly, as to " the entrance of Hamath." This 
was not only the name of a most ancient city, still 
known as Hamah, but also, as was a common custom 
in Palestine, that of a territory or kingdom, so called 
from the city itself, " the land of Hamath " (2 Kings 
xxiii. 33), Hamathis or Amathis, of which " the king " 
is occasionally mentioned in Scripture, 54 

M Robinson, p. 418. 

M Amos (vi. 2) speaks of Hamath as "The Great :" the Vatican 
Septuagint renders it 'Efunpa/?/?a, and the Alexandrine AlfjLaOpafifid, 
in one word. The Hebrew is 7X2T) 1*01, Chamath rabbah, mean- 
ing 'Hamath the Capital/ Rabbah is derived from 2*1, rub, 'great/ 
or V}"1, rabbi, 'a chief.' (See 2 Kings xix. 13; Isaiah x. 8, 9; 
1 Maccab. xii. 25, etc.) Hamath or Chamath, in Hebrew HOP?, 
is translated by the Septuagint a H/ia0, 'E/ia0, and AljxdO. It was 
named afterwards by the Greeks Epiphania. 

272 ON THE 8UPP08KD 

The land unconquered by Joshua from the parallel 
in or about north latitude 33° 25' — the boundary 
already defined — comprised " all Lebanon, from Baal- 
hermon," or " from Baal-gad under Mount Hermon " 
unto a still more northern border; viz. "unto the 
entering in of Hamath, ,>55 which succeeded to the 
northernmost limit of Lebanon, probably near the 
parallel of north latitude 34° 25'. Hereabouts, or 
about 3' further north, according to Dr. Robinson's 
last map, is the modern town named Kibleh, situate on 
the Orontes, now El Asy, and which is evidently iden- 
tical with the Scriptural *' Riblah." In 2 Kings xxv. 
21, "Riblah" 66 is stated to be"tn the land of Ha- 
mate," and in Numbers xxxiv. 11, it is mentioned 
as " on the east side of Am." The Rev. Mr. Porter, 
who has recently visited that region, says, " Ain 9 
py, is the Hebrew word for a fountain, and it may 
therefore be read, * Riblah on the east side of the 
fountain;' and thus it is in the (Vatican) Septua- 
gint, Brj\a otto avarok&v errl irqyd*. Now Riblah stands 
about ten miles nearly east of the great fountain of the 
Orontes ; I am therefore inclined to think that the 
Ain, referred to in the above passage as being on the 
west of Riblah, is the fountain " 67 called Ain el Asy. 
I should however observe, that in this verse of the 
Alexandrine version, the proper name in Hebrew, 

M In Judges Hi. 3, " the entering in of Hamath " is given u a 
proper name, Lobohemath or Loboamath, in the Greek versions. The 
Alexandrine has Ao/fan/ictf ; but the Vatican Codex Aafinxpati. The 
Hebrew is rV2IH bVQ 7, in two words, lobo Ckamath. 

66 In this passage Riblah is translated Tc/ZAa0a, in the Vatican 
version, but in the Alexandrine it is Ac£\a0a. This confusion seems 
to have arisen from mistaking d for r, and tk for h in the Hebrew. 

57 Porter's • Five Years in Damascus/ vol.. ii. p. 336. 


TV7D, which our Bible has translated "Riblah," is 
not Brj\a, but 'Apprjka. 68 So then, the entrance into 
the land or kingdom of Hamath, as one journeys to 
the north from Baal-gad under Mount Hermon, would 
be through the valleys of Lebanon termed at this day 
Wadi e' Teim and £1 Bukaa, past Ain el Asy and 
Kamua el Harmul, 80 into the district near Riblah. 
And this would seem to be the route which " men" 
who " come to Hamath " (Numb. xiii. 21) — but which 
is better translated in the Septuagint, eloiropevofiev&v 
Alftaff, 90 " as men proceed into Hamath," from the south 
— would naturally follow. 

It is unnecessary for me in this place to notice 

66 By transposing the first two letters, this word would become 
nearer to Riblah ; thus, 'Pa/fyXa (or "PcfSijXa) ; and it may have been 
so named from being most likely another seat of the worship of BiJA, 
Bed or BaaL The last Greek word might be also written in En- 
glish Ribaafah, Riblah was a very ancient city, as it is mentioned 
b.c. 1452. 

*• Dr. Robinson says ('Later Researches/ p. 540), "This is a 
singular and perhaps inexplicable structure." A woodcut of it is 
given in Porter's Damascus, vol. ii. p. 309. The Rev. Mr. Thomp- 
son asks, whether Nebuchadnezzar might not have erected it as a 
memorial of his conquests? {Vide Bibl. Sacr., May, 1847, p. 405.) 
Since this square edifice bears, on its four sides, bas-reliefs of boars, 
stags, and other animals, with weapons of the chase, if a sepulchral 
monument, it may have been erected to some personage killed in a 
famous chase. Or it may, more likely, have been raised by some 
Persian prince to record some hunting exploits performed in a fa- 
vourite park, or Paradise. Sueh a preserve Xenophon (Cyrop. lib. 
▼iii. s. 7) explains thus, to it toi? Hapc&laois Orjpta rpc^o/Acpa. 
Indeed Strabo expressly mentions a Paradisus, as being near the 
fountains of the Orontes, and consequently also near the Harmul 
monument. (Geogr. lib. xvi. cap. 2.) 

90 But Mai incorrectly has given *E</>o0 in this passage of his edi- 
tion : 4> being dearly an error for ft. 


"the entrance of Hamath" from the Mediterranean, 
or the " Great Sea," as this is well examined by Mr. 
Porter, in the account he has given of " the northern 
border of the land of Israel/' 61 and also by Dr. Ro- 
binson in his new researches in the same country. 62 

In the Second Part of my memoir, I proceed to con- 
sider the principal inscriptions, which have been dis- 
covered in Baalbec. 

It is very surprising that among such magnificent 
and numerous buildings as are still extant in that 
ruined but spacious city, so few inscriptions have been 
detected, and of those which now remain only three 
or four are worthy of any comment. 

Bockh, in his great work, 'Corpus Inscriptionum 
Graecarum,' vol. iii. p. 240, has only published a single 
one, No. 4523 ; it is copied from Pococke, and is as 
follows : — 


which Bockh incorrectly interprets thus : — 

. . . ffvyavqp ZrjvoS&ptp Ava(ifj)dxpu *ai Av . . . 

But Herr Krafft has more recently given the fol- 
lowing better cdpy of the same 63 in his work, *To- 

61 'Five Years in Damascus,' vol. ii. p. 354 et seq. 

82 J^ter BibU Resear. in Palest., p. 568. 

83 M. de Saulcy (p. 560-1) makes a parade of "discovering this 
inscription" at Baalbec, in March, 1851; whereas the some had 
been previously published, No. 29, by Krafft in 1846, and whose 
work he admits to have consulted, since he has transcribed another 
inscription "from his publication " (p. 231). But M. de Saulcy is 
again in error, as he states that " this monument was erected to 
Zenodorus and Lysanias, sons of Lysanias the Tetrarch." The Jirst 


pographie Jerusalems,' which, he says, was found on 
the pediment of a temple at Baalbec, — "findet sich 
auf einem Fragment eines Tempelgiebels zu Baalbeck " 
(p. 268). The letters are, as Pococke noticed, square 
in form : 


This I consider in small characters to mean — 

• . . Bvydvqp ZrjvoSoDpw Ava(avlov r)erpdpj(pv kcll Ava(avup) 

. . . viols fi{yfjae)<o$ xapw (to lepov) aveOrj/eev. 

and in English, — 

... (a) daughter, to Zenodorus (the son) of Lys(anias the t)etrarch 
and to Lys(anias) 

• . . (her) sons, has dedicated (the temple), for the sake of a re- 

This inscription, as it will appear from this last and 
more accurate transcript, is of much interest, since 
it expressly states that this Zenodorus (the son of the 
unknown mother, daughter, and dedicatress) was the 
son of the Tetrarch Lysanias. This may have been 
the Lysanias, who was put to death by Antony, through 
the designs of Cleopatra, about the year 36 b.c. 64 And 
Dion Cassius mentions (lib. xlix. s. 32) him as the 
king (tetrarch) of the Ituraans. And the Zenodorus, 
his son here named, is probably the same of whom 

Josephus writes, Zr]vdo\opos 9 6 top Avaavlov ji€fjua0&- 
liivo$ oUov* 5 — as having rented the house or tetrarchy 

only was his son ; but both were the sons of his wife, the dedicating 
*• daughter/* See De Saulcy's 'Narrative,' vol. ii. p. 561 ; 2nd edit. 
64 See Joseph. Antiq. Jud. xv. cap. 4. s. 1. 

* Joseph. De Bell. Jud. lib. i. cap, 20. s. 4 ; and Antiq. Jud. lib. 
xv. cap. 10. s. 1-3. 

276 ON THB 8UPP08ED 

of Lysania8, his father, and which Augustus took from 
him, on account of his oppressive robberies, 66 and be- 
stowed it upon Herod. Zenodorus died at Antioch 
about b.c. 20. Also Dion Cassius relates that Au- 
gustus gave to Herod the same tetrarchy, to} re 'Hp&Sy 
Zrjvo&opov nvof T€Tpap%iav. 67 

It seems probable that this tetrarch Lysanias was 
the son and successor of Ptolemy Mennaeus ; for, ac- 
cording to Josephus (Ant. Jud. xiv. 13. 3), he received 
his father's dominion : reXetrrp Se /ecu IlTo\€fuuo9 6 Mev- 
valou, teal tt)v dpxrjv ovtov 6 ircut Avcavias irapaXafioyv. 
This Ptolemy was tetrarch of the district of Chalcis, 
the Chalcidene of Pliny. The city of Chalcis was situate 
in Ccelesyria, at the roots of Antilibanus, about twenty- 
three miles south of Baalbec. Josephus records it 
as being info to) AifJowq> opei, over which Ptolemy (Suva- 
orevoov) ruled ; and Strabo calls it cucpdiroTus rov Mapavov 

08 Strabo, Geogr. lib. xvi. cap. 2, refers to the robbers under Ze- 
nodorus ; and relates that they were put down by the Romans, and 
by the firmness of their soldiers. 

67 Dion Cass. Hist. Rom. lib. 54. s. 9, b.c. 20, when M. Apuleios 
and P. Silius were consuls. This was Herod " the Great." On his 
death (a.d. 1) after the birth of Christ (Matt. ii. 19), he devised his 
territories amongst his three sons. Augustus Caesar confirmed the 
division thus ; to the first son, Archelaus (Matt. ii. 22), was given 
a moiety of the whole ; but to Philip and to Herod Antipas (Matt 
xiv. 1, and Luke iii. 1), only half the other moiety to each, forming 
two tetrarchie8. Philip (Luke iii. 1) had (with other districts) part 
of the " House of Zenodorus, 9 * — otcov rov Zrpo&opov (Antiq. Jud. xvil. 
11.4); but Josephus, in repeating the same account, in Bell. Jud. ii. 
6. 3, states that Philip received part of the " House of Zeno" — rov 
Ziptuvos otcov. Here, then, Zqvwos is clearly an error for Ziptooupov. 
The two latter sons were still tetrarch* according to St. Luke (iii. 1) 
" in the 15th year of Tiberius," = a.d. 28, and not a.d. 26 as given 
in Mart's Bible. 


« — the " acropolis of the plain of Massyas," or Marsyas : 
this plain was a part of the rich plain of El Bukaa. Mr. 
Porter identifies the place with the ruins at Anjar; 
near it, on the hill at Mejdel, are the remains of a 
massive temple, which he thinks are considerably older 
than those at Baalbec. But Pliny describes the city 
and the territory thus, " Chalcidem cognominatam ad 
Belum, unde regio Chalcidene fertilissima Syriae." 68 
Here the designation, "ad Belum" may mean at a 
hill so named from a temple of Bel, Brjk, or Baal % on 
its summit ; or from the great eastern branch of the 
Leontes, which is supplied by two fountains now called 
Ain Anjar and Shemsin. In a country where Baal 
was so much worshipped, it is likely that a river or 
a hill may have been termed Belus, or BrjXo*. Pto- 
lemy Mennseus was also the Governor of Heliopolis, 
of the province of Iturea, and of the mountains north 
of the latter. He died in the year 40 b.c 

That other Lysanias, the tetrarch 69 of Abilene, of 

08 Joseph. Antiq. Jud. ziv. 7. 4 ; Slrabo, Geogr. xvi. cap. 2 ; 
Porter's 'Damascus/ vol. i. p. 12; and Plin. Nat. Hist. lib. v. cap* 
23. 8. 19. 

69 See ' Journal of Royal Geographical Society/ vol. xx. p. 43, for 
another Greek inscription in which this tetrarch is mentioned. It 
has been suggested, for &rcAc, to read 'AfiiXrj . . . ; if correct, the 
translation would be, — " Nymphaeus M . . . (the son) of Ly somas, 
the tetrarch of Abile(ne)" etc. And here I may also correct ano- 
ther error of Josephus, which occurs in Antiq. Jud. xiv. 3. 2. There 
it is written, that Pompey had destroyed the fortress of Apameia ; 
" when he had gone through the cities of Heliopolis and Chalcis, and 
had passed over the mountain separating Syria, called the Hollow 
fcoele), from Pella he came to Damascus." As this was clearly the 
ordinary road leading from Chalcis over the Antilebanon through 
Abila to Damascus, I would therefore read the last line thus, — &rd 
Tip 'AfliXrp cfe Aofuurxov ijxcv. . HEAAH3 must evidently be in-* 


whom St. Luke speaks (Hi. 1), may possibly have 
been Zenodorus's half-brother, the second Lysanias, 
mentioned in this inscription, for the year recorded 
by St. Luke is " the fifteenth year of the reign of 7Y- 
berius Caesar/' which answers to a.d. 28 ; if so, this 
inscription could not have been erected until after that 

The tetrarch of Abilene, however, must have been, 
without any doubt, a descendant of the same tetrarchal 

Krafft relates that this inscription was from a frag- 
ment of the pediment of a temple, or rather, I think, 
of a temple-like tomb, which the mother doubtless 
erected to the memory of her two sons, one being 
the son of the tetrarch Lysanias, her first husband ; 
this shows evidently that they were a family of great 
power and station in Heliopolis, both in the last half 
of the century before, and in the first half of the first 
century after, our Saviour's birth. 

The next inscription, though in a mutilated condi- 
tion, was copied by M. de Saulcy, in 1851, from an 
inverted tablet fixed into a wall at Baalbec : 

No. II.— €PrONTOY€NA€ 

. . . T . . NATOAIOI 

This traveller says, " I think I can make out from 

tended for ABIAH2; IIEA being mistaken for ABI. Although, 
according to Strabo (Geogr. xvi. 2), the city of Apameia (nowKalat 
el Mudik) on the Orontes "was sometimes called by the early Mace* 
donians Pella," — fcaAeiTo 8k kcu TL&\a wore vtto twv irpmwv Maxc&ww, 
•—still, as Josephus uses Apameia alone (not Pella) in that passage, 
and as there was no Pella known near Chalcis or the Antilebanon, 
there can be no doubt of the error. 


the above that the eastern portion of one of the forti- 
fied works (?) was raised by a personage called Nom- 
archus{?) 9 of consular family, but I cannot undertake 
to reconstruct the whole inscription." 70 

The following restoration I at first suggested, as 
being in some respects, though perhaps not in ail, more 
correct : — 




No. 2. — "Epyov rov e(/caTov 

rapxpv 9 A)varo7uo(v) 


tcai \nraT\})ov 

u (The) work of the c(ent- 
nrion A)natolius, 
(the) prefect of the camp, 
and (a man) of consular rank." 

Being, however, in some slight doubt, whether or 
not an officer (Anatolius) of consular family, 71 who 
was only a centurion, could be also a stratopedarch, 
or " commander of the camp," I requested the Rev. 
C. Babington to consider this restoration, and he kindly 
replied as follows : " As to De Saulcy's inference from 
his supposed reading, it is quite untenable, and I doubt 

70 M. de Saulcy's ' Narrative of a Journey in the Bible Lands/ 
vol. ii. p. 570. 

71 Consuls were, after b.c. 363, allowed to be created from the 
Plebeians: see Liv. vi. 41 ; vii. 1. 21. But the 'primus centurio,' 
or ' centurio primi pili,' Liv. vii. 41, was ranked in the equestrian 
order or Equites : see Taciti Hist. iit. 22; Juv. Sat. 16, 17; also 
the following inscription, "M . OPPIVS . . . CENTVR . LEG . 
VI . F . . . TR1B . LEG . II . VBxe/ectus CASTROR.," No. 6757, 
p. 352,Inscrip. Lat. Select. Orellii, vol. iti. edit. Henzen. 



whether all his letters are rightly read. Neither can I 
think that a man, who is of so low a rank as to he a 
centurion, would be a * prefect of the camp/ or 'of 
consular rank.' With regard to the first two lines you 
may be quite right ; but the last two are, almost cer- 
tainly, to be read thus : — 

or par. Ovofidp^pv 
tccu t T t irarlov. 

i. e. ' in the magistracy of Onomarchus and Hypa- 
tius.'" If Mr. Babington be correct in taking the 
chief portions of the last two lines as containing pro- 
per names, I would then conclude the reading to be as 
follows : — 

No. 2. — "Epyov rov e^/carov 

rdpxov 9 A)varo7uo(v 9 ) 
crpar. *Ovofiap)(pv 
km t Tirar{i)ov. 
And in English — 

" (The) work of the cent- 
urion A)natolius, 

(the) Pret(ors being), Onomarchus 
and Hypat(i)ns." 

Mr. Babington further observed that " two points 
are here worth remarking : first, the omission of «n, 
which is commonly used before officers, when employed 
to mark a date. An example in Bockh, No. 4472, 

confirms the absence of erri 9 thus, vttclt&v OvXmov 
Tparov kcu OverCklov SeXev/cov. Also, a Roman colonial 
coin of Smyrna is similarly dated ; it bears on the 
reverse, Srpa. M. SeTOuov, without the precedent er«, 
meaning, ' M. Sellius being the strategus, or Praetor.' 7 * 

73 See Leake's Num. Hell, \siae. p. 121. 


And the second point is, that in this inscription there 
are two civic magistrates, Srparriyol, or Prators" This 
is well explained by Rasche, in these words, " orpo- 
rqyos in numis Graecarum urbium . . . de civili earum 
magistratu, seu Pratoribus, dictus. . . . Sicut vero 
haud unum apypma^ ita hand unum crparrrryov, in urbi- 
bus id genus exstitisse liquet ex inscriptionibus apud 
Sponium, et ex numismatibus. ,,7s We likewise 
find in Acts xvi. (verses 20, 22, 35, 36, 38) arpaTqyoi, 
in the plural, is used for the city " magistrates " of 
Pbilippi in Macedonia, then " a colony " (verse 12) of 

M. de Saulcy writes of some "subterranean galleries," 
or arched vaults, under the massive platform of the 
great court or quadrangle in front of the two tem- 
ples, and he gives the Latin inscriptions which he 
there found. He says, " The keystone of the door 
of the right-hand gallery has the following words, for 
which I can find no intelligible meaning" (vol. ii. 
p. 574) :— 


And " a little further on, another key-stone has,*' 
GIRSV (No. IV.). 

Also " in the left gallery, on an archstone," are these 
words : — 


It seems to me not unlikely that these vaults and 
galleries, which are still occupied for storehouses for 

78 Rasche, 'Lexicon Rei Numariae/ vol. ▼. p. 135. 



corn and stables for horses, may have been partly 
used as barracks or quarters, and so occupied by de- 
tachments of the Roman cohorts or troops ; and that 
these inscriptions relate to them: especially, since 
Krafft and De Saulcy found in another part, although 
beyond the quadrangle, the Latin words "Centuria 
Prima," inscribed in Greek letters, thus — 


I therefore suggest the following meanings for these 
three inscriptions : — 

No. 3.— DIVISIO 

Or, instead of the "Italian cohort/' probably ITVRAIO 
— Ituraeo(rum), i.e. " Cohort of the Ituraans " — may 
be more exact, as such a cohort was known from 
Orellius's Inscriptions, No. 5052 (p. 412. vol ii.)» 
where " COH . I . ITVRAIORVM " occur. 

No. IV. GIRSV may be part of GERMA(norum), 
No. 4. 


may mean — i\o. 5. 


An " ala Mcesica " is spoken of by Tacitus (Hist. iii. 2) 

in a.d. 69, and it is mentioned in Orellius, Nos. 6702, 

6948, vol. iii. : or possibly MOSO may be an error for 

MORO(rum), for MAVRO(rum) ; or MORI(norum), 

there having been cohorts bearing those names. 

74 So in Acts x. 1 , trmtpirfi tyjs KaXovfAanrp'lTaXuafc, " of the cohort 
called the Italian (cohort).' 9 This was a.d. 41. Id De Saulcy 's copy 
CHONN is given ; it may be CHORT ; for the word Chars is some- 
times used for " Conors." 


Next, two long inscriptions in Latin, Nos. VI. and 
VII., have been known for more than a century, since 
they were copied by Wood in 1751, and published, six 
years later, in his beautiful work on Baalbec. 

Herr Krafft again transcribed them in 1 845 ; and, as 
his copies somewhat differ from Wood's, I here add 
them, having inserted my own restorations. 







> ^ 










O °« 
P H 

































a, j 




fa fa 






a o 
w gq 

<5 PjJ, 







^ M *s 

s -a 






.2 ^ :§ 

Si? * 







And which I thus translate : — 

No. 6.— * « To the Great Gods of Heliopolis. For the safety 

" Of the lord Antoninus Pius Augustus, and of Julia Augusta, the 
mother of oar lord of the Castra (and) Senate. A devoted (sub- 
ject) of the sovereigns (caused) the capitals of the columns of 
Antoninus, whilst (erected) in the air, (to be) embossed with gold at 
her own (expense)." 

No. 7.— "To the Great Gods of Heliopolis. 

*' The author (of the work) for those deities of the lord Antoninus 
Pius, the Happy, Augustus, and of Julia Augusta, the mother of our 
lord of the Castra (and) Senate, caused the capitals of the columns 
of Antoninus, whilst (erected in the air) to be (embossed) with gold 
at her (or his) own (expense)." 75 

As far as I have ascertained, the Frenchman Bait- 
shasar Monconys was the earliest traveller, who saw on 
December 23rd, 1647, the first of these two famous 
inscriptions, No. VI., upon the base of a column in 
the portico of what he calls ' the Castle/ at Baalbec. 

The first line of it he has given thus : — 


He states that, below it were two more lines, in an- 
cient and long characters, which he could not read ; 
" au-dessous il y en a deux autres, et caract^res anciens 
longs, dont je ne pus lire/' 76 

76 Orellius (Inscript. Lat. Select., vol. i. p. 347) has given this 
inscription in No. 1951, although he has incorrectly divided it into 
ten lines; so De Saulcy (p. 571, vol. ii.) has printed it in six lines. 
Monconys expressly said that it was only in three lines ; and Krafit 
has copied it in the same number. Indeed, considering that the pe- 
destal of the column on which it was cut was much greater in width 
(nearly six feet) than in height, the lines must necessarily have been 
long and few — three or four at the most. 

76 Monconys, 'Journal des Voyages/ etc., pi. i. p. 351, edit. Lyon, 
1665. He does not mention the second inscription, No. VII. 


It must be observed, that bis copy inserts at the be- 
ginning two letters, MV, which are omitted .in Wood's 

These letters may, perhaps, mean "MVnicipalibus," 77 
or " Magnis Victoriosis ;" or, as it seems to me, since 
Monconys has clearly made a mistake in the last letter 
but one — in writing V for A — so he may errone- 
ously have written the two initial letters ; they may 
possibly have been NN, for " Nostris," or NV, for 
" Nostris Victoriosis." 

These two letters have doubtless decayed and be- 
come invisible, between the years 1647 and 1751 — 
the djrtes of the visits of these two travellers. 

Both these inscriptions still remain in the same 
places in which they were seen by Wood, above a 
century ago ; namely, on " the pedestals of the columns 
of the great portico," at a height of about twenty- 
seven feet from the ground. Krafft 78 says of them, 
" Von dem Tempel zu Baalbeck sind die beiden ange- 
fuhrten Inschriften von den Basen zweier Saulen der 
Fronte des Tempels copirt. ,, 

The exact positions of the pedestals are seen in 
Wood's plate No. IV., where they are marked G — 
being the two extreme pedestals of the twelve columns 
which formed the front of the portico of the Great 
Temple. The noble flight of steps leading up to them 
had been previously removed, as well as the whole of 
the superb columns; and indeed, this spoliation had 
taken place before the time of Monconys ; because in 
his work a very rude plate exhibits the twelve bases of 

77 I would then read the first line : — 

" Mu(nicipalibus) M(agnis) Diis Heli(o)upol(eos). Pro sal(ate)." 

70 Krafft, ' Topographie Jerusalems,' p. 268 : Bonn, 1846. 


the columns of the portico, without their shafts and 
capitals. Also the square wing, or lateral building, on 
each side, is apparent. All these, however, with the 
range of steps, are fairly represented on a coin of 
Otacilia, the wife of the Syrian emperor Philip. 
Wood's Plate V. gives a favourable engraving of the 
portico, in its supposed " perfect state/' 

Wood also observes (p. 12), that the "finishing of the 
capitals was generally done after the columns were 
fixed; 99 this will explain the words of the inscriptions, 
" dum aere auro inflata." None of the travellers who 
have visited Baalbec have attempted to trace any 
vestiges of gilding upon the Corinthian capitals them- 
selves of the columns still remaining in the Great 
Temple, although M. de Saulcy notices, that M. Ma- 
riette, in 1758, expressed " an opinion that the capi- 
tals of the porch (portico) had been gilt" 7d And De 
Saulcy has proposed to read the words in the last lines, 
" capita columnarum duo ? aerea auro inluminata," 
and to translate them " two ? capitals in gilt bronze/' 
or rather, * two ? bronze capitals illumined with gold ;' 
but, since none of the capitals still extant in or 
about the temples of marble or compact limestone are 
made of brass or bronze, this fact would evidently 
negative such a reading. 

Whether one person alone is signified in the two in- 
scriptions is doubtful; the first attributes the expense 
of the gilding of the columns to a woman devoted to 
the two sovereigns — the word * devota ' commencing 
with the Greek letter A — and she states, that she 
erected that inscription " for the safety," or health, of 
the sovereigns. 

79 De Saulcy's * Narrative/ vol. ii. p. 572, note. 


The second inscription calls the person 'autor* 
merely, and says that she, or he, did it " for those 
Deities of the sovereigns," or those chiefly worshipped 
by them. 

One inscription may have been by the wife, and the 
other by the husband ; although both " devota" and 
" autor " may possibly allude to the same munificent 

The capitals, which were " embossed with gold," are 
in both described as the " capitals of the columns of 
Antoninus ;" and this description seems to be corrobo- 
rated by the following extract from Joannes Malalas : — 

" After the reign of Hadrian, Mlius Antoninus Pius 
reigned ; ... he erected in Heliopolis, in Phoenicia 
of the Lebanon, a great temple to Jupiter, and the same 
became one of the sights of the country." w 

There can, however, be no doubt but the Antoninus 
Pius mentioned in both inscriptions is intended for 
the Emperor Caracalla, and the Julia Augusta for Julia 
Domna, his mother, who was born at Emesa, 81 now 
Hems, about fifty-eight miles north of Baalbec. Her 
father was the Phoenician Bassianus, a priest in the 
celebrated temple of Baal, or the sun, in that city. 

This is correctly stated by Wood 82 (p. 11) in his 
noble work on Baalbec, although he does not attempt 

80 Joannes Malalas, ' Chronographia,' p. 119, edit. Venet. 1733. 
This emperor's names are written there, "HAior (not AtXtoi) 'Avtuvuhk 
Hios. He succeeded Hadrian, who died a.d. 138, at Boub, Batou* 
— not Borai* as printed in that edition. 

81 Vide ante, note (7) at p. 5. 

88 M. de Saulcy must have been aware of this fact ; for he quotes 
from Wood his copies of the inscriptions, in the very page (572) in 
which he asserts, that he " made a correct guess as to their approxi- 
mate age," merely " from the shape of the letters, and before he was 


to assign to the inscriptions the true period of their 
erection. And, indeed, this cannot be done with cer- 
tainty nearer than in a limit of five years, for it is 
clear that the co-emperor Geta had been previously 
assassinated ; otherwise in both inscriptions Julia Au- 
gusta would have been styled, " M ATRISDDNN," 
" Matris Daminorum Nostrorum," 93 and not singly DN, 
" Domini Nostri," i. e. CaracalUe. 

Geta having died in a.d. 212, and Caracalla in 
a.d. 217, the period between those years of course com- 
prises the exact date. 

And thirdly, I will take a brief notice of the three 
temples at Baalbec, the remains of which — so beautiful 
even in their decay — have been often drawn and ex- 
tolled by travellers. 

I find, from an inscription preserved by Muratori 
and discovered near Naples, that Jupiter was one of 
the " great gods of the Heliopolitans," in the year 
a.d. 112, when the Emperor Trajan was Cos. VI. It 
speaks of some natives of Berytus, now Beirut, who 
were residing at Puteoli (hodie Puzzuoli), as being wor- 
shippers of the Heliopolitan Jupiter, " cultores Jovis 
Heliopolitani :" w and, therefore, it is certain that 
there must at that time have been a more ancient 
temple to that great deity, who was originally con- 
sidered by the Phoenicians, or natives, as the well- 
known god Baal. It appears,, then, most probable that 

able to read a word/ 9 These letters are long and very narrow, in 
order to be brought within the allotted space. 

88 So on coins, she is styled " Mater Augg" (Augastornm, Geta 
being then alive), "Mater Senatns," and "Mater Patriae." Also 
" Mater Castrornm." See Smyth's «• Descrip. Catal." p. 190. 

M Vide Orell. ' Inscrip. Lat. Selec.,' vol. i. p. 268, No. 1246. 


the present gigantic and more modern temple to 
" Jupiter Heliopolitanus" was built upon the ancient 
substructions of an earlier temple, by Antoninus Pius, 
between the years 138 and 161 of our era. The same 
emperor planned and erected, or possibly began only to 
erect — as the general character of the ornamented and 
superb architecture of the whole would seem to testify 
— the sacred enclosure or quadrangle in front of the 
great temple, the courts, colonnade, exhedre, and other 
buildings, with the grand portico, and flight of steps ; w 
hence the whole circuit of those magnificent edifices 
became one of the chief sights of that country : al- 
though it is not unlikely the entire range of structures 
was not completed until the termination of the reign 
(a.d. 211) of Septimius Severus, upon a coin of which 
emperor, this temple is first publicly noticed. This 
coin bears upon its reverse, a representation of the ex- 
isting great temple of Jupiter, having ten columns in 
front; above it are the letters I.O.M.H. (Jovi Optimo 
Maximo Heliopolitano), and below COL. HEL. (Colo- 
nia Heliopolis) appear. The obverse has the laureated 
head of the emperor, with the words, DIVO SEVERO; 
the date of which, I conclude from the presence of 
* Divus/ is a.d. 211. Besides, the same emperor is 
recorded by Ulpian to have given to Heliopolis the 

86 The ground-plan of the church of St. Clement — which is stated to 
be the most ancient church in Rome, and consequently exhibiting one 
of the ^arllest forma of Western ecclesiastical structures — calls to my 
mind, on a much smaller scale, the plan of the Great Temple of 
Jupiter, its large square court or quadrangle, its portico, and steps. 
So in the Roman edifice are to be seen, a vestibule, a rectangular 
court surrounded with columns, a portico, and steps in front. The 
recent excavations under the church of S. Clemente may throw light 
on its real age. Some very old frescoes have been found. 


privileges and right called Jus Italicum ;** and it must 
be also remembered, that Julia Domna (the daughter of 
a priest of Baal) and her son Caracalla, who is associated 
with her in this inscription, were the wife and son of 
" Divus Severus." 

The massive sub-basement, or substructions, of the 
more ancient temple of Jupiter probably consist in 
part of those enormous uncemented stones, — three of 
which are of the most stupendous dimensions, 87 — which 
are apparent in the second layer of the wall to the west 
of the Great Temple, and so have caused the name of 
Trilithon to be applied to the more modern and re- 
nowned temple of Jupiter Heliopolitanus. This cir- 
cumstance is thus related in the ' Chronicon Paschale.' 

Ausonius and Olybrius being consuls, in the year 
after Christ 379, " Theodosius (in the first year of his 
reign) destroyed the temple of Heliopolis, that of Baal, 

86 This is according to Wood, who thus cites that author (lib. i. 
De Cens.) : " Est et Heliopolitana, quae a Divo Severo per belli civilis 
occasionem Italia colonise rempublicam accepit." Ulpian died a.d. 
226 ; and he must have written that account after the death of Septi- 
mius Severus, as he styles him 'Divus.' I have not been able to 
see the original work, so as to verify the passage. 

87 Dr. Robinson (Later Res. p. 512) gives the sizes of these 
stones, thus : the first is sixty-four feet long ; the second is sixty- 
three feet eight inches ; and the third is sixty-three feet : " their 
height is about thirteen feet, and their thickness perhaps greater. 
They are laid about twenty feet above the ground." Pococke, in 
vol. 2. plate xi., gives " a view of these great stones." And Edrisi 
(vol. i. p. 353, edit. Jaubert) mentions, about a.d. 1150, this great 
temple, and the enormous stones, as of the age of King Solomon. 
■Compare 1 Kings vii. 10, where the foundation of Solomon's house for 
his wife, Pharaoh's daughter, " was of costly stones, even great stone*, 
stones of ten cubits, and stones of eight cubits." Also in the north- 
west side, the wall is composed of many colossal stones ; nine being 
found to " average thirty-one feet in length." 


the great and celebrated one, even the three-stoned 
(temple), and made it a church for Christians." 88 

Ovros SeoSocios KareXwrev to lepov 'HXiovTrok&os, ro rov 
BaXavtov, ro fjueya /ecu Treptfivr)Tov> teal ro TPIAI0ON, km 
eirolrjaev dvro 9 E/eK\ffalav Xptcrriap&v. 89 

The author of the chronicle is here exceedingly ac- 
curate in calling the Great Temple of Heliopolis, •' the 
TrUithon Temple of Baal " — which most clearly cor- 
responds with that temple figured on the coin of Septi- 
mius Severus, which has ten columns in its facade, 
and bears the initial letters I.O.M.H., as already de- 
scribed. Notwithstanding that some authors disagree 
about the interpretation of the word BaXavlov, I take it 
to mean only " of Baal " — the same as BaXaXuw 90 or 
Bacbuov, if Book were declinable ; it is much the same 
as the Septuagint word BaXar/a& y " Baal deity." Also, 
to show that the author of the chronicle meant vlov to 
be the mere termination of BaXa t or BaaX, he similarly 

68 But according to Socrates, Hist. Eccles. i. 14, Constantine over- 
threw some of the altars in Palestine, and ordered a church to he 
made tv'Hkiov iroAei ri/s Qowucys. This was about fifty years before 
Theodosius ; and so it would seem that Constantine's destruction of 
the temples was incomplete. 

w 'ChroniconPaschale,' in Corp. Scrip. Byzant., vol. xii. p. 242, 
edit. Venet. 1729. 

90 The Doric dialect uses N for A, as fyfa for $A0c, etc. M. de 
Saulcy supposes BoWtbs to consist of " the Shemitic word BaoA, 
and the Greek 'HXcot, sun ;" and that this temple was " the Temple of 
Baal, or the sun, and surnamed Trilithon" (vol. ii. p. 578). This 
is evidently erroneous, as I have shown in the text; the smaller 
temple being that of the sun. Mr. Porter, in his ' Handbook,' 
vol. ii. p. 560, has made the same mistake, most likely by following 
Dr. Robinson (Later Res. p. 521). Another author has conjectured, 
with more probability, that NIOS is an error in copying for 610%, 
" of Jupiter" and consequently BAAAAIOS (of Jupiter Baal) is the 
true word. 


uses wpla* for the genitive termination of Libanus, 

The passage I insert, since it refers to Heliopolis 
and is of interest. 

The ' Chronicon Paschale ' mentions, in the 269th 
Olympiad (=a.d. 297), which was during the rule of 
Diocletian, the martyrdom of St. Gelasinus in the 
theatre in the city of the Heliopolitans of (or in) the 
Lebanon, — hf tq 'HXwvndKir&v irokei rfj9 Aifiavrpria*? 1 
So Joannes Malalas writes, h> ^HkioxmoKei rov Atfiavov.™ 

Doubtless, then, the words rov Bakavlov are synony- 
mous with rov Book, or rov Ba\d : and all these corre- 
spond with tov Ads, Jims, " of Jupiter/' that w, "of 
Baal," " of Jupiter," or " of Jupiter Baal.' 1 

The second Roman temple is nearly one-fourth 
smaller, though more perfect, than the former ; it 
stands only fifty yards apart from it on the south, and 
has but eight columns in front. It is built in the same 
highly-finished style of architecture. This temple has 
doubtless been sacred to c H\u», the «m, or Apollo. 
The great doorway under the east portico, leading into 
the temple, is one of the most splendid specimens of 
ornamented sculpture and finish, which is now in exist- 
ence. The elaborate and rich design of flowers and 
fruit in its front, is no less beautiful than perfect in its 
execution. In order to judge of its large dimensions, 
its height is found to be about double of its width, 
i.e. fourteen yards high by about seven yards in 
width. The top, or lintel, consists only of three stones ; 
the centre one, or keystone (soffit), has become mis- 
placed by the effect of an earthquake within the last 

91 Corp. Scrip. Byzant. vol. xii. p. 220. 

* 'Chronographia,' p. 119, edit. Venet. 1733. 


century, and it is kept suspended between the other 
two stones. Under this keystone is admirably carved 
an eagle, carrying a caduceus in its claws. This, as 
Pococke well observes, " possibly represents the sun 
to whom that temple was dedicated." 93 

The little rotunda, or circular temple, is of similar 
decorated architecture and of great beauty. Its form 
is remarkable, and very different from the famous ro- 
tunda or temple of Vesta 9 * at Rome. It is a circle, 
to which are attached externally by their curved sides 
five arcs or segments of a circle, whose ends are sup- 
ported by six Corinthian columns. The diameter of 
the interior is thirty-two feet. The facade seems to 
have presented to view four columns, and a flight of 
steps leading up to the temple between the two cen- 
tral columns. From thence a doorway, thirteen feet 
wide, led into the inside ; which is in its lower part 
Ionic, but the upper is Corinthian. All the elegant 
columns, both external and internal, have monolithal 
shafts. It was covered by a circular dome of hewn 
stones, now fallen, and is situated about three hun- 
dred yards to the south-east of the other two temples. 
I am strongly inclined to think that it was the tem- 
ple sacred to Voluptas, or Venus, who is signified 
by Eusebius 95 under the appellation of 'HBovj, or 

93 • Description of the East,' vol. ii. p. 109. 

94 " As in the temple of Vesta the sacred fire was always kept 
burning by the virgins, so, on this temple being converted into a 
Christian church, it was dedicated to the Virgin, with the title of 
the Sun,— Sta. Maria del Sole." — Hogg s ' Letters from Abroad,' 
p. 28. Also we learn from a coin of Julia Domna, described by 
Smyth (p. 189, No. 340) that its reverse has "Vesta Mater," and 
this circular temple, which she is said to have rebuilt. 

* Euseb. De Vita Constant, lib. in. c. 56. 


Pleasure, and which was " at Heliopolis of the Phoe- 
nicians," eni tt]9 $owIkwv 'Hkiovirokews. Although no 
inscription has as yet been discovered which relates to 
this goddess and her licentious rites, as practised in 
that city, still Eusebius records that she was greatly 
reverenced in Heliopolis. 

Dr. Robinson styles this temple " a perfect gem ;" 
and, having been so elegant a structure, it was altoge- 
ther worthy of the Goddess of Beauty. It has been of 
later date, even in the last century, used as a Greek 

" No description," says the same traveller, " can con- 
vey more than a very imperfect idea of the overpower- 
ing grandeur or the impressive decay" of these splen- 
did, but sadly-ruined, temples. " In vastness of plan, 
combined with elaborateness and delicacy of execution, 
they seem to surpass all others in Western Asia, in 
Africa, and in Europe. They are like those of Athens 
in lightness, but surpass them far in vastness ; they are 
vast and massive like those of Thebes, but far excel 
them in airiness and grace." 96 

Having already described the earliest coin, upon 
which the Great Temple of Heliopolis appears, and 
which seems to be one belonging to the end of the 
reign of Septimius Severus, and which most likely was 
struck (a.d. 211) in honour of his obsequies, on his 
then recent death, or on his apotheosis , or deification, 
I will proceed to mention several other coins, which 
illustrate the temples and the Sun-worship in that an- 
cient city of Baal. 

In Admiral Smyth's 'Catalogue of Large Brass 
Medals' (p. 123, No- 218), a fine medal of Anto- 

M Robinson's Later Bibl. Researches, pp. 516-17. 


ninus Pius is stated to have on its reverse a figure of 
Apollo, the head of which "is encompassed with a 
large nimbus, or glory." This figure very probably 
presents an allusion to the Apollo, or Sun-deity, of 
Heliopolis, where the great temple of Jupiter Baal 
was being rebuilt by him. Julius Capitoliaus, in his 
memoir on Antoninus Pius, makes no mention of 
this; but he writes, in chapter ix., "terrae motus, 
quo Rhodiorum, et Jsue oppida conciderunt ; quae 
omnia mirificfc instauravit." The ancient temple of 
Baal at Heliopolis may very probably have been in- 
jured by the same earthquake, and that emperor re- 
built it in the splendid Corinthian style. About the 
year 69 a.d., Vespasian restored the temple of the 
Paphian Venus in Cyprus, which had been overthrown 
by a like convulsion ; this was some seventy years be- 
fore ; but earthquakes are frequent in all that country : 
indeed, the circular temple at Baalbec is now so ruined 
by them that it is likely to fall at any time. The date 
of that medal is about a.d. 145, after that emperor 
was Consul for the fourth time. 

But an earlier coin of Severus is referred to by 
Eckhel 97 which shows that that emperor was repre- 
sented as the Sun, or the Lord of Day, and his wife, 
Julia Domna, as the Moon, or Queen of Night. 

So, a coin of their son, Caracalla, in his fourth 
consulship, a.d. 215, is described in Smyth's work 98 as 
exhibiting that emperor with a radiated head driving 
in a quadriga, like the Sun, or Apollo, — Maanjc aw 
Twyvpy rerpaopov apfui Buokodv," — and of whom Xyphilinus 

97 Eckhel, Doct. Num. vol. vii. pp. 181-2. 

98 See Smyth's Descrip. Cat. p. 195, No. 364. 

99 Orpheus, 'Hymn to Helms/ v. 19. 


writes, " Dicebat 6e in agitandif Jcurribus solem imitari, 
eaque in re maxime gloriabatur.*' 

Also on a coin of Caracalla, mentioned by Mionnet, 100 
the reverse has a side-view of the temple of Jupiter, 
ornamented with a great number of columns, and a 
flight of steps leading up to it, the legend being, 
" Col. Hel. LO.M.H. ;" and on some more coins of 
Caracalla and Domna the word Heliopolis, or Hel, or 
Col.-HeL, occurs. 

The principal coin, however, to which I have before 
alluded, is that of Otacilia, the empress of Philip the 
Arabian. It seems to have been minted soon after 
a.d. 245. Its obverse bears the head of the empress, 
with the words around, " Otacilia Severa Aug(usta) ;" 
whilst its reverse presents, for so small a coin, a very fair 
representation of the facade of the portico of the great 
temple at Baalbec, with the two lateral buildings, and 
the noble flight of steps. Immediately over the roof 
of the portico are the letters, "LO.M.H." (Iovi Op- 
timo Maximo Heliopolitano). Again, above them in 
the field, the legend " Col. Jul. Aug. F. H." is seen, 
and this signifies, " Colonia Julia Augusta Felix Helio- 
polis." Below, in the exergue, the abbreviations 
" Col. Hel." (Colonia Heliopolitana) occur, with the 
figure of a cypress — a tree indigenous in Lebanon 1 — 
between them. Also, within the central door of the 
portico, another cypress-tree is visible. Eckhel 2 in- 
terprets the presence of the cypress here from being 

100 Vide Mionnet, Deecr. de Me'dailles, torn. v. p. 300, No. 109. 

1 So in Eccleaiasticus (xziv. 13) it is said, in the Septuagint, 
&e Kwrapur<ros cv Spww 'Atp/Aw, " like a cypress-tree in the mountains 
of Hermon." 

9 Doct. Num. toI. iii. p. 331. 

X 2 


the tree sacred to the Sun ; for the youth Cyparissus, 
beloved by Apollo, was transformed by him into that 
tree — 

" Sumptoque rigore 
Sidereum gracili spectare cacamine ccelum." 

And the same learned author thus explains the repre- 
sentation on this coin: — "Typus hie mox dicta de 
Jove et Sole uno nomine comprehensis confirmat ; epi- 
graphe namque ad Jove?n, arbor ad Solem refertur." 

The portico there figured has six columns on each 
side of the .central door ; and it is on the wide, but 
low, bases of the first and twelfth of these columns that 
the two long inscriptions, No. VI. and No. VII., are 
still visible. Proceeding through this door, and hav- 
ing traversed the courts, the great temple, with its ten 
columns in front, is approached : this temple is iden- 
tified by the previously described coin of Severus, and 
it bears the same four initial letters, I.O.M.H., as are 
seen on the coin of Otacilia. The portico, then, and 
the great temple beyond it, are thus indisputably de- 
cided as having been both dedicated to the great Helio- 
politan Jupiter, or Baal ; consequently, the smaller 
temple on the south-west side of these magnificent 
structures must be that which was sacred to Apollo, 
the Sun, or Helius* 

A medal of Philip Senior, described by Mionnet 
(No. 123, p. 302), bears on its obverse the laureated 
head of Philip, and on its reverse a cypress-tree in a 

* I have been thus minute in the identification of the portico and 
the two temples, because three recent travellers have mistaken them. 
M. de Saulcy (ii. p. 554) seems to have been the first to assign a 
change of names to the two temples ; the second is Dr. Robinson 
(p. 521), who has followed him; and the third (Mr. Porter) too 
often inconsiderately copies from the American, especially in his 
* Handbook of Syria.' 


temple ; at the foot of its steps an altar, etc., with the 
legend, " Col. Hel. I.O.M.H. ;" and Admiral Smyth 
alludes (p. 264) to a medallion of the same emperor, 
which is inscribed " ex oraculo Apollinia." Both of 
these would show that, at first, that emperor was a 
worshipper of Jupiter Baal, or Apollo, or the Sun. 
In Heliopolis there was a famous oracle, doubtless es- 
tablished by the priests of Baal, which (about a.d. 115) 
had been more than once consulted by the Emperor 
Trajan. According to several writers, among whom 
are St. Jerome and Chrysostom, Philip became a con- 
vert to Christianity shortly before his death. 4 But it 
seems most likely, from this coin of Otacilia, that she 
continued a follower of the worship of the Heliopolitan 
Jupiter, and that it was minted after or about the time 
of the death of her husband, near Verona, in the summer 
of a.d. 249 ; the empress and her son, the younger 
Philip, the " nobilis Caesar,' 9 being then in Rome. 

That this smaller temple was dedicated to Apollo, 
or Heljjus, the sculptured eagle, already noticed as 
seen on the soffit of its great door, fully confirms. A 
representation of this eagle is given in Wood's * Baal- 
bec,' tab. 34, fig. E ; it is drawn as flying with out- 
stretched wings, and bearing in its claws a caduceus, 
but the ground on which it is placed is quite plain 
and unornamented. The caduceus here figured has 
nbt the two entwined snakes, and Pococke states it to 
" be an emblem of commerce and riches, which are the 
consequence of the bounty " of the Sun. Indeed I find 
that many of the coins of Heliopolis bears figures of 
the caduceus. This winged rod once belonged to 

4 See Trans. Rdy. Soc. Lit., vol. v. p. 250. 


Apollo, and was held 'to typify peace, happiness, and 
good fortune. 

Further, it is worthy of notice, that on the soffit of 
the door of the cella of the temple of the Sun at Pal- 
myra is sculptured a similar eagle, with expanded 
wings, carrying in its claws two palm-branches, which, 
doubtless, are equally emblematic of peace and pro- 
sperity. It is engraven in Wood's * Palmyra/ tab. 18, 
fig. H, but the ornamented ground upon which it is 
represented is intended for the heavens, because nume- 
rous stars are figured ; and below the palm-branches, 
on each side, are seen three balls, which perhaps signify 
fire-balls or celestial meteors. 

In both the eagles differ from that represented as 
the attendant bird of Jupiter, by bearing a crest, which 
may possibly allude to the radiated orb or rays of the 
Shin. Of all birds, indeed, the eagle is the most ap- 
propriate emblem of the sun, since it is considered to 
be able to look upon its dazzling splendour with ease, 
and in its aerial flight 6 to approach nearer to it than 
any other winged creature. 

The eagles on the soffits of these two temples at 
Baalbec and Palmyra are doubtless intentionally the 
same in design, and they emblematically proclaim the 
Sun, or Helius, to be the deity to which they were 
consecrated ; the palm-branches, moreover, apparent 
in the latter, clearly allude to the Roman and Hebrew 
names of the city, Palmyra and Thadmor, or Tadmor, 

5 The eagle, when soaring in the air, if foreshortened, would re- 
semhle the figure of a winged tun ; i. e. the orb of day correspond- 
ing to the eagle's body, and each sustained by two wings. The sun 
with wings signified its then supposed daily motion, and its power of 
penetrating into all corners of the world. See Psalm xix. 6. 


derived from Tamar, m \OT\ — a date-palm tree. In fact, 
the palm-tree, it must be recollected, was also sacred 
to the god Apollo, as he was born under one on 
Mount Gynthus, in the isle of Delos. 6 

The great temple of Jupiter and the smaller one of 
the Sun, although so close together, were most likely 
at first independent and distinct in their respective 
deities, or objects of separate worship. The first was 
doubtless in its original state, that very ancient one 
spoken of as the " Temple of Baal," and erected for 
the early Phoenician inhabitants of Baalath, the city 
built by Solomon, 1 in the tenth century before Christ. 
After the decay of that temple Antoninus Pius began 
to rebuild it, and this he did on a more enlarged 
and magnificent scale ; that emperor having, without 
doubt, planned the additional superb edifices, courts, 
porticoes, etc., which were to form the approaches to 
the great temple, and in the vast precincts of which it 
was enclosed. The completion of these additional 
structures was clearly effected by his immediate suc- 
cessors in the empire. 

Then this new temple seems to have received the 
title of the great Roman god, Jupiter, in addition to, or 
combined with, the original Phoenician deity, Baal; 
and so the Roman names of the conjoint divinity 
became Jupiter Baal, whilst the Greek appellations 

6 See Homer's ' Hymn to Apollo/ 18 and 117 ; and CallimachuB, 
' Hymn to Apollo/ 4. 

7 There seems to be much resemblance, in the early and massive 
style of building with " great stones," between the sub-basement of 
this temple and the remains of the solid wall at the "Jews' Wailing 
Place " in Jerusalem. Both would appear to point out Solomm as 
their builder. 


were Zevs Ba\a>uo9 or Zevs*B\toi. It seems further 
to be most probable, that after the Romans or the 
Greek natives had changed the names of the city from 
Baalath, and On or Avert, to Heliopolis, they built for 
their own worship a temple — about the beginning of 
the third century of our era — which they dedicated 
to the deity of their own extended mythology, who 
represented in many of his characters the local god, 
Baal, or the Sun, viz. to Apollo, or Helius. From 
the present ruined condition of the walls and build- 
ings contiguous to these two temples, it has not been 
decided that the smaller temple, or that of Apollo, or 
Sol, was ever included within the same area and sacred 
walls as the temple of Jupiter Baal ; but, from the 
representation on the reverse of the coin of Otacilia, 
the presence of the two cypresses — that species of tree 
so sacred to the Sun, Helius, or Apollo — would indi- 
cate that they had ; and, indeed, the temple of the 
Sun was only ten yards distant from the south wall of 
the great quadrangle. 

Consequently it would appear, that in the time of 
Philip and Otacilia the worship and sacred mysteries, 
as conducted in these two temples, were, in a great 
degree, united ; although most probably the oracular 
functions were confined to the smaller temple of Apollo 
(Sol), and, possibly, the two vaulted rooms 8 beneath 
its upper end, or altar, were occupied by the priests 
of the oracle ; whilst the famous and ancient image of 
Jupiter, or Zeus Helius, which had been brought from 
Egypt, was retained as the sacred idol in the great 
temple of Jupiter Baal, or Zeus Heliopolites. So, I 
apprehend, no doubt can exist that the worship of 

8 See Pococke, vol. ii. p. 109. 


Baal, afterwards identified with Jupiter, and the cul- 
ture of Apollo, with his usual power of conferring 
oracles, in the character of the Sun-deity, " Deus Sol, 79 
being originally distinct, were gradually assimilated 9 
by the mixed people of Heliopolis, namely, Phoeni- 
cians, Graco-Syrians, Greeks, and Romans; and, at 
length, they became one and the same. And this the 
acute Eckhel evidently means, where he has well said 
of the coin of Otacilia, " Typus hie . . . de Jove et 
Sole uno nomine comprehensis con fir mat" 

Moreover, the union of the worship of the deities 
Jupiter, Zeus, or Baal, and Apollo, Phoebus, or the 
Sun, is indicated on the reverse of a Phoenician coin 
figured in Combe's Num. Vet. No. 12, pi. 13. 
Jupiter, as Baal, is seated upon a winged wheel, which 
represents the Suns car ; in his left hand he holds an 
eagle, the emblem of the Sun, Helius, or Apollo. 
Below the eagle, in the field, is seen what Combe 
terms "larva barbata," which is, in fact, a mask, or 
head, of Silenus. This is the Due de Luynes' inter- 
pretation of what Combe supposed to be an "un- 
known coin." The introduction of the bearded head 
of that sylvan god, in the lower part of the field, re- 
fers most likely to the oracular skill of Apollo, since 
Silenus was considered as a prophet, with whom the 
past, as well as future, events were equally familiar : — 

" Namque canebat, uti magnum per inane coacta 
Semina terrarumque animneque marisque fuissent, 
Et liquidi simul ignis. . . • 
' Jamque novum terra stupeant lucescere solem" 

• So Antiochus IV. (Epiphmes) associated the worship of Jupiter, 
about B.C. 171, with that of the celebrated ApoUo in the sanctuary at 


And the same poet 10 afterwards speaks of the — 

" Oracula Fauni 

And iElian, mentioning Silenus, describes him thus : — 
c O HtXrjvos ovtos 0€ov fjukv cufxtvearepos rrjp <f>v<riv, avOpanrov 
6e tcpeiTTCDV /ecu Oavdrov ffv} 1 

The two long inscriptions, No. VI. and No. VII., 
mention the "great gods of Heliopolis," " Magni Dii 
Helioupolitani," and these, as far as can be ascertained, 
were Baal, Zeus, Jupiter, Apollo, Phoebus, Sol, or 
Helius, and Venus, Aphrodite, or Hedone {Voluptas). 

To the Goddess of Beauty, or Pleasure, having al- 
ready sufficiently alluded, I will now proceed briefly 
to consider these other great gods, their identity under 
certain attributes, and the one common worship (at a 
later period) of the Sun-deity. 

The Sun was the " great god " whom the most 
early nations, who were ignorant of the one Almighty 
Creator of the Universe, 12 chiefly worshipped, and 
whom they held to be the Lord or Sovereign of 
Heaven, 13 and the great Father of the world. This 
was most natural, seeing that that splendid luminary, 
in his vast power, gave life, vigour, warmth, and in- 
crease to all parts of the universe, and to every created 

Daphne, near Antioch. See Smith's Diet. Greek and Rom. Geog., 
vol. i. p. 751. And in that sacred spot there were some famous cy- 
presses. Compare 2 Maocah. iv. 33. 

10 Virgil, Eel. vi. 31, 37, and iEn. vii. 81. 

11 iElian, Var. Hist., lib. Hi. cap. 18. 

w Being " ignorant of God; neither by considering the works did 
they acknowledge the Worhnaster." — See Wisdom xiii. 1-5, and 
Psalm xix. 1, 6. 

13 See, as to Sol or Helius having been taken into heaven, Diodor. 
Sic, lib. iii. cap. 57. 


being. Without his presence it was conceived that 
nothing could grow, or flourish, or arrive at maturity, 
but that everything would perish ; and, by being ob- 
scured in perpetual darkness, and through want of 
sufficient heat, every creature would cease to grow, 
and would inevitably be lost. Besides, his supposed 
daily and annual motions seemed to invest the Sun 
with a supernatural or celestial influence and eternal 
power, which would also conduce those persons, to 
whom the only true God was unknown, 14 to regard 
him with awe, to laud him with prayers and hymns 
for his great benefits conferred on them, and to con- 
tinue to adore him in wonder and admiration. 

The solar orb, then, was worshipped in most Pagan 
countries under various appellations. Thus, in cer- 
tain of his characters, the Sun is identified with the 
earliest Phoenician god Baal, as well as with the great 
father of gods, Jupiter. Sanchoniathon, 15 many cen- 
turies before Christ, records that Beelsamen, or BaaU 
shamin, meaning the "Lord of the Heavens/' was 
considered by the Phoenicians to be the Sun, Helius, 
who was called by the Greeks Zevt , or Jupiter. Also, 
in 2 Kings xxiii. 5, Baal is evidently spoken of (about 
B.C. 624) as identical with " the Sun ;" 16 and the same 
is to be understood in 2 Chron. xxxiv. 4, at nearly the 

• 4 Toy pj&vov &\t}0ivor &*ov, ov 6 icoo/tos owe 3yw. — St. John, 
cbap. xvii. 3, 25. 

15 See this before stated at p. 12, and the passage is cited in 
note 21. 

16 " To Baal, the Sun" as in the original Hebrew, which shows 
that they were not two deities, but one — " to Baal (who is) the Sun" 
Had it been written "to Baal and to the San/ 9 the meaning would 
have applied to two. The opinion of Gesenius cannot here be correct. 


same period, when the altars of the Baals 11 and the 
" sun-images " above them were broken down. 

And in an inscription found at Palmyra, and in the 
Palmyrene dialect, Baal is termed Skemesh, or the 
Sun, nra& bstl ; BaalShemesh signifying " Baal Sun/' 
or " the Lord Sun." 18 

Herodotus (I. 181) expressly states that the Baby* 

17 The original is here, and in Judges ii. 11, D^vJQPf, ha Baalim, 
" the Baals" or " idols of Baal," the plural of Baal, " Bahalim," 
and, according to the French version; "les Bahalins." So, in 
2 Chron. xxxiv. 4, the same words are found ; " the ren-images," as 
given in the margin of our English Bible, is, in the original D^2DT2m, 
which Walton renders in Latin " apricationes." In Greek, apricaiio 
is ffXitoo-K. 

18 Vide Movers, 'Die* Phonizier/ i. 174. In .like manner, in 
Joshua xix. 41, Ir-shemesh, i.e. the "city of the Sun" (another 
Heliopolis), is mentioned; and in Jeremiah xliii. 13, Beth-shemesh, 
the " house of the Sun." In the first of these texts, the Alexandrine 
version closely translates the words by iroXt? %apis ; but the Vatican 
is less accurate in making them plural, iroAcis 5a/x/iaus; and the last 
word is not so near Skemesh, or Semes, as ^aph. Also, in the second 
text, the LXX. have rendered Beth-shemesh into 'HAiowroAis ; and "the 
land of Egypt " is represented by *Qv, or On, in Egypt. Oar Bible 
reads, " the images of Beth-shemesh, that is in the land of Egypt," 
which the LXX. have translated tovs arvkovs 'HAiowrdAca)?, rovs- cr 
*Qv. Again, in Isaiah xix. 18, our Bible has translated DirBTWt 
ir ha heres, " the city of destruction ;" and in the margin " of Here** 
or of the Sun" The LXX. here render n-oXi? 'Ao-eS**, whereas the 
Complutensian edition follows the Hebrew by giving 'Adepts, which is 
only ha heres ; and the version of Symmachus after iroXt? reads rjMav. 
Then the literal rendering will be, " one city shall be called the city 
of the Sun," or On ; and as this last word sometimes means non- 
existing, or nothing, "destruction" appears to be correct. In 
Joshua xix. 41, the Latin from the Arabic text, instead of Urbs 
Semes, gives "fons Semes," t. e. Bir-semes, as if the Hebrew was 
Beer-semes, " the well of the Sun ;" and in Isaiah xix. 18 the same 
has " urbs Ain-semes" or the "city of the. fountain of the sun." 


Ionian Belus was Jupiter — Zevs Brj\os, as he styles that 
deity; and Nonnus (Dionysiac. iii. 291) writes — 

Zi/ra Ufiw race Brjkov . • • 

that the Libyan Jupiter was Belus. So, by the same 
poet (Dionys. 40), Jupiter is accounted the Sun. 

Likewise, it is to be noticed that Orpheus, or the 
author of the Orphic poems, considers that Jupiter, or 
Zeus, was the same as the Sun, or Helius. Thus, he 
begins his hymn to Helius by invoking him as Tirav 
j(pwravy^s ; and then, in verse 13, he calls him — 

. . . ctfovorc Zcv 
EvStc Trafjjfmrj. . . . 

And, according to Macrobius (Saturn, i. 23), Jupiter 
was identical with Sol, or the Sun ; and that Sol, 
" under the name of Jupiter," was the god whom the 
Syrians worshipped in Heliopolis. These are the 
words of Macrobius: — "Nee ipse Jupiter ', rex deo- 
rum, Solis naturam videtur excedere ; sed eumdem esse 
Jovem ac Solem Claris docetur indiciis." " Syrii quo- 
que Solem, sub nomine Jovis, . . . celebrant in civi- 
tate quae Heliopolis nuncupatur." 

The last great god, or " Magnus Deus Heliopoli- 
tanus," was Apollo, who was one and the same with 
the Solar deity. 

This being so well known, I need only state a few 
authorities in support of their identity. 

Ovid styles Apollo sometimes Sol and sometimes 
Phoebus. See Metamorphoses, book i. ver. 751-2, and 
book ii. vv. 32-35, 36. And Callimachus, in his 
4 Hymn to Apollo/ terms that god indifferently, $oZ/3os 
and 'AiroKk&v. 19 

P Both Homer and Hesiod call Apollo *oi£os 'Am>AW, ' Hymn 
to Apollo,' w. 52, 201, 254, etc. ; and Hesiod, in fragmento, v. 98. 
See post, ?. 69. 


Pausanias calls Apollo, the Sun, or Helius ; and he 
adds, that not only were the Phoenicians, but also the 
Greeks of the same opinion : — 'AwoKknva Se "Rkiov . . . 
iym Be awoheyjiadaL ftev ra elprjfiepa, o&Sev oV rt $owuwv 
fJiXXov fj kcu, 'EXkyvwv elvcu top Xoyov e^wyi/. 20 

The following lines of Orpheus quoted by Joannes 
Malalas (Chronogr. lib. iv.) testify the same thing : — 

'CI ava, Arjrovq vik €#cany/?oA€, $oi/?e Kparau, 
Hqv&cpKh, 21 Ovqroun kclL aBavarovcnv avdxrorov, 

Macrobius also asserts the same ; writing of the 
Temple at Heliopolis, he adds, " Hujus templi religio 
etiam divinatione prsepollet, quae ad Apollinis po testa- 
tern refertur, qui idem atque Sol est." 22 

Apd this last author, as I have just before shown, 
has stated that Jupiter and the Sun were the same 
deities ; consequently, Jupiter and Apollo were iden- 
tical, and both were the same with Phoebus, Sol, or 
Helius. So, again, Macrobius relates (i. 21), " Ham- 
monem, quern deum Solem occidentem Libyes existi- 
mant, arietinis cornibus fingunt, quibus maxime id 
animal valet, sicut Sol radiis." 

And Herodian, mentioning the oracles of a local 
god called BelisJ® says, be was considered to be 

90 Pausanias, Grsec. Descr. lib. vii. cap. 23, s. 6. 

31 So Orpheus, in his Hymn 7, to the Sun, Helius, begins — 
• . . wavfkpKh tywv aiwuw Ofifia. 
And Nonnus (Dionysiac. lib. ix. ver. 276) calls Apollo, like the Sun, 
* all-seeing/ *AiroXXuva Travoxf/iov. 

28 Macrob. Saturn, lib. i. cap. 23. He there says that the Em- 
peror Trajan, just before he left that province (Syria) for Parthia, 
(a.d. 115) with his army, consulted the oracle of the Sun at Heliopolis. 

88 BcXiy hi KaXovai rovrov, criftov&i re vttcjw^uws, *Av6XX(aya cZku 
«0cWrcs. — Herodiani Hist. lib. viii. cap. 7. 



Apollo; this Belts was probably only another varia- 
tion of Belus, Bel, or Baal. 24 This occurred about 
a.d. 236. 

I will also cite the following passage from the Greek 
text of the inscription on the Rosetta stone, in order 
to show how Jupiter's and the Sun's names were asso- 
ciated by the ancient Egyptian priests \—tl 6 "IDuof 

8)OMC€V Tf)P VlKTfV' €IKOV09 £(0<rT}9 TOU Al09, vLoS TOV 'HXlOV, 

IlToXEfuuoVy auopoftiov, fjyairqfievov xnro rov ^tfa. 25 This 
monument, now in the British Museum, sets forth, 
as is well known, in three languages, a decree in 
honour of Ptolemy V., surnamed Epiphanes, by the 
high priests, who were assembled at Memphis, upon 
the occasion of his coronation as king, about the 
year 196 b.c. Some have thought that a temple of 
the Sun {Helius, or Re) then existed in Memphis ; and 
that the local name of Phre, or Phrah, meaning the 
Sun, was in use with the inhabitants of that city. 
And much the same formula has been noticed, as ap- 
plied to Rameses, on the obelisk of Hermapion; it 
runs thus : — *H\lov irals aiMvo/3io9j oV H\t09 <f>iket f irrro 

'H\loV <f>l\jOVfl€V09. 

As I have already proved the identity of Jupiter 
with Baal y or Belus, so it follows that Apollo, or the 
Sun, was likewise identical with the same Phoenician 

Hence it will appear, that for the purposes of the 

84 Servios, who wrote about a.d. 420, says, on the word Belvs, 
Virgil, iEn. i. 733, " Lingua Punica Bal deus, apod Assyrios aotem 
Bel, dicitur ; quadam Bacrorum ratione et Saturnus, et Sol.** And 
he had before observed, "nam omnea in illis partibus (Assyrias) 
Sole* colunt." — Comment, in Virg. 

* Vide Inscrip. Grec. de Rosette, par M. Letronne, pp. 1, 8. 


Sun-worship, all these " Great Gods"— Baal, B£l, 
Belus, Belis, Zeus, Jupiter, Apollo, Phoebus, Sol, and 
Helius — were equally held to be, in certain of their 
characters, one and the same, namely, the glorious 
Sun, the highly adored Divinity of Heliopolis — the 
Sun-city, On, or Aun, Baalath, or Baalbec. 

Lastly, on the subject of Heliosebeia, 2 * that is to say, 
the Heliacal or Solar adoration, or Sun-worship, I will 
make a few remarks. 

This most natural and primeval worship of the 
glorious orb of day, as the Great Deity of the world, 
has existed among the most ancient nations, espe- 
cially the Shemitic tribes, from a most early period ; 
to it the first of known authors, the patriarch Job, 
evidently alludes, about 3.c. 1520, in these words: — 
" If I beheld the Sun when it shined, or the moon 
walking in brightness ; and my heart hath been secretly 
enticed, or my mouth hath kissed my hand, ... I 
should have denied the God that is above." 27 

In the fifteenth century before Christ (about b.c. 
1451), Moses forbade the Israelites, lest they lift their 
eyes unto heaven, and when they see the Sun, and the 
moon, and the stars, even all the host of heaven, they 
should worship them and serve them. And again, he 

26 Heliosebeia I have formed like 0cocrc/?cta, Dei cultus, a word used 
in the Septuagint in Job xxviii. 28. 'HAiocrc/Saa, Solis coitus, there- 
fore, means Sun-worship. 

87 Job xxxi. 26-28. "Kissing the hand" is one of the earliest 
forms of adoration ; it is mentioned by Lucian as practised by the 
Greeks when worshipping the Sun. fParkhurst.) So Lucretius (De 
Rer. Nat.) lib. v. ver. 1200) :— 

" Pandere palmas 
Ante Deum delubra." 
Apuleius (Jpologia) explains it better, thus ; — " Nam ot audio partkn 


expressly commands them, when they are come into 
the land which the Lord giveth them, they shall not 
learn to do after the abominations of those nations. 28 
These were the " abominations," or the abominable 
worshippings, which were practised by the early nations 
in Canaan, whose territories they were to possess; 
that is to say, the worship of Baal, or the Sun, and 
heavenly bodies, as well as that of Molech. And we 
are told, that " for those abominations the Lord drove " 
those nations out of that promised land. Thus it 
would appear, that these abominable adorations had 
been common in that country long before the period 
(b.c. 1451) here alluded to ; and not in Canaan alone, 
but certainly in Phoenicia, and the adjoining districts. 

Next, we find it recorded in Judges ii. 9-14, that 
the children of Israel, about b.c. 1406, had actually 
transgressed 29 the command of Moses, and " served 
Baalim" — the Baals, or idols of Baal ; and that they 
had forsaken " the Lord God of their fathers, and 
served Baal" which was the Sun. 

Then the ancient Phoenician writer, Sanchoniathon, 
probably in the twelfth century before our era, confirms 
the statement that his countrymen esteemed the Sun 
to be the sole celestial God; on him, as has been ob- 
served, they bestowed the lofty title of Belsamen, € Lord 
of the Heavens/ and of course to him they sacrificed, 
burnt incense, and offered prayers. 

CEensium, qui istum novere, nulli Deo ad hoc aevi supplicavit, nullum 
templum frequentavit : si fanum aliquod prsetereat, nefas habet, ad- 
orandi gratia mamtm labris admovere." And Pliny (Nat. Hist. 28, 
2), " in adorando dexteram ad osculum referimus." 

88 Dent. ir. 9, xviii. 9-14. 

89 And again as recorded in 2 Kings xvii. 10, 11, 16. 


But by the eighth and seventh centuries before Christ, 
the Sun-worship had become more generally extended 
from Baal, Uelius t or the Sun* — " to the moon, and, 
to the planets, and to all the host of heaven." And 
probably with the view of attaining as near to these 
celestial bodies as they could, they " burnt incense in 
the high places ;" S1 so that the perfumes arising from 
it, as well as the odours from the burnt offerings and 
sacrifices which they were accustomed to offer upon 
their altars, might not be prevented from ascending 
with greater acceptation, and without the hindrance of 
the lower atmosphere and other vapours, to all the 
heavenly host. These nations were thus early wont to 
build their shrines and altars " on high places," and 
even " upon the roofs of houses." 82 

For the same reason, the early Greeks used to sacri- 
fice to Zeus, or Jupiter, — who, as it ha& been proved, 
was equally accounted the Sun, Helius, or Baal, — upon 
the top of a hill or mountain. 

80 2 Kings xvii. 16, and xxiii. 5. 

81 Hosea also says (iv. 1 3), " They sacrifice upon the tops of the 
mountains, and burn incense upon the hills" 

** Jeremiah xix. 5, 13, and xxxii. 29, 35. I have previously noticed 
the remains of a temple, which was discovered by Mr. Porter, on 
the summit of Baal-hermon, and this is thus confirmed by a lady 
(E. A, Beaufort) who has recently (1859) ascended to the same 
spot : — " A massive wall once encircled the highest peak of the moun- 
tain (Hermon), and a temple stood here ; the ground is covered with 
the large hewn stones of the outer wall ; a few of them were bevelled, 
and we saw some bold, simple sculpturing on some of the others. 
No one could stand on that summit and turn his eyes from 
east to west, from north to south, without feeling that no wor- 
shippers of the Sun could have left so grand a spot unconsecrated to 
their god." See ' Egyptian Sepulchres and Syrian Shrines,* voL ii. 
p. 14. 


Thus Sophocles (in Trachin. v. 1207) has— 

Olcrff dfo tov Olrys Zrpbs vfurrov myov ; 
OZfT, &9 &vrrjp yc iroXXa 817 araOtU awu. 83 

Again, the same poet had previously mentioned the 
high promontory of Cenaeum as celebrated for the same 
purpose (v. 765) : — 

*A#m} ris (5fL^>wtXvoTos Ev/?otas atcpov 
Krjvauov Iotw, Ma, irarp<faj> Ac? 
Bayiovs optfa, Ttfuviav T€ <f>vWa8a. 

Also, on the lofty summit of Olympus, as well as on 
Gargarus, the highest portion of Mount Ida, were 
shrines and altars, sacred to Jupiter : 

Tdpyapoy, hr$a Sk ol rcftcvo? /Sco/ao? re fan/jus* 4 

Jupiter is termed Hypsistus, or Zevs vyfnaros, from 
being worshipped, like Baal, on the tops of mountains ; 
and Homer terms him, for the like reason, Kpovl&qs 

But the most ancient temple of Jupiter was at the 
lofty Dodona, in Epirus, which was of Pelasgic origin : 

Ati&avrjv, ifnjyov tc HcXaaywv ISpoyoy §€v.** 

According to iEschylus, 30 this town was placed on a 
high mountain, which some account as Mons Tomarus, 
or Tmarus ; thus he speaks of it : — 

T^v otinWrov r a/ufii Aw&ovrjv, Iva. 
Mavrctd Mmco? r «rrl deenr/xorov Atos. 

* Mount (Eta, we know, was especially so frequented ; and, ac- 
cording to Strata, lib. iz. cap. 4, it was opos rpaxy *<** tyy\6v. 

** Horn. II. viii. 48. 

* Hesiodi Fragmeut. v. 47 ; and see Strata, Geogr. lib. vii. cap. 
7, a. 10, and s. 11, who calls tbe oracle, TLcXaay&v tfywfuu 

86 jfockyl. Prom. Vinct. v. 830 ; and see Pliny, Nat. Hist. lib. 
iv. cap. 1. 

Y 2 


And Homer 87 calls Dodona very cold or stormy f that is, 
from its high position : — 

Zev aya, Au&Watc, IlcXcuryucc, rq\60i vauav, 

So with the Latins, in very early days, there was on 
Mons Albanus, the highest peak of the Alban Hills, 
east of Rome, a most ancient temple sacred to Jupiter. 
Some old walls and other remains of it are still to be 
seen near Rocca di Papa. Lucan 38 describes Jupiter 
as — 

" Et residens ceUd Latialis Jupiter Albd." 

And we know that the sacrifices and offerings to the 
deity, at the annual ferixe Latina, lasted for several 
days. 39 

But this early worship of Jupiter upon Mount Al- 
banus was most probably introduced from Dodona, 40 
or at all events by the Pelasgians. For a colony of 
this race is related to have arrived from Epirus into 
Italy, and expressly by Pliny into Latium* 1 Antiquum, 
and he enumerates the Pelasgi as being the first colo- 
nists after those he terms " Aborigines/' 

In like manner Phoebus, or Apollo, was also vene- 
rated in high places, or eminences ; and indeed, he is 
narrated to have been even born upon a great mountain 
— the well-known Mount Cynthus, in the island of 

87 II. xvi. 234. 

* Pharsal. lib. i. ver. 198. 

39 Vide Livii Hist. lib. xxi. cap. 63; and Sueton. in Vit. Claud. 
cap. 4. 

40 See, as to the Pelasgi in Dodona, Herodotus, lib. ii. cap. 52. 

41 Vide Plin. Nat. Hist. lib. iii. cap. 9, *' Colonis s«pe mutatis, 
tenuere alii aliis temporibus, Aborigines, Pelasgi,* 9 etc. 


Homer, in his hymn to that god (v. 17), describes 
it thus: — 

. . . Kpavarj, bri AqAq>, 
K.€K\^pJvrj irpos fuucpov opo* kcu KvvOiov &x$ov. 

And there was situated for a long period a celebrated 
temple to Apollo Cynthius. And Hesiod™ calling 
the deity both Phcebus and Apollo, thus sings : — 

*Ev Ai£Aq> rorc ?rp£ro9 iyv Kat'Oprfpos <£ot8oi 
JdcXmyicy, <v vtapois v/ivous panares doiS^v, 
4ot/3w 'AirtSAAwa xpwrdopov, ov tckc Arfna. 

I need not, however, investigate this part of the in- 
quiry any further; nor need I mention the snow- 
covered mountain Parnassus {Ilapvffaov vuf>6ana) or the 
highly placed Delphi, where was the peculiar and most 
famed sanctuary of the God of Day. 

I will only remark that the Prophet Ezekiel speaks 
(viii. 16), about b.c 594, of having seen in his vision, 
men, even in the city of Jerusalem, " with their backs 
toward the temple of the Lord, and their faces toward 
the east ; and they worshipped the Sun towards the 
east." And King Josiah, thirty years before, as it is 
written in 2 Kings xxiii. 11, "took away the horses 
that the Kings of Judah had given to the Sun, at the 
entering in of the house of the Lord, and burned the 
chariots of the Sun with fire/' 

Having thus shown the prevalence, from a most 
early period, of Heliosebeia, or the worship of the 
Sun, in Palestine, as related in the Biblical narratives 
to which I have referred, I will now shortly allude to 
it in connection with some accounts mentioned by 
pagan classical writers. 

From what I have already written, it will be seen 

43 Hesiodi Fragments, v. 96, edit. Robinson, Oxon. 1737. 


that many of the Roman Emperors, and their part- 
ners on the throne, were Heliosebeians, or worshippers 
of the Sun, either under that direct appellation — some 
having even been "sacerdotes Dei Solis"— or under 
the name of Jupiter or Apollo. This adoration of the 
great orb of day became, in all likelihood, more «p- 
tended among the Romans of the higher class, as well 
as amongst the soldiers, after they had subdued and 
colonized Syria, Palestine, and Egypt. 

On the death of Julius Caesar, 44 B.C., a hairy star, 
or comet, became visible for seven successive days, 
and it was thought to be " animam Caesaris in caelum 
recepti ;' and for this reason, adds Suetonius (lib. i. c. 
88), " simulacro ejus in vertice additur stella." This 
star is seen in the field of a coin of Julius Cctsar, 
mentioned by Admiral Smyth (Cat. No. 2, p. 3), and 
which he thinks was minted in b.c 43. The obverse 
has the legend " Divos Julius." 

Thus Horace — 

" Micat inter oranes 
Julium tidus, velut inter ignea 
Luna minores." 

Jupiter, as the Sun, reigns supreme, but Julius* 
star, like the moon, rules the second among the celestial 
orbs. These lines may bear an allusion to the wor- 
ship of "the sun, the moon, the planets, and all the 
host of heaven." And from this supposed reception 
of the soul of Julius into the heavens, as one of the 
shining orbs of the sky, a fresh and a greater degree of 
veneration might have arisen in that ancient and pecu- 
liar worship among the Roman people. And in fact 
it was, strictly speaking, only improving and enlarging 
Astrosebeia, i astral worship/ in connection with the ori- 


ginal and more universal adoration of the Sun; it is 
therefore certainly unnecessary to consider it apart from 
Heliosebeia, it being a mere branch of that worship. 43 

In observing on this view of Astral adoration 
Philo Judaeus, about eighty years afterwards, writes 
that stars were accounted by some to have " life and 
mind ;" and again that " they were gods/ 9 — tow darepat 
deovs thai, — and had " godlike and divine natures/ 9 
Betas r) Scufioviat <f>v<T€(,s. u 

St. Augustine likewise states, that the opinion was 
held that a star was a part of, or an emanation from 
Jupiter, or Sol ; and that it was not inanimate, but a 
living being, endued with a rational and divine spirit. 4 * 

Again, Philo Judaeus says of the Sun and other 
celestial bodies, that they were independent deities: — 
rives rjKiov kcl\ aeXqvrjv 8e Toi>9 aXKov* dore'pas \nre\afiov 
eiiHU 0eov9, avTotcpuTopas, ots ras rcov yivofieimv dirdvrmv 
curias avSeaap.** 

So, a fragment of Sophocles, relating to He litis, adds: 

*Ov 04 (ro<f>ot Xtyovcrt ycwrfnjv ©cwy, 
Kal irarcpa iravnay. 

The like opinion is given by Macrobius 47 in these 

43 Even on the coins of Elagabalus, the Roman Emperor, are seen 
a star and palm-branch — both emblems of Stm-worship. Some term 
that sovereign Heliogabalus, from his having been, at an early period 
of his life, a priest of the Sun-god at Emesa, north of Baalbec. 

44 Philon J iid. De Somn., De Mund. Incor. pp. 501, 951. See also 
Plato, De Legibus lib. vii. ; Epinomis, p. 984, and Timseus, p. 40. 

45 St. Augustine, De Civ. Dei, lib. iv. cap. 11. And the same 
writer adds that the Priscillianists held, " Solem, et Lunam, et 
Stellas, non elementarios fulgores, sed rationales potestates" (De 
Error. Priscill. cap. 3.) 

49 Philon. Jud. De Monarch, lib. i. cap. i. 
47 Satdrn, lib. i. cap. 23. 


words: — " Potent iam Solis ad omnium potestatum 
summitatem referri indicant theologi ; qui in sacris 
hoc brevissima precatione demonstrant, dicentes, *Hkt* 
iravTOKp&rop, Kocfiov nvevfia, tcoaftov cwo/u*, tcoafiov tfxas. 48 
Solem esse omnia et Orpheus testatur his versibus : — 

..." Ildrcp irivravy vary* cutty:, 
"HXtc irayycverop, manrioXc, ^(pucrco^yycs." 

And Menander* 9 inculcates much the same, thus, — 

''HAic, <T€ yap 8ct irptXTKWCSV irpwrov $€qjv, 
Al OV 6€top€tV COTl TOVS oXXoVS 0€OV?. 

In tracing very shortly the progress of Heliosebeia 
among the Roman Emperors, I will not take them all 
in their order, but I will point out a few more in addi- 
tion to those whom I have previously mentioned. 

After Julius Caesar, and his supposed connection 
with the " Julium Sidus," I will name Augustus, who 
was evidently a worshipper of Apollo, or the Sun; 
and this fact is known from several sources. 

On the obelisk, 60 which that emperor is recorded 
to have brought from On, or Heliopolis, in Egypt, and 
now standing in the Piazza del Popolo at Rome, the 
inscription retains its dedication to the Sun, and sets 
forth as follows : — 

"Augustus . . . (Imp. XII. Cos. XL T. Pot. XIV.) 
iEgypto in potestatem Populi Romani redacta Soli 
donura dedit." 

48 So Orpheus (Hymn 1 } v. 18), calls the Sun, £gw/s #*; and some 
derive $oi/3os {Apollo) from #*? f3£ov ; whilst others say it merely 
signifies bright or shining: — 

Srofevros 8' rj\lov tftolfiri <j>\oyl. 
(iEsch. Prom. Vinct. 22.) 

49 Apud Clement. Cohort, ad Gentes, p. 59. 

50 See Plin. Nat. Hist. lib. zxxvi. cap. 29, and Ammian. MarceO. 
lib. xvii. 


This date agrees with the year 8 B.C., and twenty- 
one years after the redaction of Egypt into a Roman 
province. The obelisk had originally been placed in 
the Circus, because the Circensian Games were dedi- 
cated to the Sun : — 

" Solis honore novi grati spectacula Circi." 

Admiral Smyth (p. 6, no. vi.) describes a coin of 
Augustus, whose head on the obverse had a " beard- 
less Apollinean aspect." Also others (nos. viii. and ix.) 
have the same emperor's head surrounded with rays 
— thereby signifying the Sun's rays : — 

" Cui tempora circum 
Aurati bis sex radii fulgentia cingunt, 
Solis avi specimen. " fti 

And the Emperor Julian, in his • Caesars/ distinctly 
remarks that " Octavianus resorted to Apollo" — o /*«/ 
'OxTa/Siavo* eOet, irpos tov ' AwoWova. 

I believe no image of Baal has been discovered in the 
ruins of his numerous shrines. But Dr. Robinson (Later 
Res. p. 436), describing the remains of a very an- 
cient temple at Rakhleh, near the Antilebanon, speaks 
of a finely carved human face in bold relief, on a 
block of stone, near the south wall of the temple. He 
says, " At the first glance it seemed as if intended for 
the Sun, but the border does not represent rays. It 
may have been a Baal worshipped in the temple." 

Tacitus 52 has recorded that the soldiers of the third 
legion " orientem Solem (ita in Syria mos est) saiu- 
tavere ;" this transpired in a.d. 69. The same circum- 
stance appears to be that mentioned by Dion Cassius, 

M Virgil, Mn. xii. 162. 
w Hist. lib. iii. cap. 24. 


and referred to the year " Galb. II. et Vinio, Coss." 
— which answers to a.u.c. 822. 

The soldiers, whom Tacitus merely calls "Tertiani," 
were those of the third legion, named Gallica, and 
which had wintered in Syria. The historian Dion adds, 63 
dvaretkamos Se rou 'HX/ov, kcu rav arparurr&p ac rod rplrov 
OTparoireSov rou TaXamicov /cakovfievou, kcu ev tjj Svpqi 
X€ifid%ovT09, and he then says, dairaaafievwv ovtop egcu'ipvTjt 
&<nr€p elwOeaav, they saluted him as they were wont 

About a.d. 274, the Emperor Aurelian had erected 
a splendid temple to the Sun on the Quirinal. This 
was the year after his destruction of Palmyra and 
triumph over the celebrated Zenobia. In that temple, 
Gibbon 64 writes, "he placed the images of Belus 
(Baal) and of the Sun, which he had brought from Pal- 
myra. His mother had been an inferior priestess in a 
chapel of the Sun ; and his devotion to that deity ap- 
pears in his letters, and on his medals." 

The same divinity was the " invincible guide and pro- 
tector " of the Emperor Constantine, before the year of 
our Lord 331, when he commanded the heathen temples 
to be closed ; and our great historian tells us, that the 
" devotion of Constantine was more peculiarly directed 
to the genius of the Sun, the Apollo of Greek and Ro- 
man mythology ; and he was pleased to be represented 
with the symbols of the God of Light and Poetry." M 

Indeed, ten years before (a.d. 321) Constantine 
ordered the strict observance of Sunday, calling it then 
after his patron god, Solis dies; and he moreover 
placed upon his coins the legend, " Sol Invictus." 
The Emperor Julian's early Christianity, which is ad- 

61 Dionis Hist. Rom. vol. ii. lib. 65, cap. 14. 

14 Hist. chap. xi. . « Gibbon, Hist. chap. xx. 


mitted to have been partly feigned, 66 must have been 
always mixed with paganism, or at all events with 
Heliosebeia ; for he expressly calls himself an " atten- 
dant on the Sovereign Sun.' 957 And he says, "From 
his childhood, there was innate in him a vehement 
desire of the rays of that God. And that the ethereal 
light so wholly bewitched his mind, even when a little 
boy, that he not only tried to look intently upon it, 
but frequently went out at night, when the firmament 
was cloudless and serene, and surveyed with such 
intense admiration the celestial splendours, that at 
once abandoning everything, he was no longer con* 
scious if any person spoke to him, nor was he mind- 
ing what occurred to himself." And further, that he 
" recognized the Sun, with perfect hope, to be his God 
and propitious guide. ,, 68 

Hence it will be seen that the term of " Apostate," 
so lavishly bestowed on him by the Christian eccle- 
siastical writers, could hardly have been strictly appli- 
cable, because he could never have been a sincere 
Christian, in whom so intense an adoration of the Sun, 
as a sovereign or deity, existed from his earliest years, 59 

M Vide Socratis Hist. Eccles. lib. iii. cap. 1. 

57 Juliani ' Hymnus in Regem Solem ' (''Y/avos cfe rbv IWiAca 
*HAxov). Kal yap ci/u tou /WiA&ds oiraoos 'HAi'ov. . . . *Evrenpcc fioi, 
Soros etc irai&W iw auyu>v rod Otov ttoOos' koL irpbs to <fx#; ovrto $tj 
to alBipiov Ik iraiZaptov KOfitSvj ttjv SuivoCav l£iAJTdp.rpr toe re owe cfe 
avrbv fLovov &tcvcs opav hreOvfiow SlXXol teal ci ttotc vvKTiop &€<j>t\ov teal 
KO&apas alBpia.% ovary* wpo&Boifii, irdvra d0poa>? <tycls tois ovpaviois Troocr- 
ctgoy koAAcoV teal ovkcti £wici? ov&cv ct Tts Aeyotrt irpos/ic, ovrc Ipavru 
o Tt wparroi poiirpo<rcx<w. — Juliani Imperaioris Opera. Paris, 1583. 

48 Mcra tjJs ayaftjs &irioo$, rye/nova ®€ov cfytcv)}. — Juliani Imp. 
4 Cteeares.' 

w Socrates says of Julian, that he Xpurruayos yap tjv c£ apxfr. — 


and which continued to his latest period of exist- 

This enlightened and distinguished man, whose mind 
was, in literature at least, highly cultivated, presents 
a most remarkable example of one, who was at the 
same time blind to the beauty and excellence of the 
Gospel tenets, and to the light promised to those who 
faithfully followed them. And indeed, it is scarcely 
to be believed that one of such intelligence, who lived 
more than three and a half centuries after the birth of 
the True Light, should have persisted in following the 
worship of the mere Light of Day, the very splendid 
Created Light, in preference to its more Luminous 
and Glorious Creator — the One Light that shineth ef- 
fectually, even to those that " sit in darkness and in 
the shadow of death." 

But Heliosebeia, and every other branch of pagan 
worship, with their sacred rites, altars, temples, 
idols, and groves, received, about twenty years after 
the death of Julian, a very powerful check. All these 
" abominations " were severely treated by Theodosius 
the Great in his first edict, or decree, against paganism, 
about a.d. 380. Zosimus records, that " the seats of 
the gods were everywhere besieged," — to rSav few 
€&7 Kara iracrav erroXidp/cei ttoXiv kcu yipav? — and, that 

(Hist. Eccles. lib. iii. cap. 1). This seems scarcely consistent with 
Julian's own account of himself when a boy, as cited in the text. 
The imperial author mentions, towards the end of his Hymn, a 
most ancient sanctuary of the Sun at Edesaa, 61 tjjv 'ESeatrw 
o&cowrcs Upbv c£ atiovos 'HAtov xwpiov. Edessa was situate in north- 
ern Mesopotamia ; but we know that Emesa, or Emessa, in Syria, was 
famed for its superb Sun-temple; and it is therefore likely that 
EAE22A is an error for EMESSA. 

00 Zosimi Hist. lib. iv. cap. 33, and cap. 59. 


in the year 385, " Cynegius was sent to forbid the wor- 
ship of the heathen gods and to shut up the temples, 
not only in Alexandria, but also throughout Egypt," 
the very land of the Oods. 

To carry out more effectually the decree, the same 
emperor withdrew all assistance and allowances which 
had been usually granted towards the expenses of 
sacrifices. And, as Theodosius was the last Roman 
emperor who was the sole sovereign of the whole world, 
"orbis terrarum," he had unbounded authority, and 
he exerted it to the utmost in his last edict, a.d. 390, 
in decisively and for ever overthrowing the worship 
of the heathen deities. 

Macrobius particularly describes the Sun-worship of 
Syria, and gives full details of how it was introduced 
and practised in Heliopolis, now Baalbec. 

Having remarked, that " the Syrians celebrate the 
Sun by the name of Jupiter, whom they term Zeus 
Heliopolites, with the greatest ceremonies in the city, 
which is called Heliopolis," he adds more distinctly the 
history of this local deity in these words : — " Ejus 
Dei simulacrum sumptum est de oppido jEgypti, quod 
et ipsum Heliopolis appellatur, regnanteapud iEgyptios 
Senemure, seu idem Senepos nomine fuit : perlatum- 
que est primum in earn per Opiatn legatum Deleboris 
regis Assyriorum, sacerdotesque Egyptios, quorum 
princeps fuit Partemetis ; diuque habitum apud Assy- 
rios postea Heliopolim commigravit. Cur ita factum, 
quaque ratrone Mgypto profectum in haec loca ubi nunc 
est postea venerit, rituque Assyrio magis quam^Egyptio 
colatur dicere supersedi, quia ad presentem non atti- 
net causam. Hunc vero eumdem Jovem Solemque esse 
cum ex ipso sacrorum ritu, turn ex habitu dinoscitur. 


Simulacrum enim aureum specie imberbi instat dextra 
elevata cum flagro in aurigae modum, laeva tenet fuU 
men 61 et spicas 9 quae cuncta Jovis Solisque consociatam 
potentiam monstrant." "Vehitur enim simulacrum 
Dei Heliopolitani ferculo, uti vehuntur in pompa lu- 
dorum Circensium deorum simulacra ; et subeunt pie- 
rumque provinciae proceres raso capite longi temporis 
castimonia puri, ferunturque divino spiritu, non suo 
arbitrio, sed quo deus propellit vehentes." 63 

Lucian also states, that " the Phoenicians had a great 
and an ancient image, not an Assyrian, but an Egyp- 
tian one, which came from Heliopolis to Phoenicia." 
*Expv<ri 8e tccu aXKo Qoivuees lpdv> ovtc 'Aaavpiov, aXX* Aiyinr* 
ru>p 9 to e£ < H)uov iroktos €9 rr}v $ot,vt,fcr)v anrucero. 'Eye* fiev 
flip ovk oTrayira, fieya Be teat roSe teal dpjfaiov eort. 63 

This " City of the Sun," or Heliopolis, here alluded 
to, is that very ancient city of Egypt called " On " in 
Genesis (xli. 45), and which I have before mentioned. 
It was situated nearly three hours to the north-east of 
Cairo, at or close to the place now named El Matarich. 
Its ruins, says a recent traveller 64 in that country, 
" consist of a wide enclosure of earthen mounds, partly 
planted with gardens ; there, in the midst of garden 
shrubs, the solitary obelisk is still standing which 
stood in front of the temple, then in company with 
another™ whose base alone now remains. There it 

81 The thunder, or lightning, of coarse represents Jupiter; and 
the ears of corn, the Sun, or Baal ; the various fruits, as apples, 
pomegranates, figs, etc., — the emblems of fertility, increase, and 
plenty, — were the peculiar attributes of BaaL 

** Macrobii Saturnal. lib. i. cap. 23. 

88 Luciani • De Syra Dea,' s. 5. 

64 Dr. Stanley, ' Sinai and Palestine,' p. 34 introd., edit. 2. 

65 Two obelisks are recorded to have been transported from On 


has stood for nearly four thousand years, and it is the 
oldest known in Egypt. " 

And Dr. Lepsius 66 states, that King Sesortesen L, 
who is named by others Osirtasen* raised the obelisk, 
which is still erect at the ruins of On, about b.c. 2300. 

Bishop Tomlinson, in translating the hieroglyphics 
on the obelisk in the Piazza del Popolo, gives the 
titles or formulae of the deity as closely agreeing with 
those already noticed from the Rosetta stone. He 
says the inscriptions run thus : — " The good God, the 
Pharaoh, guardian of Justice, approved of the Sun, 
the Son of the Sun, giving life like the Sun." 67 

And again, " the King, Lord of the World, Lord of 
the Eye of the Sun, Son of the Sun, being of his race, 
and loving him." 

The hawk-headed deity is frequently represented ; 
which is Hor-phra, or Hot-t$, or Horus Sol, the 
Apollo of the Greeks — 'AiroXkuv Kparepos, Apollo, 
or Horus, the powerful; 68 Phra being merely the 
local name of the Sun as used at Memphis. Accord- 
ing to Sir G. Wilkinson, " the ancient Egyptian name 
of Heliopolis was in hieroglyphics Re-el, or Ei-rt, 
meaning House of the Sun"™ which is exactly equi- 
valent to the Hebrew Beth-shemesh, "of Egypt " 
(Jerem. xliii. 13, about 588 b.c); but in Coptic it is 
termed by its earlier name, On, as it is in the Septua- 
gint and English versions. That city was always much 
frequented by Jews, or Israelites. 

to Rome ; one is now in the Piazza del Popolo, and the other at the 

m ' Letters/ let. iii. p. 46, by Horner, 1853. 

« Trans. Roy. Soc. Lit. Vol. I. (2nd Ser.) pp. 178, 180. 

» Ibid. pp. 179, 185. 

* Wilkinson's Handbook, p. 156. 


Dr. Stanley, mentioning Re, Ra, or Phra, i. e. the 
Sun, adds, " this was not only the especial deity of 
the Pharaohs (which means, ' children of the Sun') 9 
but he was the god of Heliopolis." 70 

And so we find that Joseph married the daughter of 
Poti-pherah, the Priest of On, or of the Sun, at Helio- 
polis. Poti-pherah itself is considered to be Here fan 
in Coptic, which signifies ' belonging to the Sun ' — 
Soli proprius. And there, too, it is very reasonably 
thought that Moses himself had learned " all the wisdom 
of the Egyptians " (Acts vii. 22). But in the Vatican 
and Alexandrine codices of the Septuagint, the eleventh 
verse of the first chapter of Exodus adds, after 'Papeo-ar}, 
— kclv *flv> ri Itrrlv 'HTuowroXis ; that is to say, " the 
Israelites built for Pharaoh . . . Rameses, and On, 
which is Heliopolis." The first of these places our 
English Bible renders Raamses, but the Greek more 
correctly Rameses, which means ' Solis filius,' Son of 
the Sun. The Hebrew word is DDOjn. And since 
both Rameses and On had existed long before (Gen. 
xli. 45, and xlvii. 1), the Israelites did not strictly 
" build them ; " but they most probably built or 
restored their fortifications, and so enlarged or 
strengthened them "for Pharaoh.'' 

Further, Sir G. Wilkinson relates, that "a stone 
gateway had been found" at the ruins of On, upon 
*' which the name of Thothmes III. occurs, and on it 
is mentioned the god Ri (i. e. the god Sun), who is 
called " the Lord of the Temple/ 71 

Herodotus testifies that there was a sacred assembly 

70 Stanley's * Sinai and Palestine/ 2nd edit. p. 5 i, introd. 

71 Wilkinson's Handbook, p. 156. 


to the worship of the Sun at Heliopolis, in Egypt 
(ii. 59); and Strabo speaks of the ancient temple of the 
Sun at the same place. 73 

Again, from the centre column (L.) of the hierogly- 
phic inscription on the obelisk Del Popolo, Bishop 
Tomlinson 78 renders a part thus : — "The King Pha- 
raoh, establisher of justice, fills Heliopolis with obelisks 
to illustrate with (their) rays the temple of the Sun." 

Indeed, an obelisk was accounted an emblem of 
the Sun ; its shape having been taken from a ray of 
that celestial luminary. 74 Pliny thus writes : — " trabes, 
seu obeliscos, Solis numini sacratos. Radiorum ejus 
argumentum in effigie est, et ita significatur nomine 
iEgyptio." 76 

Hence it is clear that the city of On, or Aun, was 
the most ancient and most renowned sanctuary of the 
Sun-god, and where Heliosebeia in Egypt was most 
devotedly followed; although, with the Egyptian 
people in general, the Sun was saluted as a principal 
and eternal divinity. 76 

Sir G. Wilkinson states that " the worship of R6," 
or Ra, Phrd, Phra, or Phrah, as he is termed at Mem- 

72 *EvravOa b* tarty ij tov 'HXtov ir6\is, cwl ^m/mitos d£u>Aoyov 
Kctficvrf, to Itpbv fptra rov 'HAiov. — Strab. Geog. lib. xvii. cap. 1. 

73 Trans. Roy. Soc. Lit. Vol. I. (2nd Ser.) p. 184. 

74 See a beautiful profile of a King Ptolemy cut on topaz, 
plate 90, Worlidge's 'Antique Gems.' It is remarkable from 
having the crown on the head composed of ten to twelve different- 
sized obelisks, in lieu of rays. This portrait, being that of a youth, 
" imberbis juvenis," is most likely represented after Apollo, with 
his crown of rays. 

79 Plin. Nat. Hist. lib. xxxvi. cap. 14, and Ammianus Marcel- 
linns, lib. xvii. cap. 4. 

76 Confer Diodor. Sic. lib. i. cap. 1 1 . 


phis, who was the physical Sun, or Helius, of the 
Greeks, " appears to have been universal throughout 
Egypt" " The hawk and globe, emblems of the sun, 
are placed over the banners or the figures of the kings 
in the sculptures to denote the title " of Phrah. 

" The god R&" was sometimes represented i€ under 
the form of a hawk, his emblem ; Porphyry says, 
' the hawk was dedicated to the Sun, being the sym- 
bol of light and spirit,' because of the quickness of its 
motion, and its ascent to the higher regions of the air. 
Horapollo thinks it was chosen as a type of that lumi- 
nary, c from its being able to look more intently to- 
wards its rays than any other bird/ (except the eagle) ; 
whence, also, under the form of a hawk, they depicted 
the Sun as the Lord of Vision" (Horapoll. i. 6). 77 

"Plutarch (de Isid. s. 32), Clemens (Strom, v. 
p. 159), and others, agree in considering the hawk 
the emblem of the Deity ; and the sculptures clearly 
indicate the god to whom it was particularly sacred to 
be R£> or the Sun.* 9 

And " the hawk was especially known as the type 
of the Sun, and worshipped at Heliopolis {On) as the 
sacred bird, and representative of (R£) the deity of 
the place/* 78 

So, with the Greeks and Romans, the eagle was the 
emblem of Zeus, or Jupiter ; and the hawk or eagle 
that of the Sun, Helius, or Sol. 

And there is every " reason to believe that the god 
Re corresponded to the Syrian Baal> a name imply- 
ing ' lord/ which was given par excellence to the 

77 Wilkinson, ' Manners and Customs of the Ancient Egyptians ' 
(2nd Beries), vol. i. pp. 287, 295. 

78 Ibid. toI. ii. pp. 205-7. 


Sun ; and the same idea of peculiar sovereignty vested 
in that deity may have led the Egyptians to have 
taken from R6 {Phrah), the regal title of their kings. 
Heliopolis in Syria still retains the name of Baalbec, 
« the City of the (Lord or) Sun. 9 "? 9 

Again, Amun, another of the great gods, " was con- 
sidered by the Greeks the same as Jupiter, in conse- 
quence of his having the title ' King of the Gods ; ' 
and under the name Amun-re, he was the intellectual 
Sun, distinct from Be, the physical orb. This union of 
Amun and i?e cannot fail to call tomind the Jupiter Belus 
of the Assyrians ; Baal, or Belus, being the Sun." 80 

From these accounts it will be evident that great 
similarity existed between the Heliosebeia, as prac- 
tised in Egypt, and that which prevailed from the 
earliest times in Syria, Phoenicia, and Palestine. 

Of this peculiar worship I have only taken a very 
brief survey, intending, at a future opportunity, to 
investigate it more fully, and to consider with it other 
species or branches of Heliosebeia, namely, the adora- 
tion of the Moon as the Queen of Heaven, Astaroth, 
or Astarte, which may be properly termed Selenosebeia 
(SeXfivoeefieta), and the worship of the stars, Astro- 
sebeia, " or any of the host of heaven ; " 8I and, like- 
wise, the cognate worship of fire, Pyrosebeia, or of 
Vulcan, as the god of Fire** 

The 'offering of oblations or sacred rites to the 

79 Wilkinson, ' Manners and Customs of the Ancient Egyptians ' 
(2nd series), vol. i. p. 299. 

» Ibid. vol. ii. p. 246. 

81 See Dent. xvii. 3; Judges ii. 13; 2 Kings xxiii. 5; Jerem. 
xliv. 17, etc. 

89 Jul. Caesar, De Bell. Gall. lib. vi. cap. 21, says of the Ger- 
mans, "Deorum numero ducunt Solem, et Vulcanum, et Lunam." — 



Moon was most probably effected in the evening or 
at night ; that to the stars early in the morning, as to 
Lucifer, or in the evening to Hesperus ; but adora- 
tion and prayers to the Sun were performed three times 
a day, viz. at sunrise, midday (noon), and at sun- 
set. So we find in the Psalms of David allusions to 
these profane customs, or " abominations," which the 
chosen people of God at times were wont to observe, 
and disobediently to follow. The inspired Psalmist, 
possibly with a view of inducing the disobedient 
Israelites to forsake their devotedness to the idols of 
Baal, adopted their usual custom of praying thrice a 
day, 83 for he expressly says, in Psalm lv. 17, " Evening, 
and morning, and at noon, will I pray, and cry aloud." 
Again, David begins Psalm cxxi. thus, " I will lift 
up mine eyes unto the hills, from whence cometh my 
help." The worshippers of Baal, or the Sun, or of 
Jupiter, or of Apollo, as I have before shown, erected 
their altars, and sacrificed to their gods, upon the tops 
of hills, from whence, as they conceived, their good 
fortune or help was derived ; with that allusion pro- 
bably, as well as with more direct reference to Mount 
Zion and Mount Moriah at Jerusalem, the Psalmist 

Vestiges of this worship seem still traceable in Germany. Dr. 
Brugsch, in his recent lecture ' On the Affinity between Germans and 
Persians,' states, " Up to this day, the greatest festival of the Per- 
sians is the Sun- festival, held in the spring. Surrounded by all the 
nobles of his empire, the Shah of Persia shows himself on that 
occasion to his people; in all the bazaars shine lights and lamps; and 
everything reminds one of the German Easter and St. John's days, 
with their fires on the heights of hills and mountains. In the 
same way, both natives possess the notion of the ordeal of fire? 
See ' Parthenon,* no. 17, p. 527. 
88 Compare 1 King3 xviii. 26, 27, 29. 


is there to be understood. And upon the latter 
mountain, or " upon one of the mountains," in the 
land of Moriah, 84 which the Lord told Abraham of, 
Isaac was offered for a burnt offering : and before that 
time, nearly half a century, Abraham had builded an 
altar unto the Lord on " a mountain/' supposed to 
have been Mount Ephraim, in B.C. 1921. 

Other allusions to the worship of " any of the host 
of heaven " need not be further dwelt upon ; but 
Dr. Stanley, mentioning the great temple of Ipsambul, 
which, like that at On, was dedicated to Ra, or the 
Sun, notices the well-known Egyptian Pterosphere 
Qjrr€poa<f>alpa)y which he terms " an emblem of true 
monotheism." He describes it as " a thousand times 
repeated ; always impressive and always beautiful ; 
chiefly on the roof and cornice, like the Cherubim 
in the Holy of Holies ; the globe, with its wide-spread 
wings of azure blue, of the all-embracing sky : ' under 
the shadow of thy wings shall be my refuge/ " 85 

This winged sphere, emblematic of the Sun, is ex- 
ceedingly common in Egyptian sculptures and hiero- 
glyphics, and is sometimes accompanied with a winged 
star, both of which winged heavenly orbs are well 
represented, with a noble-crested hawk, also the 
emblem of the Sun, or Helius, upon an onyx gem 
described by Winckelmann, 86 and figured no. 169, 
plate iii. Tassie's Catalogue, by Raspe. 

84 The Septuagint version translates " in the land of Moriah 9 ' — 
*in the hill country' — cis r^v yr)v rrfv \nfa\rpr, Gen. xxii. 2. 

85 Stanley's ' Sinai and Palestine,' p. 53, introd. 

88 The original is in the Prussian Cabinet; and, according to 
'Winckelmann (Cat. No. 24), it is " an Egyptian engraving very finely 


This antique and beautiful gem is of much interest, 
as presenting so marked a connection with Egyptian 

This Pterosphere appears to be variously designed, 
both in the form of the wings and in the distribution 
of their feathers and colours. 87 

The Prophet Malachi, about 397 B.C., has been 
supposed to allude to this winged sphere, or disk, 
where he says, iv. 2, " the Sun of Righteousness shall 
arise with healing 88 in his wings; " and it is somewhat 
remarkable, that at the expiration of the same number 
of years after the birth of that New Sun, viz. about 
a.d. 397, soon after the final edict issued by Theodosius 
against all pagan worship, the altars of Baal, and of all 
the heavenly host, had been effectually overthrown, and 

87 Refer, among others, to one from a stele at Heliopolis (On), 
Bl. 29, Abth.' iii., • Denkmaler aus Aegypten/ von R. Lepsius: also 
one from the small temple of Medinet-Habou, Bl. 7 and Bl. 72, 
from a stele at Thebes, Abth. iii. And for a more highly finished 
one, no. 28, from an ancient gateway of King Thothmes-Moeris at 
Ombos, torn. iii. Rosellini's ' Monumenti dell' Egitto.' Compare like- 
wise Sir R. K. Porter's 'Travels,' vol. i. pi. 50; andLayard's * Second 
Expedition/ p. 21 1, a " winged globe " from the rock sculptures at 
Bavian, in Assyria ; and pi. 39 A from Nimroud, in Layard's 'Monu- 
ments of Nineveh.' And see, especially for a like design, pi. 75, 
Wilkinson's 'Manners and Customs/ second series, supplement, plates, 
of the mitred vulture, or crested hawk, bearing in his claws two 
feathered ornaments, as compared with the crested eagles, at Baalbec 
and Palmyra, already described at p. 54 ; the first of which holds the 
caducous, and the last, in the same manner, two palm-branches* in 
its talons. 

88 The Pterosphere is very often figured with two serpents around 
the disk. These reptiles, being the attributes of JEsculapius, were 
symbolical of health, or of benefits derivable from medicine. In fact, 
^sculapius was early worshipped at Epidaurus in the form of a 
serpent. In Egypt the serpent was assigned to the San or Re's it 


Aixrcro r 'HcXios, <tki6o>vto tc irturai &yvuu, 

" That Sun went down, and all the ways (of his worship) were 

Or, since Phoebus (Apollo) was identical with Helius, 
the following lines may perhaps better declare the fare- 
well and final parting with the Heliosebeian temples, 
sacrifices, and images : — 

Kal <rv } &oip aya£ 'Ayuicv, /ecu fjJXaBpa \aipeTt, 
"HAxjccs 9 oV /xoi, fc&v re $€$tfirj)C dyaAfuira. 80 

" Thou too, O Phabus, mighty king, who guard' st 
These ways ; ye palaces, my youthful comrades, 
Farewell; and, O ye statues of the Gods, 
Drench' d with the blood of victims." 

Hence the natural Sun, or solar orb, ceased to be a 
god, or an object of adoration, among the civilized na- 
tions of the earth. 

" The Sun shall be no more thy light by day ; 
neither for brightness shall the Moon give light unto 
thee; but the Lord shallbe unto thee an everlasting 
light, and thy God thy glory. Thy Sun shall no more 
go down; neither shall thy moon withdraw itself: for 
the Lord shall be thine everlasting light 99 w 


was named Ureeus from OTpO, Coptic for royal, which is in Greek 
PaertXwKos, and so basilisk. 

* Eurip. • Phcenissae/ v. 640 ; the translation frdm Wodhull. 

» Isaiah lx. 19, 20. 

91 From Bishop Tomlinson's translations (Trans. Roy. Soc. Lit. 
Vol. I. 2nd Series, p. 182) of the hieroglyphics on the Flaminian, or 
Del Popolo, obelisk, it will be seen that the Egyptian god or king 
is styled, "The Pharaoh, the Guardinn of Justice," or "the Esta- 
blisher of Justice, the Son of the Sun," etc. And St. Augustine 
writes (ii. in Psal. zzv. cap. 3), " Est noster Sol justitiie Veritas 


arisen, and He is called THE LORD OUR RIGHT- 
EOUSNESS ; for this "Light is come, and the 
glory of the Lord is risen upon " the nations ; " and 
there shall be no night " to those who " serve Him ; n 
and they need no light of the Sun ; for the Lord God 
giveth ' them light : and they shall reign for ever and 
ever." 93 

92 Jeeus eaid (St. John viii. 1 2), "I am the Light of the world : 
he that followeth me shall not walk in darkness, bat shall have the 
light of lifer 

93 Jerem. xziii. 6 ; Isaiah lz. 1 ; and Rev. xxii. 3, 5. 




(Read April 9th, 1862.) 

The last moments of an English king are not without 
interest, but I have no intention of relating last words 
in the spirit of M. Deslandes or M. Colombey, when I 
propose to clear up an inaccuracy in the narrative of 
the death of Charles II., by Lord Macaulay, as it is a 
very curious instance of the consequences of a slight 
mistake in deciphering an indistinct manuscript or 
printed paper, and in attempting to explain initials 
without sufficient caution. 

I have carefully consulted all the accredited histo- 
rians and writers who have alluded to the subject, — 
Burnet, Macpherson, Evelyn, Lingard, Hume, C. 
Knight's History of England, Dalrymple, Ellis's Let- 
ters, State Tracts, etc., — and shall, for the purpose of 
clearing the way to an elucidation of the error, give a 
summary of their substance very briefly. 

Evelyn writes to this effect: — " I went to London, 
hearing his Majesty had been the Monday before, 2 
Feb., surprised in his bedchamber with an apoplectic 
fit, so that if Dr. King had not been accidentally pre- 
sent to let him blood, his Majesty had certainly died 


that moment. ... On Thursday hopes of recovery 
were signified in the public Gazette; but that day, 
about noone, the physitians thought him feaverish. . . . 
He gave up the ghost at half an hour after eleven in 
the morning, being the 6th of February, 1685. . . . 
Those who assisted his Majesty's devotions were the 
Abp. of Canterbury, the Bishops of London, Durham, 
and Ely, but more especially Dr. Ken, the Bishop of 
Bath and Wells. It is sayd they exceedingly urged the 
receiving the Holy Sacrament, but his Majesty told 
them he would consider of it, which he did so long till 
it was too late. Others whispered that the bishops and 
lords, except the Earls of Bath and Feversham, being 
ordered to withdraw the night before, Hurlston the 
priest had presumed to administer the Popish offices." 

Dr. Lingard, on the authority of Barillon, says that 
the Duke of York " ordered all present to quit the 
room, except the Earl of Bath, lord of the bedchamber, 
and the Earl of Feversham, captain of the guard, whose 
attendance he thought necessary to prevent any sinister 
reports, and then introduced Huddleston, with the 
words, ' Sir, this worthy man once saved your life, he 
now comes to save your soul.' " 

Burnet says that " the Earls of Bath and Feversham 
only were present;" while Macpherson mentions, on the 
authority of a manuscript in his possession, " the Earl 
of Bath, and Trevannion, a captain in the Guards." 
The "Memoirs of James II.," published by that author, 
also mention these names, which were in all likelihood 
in the manuscript he quoted. A third person appears 
on the scene: "the Duke of York proposed send- 
ing for a priest to him (Charles II.) to Count Castel 


Barillon, in his dispatch of Feb. 18, 1685, given by 
Dairy mple, says that " the Duke perceived the Earl of 
Castel Melhor, who with warmth embraced the pro- 
posal made him ; ... as the time pressed, he went 
where the Queen's priests were, and found amongst 
them one Hudelston, a Scotchman. . . . The Duke said 
aloud, ' The King wills that everybody should retire 
except the Earls of Bath and Feversham ;' the first was 
lord of the bedchamber, and the other was in waiting/' 
Huddleston himself, in his brief account, mentions no 
names, but says that he was summoned " between 7 
and 8 a clock in the evening, upon Thursday, the fifth 
of February." 

All so far is simple enough, with the exception that 
Trevanion, a captain in the Guards, is mentioned as an 
additional witness by some of the authorities ; but Lord 
Macaulay has complicated the matter by a note to his 
description of the king's last hours. " 1 have seen in 
the British Museum," he writes, " and also in the Li- 
brary of the Royal Institution, a curious broadside, 
containing an account of the death of Charles. The 
author was evidently a zealous Roman Catholic, and 
must have had access to good sources of information. 
I strongly suspect that he had been in communication, 
directly or indirectly, with James himself. No name 
is given at length, but the initials are perfectly intelli- 
gible except in one place. It is said that the Duke of, 
York was reminded of the duty which he owed to his 
brother by P. M. A. C. F. I must own myself quite 
unable to decipher the last five letters." 

This broadside was printed in the "'Phoenix/ a 
revival of scarce and valuable pieces, being a collec- 
tion of manuscripts and printed tracts nowhere to be 


found but in the closets of the curious, by a gentleman 
who has made it his business to search after such 
pieces for twenty years past," published in 1727. Na- 
turally enough, the difficulty was no sooner announced 
than it provoked ingenious speculations to achieve its 
solution. The mysterious letters stood, it was asserted, 
for " Pfere Mansuete, a Capuchin Friar," the confessor of 
the Duke of York, who urged his patron to take care 
of the king's soul. Then another suggestion, perhaps 
somewhat less acute, ran to the effect that the initials 
might mean " in the afternoon a confidential friend," 
or, perhaps, "Patrick Maginn, a Carmelite Friar," 
while P. and B. were assumed to indicate the Lords 
Petre and Bristol. 

It so happened that some time since a manuscript 
volume belonging to Mr. Andrew Fountaine, of Nar- 
ford Hall, in the county of Norfolk, was placed, by a 
relative of that gentleman, in my hands. It contained 
the entry which I subjoin, besides a large collection of 
letters relative to the reign of James II., addressed by 
Bishop Smalridge, Dr. Charlett — Master of University 
College, Oxford — Bishop Stratford, and other corre- 
spondents, to its former owner, Mr. James Harrington, 
of whom full particulars will be found in Chalmers's 
1 Biographical Dictionary.' 

" A paper is published w thout autority, Relating y 6 maner of 
y e Death of y e late King. 

" On Munday, Feb. 2, He fell into an Apoplexy, & by loss 
of 6 ounces of Blood and some other Remedies he seemed 
somew* Recovered, But at 12 on Thursday The Physicians 
despaired of his health & so acquaintd y e Counsell. At 1 
P.M. P. C. F. came to y* D. and told him this was y* time to 
take care of his Brother's soul. He went to him & upo. 


bis desire sent for Huddlesto'. The K. saying y* y 6 Father 
w** savd him in y e tree would now save his soul. Then y* 
Nobles all Departed, but y* D. orderd P. F. and B. to stay, 
and w n Hud dies ton came The K. s d wt good Planet watches 
over one O L d my exile, my Fight at Worcester, my Safety 
there by the help of this Good Father, my Dangers in y e late 
Conspiracy, and y* now This Good fa. should be present to 
save my soul, be sure L d Thou hast created him for my Good. 
T n after a long discourse H. askd if he w d receive. He s d Yes, 
if he were worthy: & so he receivd & then had extreme 
unction. Then y e nobles return d & B p askd him whether he 
w 41 receive. He answerd no. The next Day at 12 he dyed." 

From this paper it appears that besides Lord Fever- 
sham and Lord Bath, the latter of whom was groom 
of the stole, there was a third witness, who is not men- 
tioned by Lord Macaulay, indicated under the initial 
P. This nobleman was, in all probability, Henry Mor- 
daunt, second Lord Peterborough, who, according to 
Burnet, met Dr. King in Whitehall, and conversed 
with him about the King's dangerous state of health, 
immediately before Charles II. was struck with apo- 
plexy. He had greatly distinguished himself by his 
courage at Newbury, and all his estates were seques- 
tered after the failure of his chivalrous plot in concert 
with Lord Holland ; he was a privy councillor, and in 
1689 was threatened with impeachment, on the ground 
that he had become reconciled to the Church of Rome. 
The Earl of Feversham was brother of the Duke de 
Duras, and Marquis of Blanquefort : his first English 
peerage was conferred upon him as a reward for his 
gallantry in the great naval battle of 1665, fought with 
the French fleet. He was also captain of the guard, 
under the Duke of York. 

The Conde de Castelmelhor, indicated by the initial 


C, was the old and faithful friend of Catherine of Bra- 
ganza, in whose service he was employed as chief groom 
of her chamber. He had taken refuge in England after 
incurring the ill-will of the reigning sovereign of Por- 
tugal, Don Pedro, owing to his fidelity to his imbecile 
patron, Don Alphonso VI., on whose behalf he success- 
fully intrigued to remove the Queen Regent from her 
government. He was afterwards employed in arran- 
ging the removal of Queen Catherine from Somerset 

John Granville, son of the gallant Sir Bevil, who fell 
in the battle of Lansdowne, near Bath, was severely 
wounded at Newbury, and acted as gentleman of the 
bedchamber to Charles II., whom he followed in his 
exile, and whose restoration he was mainly instrumental 
in procuring, by his successful negotiation with his 
kinsman General Monk. He was created Earl of Bath, 
for his services and sufferings in the royal cause. The 
bishop, it is almost superfluous to add, was Dr. Ken, 
of Bath and Wells. 

The mystery of the initials misread by Lord Macau- 
lay disappears when we read that at " one p.m. Peter- 
borough, Castelmelhor, and Feversham " came to the 




(Read January 8th, 1862.) 

This inscription is from a clay cylinder, found at Ba- 
bylon, and now in the possession of Sir T. Phillipps, 
Bart., of Middle Hill. The cuneiform text was admi- 
rably copied in facsimile by Bellino, many years ago ; 
and the engraving of this on a copper-plate, by the care 
of Grotefend, is equally excellent. More recently, it 
has been lithographed in larger and plainer characters 
in PI. 65 of the New Volume of Inscriptions, published 
by the Trustees of the British Museum, under the skil- 
ful direction of Sir H. Rawlinson. 

This inscription is one of the more difficult of its 
class. There are many unusual words ; and several 
passages still await interpretation. I have divided it 
into portions of convenient length, in order that the 
explanatory notes may be more easily referred to. I 
have placed the original and the translation in opposite 


Column I. 

Line 1 . Nabiu-kudur-ussur sar Nebuchadnezzar, the victorious 

misharim king, 

2. ribitu kina, muttaru teb- the glorious ruler, the restorer 
shati of public works, 

3. mustishir bahulati Bel, She- the director of the workmen 
mesh, u Marduk of Bel, the Sun, and Marduk, 

4. mustalam akhits nimiki, the perfecter of . . ., the dispen- 
mustihu baladam, ser of plenty, 

5. nadam la mupparku, the hero never conquered, 

6. zanin beth - shaggathu u the repairer of the temples and 
beth-zida holy places, 

7. tar Nabiu-pal-ussur sar Ba- the son of Nabopolassar, King 
bilu anaku. of Babylon : I am he. 


Misharim, victorious. This sense is determined by 
the phrase misharish duduku, he went forth victo- 

Ribitu should perhaps be pronounced rihu. 

Kinu means sometimes noble, glorious, and some- 
times first, eldest. 

Muttaru, a restorer, from root tar 9 to restore. Wetar 
or utar* I restored, is very frequent. 

Tebshati may be same as ebshat, works. It occurs 
in the Bellino inscription, 1. 43. Tebshid mat Kaldi, 
mat Aramu, etc. 

Mustishir is used often for governor. Root, sutishur, 

Bahulati may be for bakhulati, generally active young 
men ; sometimes soldiers. 

Mustalam, the perfecter ; participle of t conjugation 
of salam, Chald. D7tP, absolvit, perfecit (opus), Ges. 
1014 ; whence part. pass. ub& 9 salim, perfectus (Ezra 
v. 16). The etymology of Jerusalem (Ursalimma in 


Assyrian) has never been settled in a manner quite 
satisfactory. Perhaps it meant the perfect city, C7r- 
salim. A city is Ar> Ir, and sometimes Ur in Assyrian, 
TV in Hebrew. Or else, mustalam may be, he who 
makes prosperous (from another sense of ofw), and 
Ursalimma may mean City of Prosperity. Its founders 
could hardly have intended to call it City of Salvation. 

Mustihu or mustikhu, partic. of TWtif, shatakh, ex- 
pandit (Ges. 996;. In Job, it is to enlarge the people's 
territory, and so make them prosperous. In Psalm 
Lxxxviii. 10, expandit (brachia). The word occurs 
several times in the great £. I. H. inscription in both 
these senses. 

Baladam. This word occurs frequently and variously 
written, as balatha and malatha ; always meaning abun- 
dance. It is doubtless the Heb. malatha, plenty. 

Nadam, hero ; elsewhere nada> nadu, nahidu. 

The final ro is merely euphonious in this and many 
other words, interchanging with u and v. Hence the 
name of king Nabo-nahid. 

Mupparku, part, of parak "pB> to break. So the 
Latins say, ( copies fracta.* 

Babilu. The last syllable is sometimes lu, but oftener 
lam. By reading Babilam we obtain the name which 
the Greeks pronounced BafivKuv. 

8. Nina Mardak bel raba ana The favour ofMarduk the great 
bellat mada, Lord, unto great royalty 

9. issha annima, raised me ; 

10. nishat rapshat ana ribituti (and) gave to me the supreme 
itinam. power over chiefs and kings. 

hsha, from Ntttt, na&ha, to raise. Initial n is often 
rejected in the tenses, as is&iku, they kissed, from nassxk, 
to kiss. It is also rejected in Hebrew verbs. Line 

VOL. VII. 2 t 



10 means literally, " He gave to me kings, to rule over 
them." Compare the inscription of Sennacherib (Brit 
Mus. pi. 37, 1. 15), gimri nishat reshdu weshakni6 sha- 
bua — all the kings I forced to bow down as my slaves 
(where the parallel passage on the bull has malki sha 
kiprati y kings of the countries). 

Nishat reshdu are literally chief men or foremost men: 
nishat rapshat, very great men. 

It is to be observed that in this inscription of Ne- 
buchadnezzar the word nishat is used in two very diffe- 
rent senses, viz. (1) Men : the same as the more usual 
nisi, Syr. tOT, as tttt ~a, Alius hominis, i. e. homo, and 
Ntttt ^32, homines (see Schaafs Lex.). (2) Wonders, 
marvels, or conspicuous objects : from nish, Heb. M, 
signum, etc. 

Ribituti should perhaps be pronounced rihuti. 

Itinam, he gave to me. Other tenses are, attan, I 
gave ; iddina, he gave ; iddinu, they gave. From Heb. 
]ro, natan, to give. Fut. it tan. Imperat. tan. 

11. Ana Marduk ilu bani-ya Unto Marduk, the god my 
palkhish lu-takku : Creator, I humbled myself in 


12. Ana shadam sirdi-su Before the curtain of his sanc- 
lu-kanish kishadam. tuary I bowed down my head. 

Palkish, 4C with worship :" from PT7D, palikh, to wor- 
ship, a word very frequent in Assyrian. 

Lu-takku, or lu-utdkku, from nnn, takhat, down- 
wards. The particle Zu, which is prefixed to so many 
verbs without altering their meaning, has not yet been 
explained. It is most frequent in some of the most 
ancient inscriptions : afterwards gradually disappear- 
ing, as having been found unnecessary. Frequently, in 
two copies of the same inscription, one has it and the 


other has it not. It is not employed for the first per- 
son only of verbs, and therefore it is not an ancient 
word for Ego. I rather think it was a particle imply* 
ing that the following word was a verb, which may 
have been a useful hint. What makes this more pro- 
bable is that it is plainly so used in some instances 
where, to save space and trouble, only the last syllable 
of a verb is written, but with lu prefixed, which en- 
abled the reader at once to supply the verb which the 
sense of the passage required. Thus lu-ik was to be 
read etitik. 

But the particle lu prefixed to verbs in the optative 
mood is totally different from the above. This is the 
Heb. V?, and may be rendered utinam, etc. 

Ana shadam sirdi-su. There is a curious passage in 
the E. I. H. inscription, which is very analogous to 

Shada, embroidery : viz. that of the curtains. They 
were covered with imagery. From Syr. ttn, khat, or 
Tchad, but pronounced shad in Assyrian. Rendered 
suit, assuit, consult, in Schaaf's Lex. p. 1 78. Similarly 
the two languages agree, in the reduplicate form ; viz. 
Assyrian, shadad, to embroider, Syr. IDtOH, khatat. With 
respect to the interchange of kh and sh, it is, as I have 
before remarked, very frequent. 

Sirdi, curtains. Chald. pHD, sirdin, curtains ; so 
called, says Gesenius, from their peculiar texture, 
which was obtained by the use of needles : " acuum ope 
ex fills contewtum" He then quotes an Arabic word 
sirid, consuit or contexuit, which as a substantive 
means stylus or subula, apparently a long needle. 

These sirdin he renders aulcsa, tapetes (Ges. 969). 

From this I infer that it was a kind of tapestry^ 

2 a2 


ornamented with imagery of needle-work : which is 
most expressly stated in the E. I. H. inscription, if I 
have rightly interpreted that curious passage. 

The curtains of the Holy Tabernacle were called in 
Heb. "mtP, sirdi. (Ges. ibid.) The word has doubt- 
less the same sense in Nebuchadnezzar's inscriptions 
that it has in the Old Testament ; and in fact it was 
so translated by me, from the context, before the above 
passage was found in Gesenius. 

Wekanish, I bowed down. Rather distantly related 
to the Heb. 1>23. The root banish is very common in 
Assyrian, as lakansut, rebellious, disobedient men : or 
those who will not bow down. La iknusu ana niri, 
they would not bow down to the yoke. But the verb is 
commonly in the sha conjugation, weshaknis, I caused 
to bow down, I subjugated. 

Kishadam, the head. Ex. gr. kishadati-sun wenai- 
fatsh I cut off their heads. (B. M. pi. 41. 1. 76.) 


tsattu kusudu vassuti 

His store of bright-coloured 


nitba-su eilluti 

his precious 


eli sha panu weshatir. 

more than before I augmented. 

Tsattu or ssattu may be a form of the Heb. TTW, 
munus, donum. 

Kusudu, a word slightly altered from the Syriac 
HJTD3,&wita, a dress : pallium, velamen, vestimentum, 
from root MD3, amicivit, induit. (Schaaf, p. 274.) 

Vassuti, bright- or many-coloured dresses. Thus 
Sennacherib carried off from Hezekiah all his (birmi) 
scarlet robes and vassuti (showy dresses). It appears 
to be the Arabic word mentioned by Gesenius, p. 969, 
vashy or vasha, which he renders vestis versicolor. 


16. sha tamu I ga makbebara, Every day (J distributed) one 
ga sul, striped ox and one spotted ox, 

17. khiza tzulukhi damguti, Of a fat well-fed form to look 


18. gadu eha ilim Beth-shag- The portion of the gods of 
gathu o ilim Babilam. " the Temple/* and the gods of 


Sha tamu, every day : literally, " of a day." A verb 
is wanting to this sentence, with the sense of " I disk 
tributed." Perhaps it is governed by amnu in 1. 20, 
which has that meaning. 

In line 16, Bellino's facsimile appears to read ma- 
khebara, which I have translated striped. I suppose it 
means having a spotted or variegated skin, or hand- 
somely striped. I think it is a participle of the verb 
khebar, ^2T», lineis notatus est : variegatus est. The 
stripes on a leopard's skin are denoted by this term, 
and in Arabic khebrah means a striped garment (Ges. 
317). [Whence does the zebra take his name ? If it is 
an Arabic word, I should suppose it meant " striped."] 

The other ox has the epithet sul, which I suppose 
to mean virgatus or virgis notatus (marked with lines), 
from Heb. 7D, sal, virga (Ges. 713). 

So the Greeks use pafiSamos, as Iftaria paf&arra, Xen. 
(striped garments) : and, applied to animals, it means 
streaked, striated, like the Lat. virgatus (especially 
lengthways). Arist. Hist. An. 4, 4, 6. 

Khiza, to look upon. Heb. rTWT, whence mtn, khizut, 
species, maxim& magna et pulchra. (Ges.) 

Tzulukhi, fat or well-fed : from n^S, ben& crevit : 
prosperavit (Ges. 864). 

Tzulukhi damguti, of a fat or well-fed figure. This 
word damguti (probably pronounced damyutx) would 
hardly be recognizable if it were not that the same pas* 


sage recurs Col. III. 1. 11: and there the word is written 
damuti, which is plainly the Syriac fllffT demut, a figure. 
In Ezekiel " all four had one form," TTTM HIDI. 

Gadu y a portion : from the Syriac gad, to cut off 
(Schaaf, p. 85). Tiglath Pileser uses a similar expres- 
sion when he gives a portion of the enemy's spoil to 
the gods. He says, akish, I cut it off. We might 
also compare the Homeric refievos rafiov dfrypv dWa>v. 

The passage which follows next is extremely difficult, 
and I must leave it without translation, beyond the 
remarks in the notes. 

19. nunu itsuru wesurau pila simat apparira. 

20. dishpam khimiti site bidumuk-sha amnu 

21. kurunu dashpam sikar tsatum 

22. karanara eillu karanam mati zallu 

23. Tuhimmu, Tsimmini, Khilbun. 

24. Aranabanu, Tzukham, 

25. Beth-Kubati, a Bitati. 

The first line occurs again in Col. II. 29, and again 
in Col. III. 13, with a slightly different collocation of 
the words. These passages should be referred to, as 
their comparison may perhaps throw some light upon 
the meaning. I translate the first line " a kind offish, 
which I called ' imperial fish, 9 for they are marked vrith 
a band on their heads like a diadem." Here, I would 
ask naturalists whether any fish is known in Babylo- 
nia, answering to the above description, or at any rate 
characterized by a remarkable band of colour on the 
head ? However that may be, I proceed to examine 
the words of the text. 

Nunu, fishes, as in Heb. and frequently in Assyrian. 
Itsuru, kings : from Heb. "tsy, itsur, imperium : and as 
It verb it means imperavit (Ges. 788). 


It also occurs in Assyrian : as, in the dedication of a 
tablet, itsri dandanni, " unto the all-powerful king.'' 

Wesumu, I named them: from Heb. OtP, sum, a 
name : very frequent in Assyrian. 

Pila is in the two other passages written bila. Adopt- 
ing the latter reading, it is most probably the Heb. 73, 
the root of 773, maculavit, Ges. 151 (which becomes 
simply *» in the derived word ^3n, tabul, maculatio). 
Pila would therefore signify marked or striped. 

Simat, a diadem, is a very common Assyrian word. 

Apparim seems evidently to be the Heb. "%M, apar, 
a band round the head. Ges., p. 89, renders it ' fascia 
frontem tegens/ also ' tegumentum capitis/ Thus all 
the words agree in indicating the meaning which I have 
given, or at any rate something nearly similar. 

The following lines are obscure ; we will therefore 
pass on to 1. 22, where we find the king speaking of 
mati zallu, the revolted cities. 

This is from Heb. hht 9 to shake off, viz. the yoke, 
which word is sometimes added. The names of the 
revolted cities are then given, Tuhimmu, etc. This 
appears to have been a religious revolt, not against the 
authority of the king, but against the worship of Mar- 
duk. There are many indications in the inscriptions 
of the existence of a powerful minority who rejected 
the established idolatry. The king however put down 
the revolt and re-established the worship of Marduk, 
which he compares to a beneficent stream, fertilizing 
the land. Similar things are stated in the inscrip- 
tion of Esar-Haddon (B.M. pi. 45. I. 42-54), about a 
religious schism in the neighbourhood of Babylon. Of 
the cities here named, Beth-Kubati is named in Sen- 
nacherib's inscriptions as Beth-Kubitti, and Bitati is 


probably Bittutu, where Sennacherib fought a battle 
with Susubi the Chalybaean. 

26. Kima mie nari la nibim As with waters from streams 


27. in palikh Marduk u Zar- With the worship of Marduk 
panita and Zarpanita 

28. bieli-ya la-dasham my lords, I fertilized them 

PaMh. See Bellino's facsimile for this word. 

The goddess Zarpanita was the wife of Marduk. 

Udasham is the same as udasha, the final m being 
frequently euphonious. Probably from Heb. NttTf, 
dasha, to make green, to cause to grow ; which the 
streams of water, just mentioned, would do. It there- 
fore makes a harmonious metaphor. 

29. papakha sabat belluti-sa The chapel which is the dwell- 

ing of his Majesty (viz. Marduk) 

30. khurassi namram shalla- With shining gold splendidly 
rish lu-stakkan. I adorned. 

81. bab khilit-zu khurassi we- The gate which encloses it I 
shalbishu. covered with gold. 

32. Bit ana Zarpanita bilti-ya A temple unto Zarpanita my 


33. kusvam wezahm. With hangings I adorned. 

34. Bit Zida, subat Sarikimir, The temple of Zida which is 
Kiya, the dwelling of the god Sarikimir 

and the goddess Kiya 

A verb seems wanting at the end of this sentence 
with the sense of " I embellished." 

Namram, usually namri. The m is euphonious. 

AshtaJckan, elsewhere ashdakkan. The sha conjuga- 
tion of dak, to make bright. Syriac MTT, purus. This 
verb must be carefully distinguished from asktakan, I 
commanded, I set up ; which is quite another verb. 

Khilitzu from N73 clausit. Bab khilit-xu, porta clau- 


denseum (sacellum). We find this word in the inscrip- 
tions of Ashurakhbal : ana beth khili la isarrak, he 
shall not break with violence into the closed apart- 
ments (or harem). 

Kusvam may be tapestry : from HDD, texit, velavit 
se ; in Syriac, to dress, clothe. 

Kiya was probably wife of the god Sarikimir. NYT, 
in Chaldee, signifies life. Another form in Hebrew is 
mn, khevah or hevah, which signifies life, and is also 
the name of Eve, vulg. Heva. It is stated in Gene- 
sis that Eve was so called because she was the mo- 
ther of all living. The above etymology is generally 
admitted (see Ges. p. 322). It is therefore curious to 
find that there was a Babylonian goddess of the same 
name : although it may be quite accidental, since the 
name of her husband is unlike any Biblical name. The 
name mn is also found in the great E. I. H. inscrip- 

The name Sarikimir is quite uncertain. Perhaps it 
should be read sar sari kimir, king of all kings ; in 
that case it would be the title of some deity, and not 
his proper name. A verb is wanting after line 34, 
such as " I built/' or " I repaired/' 

35. papakha Nabiu sha kireb The chapel of Nebo which is 
Beth-Shaggathu within the chief temple 

36. sibba-su, sigara-su, u bab- its thrones, it* minarets? and 
naku-su its .... . 

37. kharassi weahalbiahu with gold I covered 

38. Bit kima tamu lu-nammir. and that temple itself J made 

as splendid as the sun. 

The last line occurs frequently. The phrase is 
sometimes tarnish, sometimes as here, kima tamu, 
" like the day," i.e. like the sun K the god of day, as 
was first remarked by Dr. Hincks. 


39. Bitti el-ki zikurat Babilam The temple of the Planet which 

is the tower of Babylon. 

40. in khidati a rishati ebus. with joy and delight I built. 

41. Babilam makhash bel rabu In Babylon the chosen city of 
Marduk the great lord Marduk, 

42. Imgur-Bel bit-dar-sa ra- Imgur-Bel his magnificent 
bam dwelling-place 

43. weshaklil. I finished. 

44. in ... . gab babati rabati On the of the great gates, 

rimu eri bulls of bronze 

45. eikduti, u nsbir (in the plu- bright and shining ; and tobir* 
ral) shatzutzuti ushazits. skilfully carved, I fixed up. 

The planets were called the divine Jci. At Borsippa 
was the zikurat, or tower of the seven planets, now the 
Birs Nimrud. 

Khidati and rishati are generally named together : 
the first I derive from NT?, ArAatfa, gaudium: the second 
from H!H, ritsa or risha, delight. 

Makhash is sometimes a city, sometimes a temple- 
city, or a temple simply. These temples appear, how- 
ever, to have heen usually fortified. 

The Imgur-Bel is constantly spoken of. I imagine 
imgur to be an old Hamitic word like imga, a king, 
imduk, glorious, etc* 

Dur, a habitation, Heb. ^YT, habitavit. 

Rabam, the final m euphonious. 

.... gab : the first syllable seems doubtful. If the 
word is mashgab, that would mean the 'summit/ Heb. 
nattto, Ges. 622. 

In the inscriptions of Nebuchadnezzar the conve- 
nient sign for the plural Y^« is seldom employed. In 

order therefore to express the plural of a word, it was 
written twice. But this was, of course, found very in- 
convenient when the word was a long one, and there- 


fore they contented themselves with repeating a part 
of it. Thus the plural of usbir was written usbir bir 
(see line 45). Nevertheless in another inscription we 
find usbir usbir. Similarly I think that immir mir in 
Col. iii. 1. 12, stands for immir immir, the plural of 
immir, whatever that word may mean. 

Rimu I have translated bulls, but, I believe, they were 
properly buffaloes. Heb. D*n, rim, a buffalo (Job xxxix. 
9). The Assyrian for a buffalo appears to be am, and 
the plural is am followed by the plural sign which is 
mentioned in the last page. 

Instead of this, our inscription employs the redupli- 
cate form am am, as in the case of all other plurals. 
But in the E. I. H. inscription this plural word is 
written rimu. It may be objected that this was a dif- 
ferent term for the same thing; but it so happens 
that a transcript exists of this portion of the great 
hieratic inscription into vulgar characters, and this 
transcript replaces rimu by am am. 

It will be sufficient to point out this anomaly with- 
out dwelling further upon it. 

Eri, bronze, may be compared with the Latin as, 
teris, ova; so may also the adjective irinu with areus. 

Eikduti. See Note A at the end of this paper. 

Usbir, probably some animal. Usbir shatzutzuti is 
also found in Neriglissar, line 26. This adjective is 
the Heb. 33TT, to cut. sh is written for kh, as fre- 
quently happens. But the verb S2p, to cut, also de- 
serves consideration. 

Ushazits or weshazits is a very common verb, always 
distinctly meaning " I fixed up firmly," as a sculptured 
tablet, a bronze image, etc. 

It is the sha conjugation of the Heb. tty, ( corrobo- 


ravit, firmavit.' The root is ty, 'robur, fortitudo/ Gese- 
nius also gives the reduplicate form XOf of the same 

46. khirit-zu akhriu, subul mie I dug its moat, but I covered 
aksut, over tbe flowing stream of waters. 

47. kibir-su in azarut duya u its mound with (strong build- 
libial gusburra ing materials) 

48. lu abnu. I built. 

49. zarati kibri-sha kar dali Its zarati 

50. sha kima ssattu la uttassu which like 

51. in azarut duya u libial gu- with (strong building materials) 
shurra weshabish. I finished. 

Akhriu, I dug, khirit, the moat : both words from 
TO, karah or kerah, to dig. The moat of the city is 
probably meant. 

Subul, the flow : from Heb. IttJ, fluxit. 

Mie, waters. Heb. TO. 

Aksut, I covered over: from Heb. PTDD, c texit, ope- 
ruit.' In Chaldee, * occultus, absconditus fuit.' Ex. yr. 
Toyi MTD2) eumque (sanguinem) operiat terri. The 
final t is probably obtained from the substantive mK3, 
operimentum, tegumentum. 

Kibir, a mound, related to Tap. 

Gushurra, beams of wood, occurs frequently : from 
root Ttttt. 

Libi f bricks. 

The whole line occurs frequently, and appears to 
be a standing phrase for " good building materials." 

Zarati is a tent or pavilion. 

Ktbri, perhaps lofty, "YU, gibir, superbiit: and Arabic 
adjective superbus (Ges. 194). 


Column II. 

line 1. Astak masharti bit- When the rest of the great 
abaggathu dunnunu Temple had been repaired 

2. limnu sha ak gi su (/ made) the sheet of water for 

its fishponds 

3. ana Babilam la tsanagam in Babylon, of such ample size 

4. sha manaraa sar makrim la as no former king had ever 
ibusu done 

5. in kabat Babilam : kar dali among the fishponds of Baby- 

lon: (and) with a wall of good 
flat bricks 

6. balar shemesh utdu Babi- I enclosed the (other) sheet of 
lam, weshaskir. water on the East of Babylon. 

Masharti, perhaps from root shar^tW, reliquus fuit, 

Limnu resembles in sound the Greek Xifimj. Neri- 
glissar in his inscription complains that an ornamental 
gate had been destroyed by the limnu, and by enemies. 
This may be a flood of water, for in the same inscrip- 
tion he speaks of the river overflowing, and being a 
source of danger to the palace. 

Ak gi, in this passage : but in the E. I. H. inscrip- 
tion it is gi ak. Ak seems an old word for water, 
well known in the Indo-Germanic languages, as in old 
German aach, ach; Latin aqua. Also it seems to 
bave been an old Semitic word, for we find akhi used 
for an aqueduct twice in the inscription of Neriglissar, 
Col. II. lines 6 and 8. 

Gi, a reservoir of water, Heb. Wfl and "»a. Accord- 
ing to Ges. p. 208, the root feTO means conjluxit aqua; 
and 13 vallis, ab aqud ibi confluente dicta. 

La tsanagam, by no means confined or restricted : 
from Heb. tsanak, p22, Ges. 869, which is used in 
Assyrian to express things that are confined or shut 


up : not confined in a narrow space, but, on the con- 
trary, ample. This negative mode of expression is very 
much used in Nebuchadnezzar's inscriptions. He says 
a thing was not small, where the reader is to under- 
stand it was very large and handsome. 

Makrim, usually maJcri. The final m euphonious. 

Rabat, plural of kdba. This is doubtless the word 
M33, gaba, a fish-pond, used by Ezekiel (Ges. 189). 
With this account compare that given in the great 
E. I. H. inscription (vi. 22), which appears to relate to 
the same work. We there read : 

Gi ak ana imgur-Bel kar Ba- (/ made) a fishpond in Imgur- 
bilu la dakhi, Bel which is the chief temple f 

Babylon, and I made by no means 
a small one : 

sha manama sar raakri la ibusu, which no former king had ever 

done the like of : 

4000 ammat gagari of 4000 square cubits in sur- 


Here, instead of ak gi, we have gi ak: instead of 
la tsanagam, not confined, we have la dakhi, not 
small : in proof of which the measurement is given, 
4000 square cubits. 

Dakhi is a word to which there are two Hebrew 
roots related, pi, minutus, tenuis, exilis, and ken of 
nearly the same meaning, pi is used of the air (aura 
tenuis), of the lean kine and ears of corn in Genesis, 
and of various other things poor and contemptible. 
The same boast occurring (that no former king had 
done the like) further tends to identify the works 
spoken of. 

Returning to our inscription, Col. II. 1. 6, we have 
balar, for which, in the £. I. H., we find balri (see 1. 
28, kar dali balri shemesh utdu Babilu weshaskh). 


But another passage substitutes palga for balar, which 
appears to be the Heb. and Syriac palga, from $70, to 
cut ; here meaning an artificial piece of water obtained 
by cutting or excavating the earth 

Shemesh utdu, the rising sun. This verb occurs 
rather frequently. 

7. khirit-zu akhriu I dug its moat : 

8. kibir-8u in azarut duya u Its mound in {strong building 
libial gushurra materials) 

9. wezakkir khursanish. I built in a workman-like man- 


We had this before (Col. I. 46), but with the va- 
riant abnu, I built, (Heb. banah, PUS, to build,) instead of 
wezakkir. This comparison determines the meaning 
of the verb wezakkir ; which is very important, since 
that is the verb employed in the controverted passage 
in the Birs Nimrud inscription, where it is said that an 
ancient king began to build that temple, and 42 hu 
wezakkir, but did not finish its upper part (la wevalla 
rishasha). Now Sir H. Rawlinson, Dr. Hincks, and 
myself translate 42 hu wezakkir " he built it to the 
height of 42 cubits," while M. Oppert insists that it 
means "42 ages are reckoned since that time:" from 
which he infers that the Birs Nimrud was the veri- 
table Tower of Babel. He obtains this sense from 
the Heb. "ttt, zakar, commemorare: but his transla- 
tion of hu as atas, or a cycle of years, is quite ar- 

Now, not here only, but in several other passages 
of the E. I. H. inscription, wezakkir means plainly 
eedificare: for instance, see Col. VIII. line 1. 

10. itat Babilaxn sibik isbdi The circuit-walk of Babylon 
rabuti as a mound of earth on a yery 

wide base 


11. astappak-su. I piled them op. 

12. mili kasham mie rabuti With an agitated flood of wide 


13. kima gibishti yamti like the glassy waves of the 
weshalmish. sea, I protected them.* 

14. apparim lustaskir-su. with banks of clay I surrounded 

it (viz. this flood). 

15. ana shada nabishti nissat to rejoice the spirit of the peo- 
Babilam askunu. pie of Babylon I made it. 

Ttat in several passages appears to mean a circuit- 
wall. It is a doubtful word, but it seems related to 
itie, which certainly means the frontiers of a land : 
the circuit or boundary of a field or property. 

Sibik, a heap of earth : from ErtP, shapak, effudit . 

Ashtappak, verb of the t conjugation : from the same 

Ishdi, foundations : from TD\ fundavit (aedificium). 

Mili, a flood : from NtO, plenitudo. 

Kasham, part, from kasha, to be agitated, to be in 
violent motion. In Heb. the verb is ttnn, moveri 
motu interno vehementiore, Ges. 327. 

GUbishti appears to have been their name for glass. 
Heb. ttP23, gibish, KpiaraXXos, and glades (ice), Ges. 
192. It is well known that Lat. vitrum meant both 
glass and a colour (greenish blue). So the English 
glass and Latin glades are related to the Celtic Welsh 
glds (green or blue). 

Window-glass and ice are both sea-green when seen 
through a considerable thickness, and so are the waters 
of the sea. 

Yamti or imti, the sea. Heb. D\ mare. Chaldee 
ND\ Imti is merely rTO" 1 or HO\ 

Weshalmish for weshalmi-su, I made it safe ; t. e. I 

* i. e. from the assaults of enemies. 


made the wall secure from the attack of enemies, by 
inundating the country around (probably this was done 
only in the time of war) ; for the £. I. H. has more 
plainly, mada weshalmi, I made the country secure 
(VI. 43). The root is ofw, salvare. Here is the 
passage (VI. 39) : — " Lest the enemies should attack 
by surprise the immense circuit of Babylon (itie Babilu 
la tsanaga), I made the country safe with mighty 
floods of water resembling the waves of the sea : mie 
rabuti kima gibishti amati mada weshalmi.* 9 The account 
in the £. I. H. then goes on to say that the banks of 
this flood on the outer side were like the banks or 
dunes of some great sea, and moreover strengthened 
with a strong brick wall. There was therefore a double 
enceinte of works round Babylon. 

Lustaskir, composed of the usual particle lu and 
ustashir, the t conjugation of the verb " to surround." 
Another conjugation, usaskir or weshashkir, occurred, 
Col. II. 1. 6. 

When an enemy approached Babylon, it was possible 
to defend it by inundating the country, and this flood, 
with a fresh breeze, might beat against the walls. Never- 
theless, I suspect a little Oriental hyperbole. 

The line 15, 'ana shada nabishti nissut Babilam 
askunu,' is difficult. But we must be guided by the 
parallel passage in E. I. H. (VI. 39), which speaks of 
the enemies (yabi) of Babylon, and says these waters 
were a defence against them. Therefore this effectual 
protection may be here spoken of as giving courage 
to the people of Babylon, or rejoicing their spirit. 

Shada may be Heb. mn, khada, gaudium, with 
the usual change of kh into sh. At first, however, I 
gave to this passage an opposite signification, viz., 

VOL. VII. 2 B 


« for the destruction of the lives of the enemies of 
Babylon, I made it." 

Shada, destruction. In Heb. TO and TTO, exitmm, 
and as a verb, perdidit, trucidavit, etc. And I find 
the word nissut used for " enemies" in Tiglath-Pileser, 
IV- 49, where that king marches against the kings 
and nations nissuti or hostile, who dwelt by the Upper 
Sea. The root seems to be the Heb. 7T2S, nitsah, which, 
in Psalm lx. 2, means helium gessit. See Ges. 682. 
Sedjudicet lector. 

16. In makhash mada Sumir In the great temples of Cbal- 
u Akkadim d*a an d Mesopotamia 

17. sutak weshatir. I augmented the offerings. 

Sutak may be from shatakh, ntDtP, expandit, extendit 
(raanus), etc. 

18. Beth-Zida, beth kind in The temple of Zida, that splen- 
Barzipa did temple in Borsippa 

19. esansish ebus : erinu I built again. Its cedar roof 

20. khurassi namram weshal- with shining gold I covered. 


21. in khurassi, kaspa, abnam With gold, silver, and precious 
nisikti stones 

22. era its meshkanna erinu (incrusted) upon meshhmna 

wood and cedar wood 

23. wezahin sikin-su. Nabiu u I adorned its habitation. Nabo 
Nanaya and Nanaya 

24. in khidati u rishati in joy and delight, 

25. subat tup libbi kirba-su seated on lofty thrones, within 
weshasib. it I caused to dwell. 

The above does not seem to require many remarks. 
The syllables sib and lib appear to me to be used 
quite indifferently. The Hebrew roots corresponding 
are ltt> or IttP and l 1 ?. The meaning of the first is 
a seat, dwelling, or habitation: that of the second, a 



heart In Assyrian each of these two roots has these 
two meanings. 

26. sha tama I ga makhebara, Every day (/ distributed) one 
ga 8 ill striped ox, and one spotted ox, 

27. XVI pasilli bitruti and 16 

28. gadu aha ilim Barzipa the portion of the gods of Bor- 


29. isikh nana itsara wesama isikh fish, which I called king- 


30. bila simat apparim striped with a band on the head 

like a diadem. 

31. daspam sira as kurunnu 

32. sikar satu karanam eillam 

33. dishpa khimiti sits bamul- 

See Col. 1. 1. 19 to 22. 

34. Palikh Nabiu a Nanaya 

35. eli sha pana wedakhit. 

36. sha tamu VIII lu gini 

37. Lash, ilim sha Bit-Mislam 
a Tigga akin. 

38. tsattuk ilim rabim aspar- 

39. eli gini labriginaweshatir, 

The worship of Nabo and Na- 
naya, my lords, 

more than before I extended. 

Every day eight sheep unto 
Nergal and Lash, 

the deities of the temple of 
Mishla and Tigga, I sacrificed. 

The just rights of those great 
gods I {augmented?). 

In excess of the formei sheep 
I added one sheep more. 

Palikh : see the facsimile for this word. 

Gina, a sheep. In Chaldee ]V and ]tW; but in Heb. 
JHS, tsina, and so in the Assyrian, as written at Ni- 
neveh. (Tsade et Ain pro more permutatis, Schaaf, 
p. 398.) 

Chaldee, emphatic N3J>, ghina, if we give to y the 
force of ghain. Another Chaldee form is |tW. This 
has much resemblance to the Greek name for a sheep 
(pa> in the accus. case). And the Welsh peasantry 



call it oin at the present day. That ancient language 
contains many Greek words. 

Tsattuk, portio justa. Heb. HpTS, tsadika, rectum, 

40. Beth Tara aha Takiprat-ki The temple of Tara in . . . city, 
ana Shemesh u Yo unto the Son and Moon 

41. bieli-ya esansish ebus. my lords, I constructed anew. 

42. Beth Tara aha as Suarsam- The temple of Tara in Suarsam 
Id ana ShemeBh u Yo city, unto the Sun and Moon 

43. bieli-ya esansish ebus. my lords, I constructed anew. 

44. Beth Its-nuik sha The temple of the Nuik-tree in 

ki, ana Sin, bel the city of Mugheir, unto the 

Moon, the lord, 

45. naram sarruti-ya esansish the supporter of my royal 
eouB . power, I constructed anew. 

46. Beth Ini-Anu sha as Bel- The temple of the Eyes of Anu 
ki, ana lb in the city of Bel, unto lb 

47. Bel-ya esansish ebus. my lord, I constructed anew. 

48. Beth Kugina sha ir Mash the temple of Kugina in the city 
ana Bel-Zarbi of Mash, unto Bel Zarbi 

49. bel-ya esansish ebus. my lord, I constructed anew. 

Yo, the moon goddess, became the Io of the Greeks. 

Sin was the lunar god. His name still means moon 
in Syriac. 

Mugheir is the modern name of the city. The an- 
cient name is uncertain. Rawlinson thinks it was Ur 
of the Chaldees. (' Athenaeum,' April 10, 1862.) 

Nebuchadnezzar here states, that he rebuilt the tem- 
ple of the Nuik-tree, which was dedicated to the Moon 
in the city of Mugheir. At a later period (see B. M. 
pi. 68) Nabonidus repaired the same temple of the 
Moon, in the same city, which is a beautiful agree- 
ment of independent authorities. One copy of his 
cylinder calls it the temple of the Nuik-tree, the other 
calls it the temple of the Asuka-tree, which therefore 
are the same. 



The Eyes of Anu, I think, meant the starry firma- 
ment. I find that in the old Hamitic language, Ani 
meant heaven, and therefore I conjecture that Anu and 
Ani were the same. 

The name of a deity lb is given in 1. 46, but I think 
this can hardly be correct. I should prefer to read Ri, 
but then the phrase ought to be Ri, my lady. 

The name of the deity Zarbi has a slight resemblance 
to the Egyptian Serapis. 

The splendid diadems 
and .... jewels 

of Ishtar of (X), the Lady of 
(X) city, which were most valu- 

I restored to their place 
and gave them to (X) city. 

50. simati rishtati 

51. belladi kutmuti 

52. sha Ishtar (X) ki, bilit (X) 
ki, eilliti 

53. wetir ashrussun, 

54. ana (X) ki shahidu-su. 

These valuable jewels had been plundered by some 
former king from the temple of Ishtar, in a city of 
whose name I am uncertain, and have therefore denoted 
it by (X). 

Ashrussun. The enclitic pronoun sun having no 
accent, a strong accent fell on the last syllable of 

Shahidu may be Heb. ITTtP, donavit, donum dedit, 
Ges. 992. 

55. Ana Beth- Anna labatsa* 
sha damikti wetir, 

56. timinna Beth Anna labri 

57- akhitabriu 

58. eli timinni-sha labri 

59. hukm vassu-sha. 

60. Nabiu-kudur ussur. 

In the temple of Anna, her 
labatsa, I repaired the edifice. 
On the old foundation — platform 
of the temple of Anna 
I offered a burnt-offering, 
(and) on the old platform 
I laid the foundations of (the 
new temple). 

Nebuchadnezzar [see next co- 


Column III. 

line I . Ishakku riri (Nebuchadnezzar) the great 

High Priest 

2. zanin makhash ilim rabim the restorer of the temples of 
anaku. the great gods, I am he. 

3. Ana Beth-sbaggathu u In all the temples and holy 
Beth-zida edifices 

4. kakdaya kayanak By my high priestly authority 

5. aehrat Nabiu a Marduk the wealth of Nebo and Mar- 
bieli-ya . dak my lords 

6. astinikha kayanam. I administered daring my 


7. i8inati-san damgati (J appointed) their handsome 


8. akit-zun rabti for noble sacrifices. 

9. in ga makhe (plural) pakluti With fat striped oxen, 

10. ga sal (plural) and spotted oxen 

1 1 . tsulukhi damuti. of well-fed form. 

Kakdaya. Compare with this passage the inscrip- 
tion of Neriglissar, Col. I. 13, where that king says 
that Nebo gave him the sceptre of justice, and Tira 
gave him his kakdu or kakku, which therefore I think 
was some emblem of authority. It may however have 
merely meant " full authority/' from fipTf, law : the 
middle letter being doubled in Hebrew. This a word 
used in the most weighty sense, meaning decretum 
Dei, jus, lex : as lex coeli, lex naturae, lex seterna, etc. 

It must have been a very important part of the 
functions of the High Priest to administer the great 
wealth of the temples. 

M. Oppert derives kayanam from JTD, a priest, in 
which I agree with him. 

damgati, in 1. 7, being an adjective, is probably tha 
same as damguti in Col. I. 17, " of handsome form/' 

Ga sul, ga sul, is simply the plural of ga suL 



This reduplication must have been found very in- 
convenient in long inscriptions. 

Qa makhe is an abbreviation for makhebara. 
Damuti, Syriac rx\GH, figura. 

12. immir mir gukkallam immir fish 

13. wesumu bila nana iUara I called them the striped king- 


14. simat apparim. from the diadem-band on their 


I suppose that immir mir was a mode of writing the 
plural of immir, as usbir bir certainly was the plural 
of usbir. 


15. Tibik sira as la nibi 
mamish, karanam 

1 6. shatti sha aminnut si 

n kaniki, 

17. in makhari-sun etitik. 

18. nishat rapshati sha 
Marduk biela 

19. wemallu gatu-ya 

20. ana Babilam wekannish. 

21. bilatmada mada bilit tsata 

22. kiship tashati kirba-su 

23. ana tsilli-su dari. 

24. Kullat nishat dabish 
wepakhir : 

25. karishim daliti 

26. la nibi astapak-sa. 

Displayed in a row on number- 
lees tables, the offerings, 

those which I have recounted, 
both large and small? 

(each) in their own repositories 
I placed them. 

The great marvels (of art) with 
which Marduk the lord 

had filled my hand 

in Babylon I collected together. 

The tribute immense, immense, 
of offered gifts 

having counted up their num- 
ber, I placed in the treasury 

for their eternal preservation. 

All those marvels I carefully 
' and upon handsome tables 

without number, I spread them 

In the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. 
xix., p. 124, I have given a translation of an inscrip- 
tion of Ashurakhbal, in which that monarch (who 


was a mighty hunter) describes his museum. He had 
a menagerie of living animals, and a collection pro- 
bably of stuffed ones; at any rate of skins, horns, 
etc. He says, " The names of the animals were placed 
beside them." From this inscription I was led to in- 
fer, that the meaning of the curious passage in the 
text might be something of the same kind. The reader 
must judge whether this interpretation of the passage 
flows naturally from the words employed. 

Tibik, spread out : from Heb. TOtO, to spread. The 
1st person of this verb, atbuk, I spread, is very fre- 
quent in Assyrian. 

Sira, a row. Heb. JTYrtP, series, ordo : root !TW, 
ordinavit. Arabic rrwttf, series lapidum, a necklace. 

La nibi, without number, a very common Assyrian 

Mamishy tables, or perhaps shelves, supports : from 
DDJ>, amesh, to support or carry : for which, in one 
passage of Scripture, tPEjr is found. (Ges. 778.) 

In makhari-sun etitik. In the bas-relief representing 
Sennacherib receiving the spoils of Lachish, the epi- 
graph says of the spoils, makhar-su etik, " he sent them 
to his treasury." The verb is Heb. pity, movit, trans- 
tulit. It is common in Assyrian, and also the other 
conjugations etitik and weshatik. 

Wekannish, I collected, is exactly the Heb. DD3, ka- 
nish, coacervavit thesauros ; used in Ecclesiastes. 

Bilat, a tribute. Chald. I 1 ?!, WZw, ' tributum/ (Ges. 

Tsatu may be the Heb. ,TTS, the final guttural being 
lost, as in tmii, it decayed, from pQ ; for the Heb. 
HpTS meant a gift. (Ges. 856.) 

Kiship, from Heb. *)ttm, to enumerate. 


Tashati, a verbal substantive, from Mtttt, nasha y to 
cast up a sum, or reckon its amount. , Ges. p. 691, 
says, ' cepit summam : numerum inivit : numeravit.' 

Kv$hip tashati is, I think, like a Latin ablative abso- 
lute, summd numeratd, vel numero inito. Registers 
are often spoken of, indeed they must have been very 
necessary in so vast an empire. 

Kiship is used apparently for money in the Sargon 
Cylinder. I have examined the passage at p. 170 of 
this volume. 

Amkhur, I put into a treasury: or simply, I received : 
generally written amkhar, from makhar a treasury. 

Tsillij protection. Heb. 72, tail, tutela, presidium. 

Dart, eternal. Heb. TT, dar, saeculum, aetas. 

Kullat, all. Heb. 72, hd or Aol, omnis. 

Dabish, ben&. Root Chaldee 2B, tab, bonus. 

Wepakhir, I well examined, or I selected the best 
specimens. Heb. TD, bakhir. Ges. says, 'probavit, ex- 
aminavit, elegit, delegit/ 

Karishim (so in the facsimile), well made (affabr& 
facti) : from ttnrv, karish, a workman in wood or metal. 
Ges. says, * faber lignorum,' etc. 

Daliti. This word and its cognates tali and taliti are 
generally employed to denote planks of wood, slabs of 
stone, flat bricks, or other flat objects used in building. 
I think the Greek Sekro*, a tablet, is hence derived. 

Astapak, I spread forth, or rather, I caused to be 
spread : I had them displayed : the sha conjugation of 
TOtD, tapak, extendit. The 1st person of the simple 
conjugation is atbuk, I spread. 

27. Ninu-su bit-rab mishab (And then) by his favour, the 
nrrati-ya Palace which is the dwelling of 

my majesty 


28. barka as nissut rabati (and)acourtformygreatnoble- 


29. subat rishati u khidati a dwelling of joy and gladness 

30. ashar katruti uktanna-su a place surrounded by grandeur 

31 . in Babilam esansish ebns. in Babylon I constructed anew. 

Mishab is often written miship : from 2ttT», sedit, con- 
sedit, mansit, habitavit. 

Barka should perhaps be marka. Sennacherib says 
that his eldest son Ashurnadan was brought up in his 
barka, which I therefore think must be translated 

Noblemen are frequently called nissut rabati, or 
rapshati (great men). 

Ashar katruti, etc. Ashar, a place, (of which) iatru- 
ti-su, its environs, uktanna, are grand. 

Katruti, from irO, cinxit, circumdedit. 

Uktanna, grand. In the inscriptions, a king often 
says, " in uktan libbi-ya, M — in the pride or exaltation 
of my heart — I advanced, etc. etc. 

32. in ki gallam rishtim In a noble lofty situation 

33. in irat irziti rapashti upon a vast mound of earth 

34. in azarut duya a libial go- with (the strongest building m- 
sharra terials,) 

35. wesharsit timin-sha. I laid its foundation platform. 

Irat, a mound, consisting of earth flung down: either 
from root TV, dejectus est, or else XSV 9 conjecit, or 
!TY\ fundamenta jecit. The latter word is used in 
Job xxxviii. 6 : Quis jecit (i. e. collocavit) lapidem an- 
gularem ejus? This lapis angularis seems to have 
had the importance and sanctity of the Assyrian tfmtn. 

Azarut may be from "MM, cinxit, and may refer to a 
protecting wall built around the timin. 

36. erina daliti valtu Labnanu Cedar planks from the noble 
dishti forests of Lebanon 


37. eilliti, ana tzululi-sha to serve for its roofs, I brought 
luublam. home. 

38. kar dali with a handsome wall 

39. in azarut duya a libial made of strong building mate- 
gushurra rials 

40. weshaskir-su. I enclosed it 

Erinu is also written irni. 

Dishti, green forests : from Heb. tWT, viror, #XoV 

Tzululi: from 772, to cover or protect. Ges. says 
' obumbravit/ The verb ubla, sometimes upla or ublam, 
always means I brought home. The 3rd person plural 
is ubiluni, they brought. 

It is the Heb. 71TT, attulit ; the root is 71\ 

41. Paras sarruti, sulukh bel- A royal oratory (or sanctuary) 
luti and a princely sulukh 

42. in libbi-sha weshapara. in the centre of it I built splen- 


The Paras of a temple appears to* have been the 
sanctuary of the deity. It is derived from Heb. ttHD, 
paras, separavit. But here, being in the palace, it was 
probably the king's private chapel or oratory. 

Sulukh seems to imply some lofty part of the pa- 
lace : from Chald. p7D, ascendit ; unless it means the 
great staircase leading to the upper stories of the 
palace, which, I believe, was generally called the lulie. 

Weshapam, usually written weshapa, is often em- 
ployed for c building in a grand style/ Thus in E. I. H. 
" la weshapa arki," I never built such a work {i.e. else- 


43. Ashli gata wetsalla bel With folded hands I prayed to 
bieli the lord of lords 

44. ana Marduk rimini illiku and my prayer ascended unto 
tzubu-ya. Marduk the supreme. 



45. Bel mada mada Marduk 

46. simit-zu itbi-ya, 

47. Bitebus: lala-sha lusbim ! 

48. in Babilam in kirbi-su 

49. sibutu luksut ! 

50. lusba littuti 

51. sha sarin kibrati 

52. sha kalati nishaeti 

53. bilat-zun 

54. kabitti 

55. lumkhur kireb-sha: 

56. libua 

57. in kirbi-sha 

58. ana daruti 

59. tsalmat gagada libielu ! 

the lord exalted, exalted. Mar- 

on hearing them, approached 
to meet me.* 

I- have built this house : may its 
glory be great ! 

In Babylon within it 

may wealth ever abound ! 

May the revenue be ample 

received from foreign kings, 

and from all the marvels (or 
precious things) 

(which form) their tribute 

immense ! 

May (all this) be treasured 
within it ! 

And may my descendants 

living within this palace 

for evermore 

over the wide universe hold 
dominion ! 

The prayer seems to be entirely for wealth, splen- 
dour, and power. I had formerly interpreted lines 50- 
55 quite differently. " May this palace ever be in- 
habited by a race of warlike kings, and of virtuous 
women their queens !" The words seemed to support 
this meaning, viz. littuti from *p\ generare, or T^n, 
proles : Mbrati, from ^13, a hero, or "Q3, magnus. 

Kalati, Heb. 7Y?> virtuous, as 7T! fYlPN> uxor proba: 
nishaeti, mulieres, fern, of tt^, homo (mshi, homines, is 
frequent in Assyrian), and bilat, a queen, is a very 
frequent word. Kabitti, numerous. Lumkhur, may it 
(the palace) receive, kireb-sha, within it. But, notwith- 
standing that this sense is tolerably well connected, 
I now prefer a different one : for most of the words 

* He approached me : he met my prayers ; % . e. he granted them. 


have other senses, which must be taken into consi- 

The kalati nishaeti may be the kullat nishat of 1. 24 
in this column. Bilat kabitti may be the bilat mada 
of 1.21. 

lumkhur, answering to amkhur of 1. 22 ; and kiprati 
is often used for foreign nations. 

And also because this passage recurs at the con- 
clusion of the great £. I. H. inscription, and these 
words are there added : " From East to West, wherever 
the Sun shines, 

foreign princes (yali) 

multiplied (mugalliti) " 

The sense is doubtful : I would compare yali with 
Heb. ^N, principes civitatis. But I adduce the pas- 
sage here to show that " great tribute from all foreign 
nations" is the leading idea of the prayer. 

Having considered this preliminary difficulty, I will 
now examine some of the words of the prayer, begin- 
ning with line 43. 

Wet8alla is the Heb. M*», to pray. 

Rimin, a title of Marduk : see the E. I. H. (Col. X. 
1. 1), " kibituk-ka riminu Marduk, bit ebus," — In thy 
name, O supreme Marduk ! I have built this house ! 

The Rimmon of Scripture, a deity in whose temple 
Sennacherib was assassinated, was probably the same 
with Marduk Rimin. The derivation from rimmon, a 
pomegranate, is not supported by evidence. 

Tsubu, a prayer : plural, tsupie. 

Simity a hearing. Heb. 3fl3tt>, to hear. 

Itbi, he came to meet : plural itbuni. This verb is 
very common in the older inscriptions. I believe it 
is the t conjugation of Heb. M2 9 venire. 


Lala, glory, is probably for alalia : from Heb. hhn y 
splenduit, celebratus fuit, etc. etc. 

Lusbim= lusba. (See lusba hereafter.) 

Sibut or sibutu y wealth: from Heb. sibua, JQ\P, 
abundantia. Instead of sibutu luksut, other inscrip- 
tions have shalbuta luksu; and the inscription of 
Tiglath-Pileser (Col. VII. 54) has the intermediate 
form shabuta. He says in praise of one of his ances- 
tors that he always relied upon the great gods, and by 
their favour he attained unto Wealth and Old Age, 
shabuta u labiruta illiku. 

Luksut. The verb aksut has more than one sense : 
it usually means to take, but also to augment and to 
clothe. I think the latter sense may be received 
here. From HDD, to clothe, subst. JTID3, a dress or 
covering. The Assyrians often use the dative case 
without any distinctive sign: thus shabuta signifies 
"unto wealth'" in the passage which I have quoted 
from Tiglath Pileser. In the present passage I think 
sibuta means " in or with wealth.'* We then have 
sibuta luksut , "may it be clothed in wealth!" or 
otherwise, " may wealth be augmented within it 1" 

Lusba littuti. This is varied in other inscriptions 
to a prayer for shabie littuti (abundant: from 2D\P, 
abundantia). Hence I conclude that lusba is the op- 
tative of that verb : " may it be abundant !" 

Sarin Jdbrati, kings of the nations. Sennacherib 
ruled over malki sha kiprati (Bull inscription). 

Bilat, tribute. Chald. lVa. 

Libua, my descendants. Lib is properly the heart, 
Heb. 17, but it also means nepos, a descendant. 
Thus, when Tiglath-Pileser recounts his ancestors, 
he says (Col. VII. 55) that he was lib libbi of Kina; 


Ninev-bal-ukur. This I have translated " fourth de- 
scendant:" Oppert, " fifth descendant" AndRawlin- 
son, who says that it literally means heart of hearts, 
renders it " the beloved child." The above-mentioned 
king has a name which I think means, " Ninev love 
the child !" from np\ cams fait. 

Tsalmat. A great many examples collected by Ges. 
and others show that the letters V ain and 2 tsaddi 
are permuted in Heb. and Chaldee. Thus Heb. yiM, 
terra, is JHN in Chaldee. |M2, a sheep, becomes N3#. 
IDS, wool, becomes H"ID9 : in fact Ges. calls this ere- 
berrima permutatio. On this principle I think that 
tsalmat may be a permutation of JlD7y, the Universe. 
In Chaldee, ND7J7, mundus, saeculum ; also in Syriac, 
saecula, and even tempus aeternum. In Neriglissar's 
inscription, 1. 9, that monarch says: Marduk called 
me to the sovereignty of the whole Universe, " ana 
ribituti tsalmat gagada ibiesu." 

Note A. — Eri eikduti is perhaps the same with a frequently-occur- 
ring phrase, eri namri, shining brass, or polished bronze. What 
makes this the more probable is, that in another phrase, the word 
iktu replaces namriri. One of the mystic titles of the Moon is shaku 
namriri, drinker of the divine splendours, i.e. reflecting the light of 
the Sun. This poetical idea is also found in Anacreon, in the ode 
beginning f) yrj fi&mva iriyet, etc. etc. For the poet adds, after 
giving other examples of drinking, Toy 8* rjkiov o-tkrprq. The above 
phrase shaku namriri occurs on the obelisk, 1. 6, and the Monolith, 
L 4 (see B. M. pi. 27,4). But the Tiglath Pileser inscription, 1. 6, 
replaces it by the phrase shaku iktu (the sign divine being prefixed to 
the latter word); Therefore I conclude that iktu also signified splen- 


dour, and that eri cikduti meant shining bronze. With respect to 
ehaku in the above phrase* it is the Heb. nptt?, to drink (Ges. 

Notb B (to Col. II. 1. 13).— Perhaps gibishti yamti means simply 
" the waves of the sea," and not " the crystal waves of the sea." For 
it appears from Ges. p. 234 and other authorities that there are two 
other words in Heb. and Chaldee resembling this, and they may have 
had a common origin. These are — 

rftWl dibishta, the hump of a camel, 'gibbas cameli,' which ac- 
cording to Ges. is derived from 

\PTl gidish or gidishta, acervus, tumulus, cumulus. 

It appears, therefore, that the word meant any kind of hump, 
mound, heap, or swelling, and that it was differently pronounced in 
different places. I should think, though Gesenius does not say so, 
that the ultimate origin was from S3 gib or gub y which means gibbvs 
(as in Latin), also dorsum animalium, etc. Considering, moreover, 
that the Greek #cv/xa, a wave, is admitted to come from Kvcty, to 
swell, I think that gibishti in Col. II. 1. 13, may be translated " swell- 
ing waves." Jpparim in 1. 14, which I have rendered " banks of 
clay," is the Heb. "ffl3J, terra : agger e luto sive argilla (Ges. 785). 

Notb C. (to Col. III. 1. 4). — A bishop's miire is derived from the 
East, fdrpa being a Persian headdress. May not the crosier or crook 
be equally derived from the East ? If so, the kakka, or emblem of 
authority of the Babylonian high priest, may have been a crosier. 
An apt etymology is found in the Hebrew PBI otherwise n"in, 
a hook (Ges. 323 and 330). 

Or if preferred, there is the word HSPf (the middle letter doubled) 
Ges. 337. This word kakka or khakka, also signifies " a hook." 

The crosier occurs among the Egyptian hieroglyphics, and I think 
with the phonetic value of ik or hik. 

The inscription then says: "By my high priestly authority 
astinikha ashrat Kabiu u Marduk" I administered the wealth of the 
temples of those gods. 

Astinikha : probably from root TX1T\ tanah, ' dona distribuit.' Pin- 
dar calls the high priest of Zeus ra/uas Aios, and to/uos means dis- 
tributer, dispenser, steward, or treasurer. 

Ashrat, the same as other, *))!}$ ' divitise :' frequent in Hebrew. 


Nora D. (to Col. 1. 1. 4). — Mustalam akhiU nimiki, may perhaps 
mean "preserver of the possessions of the poor," an epithet implying 
the king's clemency and benevolence : for many rulers had little 
scruple in appropriating a poor man's field. 

Mustafa*, from COW **iam, to preserve. 

AkMit. Heb. JlfflM akhitza, possessio (imprimis agrorum). 
(Ges. 37.) 

Nimiki. Chald. *pTM m'swA, submissus, depressus, and JTCOS, 
ntmtkut, depression submissio. 

From the root *TO, *TMD f or T)Q, »w* or muk t ad inopiam 
redactus est : pauper factus est. See Schindler's Lex. pp. 980 and 

Nor* E. — With respect to the obscure passage in Col. 1. 1. 21-25, 
it is possible that the seven revolted cities made their peace by pre- 
senting a handsome offering to the offended deities Marduk and 

Karanam may stand for karbanam, the plural of pip korban, an 
offering. If so, we might translate line 22, " A costly offering ; 
the offering of the revolted cities, Tuhimmu, Tsimmini," etc. 

Similarly in Col. HI. 1. 15, karanam shatti seems to mean "those 

VOL. VII. 2 c 



BT JOHN HOGG, M.A., F.R.8., HON. FOR. BBC. R.8.L. 

(Read May 8th, 1861.) 

Commander Leycestkr, in June, 1849, made a sur- 
veying excursion in the island of Cyprus, and disco- 
vered many inscriptions in Greek, and three in charac- 
ters of an unknown language, which he carefully tran- 
scribed. Last month that officer kindly sent to me 
for examination copies of two of the latter inscriptions, 
which I here subjoin, and which are preserved in his 

The first, No. I., was observed by him " on a stone 
in a catacomb a quarter of a mile east of Cucklia, 

where there are seventeen tombs in one chamber," or 
grotto. Cucklia, *} KoCkXul^ Kukla, or Konuklia, is 
supposed to be the site of old Paphos, Pake Paphos, 


and it is situated on the south-west of the island. The 
stone on which it is cut is " about four square feet." 

On looking into the Due de Luynes' handsome book 
entitled, ' Numismatique et Inscriptions Cypriotes/ 
which was published at Paris in 1852, I noticed that 
the same inscription is given in Plate XL in three 
transcripts : the first being made by Baron Von Ham- 
mer ; the second by M. Pereides, of Larnaca, in Cyprus ; 
and the third by Professor Ross, of Athens, in 1845. 

Baron Von Hammer had long before published his 
own copy in his work named * Topographische An* 
sichten' (Wien, 1811, p. 190, No. 69); and he, at that 
time, erroneously considered the characters to be Phoe- 
nician : all that he says of it is, " Phonicische Inschrift 
aus der Grabhohle bey Alt-Paphos." 

The Due de Luynes esteems the third, or that made 
by Herr Ross, to be the most accurate. 

On comparing those three with the present No. L, 
it will be seen that all the four copies differ from each 
other in some particulars ; and it is on this account 
that I have thought it advisable to add Commander 
Leycester's own transcript. 

Previous to making any remark on the supposed 
language of these singular characters, since the Duke 
has published only three inscriptions in all from Cyprus 
inscribed in the same characters, — with the exception, 
however, of those from a long tablet in bronze found 
at Dalin, ddkiv, considered as the ancient Idalium, 
*I8aktov, and those from the ancient coins of that island, 
— I will add the following inscription, No. II., in the 
same language, and which Commander Leycester has 
kindly transmitted to me, but which, as far as I can 
yet learn, has never been published. 



This last was discovered in 1849, at Baffo, Bafa 
the former Nea Paphos, or New Paphos, on the west 
side of Cyprus, " cut in the rock above the entrance 
of an excavated chamber ;" and " inside of the chamber 
itself, also cut in the rock, there is another defaced in- 
scription in the same characters." This, however, Cap- 
tain Leycester has not been able to find amongst his 

The fourth line in the Due de Luynes* second in- 
scription, Plate XL, discovered by M. Pierides, at 
Alonia, is this : — 

It presents some resemblance to the last line of No. II., 
and it possibly may, on interpretation, be found to 
have nearly the same meaning. 

The Duke further considers that the famous Isiac 
Tablet was made in Cyprus, as the Scarabseus " hu- 
mano capite," figured on it, holds a tablet in its fore 
feet in form very similar to that bronze one which was 
exhumed at Dalin, and in it he sees the following cha- 
racters : £ q. These, particularly the first, are pro- 
nounced by him to be Cypriote ; but the learned Kirch- 
er 1 held them to be Coptic, and he interpreted them 
to be <tnrXo, <]>vKo, or <£/\o, love. I have however ex- 

1 Prod. Copt. p. 224: Rom. 1636. 


amined the " Table Isiaque," as engraven in Montfau- 
con's 2 large work, and in the left lower corner of the 
border I observed the man-headed beetle, which is re- 
versed from that figured by the Due de Luynes, but 
the letters are clearly neither Coptic nor Cypriote; they 
are these : ^ % . 

It is impossible for me to determine which of the 
two copies is the more correct, without actually com- 
paring them with the monument itself. If Kircher be 
accurate, certainly his first letter resembles the Cypri- 
ote * ; but this is originally a Lycian letter, conse- 
quently we may, with equal reason, maintain that the 
Isiac Tablet was manufactured in Lycia, as in Cyprus. 

Besides, no sound argument can be brought forward 
in favour of that tablet being Cyprian, from the island 
itself abounding in excellent bronze, or copper, "aes 
Cypriura," as Pliny has recorded (Nat. Hist. lib. xxxiv. 
cap. 20) ; because Egypt had also celebrated copper 
mines, which she worked from a very early period, near 
Wadi Maghara, in the Sinaic Peninsula. 

At first, on looking at the characters in No. I., I 
saw that they were not the cuneiform letters of the 
Assyrian inscriptions, but that they seemed to bear a 
greater resemblance to those of Fellows's Lycian monu- 
ments, two or three being probably Phoenician ; and, on 
referring to the Due de Luynes' work, I ascertained that 
they were supposed by him to belong to a language 
which he terms " Cypriote/' and is compounded of the 
two latter, together with many Egyptian letters. 

The island of Cyprus having been subject to the 
Phoenicians at a very early period, then to the Egyp- 
tians for a long time, and afterwards to the Persians, 

* Plate 138, p. 340, vol. ii. «L' Antiquite* ExpliqueV Paris, 1719. 


it is to be expected that traces of those nations 3 re- 
mained in the dialect, or language, of the island ; and 
moreover, the character of the people was always Ashar 
tic rather than Grecian. 

The Duke gives a Cypriote alphabet at p. 45 of his 
work, and in it compares the letters with those of the 
Phoenician, Lycian, and Egyptian languages. He like- 
wise enumerates that it contains seven Phoenician cha- 
racters, twelve Lycian, and twenty-seven Egyptian. 

He has not attempted any interpretation of the in- 
scriptions, but he suggests, that gince No. I. is, ac- 
cording to the common tradition, cut upon a tomb of 
a Queen, the chamber or sepulchral grotto being called 
o Xirr\KobU)9 rffs 'Pifyei/ay, — the last word being the Latin 
Reginte, in Greek letters, — the first line ought to set 
forth her titles and proper names, and in the third line 
her father's and her husband's names should occur ; 
although this is mere conjecture, arising from the 
Duke's great acquaintance with Phoenician and other 
oriental inscriptions. 

But I should mention that there is the following 
letter, H, occurring only once in the third line of 
his second inscription, in Plate XL, which was copied 
by M. Pierides, (a gentleman of Larnica, who was 
afterwards " employed to render assistance to Captain 
Leycester's survey,") from a place called Alonia tou 
Episcopu, ra 'AXwvui rod 'Ewtaicwrov, which the Duke 
thinks (p. 52) must be incorrect, and he cannot deter- 
mine it. This letter fortunately is found to be present 
several times in the inscription No. II. , here copied by 
Captain Leycester, and consequently it is correct in 
the former one, as made by M. Pierides. 

In the long bronze tablet dug up at Dalin, this 

8 Vide Herod, vii. cap. 90. 


letter |-M is frequent, and it is for this, I apprehend 
that the Duke thinks l-H to be intended, or reversed 
and incorrectly transcribed ; but, as it occurs often In 
No. II., it is doubtless accurate. The letter M-| would 
seem to be Phoenician, and signifies m. This will 
be apparent by referring to Herr Rodiger's paper 
on Phoenician Inscriptions, published in Ross's ' Hel- 
lenika' (1 Band, 2 pt. pp. 118-21). In one found in 
the church of St. Antony, in the village Cellia (ra 
BjeXkui), to the north of Citium, in Cyprus, given in 
that work at p. 120, in the third line, this word occurs, 

f 1 | ]7 f ^g which is written in Hebrew, 

mpVa Milkarth. The whole inscription is thus 
rendered : — 

" The Atahar, daughter of Abd-Eschmun the judge, 
the wife of Gad-Milkarth, son of Binchodesch, son of 
Gad-Milkarth, son of Eschmun-ijjer." 

This shows that these Phoenician inscriptions are 
usually a mere collection of proper names, sometimes 
with the addition of high-sounding titles. And we may 
safely conclude that the Cypriote inscriptions are in 
these respects similar, and consequently likely to afford 
little information to compensate for the trouble of in- 
vestigating them. Many of these Phoenician inscrip- 
tions from the island of Cyprus have been long pub- 
lished in Pococke's Travels, in Plate 33, which he terms 
'• Inscriptions Citienses." That traveller, mentioning 
Larnica, states that there have been found many inscrip- 
tions "in an unintelligible character, which I suppose 
is the ancient Phoenician. 994 Larnica stands near the 

4 ' Description of the East/ vol. ii. p. 213, plate 33, where in many 
as in Nos. 32 and 33, the same letter m is given. 


site of the very ancient Citium, and Cicero expressly 
writes, " Cittraeos . . . e Phoenicia profectos." (DeFin. 
iv. 20.) 

The Due de Luynes has also added a ground-plan 
of the grotto near Cucklia, which is taken from that 
originally made by Professor Ross, and engraved in 
plate 28 of Gerhard's 'Archaologische Zeitung,' for 
1851. This sepulchral grotto is there entitled " PAo- 
nicische Graber auf Cypern," by Ross, 5 who has else- 
where (' Reisen nach Cypern/ etc., p. 182, n. 27: Halle, 
1852) observed on the inscription No. I., "Die In- 
schrift weicht von der gewohnlichenPAomc&cAenSchrift 
ganzab, und erinnert sehr an die Lycischen Buchsta- 
ben"— the inscription differs entirely from the ordi- 
nary Phoenician writing, and greatly approaches the 
Lycian characters. 

The interpretation of the Cypriote tongue or dialect, 
I fear, cannot be made out with certainty until more 
inscriptions shall have been brought to light, and 
among which we may reasonably hope that a bilingual 
one— either Phoenician and Cypriote, or Greek and 
Cypriote — may be discovered. 

The other inscriptions, about twenty in number, 
which I have received from Commander Leycester, are 
all Greek, with the exception of a sepulchral one in 
Latin from Baffo, apparently of mediaeval times ; it re- 
lates to a " Peter, Bishop of New Paphos " (Pap. Nea). 

Most of the Greek inscriptions have already appeared 
in Bockh's or Ross's works, but three or four, being of 

* These works have just appeared in a separate volume, published 
at Leipsic since October 28, 1861. See Ludwig Ross's 'Archaolo- 
gische Aufsatee,' pt. 2; and for the inscription No, I., «tafe Atlas, 
plate IX., fig. 2 y bat this somewhat differs from my copv. — /. H„ 
April 21, 1862. 


much importance, I will here add, with my own trans- 

At Oucklia, on a stone under a tree close to the 
church of Katoliki : — 


"To the Paphian Venus, 
Democrates (the son) of Ptolemy, 
The Chief of the Cinyradae, 
And (his) wife Eunice 
(Dedicate) their daughter 

This dedication of his daughter to Venus Paphia, 

" Diva potens Cypri," 

is of great interest, as the father Democrates is termed 
" the Chief of the Cinyradae," who were the priests of 
that famed goddess. 

Cinyras, the supposed father of Adonis, beloved by 
Venus, having been the founder of Palae Paphos, and 
the first king of Cyprus, his descendants were distin- 
guished with being made the priests of the Paphian 
Venus, and from him those high -priests continued to 
be styled " Cinyradae." Cinyras is reputed to have de- 
dicated that very ancient temple which Tacitus speaks 
of as "Cyprii delubrum . . . vetustissimum, Paphiee 
Veneri." 6 Again he writes " a Cinyrft sacratum tem- 
plum," and he expressly mentions a priest of the god- 
dess as " Cinyrades sacerdos." 7 

8 Tacit. Anna!, lib. iii. cap. 62. 7 Tacit. Hist. lib. ii. cap. 3. 


Even in the early time of Homer, the shrine of Ve- 
nus at Paphos was renowned : — 

C H ff apa Kvirpov weave <f>iXofifi€iBr^ *A^poSCrrf 9 
*Es Tlaxftov' hSa 8k oi tc/acpo? /Jo>/ao9 re 0vqas. 
*Ev0a 8k fuif Xaptrcs Xowrav. 9 

And thus Euripides : — 


Nacrov tos *A<f>po&iTas 

"Iva $c\£t*l>pOV€S VtfMOV — 

Tai 0vaToZ<riv *Epo)T€s* 
Ilctyov 0\ 9 

Tacitus also records that Titus, just on the death of 
Galba, the emperor, visited Paphus, 10 and consulted 
the oracle of Venus. 11 This took place early in a.d. 69, 
probably towards the end of January, or in the begin- 
ning of February. This event seems to have been 
commemorated on a coin of Cyprus, mentioned by 
Mionnet, No. 23, of which the obverse bears the head 
of Titus, and the reverse the temple of Venus Paphia, 
the legend being Kowbv Kinrpuov^Erovs A} 2 

The "Etov* A, I believe, is intended for the first year 
of his father Vespasian's reign, for he succeeded Galba, 
Otho, and Vitelhus, in the autumn of a.d. 69. 

Since the same legend occurs on No. 8, a Cyprus 
coin of Galba (rcCKfias 2efia<rrosi), this date would be 
thus confirmed, for this year, a.d. 69, would be also 
the first (A) of Galba, as well as of Vespasian. 

Vespasian is related to have restored the temple of 

8 Horn. Odys. viii. 362. 

9 Eurip. Bacchae, v. 379. 

10 Tacit. Hist. lib. ii. cap. 2. 

11 See also Suetonius in Tit. cap. 5, " aditoque Paphise Veneris 
oraculo, dum de navigatione consulit," etc. 

12 Mionnet, 'M&iailles Antiques/ vol. iii. pp. 671-8. 


Venus Paphia, which had been injured by an earth- 
quake ; and this possibly took place towards the end 
of a.d. 69, and after Titus's visit to Paphus. 

This legend seems to refer to that circumstance, be- 
cause in several Cyprian coins of Vespasian we notice 
the legend "Etovs New *Upov, H, i.e. " the year of the 
New Temple, 8," which would correspond with a.d. 
76-7, the same having representations of the temple 
of Venus Paphia. 

The present inscription is, I conclude, prior to the 
Christian era. The Cinyrades, or priest of Venus, who 
interpreted the oracle to Titus, was named " Sostra- 
tus." 13 

The next, taken at Episcope, was first copied by the 
Count de Vidua, and restored by M. Letronne, 14 but 
since Vidua's copy was not correct in the last two 
words, I here add Captain Leycester's transcript, partly 
to show that the French savant was right in his emen- 
dation of it, and partly to complete a further portion 
of what I consider to have been the original inscrip- 
tion. This officer thinks, with others, that Episcope 
stands on or near the site of Curium or Kovptov, which, 
according to Herodotus, 16 was an Argive colony. 


" Philometor, the son of King 
of Cleopatra, the Gods Epiphanes." 

Bockh 16 has incorrectly copied EP for Ef", t. e. 

eyiyovop), in this same inscription, No. 2616. 

u Tacit. Hist. lib. ii. cap. 4. 

14 'Journal des Savans/ March 1827, p. 171. 

** Hist. lib. v. cap. 113. 

16 ' Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum,' vol. ii. p. 437. 


Philometor was the sixth King Ptolemy, and the son 
of Ptolemy Epiphanes and his queen Cleopatra. 

The first part of this broken inscription I believe to 
be the following, which Captain Leycester found at the 
distance of " half-an-hour from the place (Episcope), 
on the road to Baffo," whither it had probably been 
carried, perhaps for building purposes. It is " on a 
stone two feet by eleven inches/' 


" King Ptolemy (the God) 
of Ptolemy and of Queen " 

By putting together these two fragmentary inscrip- 
tions they would form one, and run thus : — 

*' King Ptolemy (the God) Philometor, the son of King 
Ptolemy and of Queen Cleopatra, the Gods Epiphanes." 

This, then, presents an inscription of much interest, 
as regards the monarch Philometor, who was the fa- 
ther of the Ptolemy recorded in the inscription lastly 
herein subjoined. Ptolemy Philometor reigned from 
181 to 146 b.c. 

Another, observed "at Cucklia (Palaepaphus), was 
built into the wall of a church :" — 


The middle line of which alone has been published by 

Von Hammer, who found it in the identical spot : and 

it was cited after him by Bockh, No. 2640. 

The whole fragment I render as follows : — 

"The Chief Prophet and brother 
of Venus, and of Jupiter Polieus, and of Juno, 
(on account of his) love of goodness." 


Before the second line f\ irokis or 17 w?<ro*, the dedi- 
cating party, is wanting ; perhaps the last two words, 
which seem to have been supplied, should be rfjs els 
iavrov or eavrrjv, and eveiew is to be understood. 

Besides the many temples of Venus (Aphrodite) in 
Cyprus, there were temples of Jupiter (Zeus) and of 
Juno (Hera). On several of the coins of Cyprus there 
are figures of Jupiter, and of his sacred bird, the eagle. 
His great sanctuary was at Salamis, as he is often 
termed " Jupiter Salaminius ;" 17 and Ammianus Mar- 
cellinus confirms this, where he says " Salamis et Pa- 
phus, altera Jovis delubris, altera Veneris templo, in* 
signis." 18 And with regard to the worship of Juno, this 
was most likely frequent, as being the queen of Jupiter. 
This is fortunately proved by one Greek inscription, 
published in Bockh, No. 2643, which had been found 
by Von Hammer, at Limasol, the former Amathus, in 
which an 'Hpcuov is mentioned. This Heraeum, or tem- 
ple of Juno, was ornamented by a person named jEsi- 
mus (Aicrifios). 

The last Greek inscription, which is, as far as I can 
find, unpublished, was discovered by Captain Leycester, 
in the summer of 1849 ; he communicated it to me in 
a letter on May 6, and I consider it to be one of very 
great importance, as it determines, without any further 
doubt, the actual reign of Ptolemy Eupator. 

The place where it was noticed Captain Leycester 
thus describes : — " Half an hour from Episcope on the 
road to Baffo, but a little to the right-hand, on a slight 
eminence overlooking the sea, called by the inhabitants 
Apollona, there are extensive ruins, and amongst them 

17 Vide Tacit. Annal. lib. iii. cap. 62. 

18 Ammian. Marcell. lib. xiv. cap. 8, Beet. 14. 


we found the following, on a stone two feet nine inches 
by one foot :" — 




Which I have thus translated : — 

" King Ptolemy, the God Eupator, 
the son of King Ptolemy and Queen 
Cleopatra, the Gods Philometors." 

The abbreviation Ef", ey, in the second line, as in 
the former inscription, which relates to Philometor 
himself, the father of the present Ptolemy, means 
eyyovov, a descendant or son; it is by no means frequent, 
and strictly, I think, here signifies more than a son, 
that is to say, one born in an incestuous marriage, and 
literally inborn — born from parents who are near akin 
to each other. In these cases, the eyyovoi were both 
sons and nephews of the parents. In such cases, when 
speaking of the breeding of stock, the usual phrase is, 
44 in and in." 19 

This inscription therefore confirms that there not 
only existed such a Ptolemy, who was surnamed Eupa- 
tor, but that he had also reigned as king or god ; for 
although the very short inscription which the Baron 
Von Hammer found among the ruins of Cucklia, and 
which Bockh has republished, No. 2618, and is dedi- 
catory of the " God Eupator to Venus," it can by no 
means be held certain, for the word EYI1ATOPA might 

19 To a certain extent, breeding " in and in " has been recom- 
mended by some farmers; but if carried on too long between too near 
consanguinities, the stock is found to be weak, and, I believe, some- 
times proves barren. But in-and-in breeding with cattle is never at- 
tended with consequences so bad as with the human race. 


have been an error in transcribing, or doubtful for 
♦lAORATOPA, Philopator, the fourth Ptolemy, and 
son of Euergetes I. 

And indeed, M. J. Saint-Martin 20 writes of the in- 
scription found by Von Hammer, which dedicates Eu- 
pator to Venus, " Je ne doute pas que le prince men- 
tionne sur ce monument ne soit Ptol£m£e Evergete 
II., qui r£gnoit Igalement sur I'flgypte et sur l'fle de 

Again, the same writer afterwards 91 states, " Nous 
avons trouv£ dans Jos&phe le mdme surnom d'Eupator 
employe pour designer le roi appel£ ordinairement Phi- 
lopator. 82 C'est aussi k lui plutdt qu'au jeune prince, 
qui eut k peine le temps de paroitre sur le tr6ne, qu'il 
faut rapporter ^inscription d£couverte en Cypre, par 
M. de Hammer." 

Also Herr Bockh 23 says of the same inscription, 
<c Sed Letronnius, Eupatorem Paphise inscriptionis cen- 
set Philopatorem esse Euergetae I. successorem . . . ut 
ap. Joseph. Archaeol. xiii. 3. Philopator semel dicitur 
EwraTwp" And Bockh concludes thus: — "Josephi 
vero locus eo magis corruptus censendus, quod paulo 
post ille scriptor eundem regent QChcrtrdropa dicit." 

Having carefully examined several editions of Jose- 
phus, and especially the passages referred to, I have 
not met with the name of Eupator. In Antiq. Jud. 
xii. 3, 3, the Ptolemy mentioned is Philopator, and in 
xiii. 3, Philometor is named, and so he is again in xiii. 
4. In fact, in none of the editions of that historian 

80 'Journal des S avails,' September, 1821, p. 539. 

81 'Journal des Savans/ September, 1822. p. 560. 
22 " Joseph. Ant. Jud. lib. xii. cap. 3, s. 3." 

n Corp. Inscript. Graec, vol. ii. p. 438. 


have I ever seen the word Ewrdrap. So it would seem 
that Von Hammer's inscription from Cucklia led, 
amongst the learned, only to doubt, and not to deter* 
mine the accuracy of the name of the Ptolemy repre- 
sented to be " Eupator." 

But the present inscription, by giving the parentage, 
or the names of both father and mother of Eupator, 
leaves the matter without the slightest suspicion ; and 
particularly since the inscription itself, as far as has 
been saved, is entirely free from any lacuna or broken 
letters, except the last E in the second line. 

The " God Eupator," I find, is mentioned in a 
Greek papyrus MS. which formerly belonged to M. 
d'Anastasi at Alexandria in Egypt. It is cited at p. 
544 (Journ. des Sav. for 1821), as correctly coming 
after the God Phiiometor, thus:— 0€&v y Evuf>avSv 9 teal 
Oeou faXofiTp-opos, teal 0€ov Ev7raropo9 9 /ecu Oecov Evepyerwv: 
although in another Greek manuscript, obtained by 
M. Casati in Egypt (Journ. des Sav. for 1822, p. 556), 
this order of succession is transposed, that is to say, 
Eupator is placed before Phiiometor, thus : — 0e&v \Em- 
$av&v 9 /ecu 0eov E\nraropo$ 9 /ecu 0gov $iXoftrJTopo9, /ecu 0eov 
Elepyerov, which probably arose from the negligence of 
the copyist. 34 

The true succession, however, of these Ptolemies, 
is, by this last inscription of Captain Leycester, quite 

Little has been preserved in history about this Pto- 

84 Dr. R. Lepsius says, " A comparison of the demotic lists shows 
that the transposition of the names Eupator and Phiiometor in the 
Greek papyrus from the year b.c. 105, is not alone an error of the 
copyist in writing, as this, and other transpositions also, are not 
unfrequent in the demotic papyrus." — Note, p. 108, ' Letters from 
Egypt,' etc., translated by Horner, 1853. 


leray Eupator, who in truth was a mere child, and who 
only reigned a very short time. His father and mo- 
ther, as the inscription states, were Ptolemy VI., sur- 
named Philometor, 25 and the Queen Cleopatra, who 
was also his sister. On the death of his father, b.c. 146, 
who was killed after having fallen from his horse, 26 
his mother proclaimed him his successor and King of 
Egypt ; and she is related to have been regent for him, 
and acted in his name. This inscription must be of 
that date, and commemorates the dedication of the 
young " God Eupator " to some deity, or for some 
public purpose, by some person or city in Cyprus, and 
probably through the authority of his mother Cleopa- 
tra. Soon afterwards, it having been settled that she 
was to marry her surviving brother, Euergetes II., sur- 
named Physcon, and in order to put aside the youthful 
king Eupator, his nephew, and that he might not prove 
a hindrance to his own ambitious views, the bridegroom 
commenced his hymeneal acts by murdering him, on 
the very day in which he became his father-in-law. 
This cruel event is thus well narrated by Justin : — 

" At in ,/Egypto, mortuo rege Ptolemaeo (Philome- 
tore), ei qui Cyrenis regnabat Ptolemaeo (Physconi) 
per legatos regnum et uxor Cleopatra regina, soror 
ipsius, defertur. Leetus igitur hoc solo Ptolemseus, quod 
sine certamine fraternum regnum recepisset, in quod 
8ubornari et a matre Cleopatra, et favore principum, 
fratris filium cognoverat: ceterum infestus omnibus, 
statim ubi Alexandriam ingressus est fautores pueri 
trucidari jussit. Ipsum quoque die nuptiarum quibus 

*• See, concerning Ptolemy Philometor, Cleopatra, and Physcon, 
Joseph. ' Contra Apionem/ lib. ii. cap. 5. 

98 Vide Joseph. Antiq. Jud. lib. xiii. cap. 4, s. 8. 
VOL. VII. 2 D 


raatrem ejus in matrimonium recipiebat, inter appara- 
tus epularum et solennia religionum, in coinplexu ma- 
tris interfecit, atque ita torum sororis, caede filii ejus 
cruentus, ascendit." 27 

Again, at a subsequent period, Physcon committed 
a still more horrid murder, in assassinating his own 
son Memphitis, and, like Medea of old, who was 
related — 

" Membra soror fratris consecuisse sui t " 

cut off portions of his dead body, which he sent to his 
sister and wife, the same Cleopatra (whose other son 
he had killed), at Alexandria. This frightful crime was 
perpetrated in Cyprus. 28 

The Alexandrians naturally held their sovereign in 
detestation, and they consequently changed his sur- 
name of benefactor, Euergetes, 29 to that of malefactor 

27 Justin, Hist. Phil. lib. xxxviii. cap. 8. 

28 See the account in Diod. Sic. Frag. vol. x. lib. xxxiv. p. 126. 
edit. Wessele, Argent. ; and also in Justin, lib. xxxviii. at the end of 
chap. 8. 

99 In Horner's edition of Lepsius's ' Letters/ p. 506, the list of 
the Ptolemies is incorrect, for Eupator is inserted twice; t. e. both 
before Philometor, his father, b.c. 181, and after him, as Philopator //., 
B.C. 146. Lepsius distinctly states, in note, p. 107, that "the son 
of Philometor and of his sister, Cleopatra II., mentioned by Justin, 
who was formerly believed to have been rediscovered in the Eupator 
of the Leyden papyrus, is particularly mentioned in the hieroglyphic 
inscriptions among the other Ptolemies, in his place between Philo- 
metor and Euergetes; and we thence become acquainted with his 
name, which had not been added by the authors. He is sometimes 
named Philopator, and sometimes Neos Philopator." "Young," he 
adds, "had also already correctly acknowledged Eupator;" and 
Champollion was right, where he " endeavoured to prove that Eupator 
was the son of Philometor, who was killed by Euergetes II. on his 
ascent to the throne." I need not investigate these Ptolemies any 


or evil-doer, Cacergetes, for these and many other enor- 

farther from Egyptian remains, since their succession is fully deter- 
mined by this Greek inscription of Captain Leycester, as extant in 
1849, at Apollona in Cyprus — which island, in fact, about the period 
of its erection, formed a valuable portion of the kingdom of Egypt. 



(Read April 9, 1862.) 

The following short paper is made up of extracts 
from some interesting letters addressed to my colleague 
Charles Newton, Esq., the Keeper of the Classical 
Antiquities in the British Museum, by M. Demetrius 
Pierides, a Greek gentleman resident at Larnaca, in 
Cyprus. M. Pierides states, that on looking over 
some papers relating to the antiquities of Cyprus, he 
has met with two "Greek inscriptions referring to 
the Ptolemies, which he had copied when travelling 
through this island with the late lamented Captain 
Graves, R.N., when in command of H.M.S. Volage. 
These inscriptions were found about eight miles west 
of Limassol, near the ruins of the ancient Curium, 
on stones which seemingly formed part of a temple 
dedicated to Apollo Hylates, so named from the 
town of Hyle, where this temple was erected. This 
spot is still called " Apellona" by the inhabitants of 
the surrounding country. Tzetzes mentions the fact 
with regard to Hyle as follows : — ''TXri iroXis Kinrpov, & 
Xi 'AiroXkav Tiparai 'TXarrfs ; as is noticed in a recent 
work on Cyprus, called Ta Kvirpiatca by M. Anastasius 
A. Sackellarius (Athens, 1855). 

The first of these two inscriptions has already ap- 


peared in this work ; the second is of the greatest 
interest, from its being inscribed in honour of Ptolemy 
Eupator, a king scarcely mentioned in history; though, 
curiously enough, the same personage is recorded in an 
inscription from Paphos, published in Boeckh, Corp. 
Inscript, No. 2618. 


M. Boeckh, who first made this inscription public in 
1821, at that time considered that the Beov Exmaropa 
referred to Ptolemy Evergetes II. ; he has since then 
changed his mind, and believes, as does M. Pierides, 
that Ptolemy VI., the infant son of Phiiometor, is the 
person really referred to. Champollion-Figeac has 
taken the same view, in opposition to Letronne and 
St. Martin (Eclairc.sur le Contrat de Ptolemais, p. xxv.) 

It is worthy of remark that Mr. Sharpe, in his 
' History of Egypt/ has already stated that on the 
death of Phiiometor, his widow Cleopatra and some 
of the chief men of Alexandria proclaimed his young 
son king, " most likely under the name of Ptolemy 
Eupator" (vol. i. p. 393, fourth edition, 1859). The 
reign, however, of this young man was of brief dura- 
tion ; for Evergetes, forgetful that he owed his own 
life to Phiiometor, had the boy put to death on the 
day of his marriage with Cleopatra, his sister, and 
his brother's widow. It will be interesting to Mr. Sharpe 
to learn how completely his conjecture, that Ptolemy 
Eupator did not only succeed his father in Egypt but 
was even proclaimed in the provinces, has been con- 
firmed by monumental evidence. 

The inscriptions are as follows : — 

No. I. — Formed of two stones regularly cut, each 
about two and a half feet in length and one in breadth. 



No. II.— A single stone, two feet nine inches by 
one foot. 




M. Pierides was also fortunate enough to obtain 
one of two Phoenician inscriptions recently found in 
Cyprus ; the other fell to the lot of a French traveller, 
and is the least perfect, though the longest. The one 
in M. Pierides' possession was found last autumn in 
Larnaka. It consists of four lines, and is but little 
injured, the end of the first line only being wanting. 
The French one has once had seven lines ; but it is 
now very indistinct. Both are in white marble, and 
record the name of Malek-Itan, King of Cittium (a 
town, in all probability, to be identified with the mo- 
dern Larnaka). On M. Pierides' inscription, Thamas, 
a son of Malek-Itan, King of Cittium, is mentioned ; 
and another name occurs — that of Ican-Salem, which 
I have not met with elsewhere, except on one of 
Mr. Davis's Carthaginian inscriptions which I am now 
editing for the British Museum. 

The accompanying lithograph, made from the paper 

1 There is no reason to doubt that this is the same inscription 
which was given by Captain Leycester, R.N., to John Hogg, Esq., 
For. Sec. R.S.L., and on which Mr. Hogg read a paper before this 
Society on May 8th, 1861, which is printed in the present part of the 
' Transactions of the Royal Society of Literature.* Captain Leycester, 
it appears, travelled in company with M. Pierides ; but whether at 
the same time as Captain Graves, R.N., I am not aware. In justice 
to M. Pierides, who, in sending the inscription to Mr. Newton, 
could not have been aware that a copy of it had already been laid 
before the Society during the last year, it has been thought right 
to print, as above, the substance of his letter. — W. S. W. V. 


impression forwarded by M. Pierides, represents very 
fairly the character of the inscription, and the form of 
its letters. I have accompanied this with a transcript 
in Hebrew letters, in which I have given the equiva- 
lents of the Phoenician characters according to my pre- 
sent belief. I do not, however, presume to advance this 
transcript as the one in which I purpose finally to rest; 
as it is highly probable that many of the values here 
suggested may ultimately be altered or modified. No 
one who has made Phoenician inscriptions his study, 
but must admit the difficulty of reading them off at 
once, especially, as there is almost always some doubt 
as to the exact values of individual letters, arising, in 
many instances, from their similarity. I have thought 
it right to print this inscription and its Hebrew tran- 
script as soon as possible, that M. Pierides may not, 
through any accident, lose the credit due to him for 
his discovery : the transcript is, however, put forward 
simply as a suggestion of what may ultimately be much 
modified ; not, however, without the hope, that further 
researches may enable me, at some future time, to give 
a fuller and better account of it than I can give at 

, Transcript in Hebrew. 

[?] [won *fxh] 21 nawi *?a rrrh (6?)||| ||| aero, (l) 
m 20 d^mi vd *]hn \rv aVo ^td p tt>»n i V*i» (2) 

way p ynBttrr p T*na jtp (*?)|| D3W mmm (3) 

(?) srp? YnuttrA* p vhn* pwn p ah (4) 

I have separated into words some of the groups of 
letters in the above transcript, about which I think 
there can be no reasonable doubt — such as those for 


day, year, month, and the proper names Thamas and 
Malek-Itan, King of Cittium. I have. also rendered 
some symbols, which, from the analogy of the coins 
of Aradus, are almost certainly numbers, by Arabic 

I have also much pleasure in reading a letter from 
Mr. F. Calvert to Charles T. Newton, Esq., in which 
he states that he has recently made several trips into 
the interior of the Troad, and has been so fortunate 
as to discover several ancient sites, such as Cebrene, etc., 
and that he was about to start on another expedition 
by ascending the iEsopus, and crossing the country 
thence to Assos. Mr. Calvert believed he had iden- 
tified the cave of Andeira, a very curious place, full of 
stalactites of recent formation. This cavern was first 
noticed by a shepherd a couple of years ago, but no 
one had ventured into it till Mr. Calvert made the 
attempt, and succeeded. There proved to be only one 
really dangerous place, where a slippery slope, with a 
chasm below, presents itself. The chief labour con- 
sisted in climbing up and descending into holes open- 
ing into chambers. Mr. Calvert had further discovered 
in a necropolis a necklace of amber beads, and several 
scarabaei, which had evidently been attached to it. The 
scarabaei are made of a whitish-coloured clay, and have 
hieroglyphics stamped upon them ; which is also the 
case with another scarabaeus of a bright blue material, 
exhibiting traces of gilding, which Mr. Calvert dis- 
covered in another tomb. Mr. Calvert had not been 
able to identify the cartouches and these scarabaei 
with any of those published in Mr. Poole's * Hora 

W. S. W. Vaux. 




(Read March 12th, 1862;) 

I propose reading to the Society this evening a short 
notice of the recent researches at Cyrene, on the north 
coast of Africa, which have been admirably conducted 
by Lieutenant R. M. Smith, R.E., and Lieutenant 
Porcher, R.N., the result of which has been the en- 
richment of the National Collection by a very consi- 
derable number of statues, statuettes, bas-reliefs, and 
inscriptions, many of them of considerable excellence 
as works of art, and all, from the circumstances under 
which they were discovered, or the localities in which 
they, were found, of archaeological interest. 

For most of these details I am indebted to Lieute- 
nant Smith, who has kindly placed at my disposal the 
letters he addressed from time to time to Earl Russell 
and Mr. Panizzi, and which I trust we may, ere long, 
see embodied in a volume to contain a personal nar- 
rative of the services of himself and of the expedition 
tinder his charge, with many details of high impor- 
tance to the scholar and the antiquary. I should 
add, that in the conduct of such researches Lieu- 
tenant Smith is no novice, bis three years' associa- 
tion with Mr. Newton, during the excavations at Hali- 

vol. vn. 2 b 


carnassus, Branchidae, and Cnidus, having given him 
a practical knowledge that can only be acquired by 
constant observation during a long-continued series of 
researches. And, more than this, that to Lieutenant 
Smith we owe the first conception of that restoration 
of the Mausoleum Mr. Newton has published in his 
recent volume, a work deserving at least the praise 
of boldness and ingenuity, even though it may not 
carry conviction to professional architects. With 
such a previous training, we need not wonder that the 
expedition he organized and superintended has turned 
out a complete success, and that — thanks to his skill 
and perseverance — we now possess a most remarkable 
collection of monuments from Cyrene. 

With regard to the site of these researches, I may 
add that attention had been for many years directed to 
Cyrene, as a spot wherein it was likely that consider- 
able discoveries would be made, and that this hope had 
been confirmed quite recently, when three years since 
Mr. Werry, our Vice-Consul at Ben-Ghazi (the ancient 
Hesperides and Berenice), brought to England a cu- 
rious collection of vases and terra-cotta figures (many 
of them in fine style and excellent preservation), a 
portion of which were purchased by the Trustees of the 
British Museum. Many of these terra-cottas are as 
early as the third century before Christ, and bear testi- 
mony to a pure school of Greek art then existing at 
that ancient Greek city, being in themselves, from the 
cheapness with which they must have been executed 
in ancient times, a better test than marble statues of 
the local art of the place where they may be found. 

I shall now proceed to describe Lieutenant Smith's 
excavations ; but before I do so I think it well that I 


should give a brief notice of what was known of Cyrene 
previously to the late expedition. 

Cyrene, in north latitude 83°, east longitude 19°, was 
the chief town of a district called after it the Oyrenaica^ 
and was the most important of the Hellenic colonies 
along the north coast of Africa. The city itself was the 
chief of five principal towns, the others being Barce, 
Teuchira (afterwards Arsinoe), Hesperides (afterwards 
Berenice), and A po Hernia. These together formed the 
Libyan Pentapolis, originally a narrow strip of land 
along the northern seashore of Africa, and in position 
as nearly as possible due south of the Peloponnesus. 

The city was founded by Battus and a number of 
Dorian colonists, who migrated thither from the is- 
land of Thera in b.c. 631, and was built on the edge 
of the upper of two terraces by which the table-land 
sinks down towards the Mediterranean, on a spot 
backed by mountains to the south in full view of 
the sea, distant about nine miles to the north, and 
at an elevation of nearly two thousand feet. It is 
said to have derived its name from Gyre, a remark- 
able perennial fountain, which, springing from the 
tipper terrace at about one thousand eight hundred 
feet above the sea, flows thence to the Mediterranean, 
through a ravine of great beauty. This fountain the 
Greeks naturally dedicated to Apollo: Callimachus, 
himself a native of the city and a descendant of her 
founder, speaking of it in one of his hymns as 9 Air6x- 
\a>vo9 itpr)vr) (Hymn, in Apoll. 88). A later mythology 
connected the fountain with the god, and related how 
Cyrene, a Thessalian nymph, beloved of Apollo, was 
carried by him to Africa, in a chariot drawn by swans. 
(Miiller, Dorier, ii. 3, f 7.) 

2 e 2 


I need not enter into a history of this famous colony: 
it will probably suffice if I state that the first Cyrenian 
dynasty lasted from b.c. 630 to about b.c. 430, and 
Jhat during this period a much closer connection sub* 
sisted between the colonists and the native Libyans 
than was usually the case in other Greek settlements. 
Herodotus himself states that the Libyans imitated the 
customs of the Greeks, and that the population soon 
obtained a large admixture of Libyan blood, by the in- 
termarriage of the two races. (Her. iv. 170, 186-189. 
Grote, iv. 53.) 

On the overthrow of the Battiadae a republic was es 
tablished, of the constitution of which we have a few 
notes in the 'Polities' of Aristotle ; we know further 
that it was not managed well, and that the chief power 
in a few years fell into the hands of a succession of 

As an evidence of the extent to which art was culti- 
vated at Cyrene, we have evidence from the coins of 
that city and the neighbouring town of Barce (now EI- 
Merdj). Of these the earliest certainly ascend to the 
first days of the republic, even if they were not struck 
by one or other of its last kings. The head on the ob- 
verse represents that of Jupiter Ammon, and, on the re- 
verse, is the Silphium, — the Narthex or Assafoetida 
plant, — the staple trade of ancient Cyrene. This plant 
still exists, and is considered dangerous food for ani- 
mals which have not been seasoned to it. 

In the time of Alexander the people concluded a 
treaty with that monarch, and after his death the whole 
country became a dependency of Egypt, and finally a 
.province of the Roman Empire. 

Its decay seems to have dated from its subjection to 


the Greco-Egyptian dynasty of the Ptolemies, as those 
rulers greatly favoured the port of Cyrene, Apollonian 
now Marsa el Sousa. During the height of its power, 
we know, from ancient authorities, that the commerce 
of Cyrene was very extensive with Greece and Egypt 
in Silphium, and to this, as we have seen, the coins bear 
direct testimony, this plant being the invariable type. 
I may farther remark, that a very curious vase exists 
in the collection of the Bibliotheque at Paris, with a re- 
presentation on it of the King Arcesilaus presiding over 
the sale of the assafioetida ; we perceive on it the scales 
used for weighing it, etc., and the names of the per-> 
sonages present are written over them. On the other 
hand, the commercial relations of Cyrene with Car- 
thage were always on a footing of great distrust, and 
the trade along its west frontier was almost entirely con- 
ducted by smuggling. 

Cyrene was also celebrated as the birthplace or resi- 
dence of many men of eminence. As early as Herodo- 
tus (iii. 131), it was famous for its physicians ; it gave 
its name to a philosophic sect founded by one of its 
sons, Aristippus; another, Carneades, created the third 
or New Academy at Athens ; while it could justly boast 
of one of its sons, the chief singer among the minor 
poets of Greece, Callimachus, and of the well-known 
rhetorician Synesius, the Christian Bishop of Apollonia. 
- Besides these more general facts which we may gather 
from ancient history, it was farther known, through the 
visits of modern travellers, that, though much defaced, 
there were still extensive ruins of the ancient town in 
situ, among which could be traced the course of several 
streets, and the foundations of temples, theatres, and 
tombs. Many fragments of sculpture were known 


to be still visible, though for the most part sadly in- 
jured by the hand of man or the corroding action of 
the weather, to which, owing to its position on a moun- 
tainous spur projecting into the Mediterranean, Cyrene 
would seem to have been peculiarly exposed. 

On the face of the terrace on which the city is built, 
is a vast subterraneous necropolis, and the ancient road 
connecting Cyrene with its port, Apollonia, still exists. 
Many of its ruins, so far as they could be examined 
superficially, have been described, at greater or less 
length, in the works of Delia Cella, Pacho, Beechey, 
or Barth. 

It was natural therefore to expect, that should the 
time ever arrive when systematic excavations could 
be carried on, such labours would not prove fruitless, 
and that the result would be the discovery of a collec- 
tion of ancient monuments worthy of being conveyed 
to this country. How well this expectation has been 
fulfilled I shall now endeavour to demonstrate, by 
reading such portions of Lieutenant Smith's dispatches 
as describe the course he pursued, and the progress of 
his researches. In doing so, however, I can do hardly 
more than indicate the more important monuments he 
has discovered, as time would fail me to perform this 
duty as fully as I should myself wish. 

Lieutenants Smith and Porcher left Malta on No- 
vember 19, 1860, in H.M.S. gunboat * Boxer/ and pro- 
ceeded to Tripoli for the purpose of having an interview 
with the Pacha, and of obtaining the necessary letters 
addressed to his Caimacan at Ben-Ghazi ; these they 
found had already been sent on by Her Majesty's Con- 
sul-General, Colonel Herman They accordingly left 
Tripoli on November 25, and reached Ben-Ghazi under 


sail on the 30th, their original intention having been 
to have gone first to Derna (the ancient Darnis). The 
late deeply-regretted Vice-Consul Crowe, however, 
strongly advised them to make Ben-Ghazi their start- 
ing-point, as otherwise there would be much difficulty 
in procuring the requisite camels and horses ; add to 
which the anchorage at Derna is much exposed, and 
very unsafe in winter for shipping of any size. 

After a detention of twelve days, spent in procuring 
fit means of conveyance, the travellers started from 
Ben-Ghazi on December 12, with a small caravan con- 
sisting of seventeen men, ten camels, and seven horses. 
They were accompanied by Mr. G. Cesareo, the Chan- 
celier of the Consulate, who, from his knowledge of 
the language and people of the country, proved an in- 
valuable assistant to them. Mr. Vice-Consul Crowe had 
also taken the opportunity of a number of Arab chiefs 
being at the time at Ben-Ghazi, to impress upon them 
the importance of treating Lieutenant Smith and his 
party with due consideration, a course the more neces- 
sary as they had determined to take no soldiers with 
them, and to rely entirely upon the respect generally 
felt by the Arabs for the English name. 

As the firman gave them authority to excavate and 
remove any antiquities they might find, they engaged 
the services of four blacks at Ben-Ghazi; these, with a 
few tools and some tents from the Government stores 
at Malta, formed their whole outfit 

The journey from Ben-Ghazi occupied twelve days, 
the ground being slippery after a heavy fall of rain. 
The country is remarkably fine the whole way, and the 
scenery generally of a very pleasing description, its cha- 
racter not unfrequently remind them of an extensive 


park in England. The population was small in propor- 
tion to the extent of country, only three or four Bedouin 
encampments having been noticed on the way, which, 
by the circuitous route they took, could not be less 
than a hundred and eighty miles. Almost all the soil 
seems well adapted for cultivation, although only a small 
portion is ploughed by the Arabs: when, however, 
there is the usual amount of rain in winter, this portion 
yields a plentiful harvest of corn. No means whatever 
are made use of by the Arabs for storing the winter 
rains, hence in summer they are obliged to drive their 
flocks long distances to obtain water, and many exten- 
sive and beautiful plains are then absolutely deserted. 
After a dry winter the Arabs are reduced almost to 
starvation, by the failure of the crops and the death of 
the cattle, which form their sole property. 

About halfway from Ben-Ghazi, Lieutenant Smith 
halted for two days at Al-Merdj (the ancient Barca), 
which, if we may judge from the excellence and beauty 
of its coins, must in the days of its greatness have 
been a successful rival to Cyrene itself in the produc- 
tion of works of art. It is now one of the two Turk- 
ish military forts in the Cyrenaica, Ghegheb being the 
other. At these, small garrisons of about a hundred 
men each are maintained. The chief object of the 
Mudirs, or rulers of these castles, seems to be to ex- 
tort as much money as they can from the Arabs : first, 
for themselves ; secondly, for the Caimacan of the dis- 
trict; and thirdly, the public chest. The travellers 
were hospitably received by the Mudir, Al Hadj ben 
I'Aghar, who supplied all their wants during their 
stay, and gave them plenty of barley for their horses and 


They finally reached Cyrene on December 23, in the 
midst of a heavy storm of wind and rain, which com- 
pelled them to seek shelter among some tombs near the 
Fountain of Apollo. At this spot, which was very 
convenient from its vicinity to the fountain, they finally 
took up their residence. 

" Cyrene," says Lieutenant Smith, cc stands on the 
northern or seaward edge of an extensive plateau, whose 
elevation is about two thousand feet above the level of 
the sea. The ground descends abruptly to another 
plateau about a thousand feet below; the latter extends 
nearly to the sea, where there is a rapid descent similar 
to the upper one. The face of the upper slope presents 
a succession of rounded hills separated by deep ravines 
(or Wadys). The city of Cyrene occupies two of these 
bills, so that it is naturally defended on three sides by 
steep declivities, and is divided by the wady into two 
nearly equal portions; most of the buildings, however, 
are on the western one. The principal cemeteries are 
on the face of the slope overlooking the lower pla- 
teau east and west of the city itself; all round the city, 
however, in a southern direction, there are innumer- 
able tombs. The view from the city is magnificent ; 
there is kn unbroken prospect, east and west, of a pla- 
teau beautifully diversified by woods and valleys, far as 
the eye can reach ; while to the north the sea itself is 
visible at a distance of seven or eight miles." 

Lieutenant Smith commenced his excavations in the 
western cemetery, but a brief experience convinced him 
that the tombs would not yield much to repay the la- 
bour and expense of digging, in that having been them- 
selves excavated in the rock, they had been peculiarly 
liable to be rifled by the successive inhabitants of the 


11 One tomb in particular/' says he, " showed me 
how little was to be expected from further excavation. 
The door was buried four or five feet underground, and 
when I entered I found the tomb almost filled with long 
thin stalactites, reaching nearly to the floor ; I had, in 
fact, to break them off to get in at all. I found never- 
theless, that the tomb had been entered and completely 
robbed of its contents. The depth of the door below 
the surface and the great length of the stalactites, which 
must have formed since the tomb was entered, would 
seem to show that it had been pillaged very many years 
ago, probably in the time of the early Christians, under 
the Byzantine empire. We accordingly gave up the 
cemeteries at the end of a fortnight, and turned our at- 
tention to the remains of buildings within the walls ; 
we chose a prominent site near the centre of the city, 
which seemed to be that of a small temple, with a large 
peribolus enclosed with a wall or portico. We began 
digging all round the walls of the temple, which we 
found had no peristyle. The front has a pronaos with 
four columns, the outer ones of which were engaged in 
the lateral walls. It seemed to have been originally of 
the Doric order, but restored in later times in Corin- 
thian. Its size was only 47 by 26 feet, while the co- 
lonnade of the portico enclosing the peribolus was 
nearly 300 by 200 feet. The colonnade could easily be 
traced on three sides, consisting altogether of eighty- 
seven columns, viz. thirty-three on each side, and 
twenty-three at the end. I could not make out exactly 
how the opposite end, which was the front, had been 
arranged. A gateway, and part of the peribolus wall 
on the south-west side, is still standing, nearly perfect; 
the rest is a heap of ruins ; while the position of the 


temple itself was only shown by a swelling of the 
ground in the middle. 

"After clearing out the space outside the temple, 
we commenced digging inside the cella, and were soon 
rewarded by finding a statue of Bacchus, which pro- 
bably identified the building. It was about four or five 
feet underground, lying on the floor, which was paved 
with thin marble slabs; the whole interior, besides, 
bore evidence of having been veneered with marble. 

" The statue is nearly life-size, and was perfect with 
the exception of the head, the right forearm, and the 
left hand. The head and left hand, however, were dis- 
covered afterwards; the whole is in excellent preserva- 
tion. We had considerable difficulty in removing it 
without injury to our tomb, owing to our total want of 
any means for raising and transporting weights. While 
making preparations we had a tent pitched close to it, 
in which the blacks lived to protect it from the Arabs, 
whose fanaticism leads them to destroy every statue 
and inscription which they see. We then made a sort 
of sledge of the trunk and lower branches of a tree. 
On this the statue was placed by means of poles used 
as levers with slings attached; a camel was then yoked 
to the sledge, and the statue lowered in safety to the 

The next excavations were made above one of the 
theatres, on the side of the street which leads up the 
central valley of the city. Here were found a number 
of marble bases of columns in situ, and two draped but 
headless statues, about life-size; one of them was 
broken off below the knee. From the appearance of 
the marble, it was conjectured that they were originally 
placed in the open air in the spaces between the co- 


lumns ; they were in tolerable preservation, but of late 

Lieutenant Smith then set his blacks to excavate a 
temple near the fountain of Apollo, called by Captain 
Beechey that of Diana; from the inscriptions, however, 
found on its site, there can be no doubt that it was 
really dedicated to Apollo. It stands in the middle of 
the platform in front of the fountain, in one of the 
finest positions in the city. 

The fountain issues into the middle ravine from a 
channel about a quarter of a mile long, cut into the 
heart of the western hill of the city. Below the fountain 
this ravine is bridged across by a lofty and massive re- 
taining wall, still standing as the revetement of the plat- 
form thus formed. The water of the fountain, after 
traversing the platform, falls over the wall and finds its 
way down the wady to the plain below. 

The temple is about halfway between the wall and 
the fountain. It is of the prevailing order of architec- 
ture, viz. Doric, and has been of considerable size, the 
columns being four feet two inches in diameter. 

One of the inscriptions found contains the well- 
known name of Mark Antony. 

Within the walls of the cella a small female draped 
statue in marble, three feet six inches high was found. 
The surface was in perfect condition, probably owing to 
the fact that it was discovered nine feet under the sur- 
face soil. The head was not originally in one piece 
with the statue. 

Not long after this, Lieutenant Smith was so fortu- 
nate as to light upon the most valuable relic of anti- 
quity in the whole of his excavations, a colossal statue, 
seven feet seven inches high, of Apollo Citharoedus. 


It was found within the walls of the cella of the same 
temple, from which he had already procured severa. 
interesting monuments. 

A serpent is represented twining round the trunk of a 
tree, which partially supports the statue, and along the 
bow and quiver which are by the left side of it. The 
body is nearly naked, with some very graceful drapery, 
deeply undercut, and extending from the left shoulder 
to the knees. The material is Parian marble, and it 
is perfect, except that the right arm from the shoulder 
is wanting, and the left arm, which was evidently hold- 
ing the lyre ; the lyre, also, has lost its strings in the 
fall. It appears to have been found lying broken into 
three nearly equal pieces, but to have received neither 
at the time of its fall nor subsequently, any wanton 
injury. It was fortunate, when the limited means of 
transport at Lieutenant Smith's disposal are considered, 
that it was discovered broken in this manner, for had 
it been entire it would have been hardly possible for 
him to have removed it uninjured. Since the arrival 
of the monument in England it has been found possible 
to re-unite all the pieces so perfectly that the lines of 
fracture are not readily distinguishable. 

From the loss of the hand there may be some doubt 
as to the exact motive of this statue, but it is probable 
that the hand was raised either simply over the head 
or to hold the plectrum. There are many statues in 
the museums of Europe, the attitudes of which would 
support either of these hypotheses. It may be further 
remarked, that Apollo is represented here in a double 
character : as the bearer of the lyre he is the god of 
jnusic, Citharcedus; while the serpent connects him 
with JSsculapius and the healing art, in which charac- 
ter he is known as 'Iarpofjuurrw. 


Five more marble statuettes were found about the 
same time, all perfect, one of which represents a wo- 
man, probably the Nymph of Cyrene, strangling a lion. 
The chief interest of this group is the local myth it 
embodies. As a work of art little need be said about 
it, as it is unquestionably very late, and of very inferior 
execution. Some time later in his researches, Lieutenant 
Smith found a relief relating to the same myth, where- 
on is represented the same scene, with the addition of 
the goddess Libya, who is crowning the victorious 
nymph with a wreath. Under this bas-relief is a curi- 
ous inscription in Greek of Roman times, from which 
it would appear that it has been vowed and set up as 
a monument by some one, who had received hospitality 
from the people of Cyrene. 

The excavations of the temple of Apollo being still 
continued, yielded a number of curious and interesting 
relics ; among these were several heads, which could 
not, however, be made to fit any of the headless statues 
previously discovered. Among them was a colossal 
statue, seven feet high, nearly perfect, though broken 
in half, but later in date and inferior in workmanship 
to the Apollo; a beautiful female helmeted head, doubt- 
less that of Minerva ; and at the south-west angle of 
the temple, a small female statue resembling the one 
first found. The right hand of this statue holds a snake 
by the head, the body of which encircles the arm. 
Near the same place were found two small male sta- 
tues, partially draped, and two colossal female heads ; 
one of these much resembles the Apollo in style, but 
is not nearly so well preserved ; the other is rather 
larger, and in much better condition, being quite per- 
fect except a portion of the nose, which has been broken 


off. Many other curious fragments, which time does 
not allow me to enumerate here, were found in the 
western half of the cella, at an average depth of ten to 
eleven feet below the present surface. It seems difficult 
at first sight to understand how it is that so many and 
various monuments have been found grouped together 
in one building ; but this much is clear, that the temple 
is not now in its original state, but has been used in 
later times for other purposes ; it is intersected by nu- 
merous walls and arches of concrete, which are pro- 
bably of Byzantine times. 

It must always be borne in mind in these and simi- 
lar excavations, that on or near the surface all that is 
found is of Roman times, and that you must dig well 
through the Roman town if you wish to find relics of 
the Greek city. Practically the same thing has hap- 
pened in the East as here in London : later populations 
have dwelt in succession on the older sites ; and all 
these must be pierced ere we attain to the primaeval 
remains. Doubtless at Cyrene the succession may be 
traced up through the modern Arabic, mediaeval Sara- 
cenic, Byzantine, and Roman, to the purely Greek ori- 
ginals: whether many of these latter have been reached 
is, I think, a matter of doubt. 

lieutenant Smith then proceeded with his excava- 
tions, and completed the investigations of some ruins, 
probably those of a temple near the stadium. The ar- 
rangement of this temple was, he states, peculiar. The 
entrance is in the east end. Towards the west end 
there is a sort of pedestal some fifteen feet square, 
built of massive blocks of stone; on this probably stood 
the statue of the divinity to whom the temple was de- 
dicated. As far as the excavations were carried, an in- 


terior colonnade was found parallel to the walls of the 
cella, the space between the walls and the faces of the 
columns being about six feet. This colonnade is o. 
marble and of the Corinthian order, but the building 
itself is Doric. 

In the course of these labours he discovered a num- 
ber of fragments of sculpture, and one large head of 
good style, but much damaged, and in the pronaos of 
the large temple two long inscriptions, one consisting 
of fifty-eight, and the other of twenty-three lines, writ- 
ten in double columns. These would seem to record the 
names of the persons who contributed to the building 
and furnishing of the temple. In the smaller temple 
a number of fragments were also found, including a 
colossal head of fine style, but very much broken ; this 
head must have belonged to a statue ten or eleven feet 
in height. Both temples seem to have been wilfully 
damaged, as even the interior marble columns are 
broken into small pieces. On obtaining some more 
workmen, Mr. Smith removed his labourers to the site 
of his former excavations in the temple of Apollo, 
which he had not been able to clear out before, and 
proceeded to dig below the level of the mosaic pave- 
ment which formed the floor of the cella; he at the 
same time employed another portion of his party in 
excavating another small temple-like building, about 
fifty yards to the westward of the great temple. 

In the cella of the temple of Apollo, under the pave- 
ment, were found the following objects : — 

L An inscription on marble, built into a recent wall. 

2. A small female head in good style and perfect 

3. A bronze head, life-size, and very curious, both 


in its character and workmanship. The features are 
markedly African, and are evidently those of a portrait. 
This head was found at a depth of eleven feet beneath 
the pavement, and is in fair preservation. 

I may remark that the finding heads or statues in 
bronze is of very rare occurrence, the value of the 
metal having made it worth while to break up such 
monuments whenever detected. Moreover, bronze is 
peculiarly liable to suffer from the effects of weather, 
and cannot therefore be preserved, except in very dry 

Besides this head a number of small bronze frag- 
ments were also met with, including some small horses 9 
heads, a man on horseback, etc., all of which are much 
injured, apparently by fire ; — two inscriptions, one on a 
piece of an architrave, the other on the face of a marble 
pedestal ; and a number of plain terra- cotta lamps and 
some small fragments of gold leaf. Judging from the 
quantity of mosaic, there seems no doubt that the cella 
of this temple had been converted to other uses during 
Byzantine times, the more so that the space between 
the pavement and rock for a depth of about twelve 
feet has been built up with fragments of the original 
structure, such as the interior columns, so as to form 
small passages and chambers like cellars; in some 
cases these are arranged in two stories. 

Among the ruins around the north-east angle of the 
peristyle, a considerable quantity of antiquities more 
or less curious were met with, the most remarkable of 
which were : — 

1 . A collection of small heads. 

2. A small naked statue of Bacchus. 

3. Two draped statuettes — male and female. 

VOL. VII. 2 F 


4. A colossal draped female statue in good style, 
broken in half, but in good preservation, which has 
been reunited since its arrival in England. 

5. A statue, somewhat larger than life, of an old man, 
which, for want of a better name, Lieutenant Smith has 
called a statue of a philosopher. 

6. A female statue of a huntress, probably Diana or 
the nymph Cyrene, rather less than life-size, in good 
preservation, and perfect except the right forearm; the 
surface is in good condition. The drapery is gathered 
up in a double girdle, so as to fall only to the knee. 
On the pedestal, to the right of the figure, a hound is 
sitting on his haunches. 

Near these was found also a female seated figure, 
nearly perfect, and wanting only the hands and one of 
the feet. It is almost a copy of a colossal seated figure 
which was lying near it, above ground, and which has 
also been removed. It is the same statue as is men- 
tioned by Captain Beechey in his account of his visit 
to Cyrene, and considered by him a statue of Diana ; 
Lieutenant Smith, however, has discovered an inscrip- 
tion on the base, apparently reading A PX IP PAN 
I1TOAEMAIOY, and has conjectured from this dis- 
covery that the statue is that of a woman named Ar- 
chippa, of the family of the Ptolemies. It is very much 
broken, and the upper part is altogether wanting. 

The girdle encircling the waist of the smaller one is 
coloured on both edges with a narrow strip of bright 
vermilion. It is in two parts, and has been so origi- 
nally. Close by it was found a square pedestal, bearing 
on one face the inscription TEI2HNAZ. 

In the small temple-like building to the west were 
found a small statuette; a head, life-size, much broken, 


and apparently a portrait ; and two small heads, one 
of which is peculiar, as the eyes have been separate, 
and made to fit into the sockets. 

I may add the following list of some of the other 
remarkable objects of antiquity collected by Lieutenants 
Smith and Porcher; but I must at the same time state 
that I have purposely omitted many objects of in- 
terest, lest my account of them, necessarily too brief, 
should seem too much like a catalogue raisonne. 

Thus, among those I may particularize are :— 

1. The right leg of a colossal statue, probably as a 
piece of workmanship, the finest fragment Lieutenant 
Smith discovered. 

2. A remarkably perfect bust of Antoninus Pius, 
with the nose uninjured. 

3. A series of busts of members of the Roman im- 
perial families, Aurelius, Verus, Commodus, Severus ; 
and one exhibiting the same headdress as is usual in 
the case of Faustina Junior. 

4. A statue of an empress of the time of Domitian, 
nearly six feet high. 

5. An architectural statue of a bearded Pan, sup- 
porting a bracket. 

6. The pedestal of a statue, inscribed (r)Nau>v Kop- 
ptjkiov AevroXov, the name of the first Propraetor of 
Cyrene, about which I am bound however to state that 
the head looks considerably later than the time of that 
well-known Roman officer, and more than this, that the 
spelling of the name in the Greek is peculiar, though 
not absolutely new. 

Lastly. A head remarkable for the irides of the 
eyes having been cut out, with traces of greenish 
colour in the eye. The top of the head has been cut 



flat, and marks are visible where movable hair was 
fitted on. 

In conclusion, I may state that the entire collection 
consists of nearly two hundred objects, the majority of 
which are statues or statuettes ; and that Lieutenant 
Smith infers from the objects found in them respec- 
tively, that he has made out the sites of temples of 
Apollo, Bacchus, Venus, and possibly, too, that of a 
palace of Ptolemy; and that during the period he spent 
in that part of Africa, he had opportunity of visiting 
the ancient sites of Darnis, Barca, and of several other 
places, at which there are still remaining several monu- 
ments of antiquity, though it may be doubtful how for 
they would repay the labour and cost of excavation. 

Of the artistic value of this collection there will 
doubtless be considerable difference of opinion, and 
this not only as to the skill of the actual workmanship 
displayed on many of the objects, but also as to the date 
to which they are to be assigned and the artists who 
were entrusted with their execution. Nor is it easy to 
determine these questions satisfactorily with regard to 
some, and these the finest and most interesting speci- 
mens. Thus, the Apollo has been hailed by some ar- 
chaeologists as an unquestionable monument of a school' 
of which we have few existing examples, the late Mace- 
donian, that is of the third and second century b.c. — 
a period when art had begun tcr decline from the gran- 
deur it had exhibited before the Peloponnesian War, in 
the days of Phidias and his immediate successors, but 
when it had not however declined so far, as may be 
seen in the abundant examples of the best Roman or 
Augustan period. The advocates of this view point 
out that the artist's chief object has been to please 


rather than to produce a true representation ; that the 
drapery is treated mechanically and without feeling, and 
that the accessories have been crowded upon it without 
care and judgment. They therefore suppose that it 
may have been executed in the early part of the third 
century b.c, for one of the Egyptian 'monarchs. If this 
be true, we obtain a valuable link in the chain of the 
monuments of Greek art now in the Museum. Thus, 
the seated figures from Branchidse demonstrate what 
Greek art was in its infancy; the sculptures of the Par- 
thenon exhibit its grandeur in repose ; the Phigaleian 
marbles and the Mausoleum sculptures its vigour in 
action. Lastly, then, we come to the Cyrene Apollo, 
and the Demeter and Ceres lately discovered by Mr. 
Newton at Cnidtis. 

On the other hand, there are not a few who hold 
that it is a copy of the Roman period, some indeed 
urging that its date is not earlier than the statues of 
Antinoiis, and found their arguments mainly on the 
admitted inequality to be traced in the workmanship of 
its different parts, when examined by a practised eye. 
Certain it is, that as a statue it has great merits and 
great defects ; the attitude is noble and graceful, the 
' face full of sweetness, the form and surface excellently 
sculptured, and the drapery well arranged. On the 
other hand, the expression of the face, with the long 
hair and attitude of the statue, makes the representa- 
tion too feminine for it to be included among the finest 
Greek works. In the drapery an attempt is made to 
produce a correct idea on the mind of the spectator 
by lines and deep cuttings, instead of by faithful copy- 
ing of folds and curves. In this therefore the student 
will notice a marked difference between the workman- 


ship of this statue and that of the pedimental statues 
of the Parthenon. 

In conclusion, I am sure that the Society will agree 
with me that its best thanks are due to Lieutenants 
Smith and Porcher, for the able work they have been 
able to accomplish, often with only three or four as- 
sistant blacks ; and to her Majesty's Government, for 
the zeal with which they have supported these officers, 
and the liberality with which they have supplied the 
ships necessary to transport these monuments in safety 
to England. 

W. S. W. Vaux. 





(Read Jane 11th, 1862.) 

I trust it will not be considered an intrusion, in bring- 
ing before this Society an account of what appears to 
have some claim to the consideration of the learned in 

The Red Man of the United States had and has still 
vague traditions concerning his ancestors, some of 
which have literary and poetical merit. 

Coming south to Mexico, traditions and historical 
matters assume larger proportions ; but it is on arriv- 
ing in Central America, including Guatemala (which 
formerly extended from the south of Mexico to the 
Isthmus of Darien), we find a great abundance of stone 
ruins with elaborate and peculiar carvings, the work of 
nations long since passed away, such as those in Yu- 
catan, of Uxmal, Chichen, Palenque, etc. 

Guatemala is literally covered with almost unde- 
scribed ruins. To the east, in Honduras, are the monu- 
mental remains of Copan, and to the south-east, those 
of Mitla, the " city of the dead." However, it is in 


regard to ancient Guatemala and its literature, I have 
to call your attention. 

I may observe, that further south particularly, with 
high country at Timand, Bogota, in New Granada, 
stone remains are to be seen, but of their builders we 
know nothing. 

Passing onwards to the table-lands of Quito, we find 
a few remains of ancient nations ; their Scyris, or kings, 
were conquered by the later Incas of Peru. 

We now come to Cuzco, the capital of the Incas, the 
last dynasty of native rulers. All over this country are 
stone remains of pre-Incarial nations, as well as those 
of the Incas ; and now, independently of pretty fair 
historical records, we have, appertaining to literature, 
poems, songs, and even dramatic compositions ; of the 
latter is the drama of " OUanta, or the Severity of a 
Father and the Generosity of a King ;" also the tragedy 
of " Uscar Pancar," concerning the unfortunate love of 
the Princess Ccori-thica, the Golden Flower. 

There are some other poetical and literary compo- 
sitions connected with the New World, which I shall 
have much pleasure in submitting to the Society at a 
future period, should such be thought of sufficient 

The following is the title of this rather curious work : 
* Popol Vuh ; le livre sacr£ et les mythes de l'antiqui- 
t€ Am&icaine, avec les livres h&oiques et historiques 
des Quiches. Ouvrage originate des Indigenes de 
Guatemala. Texte Quiche et traduction Franchise . . . 
et un Commentaire sur la mythologie et les migrations 


des peuples anciens de l'Amlrique ;' par I'Abb^ Bras- 
seur de Bourbourg. 1 

In 1857, the Abbe published a work in four volumes, 
' Histoire des Nations civilisees du Mexique et de 
l'Am&ique Centrale." 

For the facts he brought together, the student of 
American literature was obliged ; but when expressing 
some of his own theories, be could not be considered 
a safe master. 

Before proceeding further, I may mention as guides 
to this subject, Trubner's ' Bibliotheca Glottica/ pp. 
157-8, for details of words, grammars, and vocabula- 
ries of the Quiche languages ; 2 Juarros, * Historia del 
Reyno de Guatemala,' translated by Lieutenant Baily, 
in 1823. 

I would also recommend the student of American 
antiquities, ere he reads the * Popol Vuh,' to a re- 
perusal of the <c Preliminary View of Ancient Mexican 
Civilization," in Prescott's History of the Conquest 
of Mexico ; and lastly, if the long-promised work, by 
Messrs. Squier and Aubin, on the * Antiquities of 
Central America/ was published, this of course must 
be consulted. 

After the Abb^s introduction to the ' Popol Vuh/ 
comes the " Notice bibliographique sur le Livre Sacr6," 
from which we learn, that it is divided into four parts. 

1 Bert rand, Paris. Trftbner, London. 1861. One volume. 

2 Since these observations were written, the Abbe* has published 
the * Gramatica de la Lengua QuicheV in Spanish and French ; with 
an essay on the poetry, music, dancing, and dramatic art in Mexico 
and Guatemala, before the Spanish Conquest. (Bertrand, Paris. 
Trubner, London.) This volume contains the "Rabinal-Achi," or the 
tragic drama and ballet of the Tun. (See end of paper for some 
particulars of this dramatic composition.) 


The Abb£ says the first two appear to have been tbe 
original of the * Teo-Amoxtli/ a divine book of the 
Toltecs ; an opinion to which we are not inclined wholly 
to subscribe. The last two portions contain tradi- 
tions relating to very olden times, concluding with the 
history of the Quiches and their rulers up to the 
period of the Spanish conquest of Guatemala. 

This ' Popol Villi* was put into its present state 
some ten to fifteen years after the Spaniards conquered 
the country. The invaders taught the natives their lan- 
guage, the alphabet of which, with the assistance of the 
Quichd picture-writing, formed a sort of hieroglyphical 
signs ; these, with what had been preserved by memory, 
some Quiche chief or priest either wrote or dictated. 
The writer himself says, " This we have written after 
the word of God had been brought to us and Chris- 
tianity introduced, and we produce this book for the 
reason that the 'libro del comun/ or old national 
book, is not now to be found (it was probably destroyed 
by the first Spaniards), wherein it was clearly seen 
that our ancestors came from the other side of the 
sea." This statement has no reference to these ances- 
tors having crossed the Atlantic, as it is more likely 
that they came from Yucatan, across the Bay of Hon- 

The Abbe states that the ' Popol Vuh' is the first 
of a series of documents in the native languages, to 
serve in the study of the history and philology of 
ancient America. 

With this production in Quiche, the Codex Cak- 
chiquel in another language or dialect of Guatemala, 
and the Codex Chimalpopoca in the Nahuatl of 
Mexico, we have three aboriginal works of some im- 


portance, in connection with this portion of America. 
As to the more southern portion of the New World, 
we may here say a few words. 

In 1838, Tschudi visited South America, and in 
his 'Travels in Peru' we find specimens of Quichua 
music and poetry, the latter translated into English. 
In his work on the fine Quichua language, the whole 
of a most interesting drama, called " OUanta, or the 
Severity of a Father and the Generosity of a King,* 
is given. The first act is laid at the close of the 
fourteenth century, the other two cover the first ten 
or twelve years of the fifteenth century. The hero 
is the celebrated chief OUanta, whose name is still 
preserved in a bridge, a fortress, and a palace. His 
love for Cusi Coylur (Joyful Star), daughter of the 
Inca Pachacutec, the harshness of this monarch to* 
wards his child, her imprisonment, the rebellion of 
OUanta, with its success at first, his final ruin and sub- 
jection, and the generosity of the Inca towards OUanta, 
form the subject of the drama. Mr. Markham, in his 
recent work, ' Cuzco and Lima/ gives a considerable 
portion of the play in English. 3 

The Peruvian Amautas, or learned men, composed 
dramas and festive songs. The Harivicus (inventors) 
composed the Haravis, or elegiac songs, an interesting 
part of Quichua poetry ; the subject is usually unhappy 
love, and "it is hard to say which most to admire in 
them, the harmonious mechanical composition, or the 
expression of the effects of despairing, overwhelming 
grief/' We may observe that there is nothing of this 
character in the ' Popol Vuh/ 

Last year, in the fourth and concluding volume of 
8 See note at end of Paper. 


Helps's ' Spanish Conquest in America/ we were fa- 
voured with a brief account of Dr. Scherzer's publica- 
tion of Ximenes' Spanish MSS., from the Quiche, from 
which we transcribe a portion. 

In the Quichean cosmogony, creation is gradual and 
tentative. At first, birds and beasts are created by the 
formative gods. These creatures are bidden to speak 
out and praise their makers; but they could only scream, 
cry, and chatter. Then the formative gods created 
men out of wood, but they proceeded from their makers' 
hands without hearts and without understanding, and 
they could not praise their makers. The Heart of 
Heaven was consulted, and a great deluge came upon 
them. The monkey remains as a sign of the kind of 
man that was made of wood. 

There were two personages born in the obscurity of 
night, before there was any sun or moon ; they made 
a descent into a hell. They came to four roads, one 
red, one black, one white, and one yellow ; and the 
black road tells them it is the way to " the Lords of 
Hell." They pursue this way, and arrive before the 
thrones of these lords. 

In this abode of hell there are many places of tor 
ment : the house of utter darkness, the house of cold, 
the house of jaguars, the house of bats, and the house 
of sharp knives. These two youths are conquered in 
hell, and put to death. Then there is a miraculous 
conception. Under a tree, where the skull of one of 
these youths had been placed, a virgin conceives, and 
afterwards gives birth to two children, who also enter 
the infernal region ; but they are victorious over all 
its terrors. 

Eventually man is created, but this time not of wood, 


but of yellow corn. Four men are created : Balam- 
Quitze, who invented human sacrifices ; Balam-Acab, 
Mahucutah, and Yqui-Balam ; and these could see to 
the four corners of earth and heaven. This extent of 
vision did not please the formative gods ; and a film 
was brought over the eyes of these four men by the 
Heart of Heaven, and they could only see that which 
was near to them. Four wives were given them, and 
their issue became a great people. 

We are obliged to Mr. Helps, for giving us in his 
third volume the best existing resume of the ancient 
history of Guatemala, which it must have been no easy 
matter to compile. 

We now come to the commentary on the * Popol 
Vuh,' comprising no less than two hundred and seventy- 
nine pages. Here the Abb£'6 love for generalization is 
carried to extremes ; indeed, his opinions and views 
have to be followed with very great care, particularly 
as to the periods of the migrations of the nations of 
Red Men from the north to the south ; and this is 
especially the case m his comparisons of certain iso- 
lated words in the respective languages, by which he 
strives to show rather recent connection one with an- 
other, a point in which we do not agree with him. 
Thus the word * Ahpu,' at page Ixxxvi. of the com- 
mentary, may mean in the Quiche, ' conqueror ;' since 
in the Quichua of the Incas of Peru, c Apo' and ' Apu' 
mean lord or master. 

At page clxxxiii. begins a long chapter relative to 
the Caribs, with the statement that they came origi- 
nally from the Nahuatl nation of Mexico ; but there is 
little or nothing offered to prove this, either by the 
languages spoken in the Antilles, or by any remains 


of monuments ; for few or no stone monuments were 
found among the Caribs or the other Indians of the 

The Abbe adds that these Nahuatls peopled Central 
America, traversed the Isthmus of Darien, and gra- 
dually overran the whole of South America, even to 
Tierra del Fuego. 

We do not deny the possibility that the route of the 
migration of the Red Man was from north to south, 
but as yet, the period or periods are not known. We 
have still to be satisfied whether the Red Man of Ame- 
rica had an early origin in Mongolia, or whether he 
belongs to a separately-created race of his own. 

Cuvier and Blumenbach give five distinct races, 
Prichard seven, some modern ethnologists as many as 
forty. We have looked somewhat into these matters, 
but prefer leaving the number of races of men un- 

Having peopled New Granada with the Carib family, 
chapter xiii. is devoted to the origin of the people of 
Peru ; and here the Abb£ unfortunately follows, and 
that implicitly, the very unsafe guide Montesinos, who 
boldly begins peopling Peru five hundred years after 
the Noachian Deluge, and gives one hundred and one 
monarchs of Peru, from Pishua-Manca, the first (!), to 
Atahualpa, the last. 

The Abb£ states that the meaning of ' Chimu' (of the 
country of Trujillo in Peru) is giant (?) ; that they went 
from the coast to the interior as a conquering race(?). In 
this same doubtful category, very much may be placed 
as to his ideas of the connection of ancient Mexican 
civilization with those of the pre-Chibchas and Chib- 
chas of Bogota ; of the Caras of the coast, who con- 


quered the Quitu nation ; of the pre-Incarial, Incarial, 
and other Peruvian nations : for we may observe that 
their respective forms of civilization appear to have 
been peculiar to themselves. 

We know nothing as to the real origin of the Caras, 
but they may have come from one of the coast na- 
tions of Peru, if some similarity in religious views, lan- 
guage, and other characteristics have any weight. It 
is very bold to suppose that the term ( Cara' has any 
connection with Karina, Kalina, or Kalinago; the 
Galibes of the French, or the Caraibes of the Spa- 
niards. Spanish authors say, that they only called 
themselves Caribes when they were drunk or infuriated 
in war. 

They however denominated themselves, those of 
the islands, Oubao-bonon; those of the mainland, 

The Peruvian Quichua word for Indian corn is Cara ; 
but it would be a great stretch of the philological 
imagination, to suppose that the Caras of the coast 
of Peru were so called because they were agricultural 
people and grew maize. 

I will now give some extracts from the 'Popol Vuh/ 
with a sample of the Quiche language. 4 Popol Vuh 
means the National Book. Hupah Chi Vuh, First 
Part. Nabebibal, Introduction. Are u xe oher tzih 
vara! Quiche u bi, Here then is the origin of the an- 
cient history of the country of Quich£. 

" Here we show the dawn of that which was in obscurity, 
the work of the Former, of the Creator, of him who gives 
being, and whose names are, the blower of the tube at the 
opossum (Hun-apu), the jackal, the serpent covered with 

4 Qm, man j ; che, tree ; many trees, or a wooded land. 


feathers (Tepeu, Gucumatz), the heart of the sea, the 
master of the green planisphere, of the azure surface. They 
are sung of and celebrated. 

"At first, all was in suspense, calm, silent, and immovable, 
and empty was the immensity of heaven. 

"The face of the earth did not exist : the tranquil sea was 
there, and the heaven's space above. 

" Then only existed the Creator, the Former, the Domi- 
nator, the serpent covered with feathers, those only who 
gave life ; they were over the waters like a glowing splendour. 

" And they spoke, and whilst they did so, it became light, 
man was manifested ; trees and plants grew. 

"Then was Oucumatz filled with joy, and he said, ' All this is 
well, O heart of heaven, O hurricane, O ray of lightning and 
noise of thunder/ 

" Then animals and birds were created, but the power of 
braying and warbling was only given to them. 

" The first men were made of clay, but they had no intelli- 
gence, and they were washed away." 

Now a little magic is brought upon the scene : — 

" Then the Creator said, ' Make thy passes over the maize 
and the tzite (red beans), and let us sculpture man of wood. 9 
6 Sun and Creature/ said an old man and woman ; the old 
man was the master of the tzite, named Xpuyacos ; the old 
woman was a witch, the Formatrice, her name was Chira- 
kan Xmucane*. 

€€ Men and women were made of wood, they reasoned some- 
what; these were the first people who inhabited earth, 
and they multiplied, but they had no hearts, intelligence, 
or knowledge of their Creator. They died by the waters 
rising, and they were drowned. The face of earth was ob- 
scured, and there was a dark rain/' 

It is said that the posterity of these men are seen in 
those little monkeys who now live in the woods. 

" Then there was but little light on earth, but there was one 
proud man on it, Vukub-Cakex (seven parrots). The faces 


of the sun and moon were veiled. Vukub said, ' I will be 
great again over the beings I created. I am their sun, I am 
their moon ; for of silver is the globe of my eyes, they are 
resplendent with precious stones, and my teeth shine in their 
enamel like the face of heaven. My nostrils shine like the 
moon, and of silver is my throne.' 

" But it was not he who was the sun ; but his pride caused 
him to speak thus." 

Two youths, Hunahpu and Xbalanque, — the first is 
one of the blowers of the pipe; the other means ' little 
jaguar/ — come on the scene : — 

" These two were Gods, and they saw the evil of the proud 
Vukub. They said, ' We will shoot or blow through our pipe 
(Sabacane) poison, at his food, so that he may die/ His wife 
was Chimalmat. 

" Vukub had two sons, Zipacna and Cabrakan ; the occu- 
pation of the first was to roll great mountains about ; the 
other moved mountains by his mere will. They were wicked 
and proud also. 

" As yet the first parents of us Quiches were not created." 

Here follows rather a long account of the way Vu- 
kub was killed by the two youths. 

Zipacna, one of his sons, was bathing, when four 
hundred young people, much fatigued, came along with 
a large tree ; it was for a beam for their habitation* 
Zipacna carried it for them; but the four hundred 
held council, and said it was not well to have so power- 
ful a man amongst them, and they prepared to get rid 
of him. 

And after they thought they had buried him alive, 
they began to drink even to drunkenness. But Zipacna 
appeared and tumbled their habitation about them, 
and they were destroyed, and it is said that these may 
form the group of the Pleiades ! 

VOL. VII. 2 G 


The two young people grieved over the death of the 
four hundred, they laid a snare forZipacna, and caused 
a rock to fall on and kill him, by their magical power; 
and his brother, they poisoned him with white powder. 
The above two young people became old ; they had 
two sons, Hunbatz and Hunchoen. 

They (the four) were good and wise, and they were 
wizards. They played oh the flute, sang, painted, were 
sculptors, and workers in gold and jewels. And these 
four were passionately fond of playing at the ball game 
in their great hall. 6 

Voc or Vac (the hawk), the manager of Hurricane, 
came to see thehi play. The (city) of Voc was not 
far from this, neither was it distant from Xibalba (a 
powerful empire before the first Toltecs). Then Voc 
mounted to Hurricane, who was in heaven. 

Among the ruins of Chichen-Itza in this region 
" the ring of the game of ball" is alluded to, which 
among the Indians of North America is of a very old 

It was indeed a favourite pastime in Peru under the 
Incas ; and also among the Araucanos of Chile. 

Without going into the subject of the popular games, 
it is fair to presume that every country had, at some 
time or other, its game at ball. Thus, in England we 
have tennis, cricket, hockey ; in Scotland, goff and 
curling ; in France, tennis ; in Spain, the beloved pe- 
lota, particularly in the Basque provinces. 

6 We are told by the Abbe* that the game at ball was symbolical of 
the wars of the Nahuas (ancient Mexicans) against the empire of 
Xibalba ; but in the * Popol Vah ' it is seen to hare been played in 
the Quiche* land before these wars, and if symbolical of war, most 
have been of wars of an earlier date. 


After a time, Hunhun-Ahpu and Vukub-Hunapu 
played their games at ball in the direction of Xibalba, 
which was soon known to the kings there, Hun-Cam£ 
(one death) and Vukub-Cam£ (seven deaths). And 
these kings said : " What is this that is done on earth ? 
Who are these that excite tumult ? Seek and bring 
them hither. They wish to play the game at ball and 
conquer us." 

It would appear that this empire of Xibalba had 
more to do with the lower regions than with earth. 
There were ministers there who caused bodies to swell 
and have humours ; others took the shin-bones away 
from men, using such bones as their maces ; others 
caused men to die suddenly. These ministers held 
council as to the punishment of the two ball-players, 
and took from them their hide bucklers, rings, balls of 
gum-elastic, gloves, crowns, and helmets. 

When they (the players) went on this journey to 
Xibalba, they left their sons Hunbatz and Chouen be- 

And messengers came to invite the two players to 
go to Xibalba to play. (The messengers were owls, or 
their names were Owls.) 

Then the ball-players said, " We will take leave of our 
mother, ere we go." They told their mother that they 
would leave behind a gum-elastic ball suspended from 
the roof of their habitation. 

So they went towards Xibalba, when on descending 
the route they came to a rapid river of blood, then to 
one of water, then to four roads, one red, one black, 
one white, and the other yellow. And the black road 
persuaded them to go by it, and they were deceived, for 
they were being directed to Xibalba, or Hell. 



First, they saw figures of osier and of wood, and they 
said, " We salute ye, Vukub-Cam£ and Hun-Came, but 
the figures returned no answer. Then the kings and 
princes shouted with joy, seeing that they had caught 
their victims ; and they said, " Go to your habitations, 
and a stick of pitch-pine (to serve as a light) and a Zig, 
or cigar, is given to you." 6 

When they arrived at their gloomy abode, those of 
Xibalba said, " Let us sacrifice them on the morrow." 

Their splinter of resinous wood was an arrow, which, 
as well as the cigar, they were not to use. 

The ball-players were first put into a dark chamber ; 
then into another, a frozen one ; the third was that of 
the jaguars, the fourth, that of the bats, the fifth, that 
of the warriors, and so on up to nine. They are then 
brought into the presence of the two kings, who de- 
mand the pine-torches and cigars. 

" We have used them," they said. The kings re- 
plied, " Then you must die, and your breasts cut open." 
So they were sacrificed and burned, the head of Hun* 
hun-Ahpu was cut off 1 , and deposited in a tree. When 
the head was so placed, the tree became instantly 
covered with fruit of the calabash, which we still call 
the head of Hunhun-Ahpu. 

And the head became a calabash ; which circum- 
stance was told to a young girl, the daughter of a 
prince; her name was Xquig; and she said, "Why 
should I not go and see this tree ?" And she went, 
and said, " There is the fruit, is it not beautiful? If 
J take it, shall I die?" 

• Zig, or Cig, is tobacco, cigar, or pipe. Zig is a perfume, voice, 
lamentation. Evidently the origin of the ' cigaro' of the Spaniards, 
and our ' cigar.' 


Here conjuration takes place, and the dead head 
spits in her hand, saying, " This saliva is my posterity, 
which I give to thee. Now will my head cease to 
speak." So after a time she brought forth Hunahpu 
and Xbalanqul. 

She goes to the mother of Hunhun-Ahpu, who wilt 
not receive her ; she then goes to her sons Hunbatz 
and Hunchoen; these last two are jealous of the 
twins, and wished them dead, for they were their rivals 
(in the arts). The twin brothers have the power of 
magic, and turn their elder relations into monkeys. 

Then Hunahpu and Xbalanqu£ began to work the 
land with hatchets, spades, and ploughs. ... A 
magic rat informs them, that gum-elastic balls, rings, 
gloves, and shields of hide are hung up in the house 
their father lived in, and it gnaws the string by which 
these things were suspended, and they become the 

Then they began to play at ball, and were happy. 
"When the kings of Xibalba heard of it, they said, "Who 
are these that disturb the world?" And the kings sent 
to invite them to play with them in Xibalba. 

And the messengers came to the grandmother, and 
she said, "Whom shall I send to the young men?" 
Then a louse fell on her dress, which she put into her 
hand, saying, " My nephew, will you go and call my 
grandchildren from their ball-play ?" 

The louse went, and on the road fell in with a toad, 
who said, "You do not go quick enough, jump down my 
throat, I can go quicker." The toad met a serpent, 
who said the same to it, and the toad leaped into the 
mouth of the serpent. The serpent met Vac, a great 
hawk, who swallowed the serpent. Vac soon found 


and hovered over the place where the brothers were 
playing, and perched itself on the ball-play court, and 
began to cry, "Vaccol Vacco!" One of the young 
men, with his blow-pipe, sent a pellet into the eye of 
the hawk, wh6n it fell at their feet. Vac cried out, 
" The message for you is within me." Then Vac brought 
up the serpent, the serpent the toad, and in the 
gums of the toad there was the louse, who gave the 

The young men returned to their grandmother, and 
said they would go to Xibalba. And each planted a 
cane in the centre of the house, telling her that if the 
canes withered it would be the sign of their death. 

Then Hunahpu and Xbalanqu£ went to Xibalba, and 
were told to worship the kings. They replied, that 
what they saw were only statues of wood. 

They went through about the same ordeal as their 
fathers, but were not caught. They wish to stake aChil 
(a lot of capsicums) on a game at ball, those of Xibalba 
wish to play for the head of a puma, which is agreed to ; 
but theyyoung men won the game. Some curious con- 
juration is gone through, when the youths are burnt to 
ashes, which, on being thrown into the river, turn into 
two fine young men, who on the fifth day take on the 
form of two old men, performing all sorts of strange 
things, particularly that of burning houses, even to 
killing one another, but this in appearance only. 

" Then said the kings, ' Kill us and bring us to 
life again/ The first part they did, but the kings did 
not come to life. Then princes were sacrificed, but one 
humiliated himself, saying, ( Have pity on me. 9 And 
the people came and prostrated themselves before 
Hunahpu and Xbalanqu6. . . . Then they saw the 


feces of their fathers. Now one father went to the 
sun, the other to the moon. 

"Then Gucumatz spoke, saying, 'The dawn is near, 
the work is done, the nourisher of the altar, the son 
of light, of civilization, Man, is to be honoured.' But 
the sun, moon, and stars did not shine above the 

" The first man was Balam-Quitze (the jaguar of the 
sweet smile) ; the second, Balam-Agab (the jaguar of 
the night) ; the third, Mahucutah (a great name) ; the 
fourth, Iqui-Balam (jaguar of the moon). They were 
fashioned and formed by enchantment ; they had no 
parents. Then three beautiful women were made. 
These had children, and were the origin of the Quich£ 
nation. . . . They all lived a life of joy, the black 
people (rather say a darker shade of red or brown) 
as well as the white. There was only one language, 
and when they saw the sun rise, they said, ' We sa- 
lute thee, O Creator ! Do not abandon us, O heart of 
heaven, O heart of earth. Give us posterity. Let us 
walk in the good roads, and be at peace/ 

" As yet there were no sculptured stones. . . . The 
Yaqui nation were the sacrificers. Let us go seek 
where to guard our symbols. And they went to Tulam- 
Zuiva to recover the Gods, among whom was Tohil, — 
we know their princes (that is to say, their descendants), 
— twenty years after the conquest by the Spaniards. 

"From Tulan came the practice of fasting and 
watching for the rising of the sun and the morning 

We have now a period when some of these princes 
became sacrificers. Strange conjurations succeed. 
Mention is made of some of their brothers who had 


been left in Mexico, also another portion of their race 
lived to the east of them, at Tepen and Oliman. . . . 
These sacrificers or priests instigate wars and become 
conquerors. Three of them, Balam, Mahucutah, and 
Iqui-Balam, when about to die, say, " We return to 
our people, the King of the Deer wants us above. . . . 
Increase and multiply, — go and see the land we came 
from/ 9 Balam- Qui tze said he would leave them some- 
thing which would make them powerful ; it was, " the 
hidden Majesty/ 1 folded in a (mantle), and they were 
not to open it. The families of the chiefs multiplied, 
and the people were made to obey. 

Then the sons of the sacrificers went to the east to re- 
ceive royalty from the great monarch Naxit, — amongst 
other things, the art of painting and writing, (figura- 
tive), — and they returned to Mount Hacaritz, and 
built Izmachi, of stone and lime. 

Civil wars now present themselves, when the Quiches 
and others leave Izmachi and go to Guamarcaah 
(Guatemala), so called by the Quiches. This was the 
period of the fifth generation of the Quiche nation. 
Thgy build their habitations, and the temple to their 
god, on an elevation (ruins of which are said to be still 
in existence). In consequence of quarrelling about 
the sale of their daughters and sisters (for marriage), a 
war ensues, when they throw the bones and skulls of 
the dead at each other. 

They now divide into nine great branches, and the 
royalty among twenty-four great houses in Guatemala. 
Then follows a long list of Quiche kings ; of one Gu- 
cumatz, he ascended to heaven every seven days ! A 
revolution takes place ; the people upset royalty, and 
forty rulers take the place of one king. There are 


interesting descriptions of the temples of Tohil and 
Tzutuha(the flowing fountain). 

And it was known then, where the " National Book/' 
was to be found. Royalty again came into fashion, 
the house of Cavek reigning when Alvarado conquered 
Guatemala, it having had thirteen generations, winding 
up with two Quiche princes, who took the names of 
Don Juan Rojas and Don Juan Cortez. 

Although I have differed very much in opinion from 
the learned Abbe in regard to very many of his con- 
clusions, particularly as to the period of the migrations 
of the red race and their doings, I' cannot close these 
observations without sincerely thanking him for the 
labour and research he must have had in translating the 
* Popol Vuh,' and thus giving to the world the oppor- 
tunity of judging of this curious contribution of the 
aboriginal literature of the New World. 

It has already been stated, in a note to page 3, that 
a Quiche grammar has been published by the Abbe ; 
in the same volume is " Rabinal Achi, ou le [tragic] 
Drame-Ballet du Tun," in three lengthy scenes. The 
following are the names of the personnages : — 

Ahau-Hobtoh, king of the Rabinaliens. 

Rabinal-Achi, son of the king. 

Cavek-Queche-Achi (who is sacrificed), prince of 
the Yaquis of Cunen and Chahul, son of Balam-Achi, 
King of the Quiches. 

The Queen, wife of King Hobtoh. 

The Mother of the Green Plumes, the Precious 
Emerald, wife of Rabinal-Achi. 

The twelve Eagles and Jaguars, or Rabinal warriors. 

A Slave. 

Ixok-mun, favourite slave of Rabinal-Achi. 


And a great number of warriors and slaves of both 
sexes, who take part in the dance of Xahoh 7 -Tun 8 . 

7 Xaboh, from Xah, s. the heel of the foot. The verb to dance, 
and Xaboh, s. a dance (a ballet with scenes). 

8 Tun, s. singing to music. 


Mr. Markham, in his 'Travels in Peru and India/ 1862, 
mentions that a Dr. Valdez was the author of 'Ollanta,' 
although it contains several ancient songs and speeches, 
founded on old traditions. Dr. Valdez was the Cura of 
Sicuani, and a perfect master of the Quichua language. It 
is generally agreed that the rebellion of the chief OUanta 
arose from the abduction of an Aclla, or Virgin of the Sun, 
from her convent. The play was frequently performed before 
the martyred Inca Tupac Amaru, at Tungasuca; who, on the 
18th of May, 1781, after beholding the execution of his wife, 
his son, his uncle, his brother-in-law, and many of his cap- 
tains, was taken into the centre of the plaza of Cuzco, his 
chains were knocked off, and his tongue was cut out. He 
was then thrown on the ground ; lassos, secured to the girths 
of four horses, were fastened to his wrists and ankles, and 
the horses made to drag different ways, thus tearing the last 
of the Incas to pieces ! 




(Read July, 1858; April, 1859.) 

The following paper is the substance of two papers 
which I communicated to this Society in July, 1858, 
and April, 1859, and contains a brief notice of the 
more important monuments procured through the zeal 
and energy of Mr. Davis, and now deposited in the 
British Museum, with a brief notice of the rival re- 
searches of M. Beule on nearly the same ground. 1 

But before I proceed to describe the results of Mr. 
Davis's labours, I think I ought to say a few words 
with regard to the discoverer himself; the more so, as 
what he has been able to procure has been secured for 
the nation entirely through his own individual labours, 
and with scarcely any extraneous assistance. 

Mr. Nathan Davis, to whom both the first proposal 
to make excavations on the presumed site of Carthage, 

1 I ought to mention, that since these papers were read, a very able 
paper, "On recent Excavations and Discoveries at Carthage/' has 
been communicated to the Society of Antiquaries by my colleague, 
Mr. A. W. Franks, Director S.A., and is printed in the 'Archeeo- 
logia,' vol. xxxviii. 1860. In this paper are excellent drawings of 
some of the best mosaics. 


and the subsequent success attained, are wholly due, 
is an English gentleman who has resided during 
many years in the Pashalic of Tunis, and who has 
been for a long time the intimate friend of the Bey or 
Governor of that province of the Turkish Empire, — 
a prince who, by his friendship for Europeans, and 
especially for the English, and by his ready adoption 
of many of the wiser customs of the West, was ex- 
actly the person who would naturally be most ready 
to assist Mr. Davis in his proposed inquiries. 

The consequence of this mutual friendship has been, 
that when, some years since, Mr. Davis proposed to un- 
dertake a complete investigation of these localities, he 
met with cordial encouragement from the existing Go- 
vernment ; a support the more valuable as he had, I re- 
gret to say, to contend with worse difficulties than might 
have simply arisen from the prejudices of the native 
population. Of these the most annoying to him were 
the illwill and jealousy of the French, who for some 
years have occupied a building on part of ancient Car- 
thage, called the Chapel of St. Louis. By the personal 
kindness of the Bey, and the warm support he on all 
occasions received from Lord Clarendon, at that time 
the Principal Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, 
Mr. Davis was able, ultimately, to triumph over all 
difficulties : the large collection he has now sent home, 
which is accumulated, without the power of proper ex* 
hibition, in the vaults of the British Museum, afford- 
ing an answer sufficiently conclusive to the question 
whether or not he has efficiently carried out the in- 
structions he received from the Government at home. 
When we take into consideration the extensive area 
over which Mr. Davis has had to operate ; that he has 


had to work almost wholly in the dark ; and that no 
previous researches had given any satisfactory clue as 
to what might or might not be under the ground, or 
had determined the fittest place for the commence- 
ment of his excavations, we may well be satisfied both 
with the ability of the labourer and with the results 
which have followed from his exertions. 

As far as can be judged from recent surveys, taken 
in connection with the narratives in ancient authors, it 
would seem that the original city of Carthage occupied 
an irregular lozenge-shaped tract of land, extending 
nearly four miles in length north-west and south-east, . 
and from one to three miles in breadth from north to 
south. To the north-west the extreme boundary is 
Cape Quamart ; to south-east, the modern port of La 
Goulette. The whole space between these points, in- 
cluding a seacoast of between five and six miles, is 
generally believed to have been covered at different 
periods either by Carthage itself or by its suburbs* 
Over great parts of this wide area there are mounds 
of ruin, fragments of walls, and piles of shapeless, un- 
distinguishable masses of bricks and masonry, none of 
which, in their present state, reveal what they were in 
ancient times. Hence it was that Mr. Davis, in pre- 
paring to excavate, was much in the position of an ad- 
venturous gold-digger, with good reason indeed for ber 
lieving that precious metal existed here and there be- 
neath his feet, but with no certainty where he ought to 
sink his shaft. He had, as a digger would say, to " pro- 
spect about," in order to determine the best position for 
his future operations : while, for his guidance in this 
selection, he had little more than the vague traditions 
that the French Chapel of St. Louis occupied the site 


of the celebrated Byrsa, the citadel of ancient Carthage; 
that the Arab village of £1 Malka represented the po- 
sition of the ancient Royal Palace; with a fair pre- 
sumption that the Necropolis of the City extended 
along the Mediterranean shore to the north of the ac- 
tual site of Carthage, from Cape Quamart eastward 
for more than two miles. On the other hand, it was 
matter of common observation that the surface soil 
near the modern port of La Goulette had all the cha- 
racter of having been once excavated, the conforma- 
tion of the small harbours near it having already led 
more than one intelligent traveller to believe that the 
Port Cothon, described as the Double Port by Appian, 
had left traces behind it sufficient for its present iden- 
tification. With nothing, therefore, especially to guide 
him, it was perhaps fortunate that Mr. Davis com- 
menced his researches a little way to the north of the 
so-called Cothon, and thence gradually extended his 
excavation over the ground between La Goulette and 
higher elevation of Cape Carthage. 

Mr. Davis has not furnished us with minute details 
of the localities where each object was disinterred, nor 
indeed would it have been easy for him to do so. I 
may, however, state generally that some of his best 
mosaics were found in the neighbourhood of an ancient 
house which he cleared out, and had perhaps formed 
part of the decoration of its rooms. 2 This house was 
buried at the depth of about ten feet below the present 

8 1 regret to say that Mr. Davis's work on ' Carthage and its Re- 
mains/ published more than a year subsequent to the reading of this 
paper, has not thrown the light we anticipated on the coarse of bis 
excavations. Although we have occasional notices of the discoveries 
he made, the student will find himself, on reading it, immersed in a 


soil, and still exhibited on its walls traces of fresco 
painting. Some, too, of the walls were lined with 
plain slabs of marble ; others were found in the neigh- 
bourhood of what Mr. Davis has called the temple of 
Chronos or Saturn, his description of which shows that 
its structure must have been very peculiar. " It was/ 9 
says he, " a square edifice on forty-eight pilasters, di- 
vided into four courts, arranged as follows : — Outside 
were twelve pilasters of very massive masonry ; within 
this was another court surrounded by twelve pilasters 
of lighter construction ; both these first courts were 
square. Then within the second was a third, with 
twelve pilasters arranged circularly ; and then again a 
fourth court similarly constructed. At a depth of 
twenty-five feet below the central court was found a 
quantity of mosaics covered with geometrical designs." 

Others, again, were on an elevation facing the mo- 
dern fort on the presumed site of the temple of JSscu- 
lapius. On this spot were found four tombs at the 
depth of five feet below the present surface, and at nine 
feet below these again a number of mosaics. 

Over many of these mosaics, Mr. Davis found great 
quantities of cinders and charcoal, showing clearly by 
what agency the buildings they once adorned had been 

Besides these more strictly Carthaginian relics, Mr. 
Davis has sent home some fine mosaics and a few in- 
scriptions from the site of Utica. They were, I believe, 

wondrous haze, from which the figures of Dido and other early Car- 
thaginian heroes stand out with a prominence extremely imaginative, 
to say the least. Moreover, he will not find what he would probably 
most have desired, any connected narrative of the steps Mr. Davis 
followed in his excavations. 


obtained by the assistance of the officers of H.M.S. 
Harpy, but I am not certain whether Mr. Davis in 
person conducted the excavations made there. 
, I will now proceed to give some details relative to 
the objects which are now in the British Museum. 

The collection of ancient monuments, which it has 
been Mr. Davis's good fortune to disinter and to for- 
ward to this country, consists principally of three 
classes : — 

1. Mosaic pavements. 

2. Statues and fragments of statues. 

3. Inscribed stones in the Carthaginian or Phoeni- 
cian language and character. 

As it would be impossible for me to give a detailed 
account of each of these objects, I propose to select for 
description a few of the more remarkable of each class. 

1. Mosaics. 

Before, however, I describe some of these, it may 
perhaps be well to state that in Rome this method of 
decorating the floors of houses appears not to have 
been in use till the time of Sylla, who, according to 
Pliny, laid down the first in a temple of Fortune which 
he built at Praneste (Plin. H. N. xxxvi. 64). Imme- 
diately after his period, however, they would seem to 
have become very popular ; and, about a hundred and 
fifty years later, we may judge of their extensive use 
from the abundant remains discovered at Pompeii. 
From these we learn that they were generally formed 
of small pieces, nearly square, of red and white marble 
and red tile, united together by a very fine cement 

The mosaic pavements procured by Mr. Davis are 
composed of tesserae (for the most part marble), varying 


from one-third of an inch square to less than one* 
fourth of an inch, and exhibit white, red, black, or 
dark-green, and brown or orange colours. With these 
are associated a large quantity of tessera, formed like 
the Pompeian pavements of red tile, some few objects 
(or portions of them) being rendered, though rarely, in 
order to enhance their beauty, by glass of various co- 
lours. The individual tesserae, especially in the case 
of the smaller specimens, are generally fitted together 
with great care and regularity ; and, when not injured 
by exposure to the salts of the sea, generally retain 
much of their original freshness. 

Among the most remarkable that have come to 
England are — 

(1.) Two large pieces containing representations of 
female busts, one of which is draped over the shoulders 
with a red drapery, but with the neck bare. The face 
on this subject is exceedingly well shaped, especially 
on the left side ; in the hair are ears of corn, and 
above and all around are flowers. This slab is more 
than eleven feet long ; the other resembles the first, 
but the hair of her head is fastened over the forehead 
in a high crobylon or knot. 3 

(2.) Three female figures, draped to the feet, and four 
feet six inches high ; of these, one 4 is seated or leans 
against a table pointing to a tree ; before her is a table, 
on which are two cups or small bowls and a bucket ; 
behind the table is a tree, on which a bird is perched. 
This figure is extremely well done in bright colours 
— red, white, yellow, black, and green. Another 6 

* Mr. Franks calls this head that of " Spring." , 
4 Mr. Franks calls this figure that of " March." 

* Mr. Franks calls this figure that of "July." 


leans against a square cippus, eating mulberries out 
of a bowl, behind which is the mulberry-tree. This 
figure is draped in a long tunic, fitting closely, so as 
to show the outlines of her figure ; over this tunic is a 
sort of long cloak with a broad border. The whole 
is very elegant and nearly perfect, with only the upper 
portion broken off. A third 6 is a dancing-girl, draped 
to her feet in a flowing robe, covered with a richly va- 
riegated pattern. Both arms are extended and raised, 
and the right holds two objects probably intended for 
castanets. Before her is a cippus, on which is a small 
statue with the face well shaded and expressive. The 
same colours are used on this as on the other one. 
Two other fragments of portraits occur, one 7 of which 
is so far curious that it exhibits a woman's head and 
fore right hand, in which is an Egyptian sistrum. 

(3.) There are also five large slabs containing floral 
subjects ; of these, one contains an extremely elegant 
floral pattern of four large leaves of some plant resem- 
bling the acanthus, attached at the centre to each 
other, and the whole within a circle, and two large 
vessels (or flower-pots), in which are magnificently- 
executed representations of the silphium, or assafce- 
tida- plant, in which substance, we know from classi- 
cal writers, there was a large trade in ancient times 
from the northern coast of Africa. 8 Each of the 
pots of silphium is upon a slab more than twelve 
feet in length. On another slab is a representa- 
tion of a large basket made of reeds, containing a 

6 Mr. Franks calls this figure that of "April." 

7 Mr. Franks calls this figure that of " November." 

8 These two vessels appear to have formed- the borders of one large 
pavement. (Franks, Arch&ol. vol. xzxviii. p. 25.) 


great variety of different kinds of fish, among which 
may readily be recognized eels and lobsters, lampreys 
and mullets ; another contains two excellent represen- 
tations of dolphins ; and a third, a very curious Latin 
inscription represented as borne in the arms of a 
winged figure or angel, and Composed of letters about 
three inches long, made of white tesserae, inlaid on a 
red ground. Unfortunately, this pavement has been so 
much damaged, that only a portion of the right-hand 
side of the inscription can be recovered ; there is, how- 
ever, no reason to doubt that this is a late Christian 
monument, — the record, possibly, of the dedication of 
some early church. In addition to the above, I may 
mention the following mosaics : — An exceedingly ele- 
gant design, representing two antelopes or gazelles 
drinking from an ornamental fountain, which issues 
from a pipe in the centre of a circular tazza, and falls 
abound it in streamlets. Behind these animals are two 
birds admirably executed, and recognizable by their 
red beaks and red legs for the gallinule, or Porphyrio 
Africus. In the field of the pavement are flowers, 
one, probably, the tulip. The whole has been beauti- 
fully put together, of small tesserae, closely fitting, and 
is still in good preservation. 

Another exhibits a curious scene of two men fishing 
in a small boat with many fish swimming around them ; 
of these, three can be recognized, and are unquestion- 
ably the dolphin, the sepia, or cuttle-fish, and a species 
of barbel. The fishing-lines may be observed hanging 
over the side of the boat. One man in the stern ap- 
pears to be hauling a fish on board, the other to be just 
about to throw the line. The whole scene is full of 
life and vigour, and is preserved even to the colour of 
the gills of the barbel. 



On another is a still more curious scene. In this 
are two boats at its opposite ends, in each of which 
are two men ; the men are busily engaged in hauling 
in a long net or seine, which occupies by its curve the 
whole of the longer end of the slab. Within this net 
are seen various quadrupeds and birds, inhabitants of 
Northern and Central Africa: the ostrich, the wild 
boar, a stag with large horns, an antelope, a panther, a 
lizard, a species of fox, and a bird with yellow belly 
and black legs, probably that called by naturalists the 
Paras barbatus. The accuracy with which the cha- 
racteristics of these creatures are given is worthy of 
note. Thus the peculiar step of the ostrich, the cat- 
like spring of the leopard, and the crafty, creeping 
attitude of the fox, are admirably rendered, as are also 
the eye of the ostrich, the white tusks of the boar, 
and the spots of the leopard. Under each object is a 
line, either indicating ground or shading. The whole 
is well preserved, and of close, compact, small tessera. 
This pavement was found at Utica. 

On another, which, having been discovered by Mr. 
Davis only a few feet from the actual washing of the 
sea, has in consequence suffered considerable deterio- 
ration, is a curious mythical representation of two 
tritons (or men naked to the waist, with long dolphin- 
like tails) swimming towards and holding out wreaths 
to each other ; on their backs sit two women, probably 
sea-nymphs, one with a large flowing veil, the other 
unveiled ; at each end are two small dolphins. 

Perhaps the most remarkable of the whole series is 
one on which there is a scene representing two pea- 
cocks, one at each end, formed of tesserae of blue, 
green, and red glass. One has his tail expanded, and 


exhibits, with much accuracy and effect, the many 
colours of the peacock's tail, still fresh and glistening ; 
the other is shorter, is seen in some degree in perspec- 
tive, and has a bright-red crest. Two other birds are 
also there, but it is not clear what they are. In front 
of the birds are pots with flowers in them, in one of 
which a tulip is beautifully drawn, with its red flower, 
green petals, and dark-red buds. In the middle of 
the scene is the Latin word fontes, in letters of blue 
glass, and below it are two blue streams, in which two 
hares are slaking their thirst. The whole is well pre- 
served. This intermixture of glass with tesserae of 
marble and tiles is not common, and we have but few 
specimens of this species of art in England. In these 
pavements, it may be remarked that this style is limited 
to representations of water, flowers, and birds. 

In bringing this portion of my subject to a conclu- 
sion, I may state that there are only two more mosaics 
worthy, in my judgment, of more especial notice ; on 
one of these are two excellent representations of the 
vulpanser, or shelldrake, a well-known bird of North- 
ern Africa ; on the other, a series of female portraits in 
very tolerable preservation. The skill with which 
these portraits are given affords a very favourable idea 
of the mastery which these artists had obtained over 
the troublesome material in which they worked. Not 
only is the shading of the nose well drawn, but the 
finer lines of the countenance are clearly depicted on 
the best-preserved specimens. Each head is enclosed 
in a circular medallion, about one foot in diameter. 
They are altogether six in number. 

I may add, that besides the mosaics to which I have 
called more especial attention, there are between thirty 


and forty others, containing all sorts of floral, ara- 
besque, and geometrical patterns, many of them admi- 
rably designed, and some quite uninjured. It would 
not be possible by mere description to convey to those 
who have not seen them an accurate idea of their 
real excellence. I believe, however, I am justified in 
saying that, as a collection, the mosaics procured by 
Mr. Davis are, with the exception of one from Car- 
thage, presented to the British Museum by Mr. Hud- 
son Gurney some years since, the finest works of this 
class that have as yet been sent to this country. 

2. Statues or Fragments of Statues. 

Mr. Davis has not been successful in finding many 
sculptural works of value, so as to place his excava- 
tions, in this respect, on a par with those conducted 
by Mr. Newton at various sites of ancient Greece; 
nor, indeed, is this fact much to be wondered at. Even 
if it could be shown that he had reached in his exca- 
vations the actual ground on which the ancient Punic 
city was built, and this is more than doubtful, we 
should not anticipate the discovery of much sculp- 
ture ; for it is a curious fact that, with the solitary 
exception of the Assyrians, no pure Semitic race has 
left any sculptured monuments of real importance. 
On the other hand, it seems almost certain that the 
whole of his excavations refer to the Roman, and not 
to the Punic city. Roman Carthage was, at best, but 
a great Roman colony, and we have scarcely auy in- 
stance of such colonies having exhibited a great school 
of sculpture. Even of the genuine Romans themselves 
it may be truly said, that they cultivated but in a very 
humble degree the art of sculpture, most of the fine 


works hitherto discovered in Rome, or in Roman villas, 
being the production of Greek artists imported directly 
from Greece, or the work of Greek sculptors who had 
settled in Rome, or other chief cities of the Roman 

There are, however, among Mr. Davis's collection 
some sculptured objects worthy of notice ; as, for 
instance, two colossal statues in white marble, of good 
time and fair execution, one evidently that of an 
emperor, and the other not improbably that of his 
empress, though, as they have lost their heads, we 
cannot determine whom they represent. Besides these 
are two heads, much defaced, of Greek workmanship, 
perhaps those of Apollo and JSsculapius; a large 
number of sepulchral cippi, some in good preserva- 
tion, but many of rude and late workmanship, together 
with some excellent specimens of architectural frag- 
ments, of good Roman execution. The sepulchral 
monuments are, I suspect, in most cases, of local or 
native workmanship, and there is nothing in them to 
suggest any remote antiquity ; on the contrary, all the 
forms and objects they represent have the manifest 
characters of a style of decadence. They may be fitly 
compared with the sepulchral monuments found in 
considerable numbers at Kertch and in its neighbour- 
hood, none of which are projbably earlier than the 
second or third century of the Christian year. 

3. Stones inscribed with Characters in the Phoenician 
or Carthaginian Language. 

In this class, the collection sent home by Mr. Davis 
is peculiarly rich. Not less than one hundred and 
eight such stones are now in England, all of them 


discovered in the neighbourhood of Carthage, though 
not all actually excavated by Mr. Davis, a few of them 
having been found some years since by a German 
architect, M. Honegger, who resided at Tunis, and 
from whom they passed into the hands of Sir Thomas 
Reade, formerly English Consul at that place. They may 
be arranged in two classes, (1) Phoenician, (2) Late- 
Phoenician ; the distinction between them being chiefly 
in the mode of writing the characters, — the Phoenician 
letters being generally clear and sharply executed; 
the Late- Phoenician, on the other hand, being exceed- 
ingly rude in their carving, and often almost illegible. 
The material, too of the late inscriptions is frequently 
a soft, fibrous, calcareous stone, which has suffered 
much from the action of the weather. The language, 
which approximates closely to the Hebrew, is nearly 
the same in both classes. 

I have succeeded in deciphering, with the assist- 
ance of my friends Mr. Franks, the Director of the 
Society of Antiquaries, Mr. Deutsch, of the British 
Museum, and Dr. Levy, of Breslau, the whole of the 
first class of Phoenician inscriptions, amounting in 
all to ninety. These have been all engraved and 
printed at the expense of the Trustees of the British 
Museum, and will soon, I trust, be in the hands of 
those who are best able to judge of the accuracy of 
their transcription and translation. The only inscrip- 
tions not yet engraven are about eighteen, of the 
class I have termed Late-Phoenician; these I hope 
may be published at some future time in a supple- 
mentary volume. 

The material which has been adopted for the Phoe- 
nician inscriptions is, with one exception, either a 


compact limestone or a fine sandstone. Generally their 
fronts and backs are parallel, and the upper portion 
of them terminates in an acute or a pedimental 
form, with elevations at the corners, like acroteria. 
The front is usually worked to a smooth surface, the 
inscription having been subsequently engraved on it by 
means of a sharp tool ; the backs and sides are simply 
hammer-dressed. Few (if any) of the tablets are as 
perfect as they once were, many of them having lost 
their upper end, while nearly all of them were ori- 
ginally longer than they are at present. They vary 
from five to twelve and a half inches in height, from 
four to seven inches in width, and from one and a half 
to four inches in thickness. 

Of the period when they were executed it is im- 
possible to speak with precision ; but we have no rea- 
son to doubt that it must have been previously to the 
final overthrow of Carthage by the Romans. Many 
discrepancies of style in their engraving suggest, in- 
deed, considerable differences of date, and while the 
majority may be late (though not executed after the 
fall of Carthage), two at least exhibit engraving of the 
best style and time, and may be placed as early as the 
celebrated Marseilles inscription in the fourth or fifth 
century b.c. It may be further remarked, that the 
few decorations still traceable in the portions of the 
tablet above or surrounding the inscriptions, betray 
no Roman influence, but are, on the other hand, purely 
Greek. Thus the fleurons, or honeysuckle ornaments, 
exhibit a considerable resemblance to those on the 
Greek vases of the second and third century b.c The 
same is true of the egg and tongue mouldings, rosettes 
and wreaths which also occur upon them. 


Tbe deities to whom these tablets are dedicated are 
invariably Tanith-Pen-Ba&l and Baal-Hamman, both 
of whom we know to have been deities worshipped at 
Carthage. Of these the former has been shown by 
means of a bilingual inscription found at Athens, and 
now in the British Museum, 9 to be identical with the 
Oriental Artemis or Diana, who was called in more 
than one ancient writer Anaitis or Tanais (Plutarch, 
Artax. c. 27) ; the latter is probably the Belsamen of 
the ' Poenulus ' of Plautus, the Jupiter Amnion, whose 
worship we know prevailed very extensively in Africa 
and is probably the same as the Amun-Ra of tbe 

The names of the dedicators of these curious monu- 
ments (which, with two exceptions, are unquestionably 
votive and not sepulchral in their character), are, in 
most cases, of Semitic origin, and compounded of the 
names of various deities and of words denoting de- 
pendence or respect. Thus we find a series of names 
connected with Melkart, the Tyrian Hercules, such 
as Abd-Melkart, Bad-Melkart, Amt-Melkart, etc., or 
with Astareth (Astarte),as Amt-Astareth,Bad-Astareth, 

9 This inscription, formerly in the Naval and Military Museum at 
Scotland Yard, is valuable, as showing that the Abd-Tanith of the 
Phoenician legend was rendered in Greek by Xprqu&upo?. For 
*Aprc/ug % Avoltk, v. Paus. iii. c. 16, and for *Aprcfu? IIcp<rua|, Paus. 
vii. c. 6. There was also an *ApTCfu? 'A vein? at Ecbatana (Paos. 
c. 27). The usual title of Tanith on these inscriptions is Pen-Bail, 
which I have translated Facies-Baal, following a suggestion of De 
Saulcy. This agrees remarkably with a passage in Apuleius, who 
addresses the Moon as " Regina Coeli. . . . Deorum Dear unique fades 
uniformis, etc." (Metamorph. xi. 238). There is no reason to doubt 
that Tanith was the great goddess of Carthage, and thus compre- 
hended under her various types, those of the principal Greek and Ro- 
man female deities. 


Ger-Astareth, etc. The name of Asman (the Phoeni- 
cian iEsculapius) and of Baal are frequently found in 
these compositions, as, for example, in Abd-Asman, 
Bad-Asman, Mahar-Ba&l, etc. Many names too, oc- 
cur with which the classical student is familiar, such 
as Hannibal, Hanno, Hamilcar, etc. ; but there is, at 
the same time, no ground for supposing, as Mr. Davis 
has supposed, that any of the names here recorded 
are those of the historical personages above mentioned, 
though it is possible that some of them may belong to 
the same families. 

Although, however, I cannot agree with Mr. Davis, 
that he has found the actual records of Carthaginians 
of world-wide renown, I do not think that this fact de- 
tracts much from the value of the large collection of 
Phoenician inscriptions which we owe to his zeal. If 
for no other purpose, I believe that these inscriptions 
— unhistorical as I acknowledge they are — will prove 
of great use in setting at rest the often disputed ques- 
tion of Phoenician palaeography. Those who have 
studied these subjects will remember that M. de 
Saulcy, M. Iudas, the Abb£ Bourgade, and even the 
father of Phoenician interpretation, M. Gesenius, have 
often devoted pages to the discussion of the form of a 
single letter, — in many cases, doubtless, because the 
monuments they had before them had been carelessly 
copied or badly preserved. Had they had the present 
monuments before them, much ingenious research 
might have been more profitably and more successfully 

I believe I have now laid before the Society a suffi- 
cient outline of the main results of Mr. Davis's labours, 
and have omitted the description of but few monu* 


ments which could without the aid of drawings have 
been made intelligible to my hearers. 

One only question now remains, to which I must 
for a few minutes invite your attention. It is this — 
to what period are we to assign this Carthaginian 
collection ? Are we to assign the mosaics, the sculp- 
tures, and the inscriptions to one and the same date? 
or ought we rather to believe that while one class is 
almost certainly Phoenician and anterior to the over- 
throw of Carthage, none of the others can with any 
fair presumption be placed in the same category ? 

Now with regard to the mosaics, I have already 
mentioned that the earliest executed in Rome are at- 
tributed to the time of the Dictator Sylla ; but besides 
this, little evidence of the use of mosaics anywhere 
else at a period that can really be called early ; so far 
as I have ascertained, the first mosaics were made at 
Alexandria, probably about 200 B.C., and one of the 
most memorable of their early uses was in the decora- 
tion of the floors of the great ship built by Hiero II., 
king of Syracuse, about the same period. These are 
however, only incidental notices, and it can hardly be 
inferred from such scanty records that this art became 
immediately common or universal. More than this, 
if this date were to be strictly adhered to, we must 
confess that these, the earliest recorded works, were 
executed scarcely more than one hundred years before 
the final fall of Carthage, and not, as is necessary for 
Mr. Davis's theory, before the commencement of the 
Roman wars with that city. It could not therefore be 
maintained, even on chronological data, that these pave- 
ments are really the work of Phoenician Carthage. 
• When further we come to examine them as works 


of art, we are still more confirmed in this judgment ; 
not only is there no subject introduced upon them 
that we have any reason to suppose purely Phoenician, 
but every pattern we meet with on Mr. Davis's pave- 
ments occurs again and again on specimens the Ro- 
man origin of which is quite undoubted ; so much 
indeed is this the case, that except from the fact of 
their having been found at Carthage, no one would, I 
believe, have assigned them to any but Roman times 
and Roman artists. Again, when we turn to the actual 
history of Carthage, we cannot fail to see that after all 
the "Delenda est Carthago" must have been a decree of 
short duration ; since, only twenty-four years after its 
fall in b.c. 122, Gracchus sent a colony of six thousand 
settlers to this site ; that, from time to time, fresh 
colonists were continually added to its population, till 
when Strabo wrote, it had become as populous as any 
city in Africa ; that it continued to flourish more and 
more under the Empire, so that Herodian could call 
it the next city after Rome, and Ausonius deemed it 
second only to Rome and Constantinople ; that it was 
for many years one of the most important Bishoprics 
in Africa and the capital of the Vandal kingdom of 
Africa ; and that it was not finally overthrown till the 
fury of the Arab invasion of a.d. 647 carried all be-t 
fore it. 

We can hardly, therefore, be surprised that almost 
everything now found on the site of Carthage ex- 
hibits so strongly the Roman type, and that these 
and other pavements discovered there have been gene- 
rally considered by all scholars as nothing more than 
the decoration of Roman temples or villas, built above 
the ruins of the first or Punic city. Mr. Davis has 


indeed argued strenuously in favour of the Punic origir. 
of some of these pavements, either on the ground of 
the depth at which they have been found, or because 
they have been discovered near some cisterns which 
have been generally held to be relics of the ante-Ro- 
man city. I do not, however, discern much weight 
in these arguments. In the first place, who can de- 
cide what cisterns are Punic and what Roman, unless 
there be some distinguishing inscription, or symbol, or 
device upon them ? And secondly, who can: presume 
to determine how much accumulation of soil may have 
taken place on a site exposed as that of Carthage has 
been for thirteen hundred years to the constant ravages 
of time and man, to take no account of the yearly ac- 
tion of the elements on a promontory peculiarly ex- 
posed to them? T cannot help feeling that all the 
evidence we have on such matters, to say nothing of 
the general character of their workmanship, irresis- 
tibly carriea the conviction that the whole of these 
pavements belong to the best times of Roman Car- 
thage. The one with the long but fragmentary inscrip- 
tion we have seen must be Christian, and, from the 
general character of the work, and the appearance of 
the youths who bear the wreaths and fans, not earlier 
than the fourth century. 10 

With regard to the next class, that of the statues 
or busts, I have already spoken sufficiently. They 
even more, if possible, than the pavements, betray 
their Roman origin. The same may be said of the 
few specimens of architecture Mr. Davis has pre- 
served. There is no ground for believing these monu- 
ments to be of Phoenician origin, while it is much more 

10 This curious mosaic exhibits a flying figure supporting a tablet, 


probable that they belong to temples or public build- 
ing as late as the times of the Antonines. 

Of the last class, viz. that of the Inscriptions, I have 
already spoken pretty fully, especially as regards those 
to which I have given the principal attention ; those, 
for instance, which I have called Phoenician, and which 
I believe may fairly be attributed to the inhabitants 
of Carthage before it was wholly overthrown by the 

At the same time, I am well aware that some scho- 
lars will advocate a later date for many even of them, 
and will attribute them to the hands of a native popu- 
lation, who may be presumed to have subsisted side by 
side with the Roman colonists for several centuries. 
Those who hold this view are doubtless justified in 
urging the difficulty of forming a decision with regard 
to the antiquity of monuments which rest upon no his- 
torical evidence, but simply on a comparison of the 
style of the letters used on the individual inscriptions. 
No doubt, this difficulty is a real one ; and I do not 
deny that, out of the whole ninety inscriptions, a few of 

which has lost the whole of the left-hand side. It would seem to 
read as follows : — 





...... VIT OAUDENTB8 . . 





bat seems hardly capable of satisfactory restoration. It was found 
under Sidi-bou-said, about four feet underground. 


the worst and most carelessly engraved specimens may 
be a little subsequent to the fall of Carthage. At the 
same time, I cannot admit that even these ought to 
be classed with the Late-Phoenician, all of which I be- 
lieve to be at least two centuries later than the bulk of 
the earlier monuments. 

With regard to these more modern inscriptions which 
Gesenius and others have termed Numidian, but which 
I prefer calling Late-Phoenician, I believe there is no 
palaeographer who would for a moment hesitate to say 
that they are comparatively recent, and due to a period 
long subsequent to the best days of ancient Carthage. 
The character itself bears all the marks of being a de- 
rived one, and the engraving of the letters is careless 
and bad. It is, indeed, just such an imitation of the 
clear and well-defined letters of the earlier Phoenician 
monuments as we might expect to find when the people 
who had originally made use of this character had been 
for many years under the sway of a foreign dynasty. 
They exhibit, indeed, just such a change as may be 
noticed abundantly among the literal characters of 
modern India, the debased Mahratta, Burmese and 
Cinghalese writings, exhibiting a similar deflection from 
their parent, the Pali-Devanagri, which the Late-Phoe- 
nician writing exhibits from the more ancient and well- 
cut Phoenician. 

The whole question of the relative age of such 
writings depends, I believe, on a careful comparison 
of the forms of the letters occurring upon them, a 
comparison for which, in the case of the Phoenician, 
we have fortunately abundant .materials. Nor do I 
think that it is any objection to this general opinion 
that something must be allowed for the country in 


which each monument may be presumed to have been 
executed. A difference, no doubt, exists between the 
Punic writing on the sarcophagus of Asmunasar, on 
the Marseilles inscription, and on the coins of the 
satraps; but no such difference as has caused, or is 
likely to cause, any material doubts among scholars 
either as to the age of the monuments or as to the 
correct decipherment of the inscriptions which are 
found upon them. Still less need we be troubled by 
the occurrence of well-known names, such as those 
of Hannibal, Hamilcar, and others, even if found on 
monuments the writing on of which is clearly of recent 
times ; for these are simply Semitic names, and might 
be found on the inscriptions of any Semitic population 
who believed in deities called Ba&l or Melcart. 

Having now finished the account of the more espe- 
cial labours of Mr. Davis, I think it will be not out 
of place if I call the attention of the Society to the 
exertions of another labourer in the same vineyard, M. 
Beull, a well-known French archaeologist, who has re- 
cently made some very important excavations on the 
site of Carthage, and sunk shafts into the soil to a 
much greater depth than Mr. Davis was able to accom- 
plish with the limited means at his disposal. M. Beule's 
object, indeed, differed in some degree from that of 
Mr. Davis, in that he was desirous, above all things* 
of reaching the actual soil whereon the Phoenician city 
has once stood ; and for this purpose was compelled to 
limit the area of the excavations so as to penetrate 
through the vast accumulation of Roman, Byzantine, 
and even mediaeval remains, which has in process of 
time been heaped over the original town. 

M. Beule's first step was to study minutely the 

VOL. VII. 2 I 


ancient authorities, with the view to ascertain some- 
what of the topography of Carthage, there having been 
great disputes as to the exact position of many of 
the most celebrated places in the ancient city, arising 
in some degree from the incompleteness of the an- 
cient accounts, but still more from the great superficial 
depth of the dtfbris now resting on the surface soil, 
the result of the plunder by natives and strangers of all 
the cut stone they could procure for building purposes, 
and, on the western side, of the encroachments of the 
sea and the variations of level of the river Bagradas. 
Much in elucidation of this matter was performed by 
Count Falbe, who, in 1833, published an elaborate 
map of the peninsula of Carthage on a scale of nearly 
four inches to the mile ; and still more, aided no doubt 
by Falbe's map, by M. Dureau de la Malle, whose me- 
moir on the various points of Carthaginian topography, 
whether Punic, Roman, or Byzantine, is of much in- 
terest, and, in despite of some remarkable errors, has 
doubtless been of great service towards the satisfactory 
settlement of some of the disputed questions. On the 
whole, however, I am inclined to think that the recent 
researches of M. Beul6 will prove to be the most valu- 
able contribution we have received on this subject, as 
the details he gives are the result of his own exca- 
vations, and appear to be established on satisfactory 

The first and most important point M. Beul£ had to 
examine was the most probable site of the celebrated 
Byrsa, as on the accurate determination of this locality 
mainly depends the position of all the other parts of 
the city. What, then, was the ancient description of 
it ? To omit the fable of the ox's hide cut into strips, 


and the supposed connection of this name with the 
Greek Bvpo-a, we find Strabo stating Kara fiearjv & rffv 
Trokw t} dtepo7ro\i9 9 rpr e/caXovv Bvpaap, cxf>pvs l/eav£$ opOia, 
kvk\<p irepioucavaivq (xvii. 3, 14) ; and that Servius 
confirms this view, on iEn. i. 368, by saying " Car- 
thago speciem habuit dnplicis oppidi, quasi aliud al- 
teram complecteretur, cujus interior pars Byrsa dice- 
batur ;" while Orosius adds, iv. 22, " Arx cui nomen 
Byrsa erat paulo amplius quam duo millia passuum 

From all of these we should naturally gather that, 
whatever the Byrsa looked like, it was, in point of fact, 
an Acropolis, similar to those so common in Greece ; 
that it was built on a natural rock, at some little 
distance from the sea, and that round it, in process of 
time, the city spread, as from a common centre. Pro- 
bably this Acropolis at first contained the whole of the 
Tyrian colonists, the great city having been the result 
of a later and natural expansion. I may add that for 
the origin of the name we have the Aramaean birtha, 
nearly the same as the Hebrew bozrah, which means a 
tower or a fortress, and may not unnaturally have been 
applied to that of Carthage. 

Appian (viii. 117) states that below the Byrsa 
there was an extensive plain richly fertile, and well 
irrigated by artificial wells ; and that here the wealthy 
Carthaginians had their houses surrounded by gar- 
dens and quickset hedges. It is probable that this 
plain-district can be identified with what was called 
Megara, for Servius (JEn. i. 14) and Isidorus (Origin, 
xv. 1, 30) state that magar was a Punic word, meaning 
new city ; and we know that a quarter of Carthage was 
called by the Greeks NedTro7u9 : moreover, Carthago 



itself ia a corruption of KarUkhadasaU a name which, 
under the form of Karthada, we learn from Solinus 
meant " new city " (c. 27. 10), and which occurs con- 
stantly on the fine coins usually attributed to Panormus 
(Palermo), but, doubtless, struck by the Carthaginians 
in Sicily. If this theory be correct, therefore, the old 
town was called the Byrsa, while the rich and best-built 
portion ultimately gave its name of Carthago to the 
whole. 11 

I may remark, en passant, that the building of a 
newer and grander town beside the original old one 
was a very common Oriental custom. Thus we have 
an old Babel and a new Babylon, an old Nineveh and 
a new Mosul, etc. ; while in Panormus, the richest 
of the Carthaginian colonies, there was a portion of 
the town which, like Carthage, bore the name of 

The position of the Byrsa can readily be recognized 
by any one who attentively surveys the ground ; there 
being but one conical hill which really answers the de- 
scriptions of the ancient writers, and which, though 
now of course very different superficially from what 
it was in the best days of Carthage, is manifestly 
the central position whereby all other parts of the 
city must be determined. Strange, however, to say, 
though apparently so clear, there have not been want- 
ing some travellers, like Mr. Blakesley, who have tried 
to find the Byrsa in other parts of Carthage ; not to 
omit M. Barth, who, unnecessarily and gratuitously, 
imagined that it was, in part at least, an artificial ele- 
vation, constructed like the x^H^ Ta of the Babylonians. 

II Magalia, another name for old Carthage, is probably another 
form of the word Magar. 


If this be so, we cannot doubt that the ancient 
Byrsa is now represented by the hill of St. Louis, — a 
view which has been greatly confirmed by M. Beule, 
who sank shafts at various intervals along its surface, 
and who found that the surface above the live rock 
was entirely composed of debris varying from fourteen 
to twenty feet in thickness, the native rock being itself 
an argillaceous grit, yellowish in colour and easy to 
work. It is probable that the Carthaginians levelled 
the surface of this rock, so as to render it more fit to 
receive the great works which they placed upon it. I 
may add that there is a curious piece of incidental 
identification afforded by a passage in Silius ltalicus, 
who, speaking of the temple of Elisa, or Dido, which 
he states was on the Byrsa, adds — 

" Quod taxi circum et pice® squalentibus ambris 

Now it is a remarkable fact, that, at the present 
time, there are groves of fir-trees at the back of the 
chapel at St. Louis, and nowhere else on the plains of 
Carthage ; and further, I may remark that the story 
of the temple of Dido on the Acropolis is analogous to 
the story of the house of Romulus, said to have been 
preserved on the Capitol at Rome ; to the resting- 
place of Erechtheus on the Acropolis at Athens ; and 
to the Sisyphion, or ancient abode of Sisyphus, on 
the Aero-Corinth. It is clear, at all events, that the 
ancient conception of Dido's palace was, that it was 
the highest spot within the walls, an idea confirmed 
by Statius's description of it (viii. 135) : 

" Cujus de sede dabatur 
Cernere cuncta freta et totam Carthaginis urbem." 

It will not, of course, be expected that I should 


attempt to prove topography from the descriptions of 
the poets, but we may justly allow them a certain 
weight, as embodying the popular traditions of the 
times when they wrote. 

There were, besides the reputed palace or temple of 
Dido, other buildings of importance, the position of 
which within or upon the Byrsa are unquestionable. 
Among these was the temple of Asmsn, the ^Esculapius 
of the Phoenicians. Appian describes it at length, and 
6tates that it was on the side overlooking the forum ; 
it was the place where the Senate of Carthage was ac- 
customed to meet in troubled times, as the Senate of 
Rome did under similar circumstances in the temple 
of Concord. It is remarkable that we have no account 
of any existence in Punic times of a temple to Jupiter, 
or, to the least, the Tyrian Hercules, though he was 
supposed to be the Archegetes of the colony. When, 
however, Carthage was rebuilt by the Romans, notices 
of all these buildings and of a magnificent temple and 
palace to Dido are recorded ; and M. Beule, in his 
excavations, has found sufficient remains to show that 
the restored temple of /Esculapius was of the Corin- 
thian order, and that of Jupiter of the Ionic. 

Adjoining the temple of iEsculapius, and probably 
within its repa/o^ was the curia of the senate, and the 
public library ; while, from passages in Tacitus, in St 
Cyprian, in Victor Vitensis, and in Prooopius, it would 
seem that the palace of the Proconsul was in the same 

The position of the Byrsa determined, we are able 
to place that of several other spots ; thus the temple 
of Juno was certainly on a separate small hill, which 
was not enclosed within the walls of Carthage till the 


city had greatly extended itself; in fact, the place of 
the temple of Juno was quite analogous with those of 
the most ancient sanctuaries of that goddess in Greece, 
as at Argos and Samos. Compare Paus. ii. 18, Herod, 
ix. 96, Athen. xiii. p. 372. 

Again, the town- walls partly depend on the Byrsa ; 
for Orosius tells us, that on the side of the Lake of 
Tunis, the town-wall and that of the Byrsa were one 
and the same. Of their vast size and strength we 
have ample details in Diodorus and Appian, and, if 
these authorities can in the least be depended on, there 
must still be considerable remains of these works, 
though, like the surface of the Byrsa, covered now 
deeply by the d&ris of ages. No one can suppose 
that the decree " Delenda est Carthago " was accom- 
plished by Scipio as literally as Orosius would lead us 
to suppose, where he states — 

"Omni murali lapide in pulverera comminuto" (iv. 23). 

The greater part of the destruction was doubtless, as 
we have suggested, due to the plundering of all the 
available building-stone by successive generations of 
rulers. Indeed what they have done is by no means 
left to conjecture. Edrisi tells us how this system 
of plunder was carried on in his days ; the people 
of Pisa claim the marbles of Carthage as the stone 
whereof their cathedral was built ; Marmol, the friend 
of Charles V., states the same of the Genoese; and, 
in quite modern times, Ahmed Bey, the last ruler of 
Constantineh, built his palace there from them. The 
Beys of Tunis, therefore, and the last English consul, 
Sir Thomas Reade, have but followed the example so 
often set them before. 

Still, in spite of all this havoc, we might presume 


that some of the foundation-stones would be in situ, 
the greater part of the plunder having doubtless be- 
longed to the second or Roman Carthage; and this 
indeed is one of the facts which have been proved 
by the excavations of M. Beule, who commenced his 
works by digging down by the side of the Byrsa, and 
who found at last the basements of the wall that sur- 
rounded it, which measured more than thirty feet ia 
thickness ; and, along the outside of these walls, the 
remains of a road or street, probably that whereby, in 
ancient times, the inhabitants ascended up to the ci- 
tadel. It is clear that the researches which M. Beule 
was thus led to undertake, have been most valuable 
because, partly owing to the great depth below the 
present surface-soil, at which the Phoenician remains, 
if any, must now repose, none of the previous explorers 
of Carthage have been able to prove whether actual 
relics of the Punic city do really exist in situ ; all that 
had been done before M. Beul£ commenced his exca- 
vations was to determine what still remained above, 
or but little below the present ground, and these could 
hardly be anything else but the memorials of either 
the Roman colony or of the works of the Vandal and 
Turkish rulers. Thus all the mosaics that have been 
met with repose upon a bed of comparatively recent 
origin, and, for this reason alone, could not be con- 
sidered as the ornamental works of the Punic inhabi- 
tants of Carthage. 

M. Beule commenced his explorations on the west- 
ern side, where M. Falbe has already noticed vaults 
and other debris, attributed by him to the triple wall 
of the ancient city, and which M. Dureau de la Malle 
supposed to have been either the prisons of Gelimer, 


or the cavern where Caecilius Basrus professed to have 
found the treasures of Dido. M. Beul£ succeeded in 
proving that these vaults were neither more nor less 
than a series of Roman cisterns, the natural inclination 
of the ground at this point being favourable for the 
collection of the winter rains. On opening some 
trenches to the north, opposite the presumed site of 
tae temple of Juno, M. Beul£ next discovered two 
walls, the latter one evidently rebuilt, and perceived that 
both of them had been constructed from previous and 
Roman buildings, many fragments of Roman architec- 
ture having been noticed embedded in them. These 
therefore, he concluded, must be of Byzantine times, 
and probably remains of the Vandal city. Proceeding 
onwards, he came to still more enormous blocks of 
masonry, all of them, however, detached from their 
original places, and rearranged doubtless by the Ro- 
man architects. He then carried his workmen to the 
south, on the side of which the rock of the Byrsa is 
the most escarped, and where, as was foreseen, the 
covering of debris was the most shallow : he here met 
with quantities of cinders and other manifest traces 
of a long-enduring and intense conflagration. Curi- 
ously enough, along this side were the remains of 
very early Arabian tombs, built of the d&bris of former 
buildings, the date of which is probably that of the 
colonization of a.d. 1180, but may perhaps ascend to 
the period of the first Arab conquest of Carthage by 
Hassan, in a.d. 697. 

After great labour, and, in one instance, after sink- 
ing his shaft through fifty-six feet of dJbris, M. Beul£ 
came upon solid walls, which he reasonably supposes 
to have been those of the original Byrsa, a view which 


appears the more certain, as we have the direct asser- 
tion of history that New or Roman Carthage was not 
surrounded by walls. The discovery, therefore, of 
such great structures at so great a depth below the 
existing surface, almost affords proof that they were 
the original and Phoenician works. The character of 
the ground around these walls showed clearly that M. 
Beul£ had lighted upon the part which was destroyed 
by Scipio. 

Appian states that Scipio, having taken the ports 
by surprise, found in front of him three streets, with 
houses six stories high, running along them. These 
he at once set fire to, some writers asserting that the 
fire lasted seven days, others seventeen. Now, it is 
a curious fact that, all over these most ancient walls, 
M. Beuld found a bed of cinders from three feet six 
inches to four feet nine inches thick; and among 
the cinders many blocks of cedar or pine, in some 
instances not wholly burnt through, and exhibiting an 
appearance as though the lower part of the burnt ma- 
terials had been stifled, ere completely calcined, by 
the want of air. United with these were found quan- 
tities of fused metal, iron, copper, tin, and glass, in all 
cases so completely transformed by the action of in- 
tense heat, that it was no longer possible to form even 
a conjecture what purpose they had originally served. 

Still more complete evidence of the character of 
these walls was afforded by the fact that within them 
were found quantities of fragments of pottery, and 
these always of that brownish colour which belongs 
to the archaic vases of Corinth, Athens, There, and 
even Etruria. M. Beule was ultimately able to de- 
termine the exact character of this wall. He found 


that its entire thickness was about thirty-three feet, 
constructed of massive blocks of tufo ; but that, 
through it, there were a series of hollow ways which 
reduced the thickness so much that the external por- 
tion, or actual defence against the battering-ram, was 
only from twelve to thirteen feet in thickness. Within, 
towards the hill and completely sunk in the solid wall, 
were a series of chambers resembling those of bomb- 
proof bastions, each of them about twenty feet in 
depth and ten feet wide, separated the one from the 
other by transverse walls four feet thick. It is re- 
markable that Appian, whose narrative is confirmed by 
Diodorus, gives to the ancient walls the exact thick- 
ness of those thus discovered, and states that, within 
them, were constructed chambers which served as 
stables for the horses and elephants. ' Most of the 
blocks used in their construction are five feet broad, 
three feet three inches thick, four feet three inches 
high; and the transverse walls, which are the best 
preserved, still exist to the height of from thirteen to 
sixteen feet. 

Such is a brief notice of the most important of M. 
Beute's discoveries. 1 think there can be no question 
that he has reached the base of the original Phoenician 
walls ; and I trust that funds may be supplied to him 
by the archaeologists of France to enable him to pro- 
secute more completely the important excavations he 
has so happily commenced. 

W. S. W. Vaux. 




(Read AprU 14, 1863.) 

The poem on a fight between Conlach and Cuchullin, 
is one of those valuable fragments of the old Gaelic 
which have just been published by M'Lauchlan and 
Skene, under the title of the Dean of Lismore's Book. 
See pp. 50-53 for the English translation and pp. 34- 
36 of the original. No remark is made upon it except 
those taken from the text itself and the notes. It is 

This tale is by Gilliecallum M'Aan Olave. 

That the father kills the son, and that his mother, in 
revenge for Cuchullin's having forsaken her, sent her 
son into Ireland under a vow never to disclose his 
name unless conquered in battle, and that she did it 
with a purpose, is stated in one note. In another, 
Cuchullin's wife is said to have been unwilling that he 
should engage with Conlach. In a third a reference 
is made to the Persian tale of Zohrab and Rustum ; 
with the remark that the two tales must have had a 
common origin. Without examining the details of this 
opinion, the present writer simply compares the Gaelic 


poem with the well-known German (Frank or Saxon) 
of Hildebrand and Hathubrand ; making, of course, 
mutatis mutandis, the same suggestion. The parts 
wherever the details are the closest, are in italics. No 
comment is added, the reader being left to form his 
own opinion as to both the amount of likeness and 
the cause of it. 


/ have heard a tale of old, 
A tale that should make us weep ; 
'Tis time to relate it sadly. 
Although it should fill us with grief. 
Rury's race of no soft grasp, 
Children of Connor and Connal ; 
Bravely their youth did take the field, 
In Ulster's noble province. 
None with joy returned home 
Of Banva's proudest heroes. 
For as they once more tried the fight, 
Rury's race did win the day. 
There came to us, fierce his mien, 
The dauntless warrior, Conlach, 
To learn of our beauteous land, 
From Dunseaich to Erin. 
Connor spoke thus to his men :— 
' Who's prepared to meet the youth, 
And of him to take account; 
Who will take no refusal ? " 
Then the strong-armed Connal went* 
Of the youth to take account ; 
The end of their fight was this, 
Conlach had bound Connal. 
Yet the hero did not halt ; 
Conlach, brave and vigorous, 


He bound a hundred of our men, 

It is a strange and mournful tale. 

To the hounds' great chief a message 

Was sent by Ulster's wise king. 

To sunny, fair Dundalgin, 

The old, wise fort of the Gael, 

That stronghold of which we read, 

And the prudent daughter of Forgan. 

From thence came he of great deeds, 

To see our generous king : 

To know of Ulster's great race, 

There came to us the red branch Cu, 

His teeth like pearl, cheeks like berries. 
"Long," said Connor to the Cu, 
" Has been thine aid in coming. 

While Connal, who loves bold steeds, 

Is bound, and a hundred more." 
" Sad for me to be thus bound, 

Friend, who couldst soon unloose me." 
" I couldn't encounter his sword, 

And that he has bound brave Connal." 
"Refuse not to attack him. 

Prince of the sharp, blue sword, 

Whose arm ne'er quailed in conflict, 

Think of thy patron now in bonds." 

When Cuchullin, of the thin-leaved sword, 

Heard the lament of Connal, 

He moved in his arm's great might 

To take of the youth account. 
" Tell us now that I have come, 

Youth who fearest not the fight, 

Tell us now, and tell at once, 

Thy name, and where's thy country ?" 
" Ere I left home I had to pledge 

That I should never that relate ; 

Were I to tell to living man, 

For thy love's sake I'd tell it thee." 
" Then must thou with me battle do, 

Or tell thy tale as a friend. 

Choose for thyself, dear youth, 


Bat mind, to fight me is a risk ; 

Let us not fight, I pray thee, 

Brave leopard, pride of Erin, 

Boldest in the battle-field, 

My name I would tell untaught." 

Then did they commence the fight, 

Nor was it the fight of women. 

The youth received a deadly wound, 

He of the vigorous arm. 

Yet did Cuchullin of battles, 

The victory on that day lose, 

His only son had fallen, slain, 

That fair, soft branch, so gentle, brave. 
"Tell us now," said skilful Cu, 
" Since thou art at our mercy, 

Thy name and race, tell us in full; 

Think not to refuse thy tale." 
" Conlach I, Cuchullin's son, 

Lawful heir of great Dundalgin, 

It was I thou left'st unborn, 

When in Skiath thou wast learning. 

Seven years in the east I spent, 

Gaining knowledge from my mother ; 

The pass by which I have been slain 

Was all I needed still to learn.' 

Then does the great Cuchullin see 

His dear son's colour change ; 

As of his generous heart he thinks, 

His memory and mind forsake him ; 

His body's excellency departs, 

His grief it was destroyed it ; 

Seeing as he lay on the earth 

The rightful heir of Dundalgin ; 

Where shall we find his like, 

Or how detail his grief ? 
I have. 



/ heard that gay, 

That they challenged in single combat. 
Hiltebraht and Hathubraht, 
Between the armies, 

They made ready their war-coats, 

They girt their swords on, 

Heroes over the ring, 

When they to the war rode. 

Hiltebraht spoke, 

Heribrant's son, 

He was the nobler man, 

Of age more wise. 

He ... . 

With few words, who his " father was, 

In the folk of men, 

Or of what kin thou beest." 
" If thou me only sayest, 

I forbear contest, 

Child in kingdom, 

Known is me all mankind." 

Hadubraht answered, Hildebrant's son, 
"That said to me 

Oar people, old and wise, 

Who of yore were 

That Hilbrant hight my father. 

(I hight Hadubrant) 

Fore, hence eastward departed, 

Fled Odoacer's spite, 

I . . .it Theodoric, 

And of his thanes many, 

He left in land 

Little to sit. 

Bride in bower ; 


Bairn un waxen, 
Heirdomless heir, 
Eastward him ... 

Of my kinsman, 

That was so friendless a man, 

He was to Odoacer unequal, 

Of thanes worthiest, 

As long as to Theodoric. 

He was even of the people at the end (top), 

Him was the fight too dear, 

Known was he to keen men, 

I ween not whether he live. 

Wot thou Irmin-gott," quoth Hildibrand 

Over in heaven, 

That then . . . 

Wound he then of arm 
Thou wounden bow, 

Which to him since the king gave, 

The Lord of the Huns, 
" That I to thee in favour give," 

Hadubraht answered, Hildebrand's son ; 
" With arms shall man 

Gifts receive, 

Point to point against . • . 

Thou beest, old Hun, unequal 
. . . . thou prickest me 

With thy words, 
. . . now 

With spear cast, 

Beest so aged a man, 

That said to me, 

Westwards over the Vandal Sea, 
That man war took, 
Dead is Hiltibraht 
VOL. VII. 2 K 



Heribrant's son. 9 ' 
Hildebraht answered, 
Heribraht's son : 
"Well see I 
In thy harness, 

That thou no good master hast, 
That thou still by this kingdom 
Hero art not, 

Well away, now, great God." 
Quoth Hiltibrant : 
" We will decide ! 
I wandered summer and winter. 
Sixty out of the land 
There they me . . . 
In the folk ...» 
So they me at any burg 

. . . not fastened. 
Now me . . . child 
With sword hew 

. . . with his bill, 
Or I to him be the bane. 
Still mayest thou easily 
If to thee thy strength, . . . 

. . . . noble man 
With arms win, 
Prey to ravens, 
If thou there any right hast." 

Quoth Hildibradt . . . 
" Now it so well pleases thee, 

Then let thy first 
With axes ..." 
With sharp showers, 
That on the shields sounded ; 
They dashed together 


They hewed harmfully 
The white shields, 
And to them their lindens 
Little were. 

The translation of the German poem was made 
some months ago by the present author, for a very dif- 
ferent purpose, and was published a few weeks before 
the book of the Dean of Lismore. All the parts he 
had any doubt about he left blank ; and he thinks it 
better to give it, at the present time, in its original 
form, than to either add or subtract. 





(Lu k la stance du 11 juin 1862.) 

J'ai Thonneur de communiquer k l'Acad&nie une d£- 
couverte qui pourra servir & faire connaitre toute Futi- 
lity que Ton peut retirer, au point de vue des origines, 
d'un element fort n£glig£ jusqu'ici dans les Etudes 
arch£ologiques. Cet £l£ment n'est autre que la nomen- 
clature des noras de lieux d'une contr£e, habitus ou non, 
de montagne, vallon, cours d'eau, promontoire, 6tang, 
etc. etc. II est logique d'admettre, que chaque asso- 
ciation humaine qui s'est fix£e la premiere sur un sol, 
a du determiner et arr&er toutes les designations de 
cette nature n£cessaires h. ses fins, soit qu'elle appor- 
t&t avec elle un langage tout fait, ou bien que la forma- 
tion de son idiome soit post£rieure & l'£poque de son 
£tablissement. II est Evident aussi que ces designations 
ont 6t6 prises dans son langage m£me. Certes, si les 
races ne s'&aient pas melees, rien ne serait plus facile 
que la classification des elements que fournirait la plus 


superficielle investigation. Malheureusement, il n'en 
serait pas ainsi pour les pays anciennement habitus, k 
ce que Ton suppose. Ici, la conqu&e aurait succes- 
sivement d£pos£ sur le m£me sol, comme les couches 
multiples d'un limon different de nature, vingt peuples 
dont le langage ne se ressemble point. Et en admet- 
tant que chaque nouvelle conqudte ait amen£ une nou- 
velle modification, dans le sens du dernier idiome in- 
troduit, comment est-il possible de se reconnaitre au 
milieu d'une telle confusion ? C'est Ik du moins l'opi- 
nion admise. C'est contre cette opinion que j'aurai k 
1 utter lorsque j'avancerai, par exemple, que sur un sol 
qui m'est tres-familier, j'en conviens, les deux versants 
des extremes Pyr&i&s-Orientales, entre le cours de 
l'Aude, de la S£gre et la M£diterran&, k peu pr&s, je 
puis demontrer que la plus grande partie des noms de 
lieu est tir£e de la langue romane. Elle n'en sera 
que plus rebelle si j'ose affirmer que deux mille noms 
de lieu environ, relev£s sur les cartes de la Kersonese 
taurique, bords du Palus Mosotis et du Pont Euxin, 
presentent le m6me caract£re, d'oil r£sulterait que 
Tidiome vulgaire de la Gaule celtique et nord de 
l'Ib£rie aurait 6ie introduit dans ces deux demises 
contrees par une Emigration appartenant a des peuples 
A€)k &ablis sur le sol de la p£ninsule cimm&ienne et 
ses environs. 

Je suis loin d'ignorer tous les £cueils que contient 
le terrain mouvant de l'&ymologie. La savante Aca- 
d£mie devant laquelle j'ai l'honneur de parler d£cidera 
si je suis parvenu a les Eviter tous, ou en partie. 

II est d'abord un premier principe k poser, demon- 
trer et &ablir assez solidement pour qu'il resiste k 
toute objection, car il forme la base sur laquelle repose 



principalement mon travail. Ce principe c'est: gue 
les noms de lieu monosyllabiques ne sont pas sujets, gkn4- 
ralement parlant, a produire des erreurs d'itymologie, 
etant pris dans les limites assez Hroites ci-dessus indi- 
queeSy c'est-k-dire I'Aude, la Shgre et la mer. Malheu- 
reusement, ils ne sont pas nombreux, et jusqu'& pre- 
sent je n'en ai recueilli que 126. 

Nomenclature dee Name monosyllabiques dee Lieux halite's eur lee 
deux versanti dee Tyrknies-Orientales extremes : 














les arts 




les arcs 









vase k liquide 












je fais 






























chute d'eau 


gue i 


petit pain 
















































rochers aigus 






il sort 



















du lard 




















prix fait 











le sort 
















il tisse 








terrain mur£ 


il sort 

































486 l'origine scytho-cimm£rienne 

COUB8 d'eAU. 

Roman. Franqais. Roman. Franyiis. 

Lli ou Gli 1 lin Ter terre 

Tet mamelle Tort tortueax 

Ainsi que Ton peut s'en assurer, en consultant les 
dictionnaires de la langue catalane, Tun des dialectes 
du Roman, la signification de 100 environ de ces noms 
de lieu monosyllabiques est bien Itablie. On peut 
done admettre leur fondation par un peuple qui em- 
ployait A€]k l'idiome ou langage dont ils font partie. 
Que de plus les conqu£rants postdrieurs, quoique par- 
lant une langue difFerente, n'ont pas chang£ les noms 
de lieu en leur attribuant une designation tir£e de la 
leur, cela me parait clair. Mais, puisque ces lieux 
monosyllabiques ont conserve leur designation primi- 
tive intacte k travers toutes les couches de conquerants 
k langages divers, on peut admettre aussi que des noms 
polysyllabiques ont subi le m£me sort, et sont parvenus 
jusqu'& nous purs de tout melange ou alteration. Que 
Ton peut alors controler leur origine au moyen de la 
langue, sauf k tenir compte de la terminaison qui quel- 
quefois, mais pas toujours, s'est prise a imiter la forme 
du dernier idiome dominateur. 

Maintenant, je dois faire V observation suivante: 
restant toujours dans les limites de territoire fort 
restreintes que je me suis imposes, je ne constate une 
grande tentative de transformation appellative qu'& 
l'£poque de Introduction du Christianisme. La cons- 
truction de tant de chapel les, chacune sous invoca- 
tion d'un saint, dont le nom tout personnel n'&ait 

1 La gly peut etre l'abreviatioa de FaygiiaU, masse d'e 


pas toujours en rapport avec le langage de la popula- 
tion qui l'introduisait chez elle, a manque produire un 
bouleversement general dans les denominations dont il 
s'agit. Et cependant, presque partout, les designations 
anciennes ont constamment lutte, m£me avec succ£s, 
contre les intruses. Cette lutte, victorieuse assez g£n£- 
ralement, des anciennes appellations contre les nou- 
velles, quand il s'agissait d'une transformation aussi 
radicale qu'un cbangement de religion, doit, il me 
semble, d&nontrer toute la profondeur de leurs racines 
dans le sol dont elles ont pris une fois possession. En 
effet, c'est 6eulement dans un nombre de cas fort li- 
mite, que le nom du saint a tout k fait remplace le 
nom de lieu precedent. Dans un nombre de cas plus 
etendu, ces deux noms se sont conserves ensemble 
jusqu'a nous. Hors ces exceptions, les anciennes de- 
nominations ont gen£ralement r£si6t£. 

Ce n'est pas k l'influence de la langue latine que 
Ton peut attribuer les designations primitives, puisque 
plus d'un demi-si&cle avant la conqudte romaine cette 
contree etait couverte de nombreuses tribus d'origine 
diverse, mais la plupart gauloises. Pour s'en convaincre, 
ii suffit de consulter Polybe, Tite-Live et Pline. A 
cette race appartenaient les Sardones d'apr&s le pre- 
mier auteur, et les Ilerdenses d'apr&s le troisi&me, 3 quoi- 
que les deux tribus fussent etablies sur les deux ver- 
sants opposes des Pyr£n£es. Cela s'explique par un 
passage de Diodore de Sicile, ou il est dit qu'apres 
de longues guerres, Iberes et Celtes s'accord&rent mu- 
tuellement le droit de fonder des etablissements sur 
chacun de leurs territoires respectifs que divisait la 
ligne des Pyrenees. Le poete Silius Italicus dit aussi : 

* V. Plin. Hist. Nat. liv. iii. 

488 i/orjgine scytho-cimmSrienne 

" Pyrene celsa nimbosi verticis arce, divisos Celtis longe 
prospectat Iberos." L'autorit^ de Polybe dtablit le 
mdme fait. 

(Polybe) ... II ajoute meme express^ment : c< que 
les deux villes d'llliberis et Ruscino £taient habitues 
par les Gaulois. 3 

Pline dit textuellement: "Narbonensis provincia. . . 
agrorum cultu . . . opum . . . nulli postferenda, bre- 
viterque Italia verius quam provincia." 4 Puisque la 
Gaule narbonnaise &ait legale de l'ltalie en richesse 
et en culture, c'est probablement qu'elle I'&ait aussi en 

Ici done, les deux mots Gaulois et Celte sont syno- 
nymes, par opposition a celui d'lb&re, en tant qu'ils 
indiquent une m6me nationality. Afin de conserver 
1'unitt? de but que je donne k mon m^moire, je ne dirai 
pas encore quels sont les &ablissements dont les noms, 
de physionomie grecque ou ibere, d^montrent une fon- 
dation primitive par des individus appartenant k ces 
peuples, qui v£curent longteraps cote-a-cote avec les 
autres, meles, mais rion confondus ; jusqu'k ce que la 
conqugte romaine eut commence la fusion. J'en aurai 
l'occasion ailleurs, en parlant des races et de leurs ori- 
gines. Cette contr^e dut 6tre tr&s-anciennement habi- 
tee. J'en donnerai pour preuve un fait de l'ordre geo- 
logique, et je le mentionne de visu. Vers l'ann& 1844 
ou 45, lorsqu'on creusait le nouveau bassin k flot de 
Portvendres ; k huit metres de profondeur dans le sous* 
sol, et six metres au-dessous du niveau de la mer, sur 
le roc nu, fut ddcouverte une tfite humaine qui parais- 
sait appartenir k un individu du sexe f&ninin. II faut 

3 V. AthSnee, liv. viii. chap. ii. : de la Gaule. 

4 V. Plinius, Naturalis Historia, lib., iii. 


bien connaitre les lieux, pour pouvoir apprecier m£me 
par Evaluation combien est grand le nombre des si&cles 
qui se sont &oul£s, accumulls les uns 6ur les autres, 
avant que ces huit metres de detritus ont recouvert, de 
leurs couches successives, le cadavre qui fut d'abord 
au fond de l'eau, mais qui ne sy trouvait plus lors de 
la d^couverte ; car la mer avait 6t6 rejet£e plus loin 
par les terres d'alluvion £lev£es au-dessus de son niveau. 
D 'autre part, l'existence des Celtes comme nation dans 
l'ouest de TEurope est dej& constats au cinqui£me 
siecle avant notre bre par le t^moignage d'Herodote, 
de ra£me que celle des Iberes. 

Sur la constitution de la langue romane, nous ne 
connaissons.pas de document authentique ant&ieur de 
date k celui que Ton trouve impriml dans la collec- 
tion Bouquet. 5 C'est le serment mutuel pretE Tan 
842 k Argentaria, maintenant Strasbourg, par les deux 
fils de Louis le Debonnaire d'une part, et le peuple de 
I' autre. Au-delk de cette £poque, nous en sommes t6- 
duits a glaner, comme je le fais ici. 

Strabon mentionne comme employes de son temps 
par les Iberes deux mots qui se trouvent encore dans 
le Catalan, quoique l'acception que cet auteur leur at- 
tribue ait disparu. lis portaient, dit cet auteur, des 
boucliers qu'ils appelaient pels. Ce mot signifie encore 
peaux en mouillant 17, et poils en la laissant simple ; 
c'est-k-dire que Strabon a pris un mot gen&ique dans 
un sens special. Leur sol, d'apr&s lui, &ait ravage par 
la multiplication constante des lapins, qu'ils appelaient 
liberties. II paraitrait que le mot conil, en Latin cu- 
niculus, ne leur £tait pas encore connu ; et que pour 
eux, le lapin n'&ait qu'un petit ltevre, maintenant lle- 

6 V. vol, vii. p. 35. 


490 i/origine SCYTHO-CIMlfliRIEKNE 

brete, deriv^ de llebre, qui produit aussi llebrasse, ou 
gros li&vre. Cesar dans ses Commentaires mentionne 
environ 65 noms de Gaulois, qui offrent presque tous 
un sens dans la langue romane actuelle ; chacun peut 
verifier cette concordance (a la fin). 

Le t£moignage de plusieurs auteurs, soit historiens, 
geographes, etc., latins et grecs, dont les mentions re- 
montent jusqu'a l'ann£e 218 avant notre £re, atteste 
l'existence d'une foule de tribus, ou populations, qui 
portaient alors des noms encore existants aujourd'hui. 
Mais, pour le comprendre, il est necessaire d'observer : 
que ces auteurs ne se sont fait faute de d£figurer les 
noms tels que les disaient les naturels du pays dans 
leur langage indigene, afin de leur donner la physio- 
nomie qu'exigeaient les regies s£v£res de leur idiome, 
soit grec ou latin. Je me dispenserai de citer, parce 
que je n'aurais ici que I'embarras du choix. Ainsi, 
lorsqu'on veut r&ablir un nom de lieu dans son inte- 
grity primitive, on y r^ussit gen£ralement, si Ton ren- 
tre dans l'esprit du dialecte local ; cette m&hode, que 
je suis containment, me conduit k de bons r&ultats. 

Puisque des appellations telles que : Ceretani, Can- 
suarani, Bar gnsii y jErenosi,(Cer dans, Conserans, Berga- 
dans, Arenosos,) etc., composes de plusieurs syllabes, 
sont parvenues jusqu'a nous telles quelles, quoique 
.existant plusieurs siecles avant notre ere ; a plus forte 
raison il doit en etre ainsi pour des villas monosylla- 
biques dont l'humilite etait une garantie contre tout 
bouleversement, r&ultat d'une attaque victorieuse apr£s 
lutte. La principale difficult^ consiste k s£parer d'a- 
bord les designations d'origine celtique ou gauloise des 
Iberes. Elle n'est pas petite, j'en conviens. C'est la 
tache que je me suis impost dans ce memoire, a 


l'aide dune serie d'op&ations et recherches qui se lient 

J'ai d'abord reconnu dans la langue catalane, qui 
n'est, comme personne ne 1'ignore, qu'un dialecte du 
Roman, l'existence de synonymes r£els, complets, dont 
la forme est si difl£rente qu'elle accuse aussi une di- 
versite d'origine, k premiere vue. Je puis citer en pre- 
mier lieu les deux mots arena et sourra, qui signifient 
£galement sable. On voit bien qu'il ne peut exister au- 
cune filiation entr'eux. Dans mon opinion, ils ont servi 
a designer deux tribus d'origine, ou pour mieux dire, 
de constitution diffSrente, etablies sur le littoral ou les 
sables de la M£diterran£e. La premi&re, Ibfcre, h ce que 
je crois, et connue sous le nom 6!Mrenosos, habitait, 
au pied du versant hispanique des Pyr^nees-Orientales 
pr£s de la rivifere AErena, les deux villages encore ap- 
peles Arenis de mar et Arenis de munt. La deuxi&me, 
connue sous le nom de Sourredans et d'origine ceU 
tique, habitait le versant gaulois de ces m£mes mon- 
tagnes. 6 Pomponius Mela l'appelle Sordones, tandis 
que Pline lui donne le nom de Sardones et Surdaones. 
Cette derni&re traduction est celle qui se rapproche 
le plus de son nom r&l. II a disparu comme divi- 
sion politique territoriale, mais il existe encore dans la 
langue et signifie les habitants des sables, tout comme 
le synonyme AErenosos. Cette derntere tribu est men- 
tionn£e dans Polybe comme Tune de celles qui furent 
soumises par les Carthaginois lors de leur passage sous 
les ordres d'Annibal. On ne peut done supposer que 
les Romains aient introduit chez elle le mot arena, qui 
est latin aussi, puisqu'ils n'avaient pas encore conquis 
cette contr^e. Je ferai remarquer, en passant, la dif- 

' e V. Carte n° 4134, portef. n° 189, Bibl. Imp. Paris. 

492 l'origine scytho-cimm£riknne 

ference des deux terminaisons, Tune en ans, et Tautre 
en os; et j'aurai plus tard 1 'occasion de d&nontrer 
que la premiere doit appartenir a une tribu gauloise, 
lorsque la seconde characterise une origine hispanique. 
Un passage du poete latin Festus Avienus, qui 6cri- 
vait vers le commencement du 5 e si&cle de notre £re, 
sa description de la cote maritime, vient k l'appui de 
mon opinion. Je crois devoir le citer textuellement & 
cause des Iclaircissements qu'il donne ; le void : 

" Post Pyrenaeum jugam 
Jacent arenae littoris Cynetici, 
Easque late sulcat amnis Roschinus, 
Hoc Sordicenae, ut diximus, glebae solum est. 
Stagnum hie, palusque quippe diffuse patet, 
Et incolae istam Fordicen 7 cognominant, 
Praeterque, vasti gurgitis crepulas aquas ; 
Nam propter amplum marginis laxae ambitum 
Ventis tumescit saepe percellentibus. 
Stagno hoc ab ipso Sordus amnis effluit." 8 

Ce que Pauteur appelle Litus Cyneticum ne peut etre 
que la partie du littoral connue encore sous le nom de 
plage de Canet, d'aprfes le village actuel, qui evidem- 
ment existait de son temps, et peut-6tre raeme deja 
du temps d'Herodote, suivant deux passages de cet 
auteur. (V. liv. ii. 33, et liv. iv. 49.) Avienus cons- 
tate parfaitement la nature sablonneuse du sol habite 
par les Sardones maritimes, le cours capricieux de la 
Tety qui le ravage en tout sens, et l'&ang qu'elle forme, 
dans son cours k d£faut de lit regulier, jusqu'a ce 

7 Faute d'impression pour Sordicen. s 

8 V. BibL Imp. opera quae extant ; Matriti, 1 634 ; in- 4°, p. 36, 
v. 558 : ore maritime descriptio. 


qu'elle en trouve. II n'oublie pas (Tobserver que les 
habitants donnent k cette nature de sol le nom de sor- 
dicen ; c'est ainsi qu'il traduit le mot Catalan sourredes; 
en Fran?ais, terrains sablonneux, qu'ils soient, ou non, 
couverts d'une nappe d'eau superficielle. II r&ulterait 
aussi du texte pr&site que I'&ang form£ par les eaux 
de la Tet, que l'auteur appelle Arnnis Roschinus et Sor- 
dus, aurait 6t6 aussi d£sign£ sous le raeme nom de 
Sordicen, c'est-k-dire en langue vulgaire l'ltang des 
Sourredes. On aurait beau le chercher maintenant, il 
n'existe plus ; quoiqu'il soit bien constate qu'il se 
trouvait sur la ligne parcourue par la rivtere, il serait 
impossible de determiner sa position, m£me approxi- 
mativement, si un monument du 12 e si&cle ne venait 
nous £clairer k ce sujet. 

Gerard II, comte du Roussillon, dit dans son testa- 
ment : " Relinquo Hospitalariis campum de Stagno qui 
est in adjacentia S u Joannis Perpiniani, de quo ejeci 
aquam ;" 9 plus bas, il dispose de la maniere suivante : 
" Relinquo Ecclesiae S u Johannis Perpiniani agrarium 
illorum hortorum qui sunt k Canonica, juxta regum 
qui vadit ad molendina nova." On doit conclure de 
ces deux passages que le Sordicen stagnum se trouvait 
sous les murs meme de la ville actuelle de Perpignan, 
et sur un sol occupe maintenant par des jardins, que 
de plus sa disparution est due a l'ad ministration bien- 
faisante de Gerard II, qui Ta fait dessecher. II ne 
faudrait pas, quoique d'accord avec la nouvelle carte 
des Gaules, 10 le supposer sur l'emplacement de Tetang 

9 Marca Hispanica, p. 1360. 

10 V. Carte 6preuve des Gaules sous le Proconsulat de Clsar, dres- 
sec par la Commission Imperiale, Paris. 













494 l'ougihi scytho-cimm6rienne 

actuel de Saint-Nazaire, ou, d'apres la disposition mate- 
rielle des lieux, leflumen Roschinus n'a jamais pu passer 
k l'epoque d'Avienus. 

II est encore une foule d'autres synonymes dans le 
Catalan, tels que : 

(en Frangais) cheval 

„ cr£te d'une hauteur 

„ pic 

„ defile entre deux 


„ chien 

„ caillou, etc. etc. 

Accouples ainsi, tous ces synonymes accusent une dua- 
lite d'origine. Mais, comment determiner avec certi- 
tude cette origine premiere ? c'est Ik le probleme dont 
j'ai du longtemps chercher la solution. Je me suis dit 
qu'il fallait commencer par degager Tun des deux ele- 
ments sans me preoccuper du deuxieme, et aller a la 
recherche des moyens propres k d£couvrir et constater 
la source de l'element celte ou gaulois, en nlgligeant 
l'^ldment hispanique. 

II a 6t6 dit dejk que la signification de tous les noms 
de lieu monosyllabiques n'est pas encore connue. C'est 
en interrogeant mainte et mainte fois les chartes ma- 
nuscrites ou imprim£es des vieux cartulaires du pays, 
pour y chercher quelque nouveau trait de iumiere, que 
je suis parvenu a faire jaillir l'etincelle electrique qui 
devait m'&lairer. 

Le nom de Tor se trouve portd par divers etablisse- 
ments situ& sur la cote maritime aussi bien que sur 
les hauteurs des Pyrenees. Mais, ni dans la langue 
vulgaire, ni dans les dictionnaires, il n'est possible de 
trouver sa signification, autant qu'on le prononce avec 


un r settlement, et meme avec douceur. C'est une 
acception qui a disparu tout a fait. Deux chartes prin- 
cipalement, Tune de Tan 1 153 de notre ere, Fautre de 
Tan 1048, d^mont rent quele mot tor signifie: emplace- 
ment bdti, ou a bdtir. 

Void les termes de la premiere : " Ego Raimundus 
de Petrilonis, qui vocor de Bares, . . . dono Domino 
Deo, et Sancta Maria de Aspirano et Sancto Laurentio 
Dopet et Arnallo Seniofredi ejusdem loci prions et 
suis successoribus . . . unum tor de terra sicuti est ter- 
minatus, ad faciendum mansum vel quidquid voluerit 
facere . . . ut sit francum et liberum alodium." 11 Les 
quatre confronts ordinaires y sont mentionnds. On 
pour rait croire qu'il s'agit ici d'une mesure agraire de- 
terminee, si la deuxi&me charte ne donnait, par sa te- 
neur, la signification exacte du mot. En voici la dis- 
position: "Ego Bligario Olibano et uxor . . . vendi- 
tores vel exchamiatores sumus Deo et Sancti Michael i 
Cenobii que dicunt Coxano et tibi Miro gratia Dei 
Abba et cuncta congregatione . . . alodem nostrum 
proprium . . . mansos cum ipso orto et cum ipsos ar- 
bores fructuosos vel infructuosos, et cum ipsos vallos 
qui in circuitu ejus sunt, et cum ipsos toros, et cum ip- 
sas terras, et cum ipsas vineas." 12 Comme on le voit, 
ce diplome enum&re les manoirs, avec le jardin, ses 
arbres, les murs d'enceinte et reraplacement sur le- 
quel se trouve le tout ; plus, ensuite, les autres terres 
et vignes non-entourees de muraille. 

Le monosyllabe Jeer appartient & divers lieux dans 
les Pyren^es-Orientales habitus ou non-habit£s. Sa 
signification est aussi compl&ement perdue que celle 

11 V. Manas. Bibl. Imp. Col. Moreau, vol. Ixvi. p. 221. 

12 V. ibid. vol. xxiv. p. 65. 

VOL. VII. 2 I* 

496 i/origine scytho-cimmArienne 

de tor ; elle r£pond au mot rocher. Je suis parvenu k 
la faire revivre & l'aide de quelques textes qui sont 
mentioning ci-apr^s : 

1° Une bulle papale de Tan 985 determine les limites 
du territoire appartenant k Tabbaye de Saint-Michel 
de Cuix&, dans le comte du Conflent, d'apr^s la ligne 
suivante : " deinde tenditur usque ad rupem sive che- 
rum Clarinti." 18 Une deuxi&me bulle ayant le meme 
objet, de Tan 1011, contient ce qui suit: "et a me- 
ridiano fronte montis Canigonis descendit per serram 
puigii Aquiloni ad rupem vulgo nuncupatam cherum 
Cierinti." 14 

2° 11 existe surle territoire d'Argetes-sur-mer, pres la 
tour de la Massaae, un rocher generalement appele en 
langue vulgaire : La roca del corb, c'est-k-dire la roche 
du corbeau. Deux diplomes, Tun de Tan 982, l'autre 
de Tan 1293, le mentionnent, le premier par les mots la- 
tins, Ourco, Ourbo; le second par le mot de la langue 
vulgaire, Quercorb, denomination qui a disparu. 15 On 
voyait encore au moyen-age un chateau de ce dernier 
nom dans le territoire de Prats de Mollb, objet d'une 
transaction entre l'Abbl de Sainte-Marie d'Arles et la 
Dame de Corsavi ; Tan 1197, il est appete: Mansus 
ou honor de Kero-Curvo, et Castrum Corbi dans une 
charte de 832, ou Ton voit qu'il tirait son nom du rocher 
au pied duquel il etait construit. Cela r&ulte du texte 
suivant: "Usque ad ipsam rogam (rocam) quod est 
super Castrum Corbi." 16 On n'ignore pas le r61e que 
jouait le corbeau dans les divinations des anciens. 

18 V. Marca Hispanica, p. 934. 

14 V. ibid. p. 978. 

16 V. ibid. p. 926, et Col. Mor. vol. ccxii. 

16 V. Marca Hi*p. pp. 769 et 1387. 


3° Dans le territoire de Banyuls-sur-mer il existe 
un rocher £leve supportant une tour en ruines, ant£- 
rieure au 10° siecle. Ce point est encore appele Ker 
raig, que Ton traduit kero rubio dans les monuments du 
moyen-&ge. Est-ce parce qu'& Pheure de midi, le so- 
leil se trouve d 'aplomb sur le rocher, qui parait rouge? 
Ge n'est pas impossible ; probablement la superstition 
s'&ait empar£e de cette coincidence. 

On trouve encore des lieux appelds dans les vieux 
cartulaires : Keros Albos, Ker Angle, Ker Monnos, Ker 
OnoninOy Ker Foradat, 17 Ker Bruno, etc. 18 Dans les 
delimitations de territoire, les lignes de rochers qui 
forment des divisions naturelles sont appelees tantot 
rapes et tant6t keros. Je crois suffisantes ces demons- 
trations, tendant h. etablir la signification, anterieure- 
ment perdue, des deux monosyllabes tor et ker. 

Par ces deux mots j'ai pris l'extremit£ du fil con- 
ducteur qui m'a dirige vers le pays anciennement con- 
nu sous le nom de Kersonese Torique, et habits par une 
tribu scythe : les Tauri, d'aprfcs H&odote ; sur l'auto- 
rit£ duquel on admet que les Cimmeriens possddaient 
avant eux cette p£ninsule, maintenant la Crimee. 

J'ai interroge, sur cette contr^e, la carte allemande 
dress£e par F. Handtke, 19 d'apres la grande carte 
russe en 10 feuilles du g6n£ral d'&at-major Muckin, et 
sur le guide dans la Mer-Noire, par Corr^ard. 30 J'ai 
controle mon travail a l'aide de la carte anglaise de 
Thomas Best Jervis, 21 major du g£nie, et celle d'Andri- 

17 V. Marca Hisp. p. 879 et suiv. w y. p. 837. 

19 V. Bibl. Imp. dep. des Cartes Ge\>gr. : Specialkarte der Krymm; 
Glogau, 1854. 

» V. ibid, an 1816. 
21 V. ibid, an 1817. 



veau Goujon. M Comme ce dernier cartographe s'est 
etendu jusqu'aux cotes de la Mer d'Azoff et partie de 
la Mer-Noire, je me suis servi de son oeuvre, pour ces 
deux portions de territoire. 23 

Continuant le syst&me dont 1'application m'avait 
r^ussi dans la region des extremes Pyr^n&s-Orientales, 
j'ai relev£ un k un tous les noms de lieu qui ofiraient 
une signification en rapport avec la langue romane, 
et neglige ceux dont la physionomie indiquait l'origine 
allemande, grecque et russe. II convient de faire ob- 
server que piusieurs noms sont composes d'un radical 
roman et une terminaison que Ton peut attribuer & la 
fois k cet idiome ou au Russe. . Dans le doute, je dois 
signaler cet incident. 

Le nombre des noms de lieu relev&, tant sur la 
p&iinsule cimmerienne que sur les cotes de la Mer 
d'Azoff et de la Mer-Noire, est de deux mille environ. 
L'emploi par l'Allemand Handtke, de l'orthographe 
particuli&re k sa langue dans la nomenclature de sa 
carte, m'aurait offert de grandes difficultes, si je ne 
m'£tais d£ja exerc6 k lire une Bible imprimee en langue 
romane, mais orthographe germaine, que je d£couvris 
dans le canton Suisse des Grisons, ou l'idiome limousin 
est usit£. Cet exercice pr&ilable, joint k quelque con- 
naissance de l'AUemand, ont facility mon travail. II 
coilsiste k ne consid^rer que la valeur phon&ique de 
chaque nom de lieu sans faire attention k l'orthographe, 
dans sa transcription, qui a lieu d'apr&s les principes 
de l'orthographe romane et de la valeur id£ographique 

» V. ibid, an 1866. 
' & Je dois un tribut de remerciments an savant M. Jomard, qui 
avec M. Cortambert m'ont fourni les plus grandes facilites dans tout 
ce qui concerne mon travail. 


qu'il offre dans cet idiome. A cote de cette transcrip- 
tion j'ai port£ la traduction en Fran^ais. Ici se pr£- 
sente tout naturellement la question suivante: est-il 
possible de prouver que les diverses combinaisons pho- 
netiques de ces noms de lieu, supposes scytho-cimme- 
riens d'origine, ont poss£d£ lors de leur determination 
une valeur id£ologique tout k fait, ou du moins quasi- 
identique avec celle que je leur attribue dans la langue 
catalane P Cette question trouvera sa r£ponse dans les 
demonstrations que contiendra la suite de mon m£- 
moire. J'ai choisi cet idiome comme moyen d'inter- 
pretation, parce qu'il me parait avoir conserve ses ac- 
ceptions primitives beaucoup mieux que les dialectes 
proven^al, languedocien, limousin ou autres. 

Je classifie par mots a une, deux, trois syllabes et 
ainsi de suite. Je puis deja mettre sous les yeux de 
mes lecteurs environ 700 noms contenus dans ces trois 
premieres categories, choisis presque tous dans les li- 
mites de la presqu'lle cimmerienne. Je n'ai ajout£, de la 
carte a orthographe fran^aise d'Andriveau Goujon, que 
des monosyllabes en fort petit nombre et des noms 
de riviere, le tout extrait des cotes de la Mer d'Azoff 
et de la Mer-Noire entre la Crimee et les bouches du 
Danube, que je n'ai pas d£passees. 

II convient de remarquer d'abord que toute cette re- 
gion n'offre qu'un nombre de lieux monosyllabiques 
bien restreint comparativement & celle des Pyrenees. 
II ne s'el&ve qu'k trente environ ; lorsque nous avons 
d'autre part un chiffre presque quintuple, comment 
Texpliquer ? 

Je conjecture que lorsque les ScythO'Cimmcriens emi- 
gr&rent vers l'Europe occidental, ils vivaient encore k 
V6tat nomade sur la p£ninsule et aux environs ; se ser- 

500 l'origine scytho-cimm£rienne 

vant d'un langage encore tr&s-imparfait, compost prin- 
cipalement de monosyllabes. Les emigrants, parvenus 
dans la region des Pyrenees, durent s'^parpiller sur le 
sol, choisir leurs lieux de residence par groupes, s'y 
fixer et les denommer, k une £poque ant^rieure k celle 
ou leurs compatriotes restes sur le sol de TEurope 
orientale ou de l'Asie firent plus tard corame eux. 
Alors, leur langage, qui dans un long intervalle s'etait 
developp£, comprenait d£ja tous les polysyllabiques 
qui furent attributes a leurs £tablissements, de fon- 
dation moins ancienne que ceux de TEurope occiden- 
tale. Neanmoins, les deux peuples, main tenant di vises, 
developperent leur idiome paraltelement, et suivant 
des combinaisons ideologiques et id^ographiques a 
peu pr&s semblables, parce que le sens de leurs ra- 
dicaux primitifs etait d6ja determine lorsqu'ils se se- 

Ceci est fort hypoth&ique, j'en conviens, et ne peut 
&tre offert qu'a titre de conjecture tendant a expliquer 
un fait qui parait anormal a premiere vue. 

En com par ant entre elles deux listes de monosylla- 
biques si inegales en nombre, Tune de la region cim- 
merienne, Pautre des Pyrenees, on constatera que quel- 
ques-uns de ces noms de lieu se trouvent en meme 
temps siir les deux nomenclatures. Ce sont Ker 9 Cort, 
Lies, Cos, Boix, Atx ; mots qui en Catalan signifient 
roc, cour, diligent, corps, buis, torcke. Nous trouve- 
rons presque tous les autres dans les combinaisons po- 
lysyllabiques. Ainsi la nomenclature des noms de lieu 
a deux syllabes situ£s dans les limites de la p£ninsule, 
qui s'^leve a plus de 300, contient 25 autres monosyl- 
labiques des Pyr£n£es plusieurs fois combines dans ces 
300 mots. La nomenclature des noms de lieu a trois 


syllabes, qui depasse le chiffre de 350, contient 36 mo- 
nosyllabiques de la raeme liste des Pyrenees diverses 
fois et diversement combines. Ainsi, sur un total en 
nombres ronds de 700 noms de lieu cimm&iens, & une, 
deux et trois syllabes, nous trouverions 60 monosyl- 
labiques pyr^neens, c'est-k-dire la moiti£ environ de 
ceux que nous connaissons; cela constitue une propor- 
tion entre le ll e et le 12 e . Elle me parait suffisante 
pour £tablir une des bases de mon opinion. II ne faut 
pas perdre de vue qu'il me reste encore a op£rer sur 
les mots & 4 syllabes et au-dessus, au nombre d'environ 
1300 ; je m'en occuperai avec d'autres questions dans 
la 2* partie de mon memoire. Comme quelques-uns 
constituent, pour ainsi dire, des phrases enti&res, tela 
que celui-ci par exemple, ashi-bal-ak-bdk-al, que je tra- 
duis : " ici le chemin conduit au coteau eleve oppose 
au soleil," je ne m'en occupe pas encore. 

Je vais d'abord chercher k £tablir le sens, Pacception 
usuelle parmi les Cimmeriens des mots qu'ils appli- 
qnerent a leurs etablissements et autres lieux habites 
ou non-habites. 

Parmi les moyens a employer, il en est un qui serait 
peremptoire et dont Tapplication pourra trancher la 
difficulte si des doutes s'elevent. C'est un transport 
sur les lieux, qui seraient interroges du point de vue 
n£cessaire, c'est-k-dire le rapport entre les designations 
et les circonstances locales de position ou autres. 

J'ai pense que Temploi de ce moyen n'^tait pas in- 
dispensable, ayant trouv£ dans les cartes geographiques 
des elements qui suffisaient & ma demonstration. Ainsi, 
la nomenclature des cours d'eau qui depasse le nombre 
de 100, offre des significations qui toutes r£pondent, k 
leur forme, a leur nature, a leurs d£fauts ou quality, 

502 l'originb scytho-cimm6riennk 

si on les traduit en langue romane. Par exemple, tme . 
riviere qui porte l'ancien nom de la Crimee, le Kerso, 
que le cartographe Handtke a dcrit Karassu, se com- 
pose de deux branches, Tune droite et Pautre tortu- 
euse ; cette derntere est appel£e Kutschuki, mot qui se 
retrouve sur la carte, toutes les fois qu'il s'agit d'une 
ligne coud£e. Or Coutsout signifie coude, en Catalan. 
L'autre porte le nom de Beioui, toujours donne aux 
lignes droites, et se compose de deux mots : be, qui 
signifie Men, et jouke, qui signifie il perche ou se tient 
droit, en parlant des volatiles de basse cour. JPy trouve 
le Tech 9 cours d'eau des Sardones, sous la forme ger- 
maine Tege ; le Ssalgirr et le Malssalgirr, qui signi- 
fied, le premier, roule du limon, et le second, roule du 
mauvais limon ; le St ilia, c'est clarifier ; le Chaiana, 
couler comme un robinet ; le Boghas, amas de plan- 
tes mar£cageuses ; le Tschujuntschu, sous le confluent ; 
le Beschterekk, tient son lit bas ; le Montanax, mon- 
tagnard ; le Tunas, emporte ; VAschil, agile ; le Ssii- 
basch, s'abaisse ; le Nachitschewantschokakk, qui cons- 
titue & lui seul une phrase : sitot n£, sitot epuis£, etc. 

Si Ton quitte la pdninsule cimm&ienne, pour par- 
courir la cote de la Mer d'Azoff et celle de la Mer- 
Noire jusqu'au Danube, en compagnie du cartographe 
fran^ais Andriveau Goujon, on trouvera entr'autres 
cours d'eau les suivants : le Tchetachil, robinet agile ; 
le Doniouzli, dangereux lit ; VAntchokrak, ensabl£; le 
Mastchenak, empoisonne ; le Podgalna, patte de galli- 
nac£e, dont il affecte reellement la forme ; le Podpal- 
na, qui affecte celle d'une pelle ; le Koudakho, queue 
de chien & Tarret ; le Nosov, nez aquilin ; le Scalova- 
tow, flaques dparpillees, qui se trouvent k son em- 


bouchure ; YIngoul, qui avale. II existe encore un 
systeme de denomination applique aux cours d'eau 
comme aux villages voisins ; c'est de les distinguer 
entr'eux, lorsqu'ils portent le meme nom, par une bene- 
diction donn£e au premier, tandis que le second re^oit 
une malediction, ou tout autre voeu qui se r£unit au 
nom primitif. II y a lieu d* observer que la malediction 
est encore ici exactement celle de la langue catalane, 
Malehit et Maldia; la benediction a tr&s-peu varie. 
Elle se compose du monosyllabe bel ou bol, par op- 
position k mal la m£me terminaison, tantot 
ahiy tantot aja ; en Catalan, qu'il ait. Ainsi, un cours 
d'eau s'appelle, Outliouka. En Catalan le mot oullou 
signifie source ; il est termine par le monosyllabe ka 9 
qui est russe, et se rencontre souvent. Tout pr£s se 
trouvent le beni et le maudit Outliouka ; le premier 
precede du mot Bolchaia, et le second du mot Maldia. 
On rencontre encore le MaliiadjaWc aupr&s du Bola- 
djalik ; le Srednii Kouialnik, pr&s du Malii Kouialnik. 
Ici on ne donne pas la benediction au premier, mais on 
lui souhaite de se retenir. 

II existe un village compose sans doute de gens trop 
remuants qu'on n'a pas maudits plus que benis. On 
s'est contentede leur souhaiter plus de tranquillite, par 
les mots Star Aia, qui viennent apres Chveds Kaia, nom 
du village, qui parait etre une colonie de Suedois. 

Je passe maintenant & la nomenclature des caps et 
cotes maritimes de la carte allemande. Sous le nom 
de Dshaldachann y on reconnait un cap a I'extremite du- 
quel sont plusieurs rochers isoles les uns >des autres 
mais paraissant assez rapproches pour qu'un cbien 
puisse les parcourir en franchissant d'un saut Tespace 
qui les separe. Un autre cap s'appelle Karamrunn, 

504 l'orjgine scytho-cimm£riehne 

c'est-fc-dire rocher qui gronde. On trouve encore: 
Ssaritsch, on y risque ; KiMneiss, qui en sort ; Mega- 
nomm, cache I'homme ; Fanar, se h&ter ; Ajudagh, se- 
courir; Nikita, qxxitte le nid; Tschikenn, relevent; Ka- 
radagh, amas de rochers; Eskiforos, j'amorce au large; 
Ulukull, centre de hurlements, etc. etc. 

Sur les cotes sont la baie de Belbek, j'aper^ois une 
voile, ou Cabarta, mettre le navire k la cape ; Sstre- 
lez Kaja, maison des etoiles, ou observatoire ; Pess- 
tschanaja, poissonneuse ; Koktebel, amene la voile ; 
Kurtyziburunn, roche k eruptions. On remarque Pe- 
tang de Zykur, on y court ; ceux de Kir&k, creux ; 
Tarkann, fond de terre ; Missirr ou Tschokrakk, misere 
ou desseche. Entre diverses sources d'eaux minerales 
que produit la presqu'ile de Tamann est un lieu appele 
Kobany, bain cuisant. L'emplacement de l'eruption 
volcanique de 1794 porte les noms de Kukuobu, caverne 
qui cuit. Une langue de terre trfes-abritee est Sswer- 
naja Kossa, la cote k hiverner. Une autre fort etroite, 
Jushnaja Kossa, c'est-a-dire cote juste il y en a. 

On trouve encore divers ilots ou bancs de sable sous 
les noms de Tschongarr, amas de joncs ; Kossa Dsha- 
rill Agatsch, cote de sable fin dangereux ; Ssaritndat, 
sable fin eboute; Kutt Tschantulann, c6te tr&s-fr£- 
quent£e ; Arabatsskaja Kossa, cdte de la fortification 
avanc£e. Ce dernier nom appartient k un banc de 
sable sur lequel circule une route qui vient aboutir au 
continent par un passage etroit appele, Jenitschi Ton- 
ka, c'est-k-dire je sors, ferme. Le banc de sable est 
pour la cfite une espfcce de defense naturelle avancee ; 
de \k sa denomination. Et le passage Itroit aboutit a 
Pisthme connu sous les deux designations de Kerkinitt 
ou Peracop. 


Ces deux mots, de forme si differente et dont Tac- 
ception est k peu pr&s id en ti que, semblent accuser deux 
races diverses d'origine, quoique la langue catalaae, 
d'apres ce que nous connaissons maiatenant, puisse 
servir k les expliquer. On sait que Ker est roc ; 
Kinitt repond k Ougniet, qui signifie coin. On ne peut 
s'y tromper, car on appelle cugnic un petit oiseau telle- 
ment maigre que sa poitrine pr£sente toujours cette 
forme ; de plus, la valeur phonetique en Catalan et la 
forme materielle de l'objet qui repond au mot grec ctets 
fournissent un autre argument k l'appui. 

Ker&initt signifierait done, pierre en forme de coin. 
Peracop fournit le mot pera, qui traduit exactement 
ker, et cop signifie coup; nous avons done ici, pierre k 
coup et pierre k coin. Au pied de la grande fortifica- 
tion qui ferme l'istbme, le premier village s'appelle ; 
Preobragens, oil l'on trouve les trois mots, Pera-obra- 
gen, qui signifient, gens qui travaillent la pierre. C'etait 
done le lieu habite par les masons ou tailleurs de pierre 
qui ont concouru k l'£rection de la muraille de defense. 
On pourrait alors conjecturer que le mot pera fftt in- 
troduit par une race posterieure d'epoque a celle qui 
se servait du mot ker. 

Je ne voudrais pas prolonger plus longtemps une 
glose qui ne peut que fatiguer mes lecteurs, d'autant 
plus que ce travail est destine k prendre la forme du 
glossaire. Je supprimerai done bon nombre d'obser- 
vations qui peuvent servir k demontrer la solidite des 
bases sur lesquelles repose ma decouverte, pour m'en 
tenir a quelques-unes principales. Sur les sommets 
les plus eleves de la peninsule cimmerienne je trouve 
sou vent le mot Jeli, qui signifie glacial ou je gele, et 
que l'lbere prononce geli, accouple avec d'autres. Dans 



la region moyenne je trouve le degel represents par la 
forme Deschel, identique, ou a peu pres, chez les deux 

Certains mots qui representent des parties du corps 
appartenant a Tun et a l'autre sexe ; d'autres qui ex- 
priment des fonctions naturelles que je ne saurais tra- 
duire ici, on le sent bien, restent encore les memes 
sans variation chez les deux peuples. Le mot Khan 
ou Can, precedant une designation de famille ou tribu, 
se trouve des deux cdtes. La lettre n, qui est un signe 
d'excellence ou superiority social e, se conserve encore 
de partet d'autre; ainsi le Catalan du moyen-&ge disait, 
le roi IfAnfos, le roi Nan PeraJ* suivant que le nom 
commengait par une voyelle ou consonne. Le Cimme- 
rien designait les lieux habites par ses chefs sous le 
mot N'Aimann, c'est-a-dire le chef qui la commande. 
Le Catalan moderne ecrirait, N'ahi mane. 

Nomenclature des Nome de Lieu monosyllabiques refoves sur la Carte 

allemande de Handtke : — 



















A 88 














sort (ou essieu) 




84 Pour : S. M. le roi Alfonse ou Pierre. 




























xii exclamation d'etonnement 




Sykk (cap) 



is de Lieu relevee mr la Carte francaiee dfAndrweau Goujon .— 















aommet extlrienr 
d'un angle 













Psifl (cours d'eau) xifle 


Don (id.) 

Bong (id.) 

Name de Lieu dissyllabiquee. 










ila mesurent 



ils dorment 







a pas 




fout du petit charbou 



changer (ou gambar, 


tatxe l'ar 

taxe le filet de peche 









lame de scie 






en manoir 








tot bei 

tout je vois 


tol masse 

porte massue 


toe maill 

touche maillet 



stupide (ou dessous) 



je sors 





ab l'axe 

avec la hache 

Aitai -\ 

altaill "J 

ou I 

ou I 

& la coupe 


a la taille J 



gros chien 






plantes marecag. 



nez colere 



coude (ou coutjat, 



its restaient 



ils bavent 


b'ou cull 

r&olte pour soi 


os oull 

ceil d'ours 





cal xex 

il faut du bl<? 



ils mesurent 










toe xex 

toucbe dtt ble 





cor palout 

cceur vela 



en cime 


m'y saill 

m'en sort 








tatxe coll 

taxe an col 


cort bii 

je dirige brievement 



donner de Fair 











a fixe 

k t'en sortir 


al baix 






bo sac 

bon sac (ou baiisat, 





se dire 

se dire 


toe sol 

toucbe le soleil 


n'ahi mane 

le chef 






grande cotte 



puits . 


alt sim 

haute cime 



il croit 











ire guie 

colere dirige 


bore costa 

bord du coteau 





ker leu 

roc ksger 


l'oeigine scytho-cimm6kienne 















en s&ve 






retenue d'eau (ou 
grand vceu) 


k gaill 

au coq 


ca d'ixe 

chien de sortie 









soliveau brut 



qu'ils voient 



ils placentdes poutres 



tu cherches 






coupe haut 



ils epuisent 






banc de limon 


qui tail 

ici la coupe 



petit roc 


cul set 

soif derriere 








toe tail 

touche la coupe 





ta ma 

ta main 











qu'issa Tar 

hissez le filet de peche 



ils arrosent 














perche pointue 





taxe ly 

taxe le lit 





dalt mont 

en haut (ou t'amon, 
ils t'aiment) 



ils surnagent 


atxe ull 

hachis d'oeil ' 



jus l'era 

sous Paire 



se battent de la tfite 


ca, ature 

chien d'arret 



du bois en planche 


mai ric 

jamais riche 





tatxe coll 

taxe sur le col 


a panne 

dans la poele 



il tisse 





tol sac 

emporte sac 


sala ulle 

vase a salaison 


qu aquei 

qui est-ce ? 


te qu'il 

le voila 





so taille 

coupe pour soi 

Otesch ^ 

o teix 1 

le tisse 

ou > 

ou I 

Kotesch J 

qu'o teix J 

qui le tisse 



fabrique toile 

Burnasch l 


gros borgne 

Oil > 

Burnak J 







us bee 

je vous vois 


chete ull 

ceil de robinet 


2 M 


l'origine scytho-cimm&riennb 





al toe 

an toe 



ils tonrnent 



a conduire 

SchiBchi l 


s'en tire 

ou > 


s*en sortir 






ils triplent 











un liar 

un lard 



limon an filet 


s'y ban 

s'en vont 




Baba (le cap) 



Ssassykk (6tang) 

se seque 




je r£pands le liquide 
(ou bassin) 








a cos 

an corps 


tous alia 

tousse la 











toe seny. 



bi y ten 

Tin y tient 


a tail 

par coupe 










Kula ^ 
ou > 


agit dn derriere 

Kulla J 


cailler le lait (ou col- i 


lier) 1 






Tscharikk (pres- 





nn v. 

par un petit filet d'eai 

ill! > 

Schoramm J 











mangl des vers 





ou tard 




mis dans l'outre 


mane gous 

maitre de chiens 



petite r&olte 


a sis 

a six 


al sec 

au sec 





pitje aqui 

enfonce Ik 






lignes de plants 



enfant mort 



fait face 






coteau oppos£ au so 


marque nil 

marque l'oeil 


cala sec 

chaux de seche 












enduit de bouze 





gust spera 

attendre l'app&it 






















lo sapi 

le sapin 





bai d'ar 

bas da filet 


staque t'y 

attache tfy 




Teila i 


mettre de la toile 

ou > 
Teilu J 









Kam Mos8t 

cam most 

champ de mout 





be iuk 



bel bee 

voile je vois 



frappes a coups de 









ils caressent 



coteau au soleil 



serres d'un oiseau 


cap sec 

bois coup£ sec 








bail beg 

je vois en bas 





ker leu 

roc rapide 



piece de bois 


poii arrepats 




petits corbeaux 






petits choux 



sable fin 

























coutje bai 

conche bas 


qu quei 

qui est-ce? 








ou tard 






oii tous 

entend tousser 



couvert de suint 






je mets P appat 


tot cluque 

ferme les deux yeux 



en transpiration 



prennent du suint 









corde du bit 



accoupler le verrat 






verrat accoupll 





ab dalle 

avec la faux 



sommet elev£ 











ba deraig 

coule par un filet 


cotje mes 

incline davantage 


atxe cals 

prepare la cbaux 


sol mane 

commande le soleil 








lier avec des countries 


vie, iuk 

dresse la voie 





jan colle 

attele les gens 



grand jardin 





k sec 

a sec 


ca n'ix 

chien en sort 






fayez (aux volatile*) 






ils enflent l'outre 



je sauce 


qui taille 

qui coupe 



gros ane 


meu mitg 

moitie a moi 



je t*y vois 






se couvrier d'algue 


cegue colle 









ix cepat 

cepage qui parait 


ta quille 

te plante droit 


cull xuc 

r&olte du liquide 


alt mon 

au sommet 


x antique 

hache trfes-menu 





cop de sac 

a plein sac 








n'ull mane 

oommande des yeux 



on te mouille 



en bergerie 


moll baa 

bas fond humide 









mauvaise recolte 



plein de vers 



couvrir de souches 









petit miel 



article 6crit 


uix un 

Fun sort 



couvert de reprises 


xam ric 

ruche riche 






frappl du maillet 





, temeix 

a pear 





cutje aqui 

couche la 


a cos 

au corps 






ils gelent 





cop aorre 

force sable 

Arpatt n 


coup de serre 

Arpall J 





6coute (ou ous coste, 
cdte de Pours) 





tira queda 

s'arrfiter en tirant 






petit creux 


ar teix 

tisse le filet de p&che 






chasse au chien 








l'origine scytho-cimmSrienne 


Soman. • 







charge d'un cote 



en seve 


oii poc 

entend pen 



je guette 



je me8ure 


a di 

& dire 








sum s'cuque 

l€gerement pique 


ab dy 

avec parole 


o taxe 

y taxe 






pare en corde 


ta mane 

te commande 


qu'ix all& 

qui sort Ik 


qu'ix alii 

qui sort ici 





sa y baxe 

on y descend 



plantes margcag. 


rusque courque ruche crease 

Nome de Lieu trisyllabiques. 

(Handtke.) GrimSe. 



ils sanglottent 



se couvrir d'algue 



coteau opposl an soldi 

Tupp Abbass 

tap a baix 

bouchon k bas 

Tupp Kangyll 

tap qu'engull 

bouchon mauvais 


baixa Par 

abaisse le filet de pdche 



je tamise 



petite baraque 



agir du derriere 


moulla coll 

mouille au col 


cul charra 

bavarde du derriere 







cotse angull 

supprime les courbes 


mussa Par 

use le filet de peche 





grout oega 

moissonne du son 






ils descendront 



le huitieme 




Scheich Manak 

oegue mauac 

moissonne doucement 


ala taill 

tranchant de l'aile 


cop potas 

coups de pied 



coups de b&ton 


be y ca£a 

bien y chasse 

Akk Mamai' 

al mamal 

au tetage 



je me dScbire 


cara muxe 

face flasque 


cara mitge 

face & moitie 



ils mesurent 


tor pansi 

etablissement des rai 
sins sees 


sa pansi 

se dess^cher 


te mitjas 

possede des jambieres 


taco roulle 

le baton manoeuvre 


cor palut 

poitrine velue 





at taxi 

je te taxe 


cort bii 

je dirige court 


cart ta beg 

je te vois cher 


alii dormen 

Ik on dort 



lieu fr£quent£ des oi« 

Kull Ssadykk 


derriere d'une bSche 

Dortt Ssakall 

tort sacall 

bois sec contourn£ 


tafa busar 

te fait flatter 


cop a ram 

coup pres du sol 


l'origine scytho-cimmSrienne 






























couma agin 

coste je quiii 
cart cega 
cop guiat 
cegui l'tail 
a tail sec 
ten a bai 
bai sarry 
tnt a peu 
salan taxo 
bai bol uixe 
jau sacall 
toma biex 
t'aman jous 
bii sou 

toe cul de sac 
ja punxi 
te junctio 
oil sera seca 
tot gaily 
totxa riure 
bai sbulat 
call matxi 
murca beg 
sarro gatxe 
sa riu baix 
terros guell 
sa fatxi 
cotj'en bac 


glisser de haut 
quails aient la cime 

quails laiasent la cote 

moissonner cher 

le derriere au Me 

coup dirige 

moissonne k la coupe 

k coupe seche 

tient k bas 

besace &bas 

tout it pied 

salent du blaireau 


bas veut issue 

ce qui est sec, & terre 


prend de biais 

on t'aime desaous 

je v dirige dessous 

touche le fond du sac 

je pointe 

a jonction 

&oute le vent asseche 

tout coq 

rire stupide 

bas eboule 

voie mulet&re 

agneaux d'un an 

je bois du depot 

sac en gage 

rit tout bas 

gue terreux 

qu'il se f&che 

conche opposl au soleil 







































a mancha 
que n'aguta 
os mante sec 
ooste cbucas 
que meltsi 
ca d'agait 
oii mama sac 
deiide alii 
cerquen sec 
baix lissa 
saf bol dou 
bai cabats 
cegue llaque 

au aim beste 
cutxe cabats 
tippe te be 
toe se ba 
sa bagi 
abaixe Par 
ousse rail 
sboula s'y 
boulet chic 
salts o ba 
al coullou 
cart ouillou 


au soufflet de forge 

user de Pare 

qu'il y en eftt I 

gateau de voyage 

Pours garantit de Peau 

c6te qui s'£puise 


que la rate souffre 

cbien de garde 

Pceuf tete le sac 

dette la 

ils cherchent uu lieu sec 

qu'ils s'animent 

bas glisse 

veut emporter sauf 

terrains b6ch& bas 

moisson align£e (ou 

cheglat, sarclfi) 
va fen au sommet 
court les rochers 
aplanit lesterresb&ch&s 
je place le bat bas 
rassasie toi bien 
dfes qu'on sonne il part 
qu'il parte 
qu'il s'avance 
ilabaisse le filet dep£che 
avance Pail 
s'lboule la 
petit champignon 
petite bergerie 
il Pa saut£ 
au testicule 
qu'ils conduisent 
arrosage cher 






toe charli 

que le son bavarde 


sitje mut 

puits muet 


al cougoul 

au cocu 



trainer (ou charrier) 


boula s'y 



couguen lli 

filent du lin 


oii tard chic 

dur d'oreille 



ils triplent 


ort tablan 

divisent les platebandes 



terrain d'algues 



morve qui coule 


guie abat 

chef de travailleurs 


ker matxi 

roche a mulets 


alsa be'i 

hausser je vois 


morsat sec 

gazon dessech€ 





bei gueldi 

je vois manger 


cals velle 

chaux ancienne 


xo botar 

halte et prenez du vin 





cami geli 

chemin glace 


qu'en dougan 

qu'on en apporte 


uix couillou 



bail qu'om dou 

danse ou l'homme porte 


cul cenail 

tison enflamm£ 


ba'l cotja 

va coucher 


quissi V bail 

je pousse a danser 


bi y ten 

y tient du vin 


samar sec 

liquide diminue au sec 


soltat naxe 

naitre libre 


salis sail 

il y pousse des arbris- 


con can 

presque ench6rir 


qui s'cara 

qui fait face 


coutje cara 

couche de face 







bai casaque 

bas casaque 


cart casaque 

chere casaque 



faire peur 


carats ail 

ail tress£ 


tengue Psec 

tien le sec 





tote be 

boit bien 


cot' agan 

qu'ils aieut un prix fixe 
(une c6te) 


qu'ix cari ? 

qui sort ench&ir? 



qu'ils emporteut 





or mantchi 

je fonds de Por 



gardien de haras 


curq uix ahunt 

oil sort la caverne 


terre cali 

terre chaude 



fond d'humus 



vieille vierge 


o desgele 

le degele 


ja veP sec 

deja arrive le sec 


ja desgele 

d£ja il degele 



sens dessus-dessous 


salve Pa coll 

sauve-le sur le col 

Dsaff Dshurekk 

saf souret 

liege qui flotte sauf 


oulla cali 

marmite chaude 


al soquerrat 

a Pincendie 


es court 

c'est court 


a rame coll 

fagots sur le col 


juq arri 

allons, droit sur les 


tronchi col 

pied de chou 


at tatxi 

je te taxe 



racine du sang 

Tschat Kara 

s'at cara 

ee compare a toi 


galan tail 

gros morceau 










es quell 

c*est celui-lk 


ootje termens 

abat les bodules 





tfttar coll 

t&er but le col 



gros ch&ne li^ge 


col ulious 

chou (dit) d'huile 





mouchait tire 

attire les moucherons 


gaffa ardit 

saisit les plus hardis 


kermens chics 

petite vers 


assi coll 

ici transport & dos 



plateau cach6 



gros sommet 


ja mantas 

d6ja tu t'enveloppes 



lieu fres-froid 


alt pedris 

perron eleve 


quissi l'taxe 

j'excite la taxe 


alt da niu 

haut de nid (on ayda 
gniul, aide & miauler) 


niu quita 

quitte le nid 


den€ coll 

dernier d6tili 





a Uoup ca 

au loup le chien 





qui que n'eix 

qui en sort? 


coutzout coll 

A6GL6 tortueux 



je r&hauffe 


usen s'y 

ils s'habituent 


roc costa 

cdte de rochere 





cap de oolle 

chef de troupe 





xorq* una 

ongle st&ile 


alt todor 

haut protecteur 








Duwan koi 




o sen baix 
o terr a coll 
dou fan a coll 
cami geli 
en ker mane 

Tschaltymirr salt t'y mires 















Sseid eU 





douill al aim 
d'alt te be 
taxa Psim 
baix qui regnes 
taxe qu'es sec 
sab a que 
ten be sec 
toulouns ajat 

coll a sang 
di couyou 

sed alii 
a sang be 
bai bougas 

barraque nil 


navire sons cape 
compagnie qui sale 
entend en bas 
y porte la terre a dos 
ehargent a dos 
chemin froid 
commando dans le ro- 

tu prends garde en sau- 

crnche au sommet 
de haut te vient 
taxe le sommet 
en bas tu arroses 
dirige des chamois 
taxe, il fait sec 
salt a quoi 
s'est assis 

le sec f est favorable 
madriers tallies (on tou- 

lounejat, convert de, 

col ensanglantl 
ah! par les testicnlesl 

(ou l'oeuf du testi- 

gu£ ensabll 
il vendange 
soif la 

vient an sang 
plantes mar&ageuses 

oeil de baraqne 


l'origine scytho-cimm&rienne 





vaca taxe 

tache de vache 


i marete 

et petite mere 


nas y tfcolle 

attele par le nez 


mane kermens 

commande aux vers 


xucar t'y 

t'y nourrir 

Scheich Mamai 

xex mame alt 

le ble fin tSte haut 


bassar sec 

verser a sec 


ou tard chic 

dur d'oreille 


xex alii 

Ik du ble fin 


mursa coll 

gazon jusqu'au col 


bourroun due 

je porte des bourgeons 


al sorra 

au sable 


bore casa 

maison du bord 


os mante sec 

Tours enveloppe a sec 


crim itschqui 

que le crin sorte (ou 
sortir de Crim6e) 


care gallic 

visage de Gaulois 


souc salli 

que les souches sortent 

Sstaryi Krimm 

star y crim 

que le crin reste (ou 
.rester en Crim£e) 

Schach Mursa 


on dejeune 



couvert d'arbres 





cabat taxe 

taxe bdehage 


colgue te bele 

a bas la voile 



haussieres (agres) 

Turaktasch "] 


grand amas de terres 

ou > 


Taraktasch J 


gros toit en briques 


carats son 

ils sont confronts 


cace coule 

cherche machine & cail- 


bo gela 

bonne glace 


colle a ram 

attele de pres 

Boj Dshawlisch 

bai salits 

sanies nains 








couper les buisaons 



troupeau d'antenois (ou 
bargan, fute) 


aouil naxe 

naitre sans comes 





s'y reixe 

s'y r£ussir (ou arroser) 


sens so fa 

partit sans cela 


bode ana 

aller a la noce 



gendt Ipineux 


mulla Hi 

mouille le lin 





i a smurza 

y a-t-il a dejeuner? 


sail! gire sec 

tourne le limon sec 


tote al coll 

boit au defile 


quille bouroum 

pousse des bourgeons 

Scbu Muchai 

xu mouchail 

chasse les moustiques 


a pa a coll 

chercher le pain a dos 



se divise en deux 


ara douc 

maintenant je porte 


sarro que 

quoi dans la besace? 


ta condu 

te conduit 


oiis soua 

transpirer des testicules 






mettre en cabas 


alt music 

haut musicien 


vesse n'y aqui 

versez en la 


bi geli 

vin glac£ 


coutje ca gel 

le froid fait ooucher le 


cerques gel 

tu cherches la glace 


coutsout gel 

glacier contournl 


bac alii 

coteau expose au nord 
la bas 



fuyez (aux volatiles) 


i aqui baix 

et la-bas au-dessous 










terrains precipices (car- 
rangs y barrangs) 



lieu oil Ton siffle 


casan s'y 

s'y marient 


coustas sec 

grosse cdte s&che 


meller chic 

amandier nain 


casa y liar 

maison et lard 


tout fa tail 

tout sert 






amas de vers 


cante gaill 

chante coq 


dormen s'y 

s'y endorment 


coll geli 

defile glac£ 


bi y tafieix 

vin y teint 


curcan llit 

creusent un lit 


cart moussec 

bouch£e chere 


scythe moursa 

le scythe dejeune 



champ d'ognons 


esquen d'ere 

amorcent de l'aire 


at taxi 

je t'impose une t&che 


sa rabuste 

on grappille 


sou juuccid 

sous la jonction 


cam geli 

champ glace 


xam a taill 

semence k la votee par 


terreng k ire 

terrains k jurements 



je bine la vigne 


found dbug llit 

lit de riviere torrentidle 


a samat 

a diminu£ (liquide) 


atxi liar 

je tranche du lard 


a casa 

k la maison 


bac s'y geli 

coteau oppos^ au solol, 
on y gele 


murssa bei 

je vois du gazon 


xfcx alii 

Ik du bie an 







bore casa 

maison aur le bord 

Agane eli 

agane alii 

d€p6t de juments \h. 



se servent d'une toile 


oixin alii 

qu'ils sortent Ik 


case geli 

maison glac€e 


casan Hi* 

cmmagasinent du lin 


serredit Hit 

lit de riviere 6lev€ 



danse des oerdans 

Ailanniu } 

ail en niu 

ail au nid 8A 

ou > 
Ailanma J 

ail en ma 

ail en main** 


germa Hit 

frfcre au lit 



lieu ou l'on moissonne 


All I 

cega n'y 

moissonnez y 

OU > 

Tscfaigene J 

xique n€ 

relevez en 


cul te pet 

le derriere tient le vent 
(ou cull stepe) 


cara liar 

visage long 


beixfes Hi 

mauvaise r£colte de lin 


malbat seque 

le m&hant se dessfeche 


cans ramat 

chiena de berger 


assi alii 

par ci par Ik 

Tschokkbeschkoi boc pese coll 

pfese le bois k dos 


al bouroun 

au bourgeon 


sarru baix 

basse besace 



pierre affile 



Heu glacial 



amas de rochers 


pa cal das 

lieu ou le pain manque 



j prendre garde * 


cor be caliu 

le coeur devient chaud 

u Ou alslan niu — isolent le nid. 
26 Ou fuslan ma — isolent la main. 



l'origine scytho-cimmbrienne 





a Fuix sta 

est pr&t a sortir 


gen y colle 

y attele des homines 


dormen colle 

dorment par troupe 


par teniP 

pour retenir 






j'y gele 


deude lli 

dette en tin 


t'o beig sec 

je te vois a sec 


soum goulet 

canal superficiel 


usen liar 

emploient le lard 



moissonnent mal 


oop da quille 

coup de quille 


souin alii 

qu'ils suent la 



petit amas de sable 


curque jasse 

creuse une cour 


coban y 

y creusent (ou cou bafiy, 
bain qui cuit) 

fsoquerrat coll 

defile br&16 

Tschokrakkkoi - 

I on 


Lsorrat guell 

gu€ ensable 


puja cal 

il faut monter 


ba risquan 

cours le risque 





xu mucail 

chasse la moire 



ont la diarrhle 



je satire 


cupaa dins 

coupes dedans 


coii coba 

caverne qui cuit (volcan 
de 1794) 


ker cugnifet 

pierre a coin 


pera cop 

pierre a coup 



Bards de la Mer 

cTAzof et de la Mer-Noire. Rwieree. 

(Andriveau Qoujon.J 




Tchetachil (coots 

ch&te agil 

robinet agile 


Karsak (id.) 



Apanli (id.) 

a panne Hit 

lit plat 

Doniouzli (id.) 

danious Hit 

lit dangereux 

Antchokrak (id.) 



Molatcha (id.) 



Mastchenak (id.) 



Molotchouie (id.) 

Malaia Outliouka 

mal aja ullou •> 


Bolchaia Outliouka 

bol s'aga ullou 

maudit) i, 
bem J 


(ka term.) J 

Outliouka (id.) 


cours d'eau 

Chekli Jouchanli (id.) 

secalli juncalli 

joncs qui se secbent 

Behimtchokrak (id.) 

vebins sorrat 

voisins ensabl& 

Eaux de la Mer-No 


Karatchikrak (cours 

carat girat 

face et revers 


Bielozerka (id.) 

bie lo cert (ka 

dirige le bien 

Podgalna, ou Podn 

potte gallna 

patte de gallinac£e 

(point du Dnieper) 

Konka, ou Konskaia 


grande assiette 

(oours d'eau) 

Podpalna (id.) 

pote palna 

patte de pal 

Kosal&kaia (id.) 

casalqueja oonstruit des monticules 

Tchaika (id.) 


releve (ou cbai-agneau 
ka term.) 

Dnieper "] 

niu perd 

perd le nied 

ou l(fleuve) 




bores ten 

tient dans ses bords 




Ingoulets(couro d'eau 

Ingoul (id.) 
Boug (fleuve) . 
Tsaregol (cours d'eau) 
Telegout (id.) 
Bala'itchouk (id.) 
Maliiadjalik (id.) 
Boladjalik (id.) . 
Sredniikouialnik (id.) 

Maliikouialnik (id.) 



engoull avale 

bouc niche & miel 

sorre guell sable au gu6 

tela goute s'infiltre 

sbalait xouc liquide qui disparaSt 

malehi aja Hit! maudiW obtient ufl ^ 

bol aja Hit J Wni J 

s'reteni coxal 1 

net I maudit 

malehi coxal net J m 

1 J 

bras nettoye 

Bord$ de la Mer d'Azoff. Rivieres. (Andriveau Gomjom.J 

Kouban (fleuve) 



Napsoukkou (cours 

naps chougou 

brenvage des navets 


Kroucoups (id.) 

croc coutse. 

croc coudl 

Kroukhats (id.) 

croc caps 

croc en pointe 

Zbiouga (id.) 


admet uoe passerelle 

Nepsal (id.) 


champ de navets 

Atakoum (id.) 



Eoudakho (id.) 

coue da ca 

queue de chien 

Kara Kouban (id.) 

cara kouban 

parallele du Kouban 

Protoka (id.) 

prat toca 

louche aux praries 

Boughour (id.) 


lieu de ruches k miel 

Soulou Koulek (id.) 

solo gulet 

goulet de sole 


germal prat to- toucbe les pres frater- 




Kozaltchtierik (id.) 

casal s'y es ric 

maison s'y enrichit 

Angali (id.) 



Nosov (id.) 


en forme de nes 

Skalovatoio (id.) 

scalibat olio 

cours effarouche (dissl- 




Lagoutnik (id.) 
Don (fleuve avec 
les 3 bouches :) 


Starii Vegourtcha 

Mokraia Kolan- 
Jelantchik (cours 

Kalmioua (id.) 
Kattchik (id. tres- 

Bielosarai (id.) 
Mokraia (id.) 
Zeienaaa (id.) 
Kamitcbevata (id.) 
Berda (id.) 

Keltoch (id.) 
Djermalgach (id.) 



l'ayga tenit 


l'eau teinte 

terre nova terre nouvelle 

Btar 7 b£ cour- estaries dangereuaes 


m'o creia calan- estaries trauquilles 


7 es Uanxit parcouru par les naoel- 


calmious bords a pic 

gat cbic petit cbat 

bie lo aarrai 
mou croia 
camida civada 

giiell toque 

o bitotjeneja 

dirige le sable 
entraine de la craie 
contient du limon ou sel 
chemin de Pavoine 
se couvre de buissons et 

touche le gu6 
lieu de production 

se couvre de pinnes ma- 

Crimte. Cap*, cdies, rivilres, montagnes, Hangs, etc. (Handtke.) 
Roman. Franfais. 


Tege (riviere) 


il tiase (le Tech, riv. 

Owraggschairli (id.) ouragge charli fait du bruit aprfca Fo- 
Ssalgirr (id.) saill giro roule du limon 

Bulganakk (id.) boulquanat renverse 


l'origine scytho-cimmeriennk 




Boghass (riviere) 


plein de plantes mar£- 

Karawa (id.) 


sort de son lit 

Ssamartschikk (id.) 

samar sec 

le dess&her tout a fait 

Tscheterlikk (id.) 

xeter llit 

lit de robinet 

Owragkakai (id.) 

ouragge cagail 


Alma (id.) 

ale ma 

a la main 

Bodrakk (id.) 



Meneor (id.) 



Euisse (id.) 


ae d£bat 

Katscha (id.) 



Marta (id.) 


laxatif (riv. Merde, 

Chatana (id.) 

chgta ana 

couler en robinet 

Stilia (id.) 



Bojukkusein (id.avec 

; b6 ioug usen 

8' en aervent tout droit 

ou Uanal et 

Tschernaja J prise 

serren alia 

on r&r&it Ik 


Schulu (id.) 



Baidarr (id.) 


rester blant 

Aratukk (id.) 

ara tout 

laboure tout 

Malssalgirr (id.) 

mal saill gire 

mauvais limon entralne 

Tschujuntschu (id.) 

sou junctio 

sous le confluent 

Beschterekk (id.) 

besse te rec 

deverse-toi, riviere 

Suja assma (id.) 

sua a sama 

diminue a peine 

Funduklu (id.) 

fund dug lou 

fond qui porte (glac£) 

Montana? (id.) 


vient des montsgnes 

Burultscha (id.) 



Tschurukkssa (id.) 


par petit filet 

Tunass (id.) 



Aschil (id.) 



Andal (id.) 


re?oit les pares de bre- 

Kuru Andal (id.) 

oourrou andal 

alimente Vandal (sup- 
' port ou good) 




Ssubasch (rivifcre) 

kakk (id.) 
Tschurukkssu (id.) 
Aluschta (id.) 
Dshaldachann (cap) 
Kaldantipp (id.) 

Kasantipp (id.) 
Dengeltipp (id.) 
Karamrnnn (id) 
Eskiforos "] 

ou I (id.) 
Tarchan KuttJ 
Oiratt Urrett (id.) 
Baba (id.) 
Ulukull -\ 

ou I (id.) 

Lukull J 
Chersones (id.) 
Aja (id.) 
Ssaritsch (id.) 
Kikineiss (id.) 
Nikita (id.) 
Tschikeiin (id.) 
Meganomm (id.) 
Karadagh (id.) 
Kiitatlama (id.) 
Tachawdar "j 

ou I (id, 

Durmenn (id.) 
Sykk (id.) 
Fanar (id.) 


naxit se ban 

a lou cheta 
salt da cans 
caldo an tip 

ca<?an tip 
d'anguille tip 
keram gr&n 
esqui fora 

tarrejan costa 
ora turrat 



sa risque 
qui que n'eix 
niu quita 
magan om 

qui y tact la ma 
) ou 

taze qu'ets sec 



sitdt n6 sitdt d£vi£pour 

petit filet 
au robinet 
saut de chiens 
cordial pour l'indiges- 

chasseut l'indigestion 
indigestion d'anguilles 
rochers qui grondent 
j'amorce dehors 

c6te terreuse 
bord dess£ch£ 
il bave 

hurlement recueille 


en dehors 


qui en sort 

laisse son nid 


cachent Phomme 

amas de rochers 

ici on donne la main 


taxe ce qui est sec 
ils dorment 

travailler vite (ou fan 
ar, font des filets) 






Akkburunn (cap) 

al brufi 

au rocher qui brille (1* 
sont des eaux mine- 

Takli (id.) 


est chaud 

Opukk (id.) 

on pout 

sent Poeuf 

Tusla (id.) 

tous alia 

gue'rit la toux 

Panagia (id.) 


produire du pain 

Kischla (id.) 

qu'ix alia 

qui sort Ik 

Pekla (id.) 

be cla 


Mysskamenno? (id.) 

m'ixqua manoll sorte un homme de 


Schegene "j 

ceguene' "i 

ou > (falaises] 

) ou 

► lieu k moissonner 

Tschagani J 

cega n'y J 

Ajudagh (cap) 



Bojukkkarassu (riv.) 

b£ iouk kersou 

droit rocailleuK 


cotitzout kerso 

ooudl rocailleax 

(id. affl.) 

Temirdshi (id.) 

temir s'y 

y prendre garde 

Andussu (id.) 

andou s'ou 

entraine avec lui 

Ssujukkssu (id.) 

sou junccio 

sous le confluent 

Usskuttusen (id.) 

esobute ou sens 

&oute, tu l'enteads 

Baibugas (id.) 

bai bougas 

bas depot de plantes 

Zykur (e*tang sale) 

s'y curt 

y a cours 

Halilalgil (id.) 

a l'ille al guiU 

k File le rocher 

Kirkk (id.) 



Eirleutt (id.) 

ker leu 

roc leger 

Tarkaun (id.) 


la terre y parait 

Donkuslaff (id. int& 


Missirr \ 

ou ^ (&ang) 
Tschokrakk J 












Tobctschikki „ 

ou U*jJ* 
Ortel, etc. J 8 ' 

tabeig sec 


je te vois a sec 


Pakalldagh (pic de- 

pacal da 

il faut donner du pain 


Ssamarkaja (id.) 

sa marca ja 

commence a indiquer 

Tiirkdagh (id.) 

tira queda 

l'attelage s'arrSte 

Paratlidagh (id.) 

parat li da 

pre lui donne 

Jenikoi (id.) 

gen y coile 

gens attfele 

Ssewernaja Kossa 


cdte a hiverner 

(langue de terre 


qui abrite) 

Kukuoba (eruption 

coii coba 

caverne qui cuit 

de 1794) 

Jushnaja Kossa (lan- 

just, n'a, y, a, 

juste il y en a, cdte 

gue 6troite sur le 


Bosphore cimm* 11 . 

Arabatss Kaja Kosaa 

arabats, casa, 

cdte de la maison de de- 

(langue Itroite en- 


fense avanole 

tre mer et qui porte 




Tschuruktupp (lie in- 

chourroup tape 

arrete les infiltrations 

habits ou banc de 


Tschongarr (id.) 


araas de joncs 


costa sarrillagas c6te de sable fin mau- 



Karabai (ilot inha- 


visage bas 


Chorali (presqu'ile 


amas de sable 


Tscharikk (id.) 





OrfoWWj* Roman, 


KuttMetscheslyadas- costa me geli 

cdte je gele d'ici 

sy(cdteavanceed£- d'assy 


Kutt Tschantulann costa gentulans cdte oil Ton aborde 



Ssaribulat(pointeid.) sarrill volat 

sable fin qui vole 

Belbek 1 bela beg 

voile j'aperjois 

ou > (baie) on 


KabartaJ cubert& 

mettre k la cape 

Sstrelezkaja (id.) strelles casa 

maison des e*toiles 

Pesstschanaja (id.) peschunaja 


Kamyschewaja (id.) camis se vaya 

se mettre en route 

Kosatschkaja (id.) cossats casa 

maison des coupe de 

pied (cosaques) 

Kurtyriburunn(cdte) kurq tiri bou- 

caverne d'eruptions vol- 



Koktebel (baie) couc te bel 

amene la voile 

Tekich (id.) te qui 

te voili arrive 

Dshemetri (presqu'ile 

et baie) 

Kuban (baie) coban 


Kysyltascb (d&roit) quissiltas 

lieu d'excitation 

Mer-Noire. Rivi&res. (And 

riveau Goujon.J 

°rt*V** Roman, 


Soianilo (coura d'eau) 

Koutchourgan (id.) coste sourregam 

approche des sables 

Dniester (fleuve) 

Alkaiia (cours d'eau) ait alia 

haut dehors 

Kaplani (id.) qu'aplani 

combien je nivelle 

Khadjider (id.) catxi d'era 

je prends du sol 

Saratto (id.) sorrado 


Tchilighider (id.) xelligueder 




, francaise. 



Tchaghe (ooura d 




Drakoulia (id.) 



Danube et Environs. 

Danub (fleuve) 

da nubi 

donne mari 

Kilia (bouche) 



Soulina (id.) 



Salmanor - 

saill ma nove 

limon k main nouvelle 


ost nou jika 

chasse l'hdte nouveau 

Ermakova . 


herma cova 

caverne deserte 




Tchernii - 

serre niu 

nid a scie 



terrain couvert d'ar- 

. (3 




au sud) 

rat da coul 

rat but son derrifere 

Lounino - 

lou nino 

le petit enfant 

Nome propres de Gaulois ou Qermains mentionnes dans Us Commen- 
tates de Cesar, avec leur signification approximative en Soman et 
traduction francaise en regard. 






poutres a leur place 


a riou bist 

vu k la rivifere 


an biou ric 

qui vit en riche 





emparedo ric 

empereur riche 


grito nats 

j'appelle les enfants 


an te brougues 

qui poss&de des broua- 






diminutif de rose 


at cant'anys 

te chante les ann&s 



tu baises la toison 







be dou nats 

porte bien les enfiuits 





caci bellanas 

je cberche des noisettes 


ca moii lo gens 

chien qui chasse le pu- 







Cataman teles 

cata mantels 

abaisse les manteaux 


cat y boulques 

chat tu y tombes 



constellation des Pleia- 


caba rims 

travaille les raisins 


aim beu rius 

le sommet domine les 


sin jeto ric 

riche sans un seul jeton 











convido les day- 

j'invite les bicbes 


cort bens 

le bruit court 





diu bisques 

vive Dieu 1 











douno ric 

donne en riche 





a pas nats 

n£s au pas 


gale ba 

voici les ifjouissances 


coba neteje 

nettoie la caverne 


gots tournats 

Goths revenus 






ex&uteur testamentaiie 


inducuc maras 

conseille les meres 



tu glisses 







llitat bisques 

que tu vives alitl ! (Lu- 



i je dirige les ^changes 


mori tasques 

impdts sur les morts 


na sua 

il transpire 





oulla visque 

vive la marmite ! 



voies urinaires 





se dolies 

qu'il se plaignit 


cega bessas 

tu rlpands le bl£ sous 
ta faucille 



chines k lilge 





taxi mas gou- 

je taxe mes bouches k 




tout o matas 

tu brises tout 


ber sin jeto ric 

vrai riche sans un jeton 

Verodoctius . 

bero docto 

vrai savant (H&odote?) 



veaux n& 


bergaa allans 

b&tons k lancer 



buissons verts 


bin dou bici 

je quitte le vice 


bin dou mars 

je quitte les mers 







(Letter addressed to C. T. Newton, Esq., M.R.S.L., and Keeper of 
the Classical Antiquities, British Museum.) 

(Read April 14th, 1863.) 

Cornea, March, 1863. 

My dear Mr. Newton, 

I had hoped, before leaving Greece, to make a 
complete survey of the plain of Missolonghi, but I have 
been compelled to leave my work unfinished, and have 
only gathered, in addition to the details of New Pleuron 1 
forwarded in 1861, the few notes which I now send you. 
They were taken, at different times, in 1860 and 1861. 
I make Missolonghi, as a central point, my starting- 

Remains near Chilia Spitia. 

On the side of a low double-crested hill, a spur of 
Mount Aracynthus (Zygos), but separated from the 
main range by a narrow tract of plain-land, are traces 
of a roughly-built wall with towers. On the top of 
the higher crest of the hill are the foundations of a 
building about eleven paces by nine, composed of 

1 Proceedings of Royal Society of Literature, vol. vii. new aeries. 


squared blocks. Other foundations may be observed 
on the lower summit. The walls in their circuit round 
the hill can barely be traced ; they are more distinct 
on the west than on the east side, and appear to have 
been of the rudest construction. 

The part of the plain below the hill is called Chilia 
Spitia {Xikia Xirlrta), from the. remains of houses scat- 
tered over it. A village existed here, I believe, before 
Missolonghi was inhabited. 

In the neighbourhood of Chilia Spitia, at a spot 
called Djaffer Pasha, guided by a Greek friend, I dug 
for tombs, but unsuccessfully. The place of search 
was the garden of a small farm, where tombs con- 
structed of slabs of country stone, roughly squared, had 
been found some little time ago. The tombs contained 
one or two small vases, but these had been lost or 

Rather nearer Missolonghi, not far from the chapel 
of Agios Jani, are the remains of a Byzantine building, 
constructed of large and small bricks, probably a 
church. I noticed here fragments of a large earthen- 
ware crock, similar to those found by Mr. F. Calvert 
on the plains of Troy. 1 Byzantine copper coins are 
found occasionally in the plain. 

Ruins at Kurtaga COalydonJ. 

One hour and thirty-five minutes to the east of 
Missolonghi, but west of the Evenus, are the ruins of 
Kurtaga, which are considered by Colonel Leake, with 
every appearance of probability, to mark the site of 
the once famous city of Calydon. 

1 ' Archaeological Journal/ vol. xvi. p. 1. 
VOL. VII. 2 o 


Situation. — The city was built in a valley, formed 
by the last slopes of Mount Aracynthus, round the 
summits of which the walls extend, 9 passing, on the 
north-east side, towards the plain of the Evemis, which 
river, a little above this point, debouches from the 
mountains on to the plain in its rapid course to the 
sea. On the south the ruins stretch, by a long wall 
terminating in a mass of foundation, to the plain of 

The Acropolis surmounts the height which rises 
above the city. It appears to have been strongly for- 
tified, and traces of a square citadel or keep, flanked 
by towers, are visible in the centre. The south-west 
end, its highest point, is a mass of rubbish ; and the 
wall, which, I think, extended along the inner front, 
can barely be traced. The view from the top is fine, 
embracing towards the south Mount Varasova (Chalas), 
which bounds the rich plain of Buchoro-Galata s with 
its thick marshy covers, where wild boars are still 
found, and through which the Evenus winds on its 
way to the Gulf of Patras. Across the blue sea, rise 
the mountains of Peloponnesus. Towards the north* 
east lie the bold mountains of iEtolia, whence the river 
issues on to the plain. 

Extent. — The whole circuit of the walls is considered 
by Colonel Leake to be two miles and a half, but I do 
not make it more than a mile and three-quarters. The 

3 The rough sketch of the walls which accompanies these notes, is 
submitted for inspection with some hesitation ; but though unfinished, 
it is, I hope, sufficiently correct to give an idea of the general plan 
of the city ; it will, at all events, assist the description. 

s So the east extremity of the plain of Missolonghi is termed, from 
the two villages of Buchon and Galata. 


city however probably extended outside the walls to- 
wards towards the plain on the east side. It is rather 
more than five miles from Kurtaga to the sea, at the 
base of Mount Varasova. 

On approaching the ruins from Missolonghi, the first 
object noticed is the mass of foundation (6, PL L and 
PL II.) , built at the end of a narrow spur of the moun- 
tain, at the entrance to the valley. This consists of a 
frontage wall of Cyclopean construction facing the 
north-west, built of large blocks, roughly hewn on the 
outside, but carefully fitted together, with lead, I think, 
in some places. The present height of this basement 
is twenty-six feet four inches. On it, perhaps, stood 
the temple of Artemis Laphria (Colonel Leake's sug- 
gestion). On the top is a pavement of square slabs. 
The remains of walls, portions of the basement, are 
visible round the head of the spur. 

From this point are traces of walls, proceeding 
north-east along the spur towards the city, as far as 
the ruined chapel of Agios Jam, one end of which 
rests on ancient foundations. Seventy-four paces 
north-east of this chapel, the city walls begin, and 
pass north-west along the bank of a small rivulet. 

Walls. — The walls, though much ruined, are trace- 
able throughout nearly their whole circuit. They are 
built of squared limestone blocks of various sizes, and 
are in general, more especially those of Acropolis, 
constructed with care, though not of high antiquity. 
Their average breadth is about eight feet. Every ac- 
cident of ground is taken advantage of for defence: 
where there are no towers, salient angles protect the 
intervening walls, so that from no point, in an attack, 
would the assailants have escaped a flank fire of 
arrows. 2 o 2 


Towers. — Traces of about twenty-two towers may 
still be observed. Their frontage varies from twenty 
to twenty-seven feet ; their projection from eleven to 
sixteen feet. The corner blocks of some of the towers 
are cushioned. 

Gates. — There were two principal gates ; one on the 
south (A, PL I. and PI. III.) and the other on the 
north-east side of the city (C, PL I.). The modern 
path, used by the peasants who bring wood to Misso- 
longhi, still passes through both. There are three 
smaller gates still visible (B, D, E, PL I.). The en- 
trance to the Acropolis is quite destroyed. 

Buildings. — Foundations of buildings, constructed 
of squared blocks, may be traced in various parts of 
the Polis, and beyond the walls on the lower slopes of 
the hill leading down to the plain of the Evenus. Out- 
side, but adjoining, north-east wall (F, PL I.) are the 
foundations of a circular building (tower ?) about eight 
feet in diameter. 

Tombs. —In and near the city I noticed several tombs, 
all constructed of roughly-hewn slabs. The two. 
tombs near the chapel of Agios Jani (Z, PL I.) still 
contained some bones having been recently broken 
open. The tomb near north-east gate (3, PL I.) had 
also been opened but a few days before my visit. My 
guide found, near it, a small fragment of gold filigree 
ornament ; the rest had disappeared. 

Inscription. — Of statues or sculptured ornaments I 
could find no trace, and I only noticed one inscription, 
on a slab of white stone, lying in front of the chapel 
of Agios Jani. 

The reading I give of this inscription is from a copy 
taken after a careful re-examination of the stone, on 


comparing notes with Mr. H. Bazin, a member of the 
French School of Athens, and a gentleman of conside- 
rable ability, who travelled over the whole of jEtolia 
in 1860-61, with the view of establishing, as far as 
might be, the sites of undetermined cities. 




From the appearance of the stone, I think this is 
the continuation of a larger inscription. On the lower 
part of the slab (a blank space intervening) are five 
more lines in a smaller character, but so defaced as to 
be quite illegible. 

Mount Varasova CChalcis). 

Crossing the Evenus (modern Fidharis), I explored 
the west side of Mount Varasova, in the hope of find- 
ing some ancient ruins, promised by the peasants, at a 
point called " Castro tou Mavromatiou Scala." After 
a toilsome ascent, more than halfway up the moun- 
tain, we arrived at a small mediaeval or Turkish for- 
tress, placed on a perpendicular limestone cliff, and 
commanding a magnificent view of the surrounding 
country ; of Hellenic remains there were no traces, 
though the way had been beguiled by our Vlach guide 
with stories of the terrible fights which, in old times, 
took place between the inhabitants of Kurtaga and 
the dwellers on the lofty rock we were about to visit. 

4 Small Y very doubtful. It would seem that the workman having 
forgotten the letter had inserted it above. 

* Mr. Bazin reads MOS and supplies (Sot) /*os. 


He was learned in their mode of warfare, and entered 
into interesting details of the manner of operations 
which the opposing parties carried out. His theories/ 
however, were not confirmed by our inspection of the 

From the village of Galata to the Crio Neri at the 
base of Varasova, where that lofty cliff descends to the 
sea, is about three miles and a half. The path skirts 
the mountain-side, along which, thirty-five minutes 
from the village, are lines of low shallow caves. I no- 
ticed on the way one or two Hellenic tombs, similar to 
those found at Calydon. I was told that vases had 
been found in them ; of course they had been broken 
or lost. From under the mountain, close to the sea, 
at Crio Neri, flows a little brackish rivulet, about two 
fathoms deep in the centre ; from the ground on either 
side, well two springs of fresh and very cold water. 
Round the point of the mountain, some mineral springs 
bubble up from the beach, close to the sea. They are 
cold and salt, and are said to contain muriatic and 
sulphuric kali, natrium and magnesia. There are the 
remains of walls, and fragments of tiles scattered about. 
These appear to be mediaeval or modern. At Crio 
Neri 6 magazines were formed by Ibrahim Pasha, during 
the second siege of Missolonghi in 1825, and stores for 
the Turkish army were brought hither from Patras. 

May not Crio Neri be a suitable position for the 
port in Calydon, mentioned by Pausanias in connection 
with the story of Coresus, the priest of Bacchus, and 
the cruel virgin Callirhoe ? I should like to fancy that 
the springs noted above are those mentioned in the 
story (Paus. lib. vii. 21). 

6 See Finlay's History of Greek Revolution, book iv. chap. 2. 


The sea at this spot has encroached on the land, and 
I have been told of the remains of walls, visible under 
water, but, having no boat, could not search for them. 

Though beyond the limits of the plain of Missolonghi, 
yet, as connected with Mount Varasova, I may here 
notice some ruins visited by Mr. Bazin, and situate in 
a defile on the east side of the mountain, three-quarters 
of an hour from the village of Vassiliki. Mr. Bazin 
describes the town as enclosed on the right and left by 
perpendicular rocks, and on the north and south by 
curious walls. He considers these ruins to mark the 
site of Chalcis. 

Western Division of the Plain of Missolonghi. 

I have but few notes to give of this portion of the 
plain. In a vineyard, about three-quarters of a mile 
north-west of the town, I saw an Hellenic tomb, in 
which two or three small vases had been found. 

The ruins at Gyfto Castro (? Old Pleuron, accord- 
ing to Colonel Leake) and of New Pleuron, on a higher 
spur of Zygos, I have already described in a former 
letter. I believe, however, that a further survey of the 
interesting ruins of New Pleuron might be rewarded 
with fresh discoveries. In the marsh, in the plain 
beneath these ruins, are said to be the remains 01 
walls, resembling quays, and iron rings, as if belonging 
to a port, according to my informant, but 1 was not 
able to verify the fact. 

About the centre of Kaki Scala, a rugged path which 
crosses the mountain-spur at the head of the marsh, are 
the ruins of a small Hellenic tower composed of large 
squared blocks, an outwork, probably, of New Pleuron. 


A little further on, at a spot called "Treis Ekklesias," 
are some Hellenic remains, seen by Mr. Bazin, but 
which had escaped my notice. In this part of the 
plain, and along the west banks of the Lake of Aito- 
lico are scattered remains of houses, extending over 
some distance, probably Byzantine or mediaeval. 

About four miles and a half north-west of Aitolico, 
on a lower conical hill, called Episcopi, which rises from 
the plain not far from the Achelous, is a ruined By- 
zantine church, built entirely of bricks. The church 
is sixty feet in length and thirty-three feet in breadth, 
including two long aisles on either side, which are 
entered by separate doors, but connected by openings 
in the interior with the body of the church. Some 
squared blocks, apparently ancient, are scattered on 
the hill-top outside the church. 

I have added to these notes a few sketches of Caly- 
don (1, 2, 3) and an outline tracing, from the French 
map of Greece, of the plain of Missolonghi. The coast- 
line has altered greatly since ancient times ; the three 
lakes spoken of by Strabo now form one long lagoon, 
extending from Cape Skrophes to the plain of the 
Evenus, a distance of about nineteen miles. The Lake 
of Calydon, famous for its fish, may have been at the 
east extremity of the lagoon, and extended nearer to 
the river than it now does. Patras is still supplied 
with fish from this coast. 7 

Believe me, yours very truly, 

D. E. Colnaghi. 

7 Whenever I have mentioned Colonel Leake's Researches, I have 
taken my notice of them from different articles in Dr. Smith's ' Dic- 
tionary of Greek and Roman Geography,' as I have no copy by me of 
Colonel Leake's 'Travels in Northern Greece.' 



^. «*.-«. n.w>iift i.» 

1 * 







(Read March 11th, 1863.) 

This interesting inscription is found on a cylinder in 
the British Museum. Another copy likewise exists 
in that collection, but it is much broken. The origi- 
nal text is lithographed in pi. 45 of the recently pub- 
lished volume of inscriptions. 

Column L 

Esarhaddon, king of Assyria, lord of Sumiri and 
Akkadi ; son of Sennacherib, king of Assyria ; son of 
Sargon, king of Assyria. The king who, in the name 
of Ashur, the moon, the sun, Nebo, Marduk, Ishtar 
of Nineveh, and Ishtar of Arbela, the great gods his 
lords, from the rising sun unto the setting sun, made 
conquests beyond number. 


Conqueror of the city of Sidon, which is in the sea; 
sweeper away of all its villages; its citadel and its 
palace I destroyed, and I flung them into the sea. And 


the place where the ruins had been, I made smooth 
and level. 

Abd-ishkutti, its king, who away from my arms into 
the midst of the sea had fled : like a fish from the 
midst of the sea I caught him up, and I bound his 
hands with fetters. His hoarded wealth of gold, silver, 
precious stones, (....) of elephants, teeth of elephants, 
dan wood, hi wood ; dyed wool, red and yellow, very 
precious ; and all the chief treasures of his palace, 
abundantly I carried off. His men and women be- 
yond number, with his oxen, sheep, and mules, I bore 
away to Assyria. 

I passed in review the kings of Syria, and those of 
the seacoast, all of them. 

I built the city again, and named it the city of 

Men skilled in archery, belonging to me, natives of 
the land and sea of the rising sun, therein I placed 
to dwell. My officers, men of distinction, I placed in 
authority over them. 

Moreover, SanduarrL king of the city Askundir-sitzu, 
an enemy and heretic who paid no reverence to my 
majesty, and whom the gods had abandoned; he trusted 
to his fortified stronghold, and Abd-ishkutti, king of 
Sidon, he took for his ally. 

The names of the great gods he carved upon his 
idols, and to their oracles he trusted. But I trusted 
unto Ashur, my lord. Like an antelope from the 
midst of the mountains I caught him up, and I bound 
his hands with fetters. Then I marked upon him the 
emblem of Ashur, my lord. And soon after, the 
heads of Sanduarri and Abdimilkutti, with the heads 
of their principal chiefs, I struck off; and along with 


the slaves, old men, children, and women, to the 
palace of Nineveh I sent them. 

Column II. 

[The commencement is broken. In the part which 
is lost, the king seems to have said that he cut off the 
heads of some rebels. He continues thus : — ] 

I collected them [viz. the heads], and unto Assyria 
I sent them off. And opposite the great eastern gate 
of the city of Nineveh, along with the heap of corpses 
there already, I left them to remain for ever. 

Then Teispes, king of the Sacse, a rebellious war- 
rior, whose land was far distant, in the province of 
Khubsan, with all his army I destroyed with my wea- 

Trampler upon the infamous tribes of the robber 
country, a race of outlaws inhabiting the forests which 
are in front of the fertile (or civilized) country : who 
trusted to their mountains, and from ancient times 
had never bowed down to the yoke. Twenty-one of 
their strong cities, with the smaller towns adjoining to 
them, I attacked and took them, and carried off their 
spoils. Then I ruined and destroyed them, and burnt 
them with fire. The best of those people, who crimes 
and murders had not committed, I only compelled to 
receive my yoke. 

Conqueror of the land of Barnaki, who are enemies 
and heretics, dwelling in Til-Ashur, which in their 
own tongue they call the cities Mikran and Pitan. 

Disperser of the inhabitants of the land of Manna, 
who did not keep their treaty ; and the king (am I) 
who destroyed with his weapons the army of Ispakiah, 


king of Ashguza, a crowd of soldiers who failed to save 

Conqueror of Nabo-zir-gisidi, son of Marduk-Bala- 
dan, who trusted to the king of Susiana, but did not 
thereby save his life. 

Then Nahit-Marduk, his brother, made haste to do 
homage to me. From the land of the Susians he 
made his escape. Unto Nineveh the city of my royalty 
he came, and kissed my yoke. The entire district on 
the seacoast, which was the inheritance of his brother, 
I gave to him. 

Destroyer of the city of Beth-Dakkurri, which is in 
Chaldaea, and is the enemy of Babylon. Conqueror 
of Shems-ebni, its king, an old man, vile and hateful, 
who would not worship the lord of lords [viz. Mar- 
dufc], and who bad seduced into heresy many of the 
common people, subjects of the princes of Babylon 
and Borsippa. The true worship of Bel and Nebo 
among those people I re-established, and I gave them 
back to the princes of Babylon and Borsippa. Nebo- 
shallim, son of Balatzu, I placed upon the throne, and 
he did homage to me. 

The city of Edom, the strongest city of the land of 
the Arabians, which Sennacherib, king of Assyria, my 
father, had conquered .... [The rest of this para- 
graph is broken off.] 

Column HI. 

[The first three lines of the column are destroyed.] 


... . . with his abundant presents, unto Nineveh 
my royal city he came, and kissed my yoke. Then 


holding forth to me his gods, he made supplications 
to me. I took pity on him. I repaired the injuries 
on those images of his gods. The emblem of Ashur, 
my lord, and the writing of my own name, I caused 
to be written on them, and I gave them back to him 

A young woman, brought up in my palace, I ap- 
pointed to be queen over them. With her gods, unto 
her country I restored her. 

A tribute of 65 camels, beyond what he paid to my 
late father, I imposed upoi) him. 

After Hazael had resigned his crown, I placed upon 
the throne Yahilu his son. 

Ten mina of gold, 1000 precious stones, 50 camels, 

and 1000 ( ), increased beyond the tribute which 

his father paid, I imposed upon him. 


The marsh country, whose situation is remote, a 
great district of overflowed land, cursed with famine : 
at first 140 leagues of marsh land, uninhabited, and 
utterly worthless ; then twenty leagues of a high and 
well-watered country; then again twenty leagues of 
broken country, — a region of rocks, — barren in the ex- 
treme, behind me I left ; and I then marched into a 
region which in former times no king, of all my an* 
cestors, had ever penetrated. By the command of 
Ashur, my lord, into the midst of it proudly I ad- 
vanced. Eight kings of the interior of that country 
I slew. Their gods, their treasures, and their people, 
I carried away captive into Assyria. 


Layali, king of the city Yadihu, who had fled from 
before my arms, hearing of the capture of his gods, 
unto Nineveh, my royal city, unto my majesty he came, 
and kissed my yoke. I took pity on him. I com- 
manded that he should be honoured. As for his gods 
which I had captured, I inscribed on them the emblem 
of Ashur, my lord, and I gave them to him once more. 
Those provinces of the marsh country I entrusted to 
his jurisdiction. A settled tribute to my majesty I 
imposed upon him. 

Belbasha, son of Bunani, king of the Gambuli tribe, 
(who in an island twelve leagues from the land, amidst 
the waters and the waves, like fishes have placed their 
humid dwellings,) was struck with terror on hearing 
the commands of Ashur, my lord, and brought tribute 
and offerings to my majesty. 

Column IV. 

[The commencement is broken off. It seems to 
have mentioned a war against some chief on the bor- 
ders of Elamti or Susiana ; a neighbour therefore of 
the Gambuli tribe last mentioned.] 

and he kissed my yoke. I took pity on him. 

I gave him a golden necklace. I strengthened the 
fortifications of Shapi-Bel, his strong city. 

Himself and his archers I left within the city, and 
like a palm-tree of the land of Elamti I caused him 
to flourish. 

In the district of Patusarra which borders upon 

( ), which is in the further part of Media, in the 

province of Bikni, the country of the precious zamat 
stone ; (which among the kings my fathers, none ever 


trod the soil of that country,) Sireparna and Eparna, 
chiefs of fortified cities who had not bowed down to 
my yoke, themselves and their people, and their horses 
trained to draw chariots, their oxen, sheep, mules, and 
dromedaries, with much spoil, I carried off to Assyria. 
Uppits, chief of the city Partakka : 
Zanasan, chief of the city Parratka : 
Ramatiya, chief of the city Uraka-zabarna : 
Median cities, whose situation is remote, who in the 
times of the kings my fathers never traversed the 
land of Assyria, nor ever trod upon its soil : (for now 
the dreadful terror of Ashur my lord had struck them,) 
brought noble stallions, and precious zamat stones, the 
pride of their country, unto Nineveh my royal city, 
and kissed my yoke. 

Then the chiefs of certain revolted cities assembled 
themselves together, and supplicated my majesty, and 
cried to me most earnestly. My officers, men of dis- 
tinction belonging to those cities, I commissioned to 
go along with them. They thoroughly subdued the 
inhabitants of those cities, and compelled them to bow 
down to their yoke. 

A fixed tribute to my majesty, measured equally, I 
imposed upon them. 


After that Ashur, the sun, Bel, and Nebo, Ishtar of 
Nineveh, and Ishtar of Arbela, over my enemies by 
victories had established firmly my power, I fulfilled 
my heart's desire. 

Oat of tKe spoils of foreign kingdoms, which by the 
help of the great gods my lords my hands had seized, 


ten large temples in Assyria, and in Mesopotamia I 
erected ; with silver and gold I adorned them, and I 
made them as brilliant as the sun. 

In those days, the royal palace in the middle of Ni- 
neveh, which the kings my fathers who went before 
me erected for the accommodation of troops, and for 
the care (or safe keeping) of stallions and mares, and 
cars (or waggons), able to carry implements of war; 
and for the safe custody of foreign spoils, and all 
manner of precious objects, which Ashur, king of the 
gods, had given abundantly to my royal arms 

[Here part of the cylinder is broken off, which pro- 
bably mentioned that this palace was gone to decay, 
and that the king had resolved to rebuild it.] 

Column V. 

A multitude of captives I compelled to make bricks. 
That old palace, I pulled down the whole of it. A 
vast quantity of earth in baskets I removed from its 
former place, and heaped it up [t. e. upon the site of 
the old palace]. And then with stones of ample size 
I finished the work of its mound. 

I assembled twenty-two kings of the Syrian nations : 
those of the seacoast, and those of the islands, all of 
them ; and I passed them in review 7 . 

Precious woods in large beams : fine-grown timi 
trees, ebony-wood, cedar-wood, and shurnish wood, 
from Sirar and Lebanon : 

Also pictures of the great gods, and sculptures to 
be fixed up against walls : statues of the gods carved 
in stone ; slabs of granite and alabaster ; two kinds of 
kumina stone, belgishak stone ; alishda stone ; and va« 


rious other kinds of stone from the forests {or deserts) 
of the lands of their birth, for the adornment of my 
palace, with danger and difficulty, unto Nineveh they 
brought along with them. 

In the month Shaga, on the day named belgari % 
upon that mound I began to build a magnificent pa- 
lace for the residence of my majesty. 

A great building of 95 measures in length, and 31 
measures in breadth, such as among the kings my fa- 
thers who went before me none had ever made, I con* 
8 true ted. 

With beams of lofty cedar-trees I constructed its 
roof; and to planks made of shurnish wood, a tree 
whose wood is excellent, I fastened ornaments of silver 
pnd bronze, and I affixed them to the gates. 

Divine bulls carved in stone, whose fronts alone 
were visible, I placed close beside the gates. 

Guardians of the treasure, preservers of the revenue, 
of the king who constructed them, every one of them 
I located in thteir place. 

This palace of stone and cedar-wood of immense 
size, for the residence of my majesty splendidly J 

Sculptures of the great gods made of bronze painted 
[or varnished] on both sides, and before and behind, 
jn the closed apartments of its interior, I constructed. 

Column VI. 

Cornices (?) of fine cedar- wood and ebony- wood, on 
the top of the gates I made. 

The whole of that palace with lofty nibikh of ha 
stone and zatnat stone I finished, and I completed its 

VOL. VII. 2 p 


kili [inner apartments ?]. With flat roofs like (. . . . .) 
I covered all the apartments, and with ornaments of 
pure silver and shining copper I adorned its interior. 

The glory of Ashur, my lord, which he had displayed 
among the foreign nations, I entrusted to the care of 
skilful carvers within it. 1 With noble shar trees, the 
growth of the land of Khamana [Mount Hermon] which 
all carpenters and joiners prefer to employ, I built its 
ita [inner walls?"]. I improved its kishalla. I greatly 
augmented its resources, for the stabling of horses 
within it. And I dug wells and filled them abundantly 
with water. 

This palace from its foundation to its summit I built 
and I completed. 

I made a hall of assembly in it for the great meet- 
ing of my council. And the name which I gave to it 
was Haikal pakidat kala mu, " the palace of protection 
of every useful work." 2 

Ashur and the goddess Ishtar of Nineveh, and the 
gods of Assyria, all of them, in its chapels I wor- 
shipped. Victims of most perfect beauty I sacrificed 
to their divinities. I collected together much wealth, 
and I did for those gods whatever they desired. 

I assembled together the first men of the kingdom, 

1 These sculptures of course represented the king's own actions 
and victories, hut they were conventionally attributed to Ashur, by 
" the terror of whose name " the foreign enemies are always said to 
be " confounded " or " overwhelmed." 

3 Or, " the palace of every kind of fostering care." Other in- 
scriptions also insist particularly on this point, viz. the great number 
of useful purposes for which this palace was employed. It was a 
kind of great central government establishment. 


the chiefs and the people of my land, all of them. 
And I caused them to be seated within the palace, to 
aid me with their help, and their foresight, and their 
well-weighed counsels. 

By the will of A6hur, king of the gods, and the gods 
of Assyria, all of them, may they always in future as- 
semble there, with good intentions, intelligent minds, 
much honour, and abundant profit ! And so may the 
glory of this palace be full ! 

Suited for every kind of useful work, may a noble 
race of horses, mares, beasts of labour (mules?), and 
camels, capable of carrying at once the warlike stores 
of a whole army, and likewise may the precious spoils 
taken from the enemy, — may these in an equal de- 
gree, and that by no means a small one, be carefully 
tended and guarded within it ! 

Within this palace may the sacred bull, 3 the guardian 
of my royal wealth, and the great giver to me of hap- 
piness, for ever continue to shine ! 

In future days, under the kings my sons, whom 
Ashur and Ishtar shall call to rule over this land and 
people, when this palace shall grow old and decay, 
may some one repair its injuries 1 And as I have 
placed the tablets written with the name of the king 
my father along with the tablets written with my own 
name, so do thou 4 also (as I have done) read aloud 
the tablets written with my name ; then build an altar, 
sacrifice a victim, and fix them up along with the 
tablets written with thine own name. So shall Ashur 
and Ishtar hear thy prayers ! 

3 Viz. carved in stone. 

4 The king here addresses his successor. 



■ Having given this translation of the whole inscrip- 
tion I now proceed to analyse the text, placing the 
Assyrian and English in opposite columns, and adding 
the necessary annotations. 

Column I. 

1 n Akkadim, [Esarh addon, king of Assyria, 

lord of Sumiri] and Akkadi, 

2 sar Ashur, [son of Sennacherib] king of 


3 sar Ashur, [son of Sargon] king of Assy- 


4 Sin, Shemesh, [the king who in the name of 

Ashur] the moon, the sun, 
. 5. Nabiu, Marduk, Ishtar aha Nebo, Marduk, Ishtar of Ni- 
Ninua, neveh, 

6. Ishtar sha Arbil, ili rabi bie- and Ishtar of Arbela, the great 
li-su, gods his lords, 

7. valtu tsit shemesh adi ereb from the rising sun unto the 
shemesh, setting suu, 

8. ittailaku makhira la yeshu. made conquests beyond num- 



- Of the first four lines, the greater portion has been 

Ittailaku is the t conjugation of allaJc, to attack. 
Heb. rfyn. 

Makhira la yeshu is a very common phrase, but not 
yet satisfactorily explained. Makhira may mean a re- 
gister, record, or history; Heb. fcnpD, liber, lectio; 
or it may mean " victories ; " Heb. JTOD, gladius, 

La yeshu may be-" that which cannot be counted," 
from tW2, nasha, summam numeravit ; or, " that 
which is not preserved in memory," from JWV servavit. 


, " 9. Kashid ir Tsidunni aha as Conqueror of the city of Sidon, 
kabal parti ; which is in the sea ; 

10. aapin gimir danimi-su ; sweeper away of all its vil- 


1 1 . til-sn u sahat-zu asshursn, . its citadel and its palace I de- 


12. Icireb parti addin : and I flung them into the sea: 

13. ashar masdaki-su wekhal- and the place where their ruins 
lik. had been, I made smooth and 


I have written kashid, on account of the probable 
etymological connection with kashat, victory ; kishitti t 
spoils of battle; ekshut, I conquered, etc. Otherwise 
the word might as well be read kamish. 

Sidon is loosely said to be " in the sea/ 9 instead ot 
" on the seacoast." 

The word meaning u the sea" may have been pro- 
nounced parti, because the Arabic has bahr, the sea, 
from which parti is not very distant. On the other 
hand, it may have been pronounced yobba, as it is very 
often written. 

Asshurshu denotes the most complete destruction of 
a building ; from tZTttP, sheresh or shersh, eradicavit, 
extirpavit (Schindler, 1951 ; Gesenius, 1040). 

Addiu. The final u is a sign of the first person, but 
when a short vowel precedes, as here, the last letter 
had probably somewhat the sound of m. 

Addi, I threw, jeci; from Heb. m\ jecit. The 
third plural, iddu, jecerunt, frequently occurs ; ex. gr. 
iddu-su, they cast upon him [viz. heavy chains of 

Masdak is similarly used for "the ruins of a palace" 
in the Constantinople inscription, 1. 61. It is from 
piD, sadak, Chald. and Syr., to break in pieces. 


Wekhallik, I made smooth ; from Heb. pVn, khalai, 
laevis, glaber ; and as a verb, spoliavit, denudavit. 

14. Abd-ishkutti sar-su, Abdishkutti, its king, 

15. sha lapan eshkuti-ya who away from my arms 

16. as kabal parti innabtu, into the midst of the sea had 


17. kimanani valta kireb parti like a fish from the midst of 

the sea 

18. amassu, akkireb kat-zu. I caught him up, and I bound 

his hands with fetters. 

Abd-ishkutti probably means " servant of the laws," 
or " servant of religion." He is indifferently called 
by this name and by that of Abdi-milkutti, " servant 
of the kingdom." There is, however, some doubt of 
authenticity of these names. The same cuneiform 
sign represents hut and tar. It is possible that the 
Assyrian scribe may not have possessed much know- 
ledge of Phoenician affairs, and may have selected 
wrongly hit instead of tar. Then by writing Jcu ut 
for kut 9 he put it out of the power of his reader to 
correct him. If the sign were really tar, the .name 
would be Abd-istarti, or " servant of Astarte." We 
know from the testimony of Menander that there was 
an ancient king of Tyre, called Abdistarte. Similarly, 
I think that Abdi-milkutti may be a corruption of "ser- 
vant of Melkart," or Melicerta. He was the Tyrian 

Amassu > from Chald. DDH, hamas, rapuit, abripuit, 
abstulit, transtulit (Schindler, 600). 

Akkireb is probably the Arabic verb 1*0, carab, com- 
pressit, anxit (Schindi. 394), implying that the hands 
were squeezed together painfully. 


19. Nakrau shaga-su, khurassi. His hoarded wealth of gold, 
kaspa, abnam agarut, silver, precious stones, 

20. tzu amsi, ka amsi, its dan, of elephants, teeth 

its kn, of elephants, dan wood, ku wood, 

21. ka thibbulti it u kurkum dyed wool, {red?) and yellow, 
sntaksu, very precious, 

22. nitsirti haikal-su all the chief treasures of his 


23. ana mahadi ashlula. abundantly I plundered. 

24. Nisi-su, nishati, sha niba His men and women, beyond 
la isha, number, 

25. ga u tsieni with his oxen, sheep, and mules, 

26. abuka ana kireb Ashur. I carried off to Assyria. 

Nafanu, a hoard ; from nakim, to keep safe, pre- 
serve, or board, which again is from the Chald. Up, 
kim, manens, durans. Hence beth-nakammati, a house 
of hoarded wealth, i. e. a treasury. 

Agarut, precious stones, is perhaps a particular 
form of the Arabic ian, hagar, lapis ; plur. higara. 

Tzu is of uncertain meaning. " Skins " would be 
hardly of sufficient value to be mentioned. Perhaps 
it means "bone," and is a shortened form of atzu,Heb. 
CSV, a bone. 

Amsi, elephants, I would derive from Heb. ametz, 
2DN, robustus, fortis. 

Thibbulti, dyed ; from SltD," thibul, tinxit, immersit, 
as first explained, I believe, by Dr. Hincks. 

Ku, fleece or wool, may be compared with the 
Greek «a>, root of tc&as, *<£*, a fleece. 

Mtsirti, the regalia or chief treasury of the king's 
palace ; from Heb. 1U, nezer or netser, diadema regis. 

Niba, number. The phrases, sha niba la isha, and 
la nibi, or la niba kabitti, have much the same mean- 

Abuka, spoliavi. The verb meant properly evacua- 


La palikh belluti-ya should perhaps be rendered 
" who paid no reverence to my Deity" i. e. Ashur. 

Wham the gods had abandoned (line 38) should be 
perhaps " who had abandoned the gods," i. e. the As- 
syrian gods, and served others. 

Wemassharu, from 1DD, to abandon. 

Mati, a place. The word for " mountain " was 
written the same, but perhaps was pronounced dif- 
ferently. The sign, T ¥ * has other values besides mat, 
for instance pU and kur. It has perhaps one of these 
values when it means "a mountain." Pili would 
mean " a rock." Kuri might be viewed as related to 
Russian goru, mountain. 

Ittakily he trusted. From Chald. and Syr. takal, 
^an, 'confidit, fiduciam habuit • (Schindl. 1970). 

42. Sumi ilim rabim ana akha- The names of the great gods 
rim itshata, he carved upon his idols, 

43. ana emukin-sun ittaklu. and to their mysterious powers 

he trusted. 

44. Anaku ana Ashur bel-ya But I trusted unto Ashur, my 
attakilu. lord. 

Ahharim. Heb. D"HnM, idols. 

Itshatu, he carved. Heb. TSV, etshad (Ges. 787), 
to cut or carve wood with a sharp-edged tool. This 
verb occurs in the Michaux inscription, last line of 

col. i., nish ilim rabim in suata itshat, " signa 

deorum magnorum in tabula h&c scuipsit." The cus- 
tom of carving the emblems of the Assyrian deities on 
idol statues, to augment their power, is mentioned 
twice in this inscription : Col. III. 11, and Col. III. 

EmvJdn. Heb. pay, profundus. 



Ittaklu, same as ittakil, in 1. 39. 

Attakiluy first person singular of same verb. 

45. Kimaitzurivaltukirebma- 

46. amassu ; akkireb kat-zu. 

47. Assu danan Ashur bel-ya. 

Like an antelope from the midst 
of the mountain 

I caught him up, and bound 
his hands with fetters. 

Then I marked upon him the 
emblem of Ashur, my lord. 

The comparison of lines 45, 46, with 17, 18, is cu- 
rious. One captive was taken on the seas, the other 
in the mountains. 

Itzuri, a mountain goat, or antelope. From Heb. 
ty, etz or ez, a goat, and T1X, tzur, a rock. Goat of 
the rocks : rupicapra in Latin. 

It is very curious that the antelope, or bouquetin, 
of the Pyrenees, the izzard, retains this name in the 
Basque language. It is possible that the resemblance 
may be accidental, but it deserves examination. 

I understand line 47 to mean that the captive chief 
was devotus, doomed to death. 

48. nisi zir limi imma 

49. reshdun Sanduarri 

50. u Abdimilkutti, 

51. as kishadi nisi-rabi-sun a- 

62. ittt u is ; tar a 


53. as ribit Ninua etittik. 

The heads of Sanduarri and 

with the heads of their princi- 
pal chiefs, I struck off; 

and along with the slaves, old 
men, children, and women, 

to the palace of Nineveh I sent 

Line 48 is obscure. 

Nisi, men; zir, race; limi, festival; imma, the 
same. Perhaps it means that the men of his family 


were immolated at the 6ame religious festival or auto- 
da-fe. . 

Kishadiy heads ; elsewhere kishadati. But kishadi 
also means the side of anything, the bank of a river, 
etc. The sense of as Mshadi is therefore dubious , it 
may perhaps mean "by the side of" those of the 

Apakh is a doubtful reading : it may be atar. If 
apakh is right, it may be derived from Chald. napakh> 
■pD3, in another conjugation pDN. On the other hand, 
atar may be the Chald. "VO, natar, excussit, decussit, 
loco suo movit ; whence Hiph. attar, nnM, dejecit, de- 
cussit, detraxit. 

I am not sure how the word was pronounced which 
I have rendered " slaves " in 1. 52. 

h or ish is an abbreviation of the Heb. word HJW*, 
isis or ishish, 'senex, canis capillis' (Ges. 452, 455). 

Tar and shal are likewise compendious or abbre- 
viated signs for children and women. 

Kbit : the meaning of this common word is very 
uncertain. Sometimes* it seems to mean a palace , at 
other times a city gate : and a hill. 

EtittU, I sent ; literally, I caused to be moved. It 
' is the t conjugation of etik, priy, to move : * diinovit, 
. transtulit' (Ges. 807). 

54. Shalil ir Ar f . Spoiler of jthe city. Ar 

55. ..... Mu8ii. land of Egypt. 

Of this paragraph only the commencement remains, 
and that in a mutilated state. It treated apparently 
of the king's Egyptian campaign. 


Column II. 

The commencement of this column is broken. In 
the part which is lost, the king seems to have said 
that he cut off the heads of some rebels. 

1 itkie so, I collected them [the 


2. ana Ashur-ki weraha, unto Assyria I sent them off, % 

3. as dikhi bab-rabi eha utdu and opposite the Great Eastern 
aha Nfnua, Gate of the city of Nineveh, 

4. itti atsi riku along with the heap of corpses 

(there already) 

5. weshasib sanuti kamish. I left them to remain for ever. 

Weraha, or werakha: probably from 33"^ ra&ab, a 

Utdu, the East : literally " the Rising;" so in Latin 

Atd, a heap : occurs frequently. 

Riku is used in the annals of Ashurakhbal for " the 
corpses of the slain," in the passage where he say6, 
" I threw the slain into the Euphrates." It may be 
derived from Heb. ppT) or pn, rik, to smite. 

The horizontal wedge which commences the sign 
ri is . sometimes placed under it, as here. Perhaps; 
however, the word should be read likkn. This would 
equally mean " the slain," for it may be derived from 
the Chaldee Np 1 ?, likka, to slay (Schindler, 955). But 
this verb in Arabic means abjecit, prcjecit, which per* 
haps gives a better sense. 

Kamish , for ever, is frequent in Sargon's inscrip- 
tions, where it is always written. in the abbreviated 
form Aa, with a plural sign added. The etymology 
may be from Chald. Dp, ftiro, manens, durans, v . ; 


6. u Tiuspa Gimirraya, And Teispes, king of the -So- 


7. zab sarda aba ashar-su ruku a rebellious warrior, whose 

abode was far distant 

8. as kiti Khubusan, in the land of Khubean, 

9. adi gimir ummanati-su we- and all his army I destroyed 
ratziba as isku. with my weapons. 

Teispes, an old Persian name. One of the ancestors 
of Darius had the same name. 

Sarda, probably for sarro, Chald. ID and *nD, * re- 
bellis, contamax, perversus* (Schindl. 1244). But the 
Chald. sarba, 31D» has exactly the same meaning (Sch. 
1245), so that it is doubtful which word answers to the 

Weratziba. This verb may be the Heb. TTT), occf- 
dit ; or else JEn, ' transfixit' (Ges. 949). In either case 
a vau has usurped the place of the last letter. A si- 
milar change is seen in the two Arabic verbs jm and 
PfD, both of which signify " paved with stones/' Sch. 

10. Kabits kisudi nisi mat khi- Trampler upon the infamous 
lakki ; tribes of the Robber Country ; 

11. mat duhoka asibut khar- a race of outlaws inhabiting the 
shani, forests, 

12. sha dikhi mat Tabal. which are in front of the fer- 

tile (or civilized) country* 

Kabits or kabish occurs frequently. It is the Heb. 
t&23, kabish, ' pedibus conculcavit, pedibus subjecit ' 
(Ges. 465). 

Kisudi, rascals: Heb. "HOPf, khisudi, 'probrosi* (Ges. 
356). Schindler (p. 620) says, Chald. MT1DH, khisuda. 
Syr. IDH, impietas, immisericordia, crudelitas, oppro- 
brium, maleficium. 


Khilakki does not here mean the land of Cilicia, but 
the country of Robbers. Khilakki are the khilak, p?n, 
or robbers, in Job xvii. 5, " qui praedatoribus, p?n 7, 
prodit amicos ;" see Ges. 345. But I have no doubt 
we have here the true origin of the name of the Cili- 
cians in Asia Minor ; for the tribes of that nation were! 
infamous as robbers, from the earliest times. 

Duhuka, outcasts of society, outlaws : Heb. and Syr. 
duhuk,pm, 'expulit, abjecit, ejecit, repudiavit' (Schaaf's 
Lex. p. 111). • 

Tabal, Tin, terra fertilis et habitata : outovpevr) (Ges. 
1045). Here opposed to the kharshani, or wild forests. 
The root is bl\ In all probability we here see the 
origin of the name of the land of Tabal or Tubal. It 
was descriptive of the country as compared with its 
neighbours ; like " the Highlands " and " the Low- 

13. sha eli mati-sun ittaklu, who trusted to their mountains, 

14. valta tami pani la iknusu and from ancient times had 
•na niri ; never bowed down to the yoke ; 

15. xxi iri-aun dannuti, twenty-one of their strong ci- 


16. adi iri tsakhiri sha limiti- and the small towns adjoining 
son, to them, 

17. almi aksut ashlula shallat- I attacked and took them, and 
xnn ; carried off their spoils ; 

18. abbul agguras ak- then I ruined and destroyed 

xnu. them, and burnt them with fire. 

Mati-sun I have rendered " their mountains/' but 
it may mean " the nature of their country." The use 
of the word is extremely vague. 

. 9. Sittuti-son sha khitthu The best of them, who crimes 

20. u kullulut la isu, and murders had not committed, 

21. ittu nir belluti-ya ebit tzu- I only compelled to receive my 
noti« yoke. 


Khitthu. Heb. Man, khitha, l peccatum, delictum ' 
(Ges. 331). Perhaps, however, we should read khith, 
murders. Heb. httf), caedes, from blSp, 'occidit' (Ges. 

Kullul is probably a murder, from Heb. khalil, ^n, 
1 vulneravit, confodit, transfodit, iuterfecit ' (Ges. 342). 

Isu y fecerunt ; from Heb. a&ah, rfttW, fecit. 
. Ittu. The first sign in this word signifies " one." 
It was pronounced hid or hed. It is the Heb. in, 
unus. The meaning of ittu appears from the. context. 
The king is speaking of the mercy he showed to 
some of his enemies, " coegi eos ittu (unic&) subire 

Ebit seems to mean " sejrvire fecit vel subjugavit." 
Perhaps it is the Heb. TajflT, Hiph. of TUT, serviit. 
With this whole passage, compare Sennacherib's in- 
scription (B. M. 39, 5), where that monarch pardons 
some of the inhabitants of Ekron — Sittuti-sun, la ba- 
bil khiditi u kullulti, sha arati II la ibsu, usshur-sun 
akbi. " The best of them, who were not stained with 
crimes and murders, and who had never swerved from 
the true religion of God, those I commanded to be 
rewarded.' ' Here khiditi answers to khitthu of the 
Esarhaddon inscription, and kullulti to kullulut. Ba- 
bil appears to mean ' stained,' from bl or 772, 'macu- 
lavit, inquinavit' (Ges. 151). TheBellino inscription, 
1! 13, replaces babil khiditi by lei khiddi, Arati is 
explained in the lex. " pietas erg& Deum," and iC pro- 
bitas, reverentia;" from the Heb. NT, pius probus 
fuit, Deum timuit. La ibsu nunquam cessaverunt; 
from Heb. DEN, * cessavit ' (Ges. 88). This verb is 
used in the inscriptions of Asburakhbal, where he 
Says that la ibsu (he had never ceased) from gaining 



victories over foreign nations. " I commanded to be 
rewarded " is Dr. Hincks's translation (Museum, vol. 
i. p. 215), and seems very probable. Akbi frequently 
means " I gave command." Usshur, to reward : this 
verb I would derive from shur, a golden bracelet, a 
frequent, mark of honour. Heb. JTW, ' armilla, tor- 
ques, catena ' (Ges. 1038). 

22. Daish mati Bartiaki nakru Conqueror of the land of Bar- 

23. asibut Til-Ashurri, 

24. sha in pi nisi 

25. ir Mikhrann, ir Pitanu, 

26. inamba zigir-sun. 

naki, who are enemies and here- 

dwelling in Til-Ashur, 

which in the tongue of the 
people themselves 

the cities Mikran and Pi tan 

men call their names. 

Nakru akissu. See Col. I. 37. 

In pi nisi, in ore hominum. 

Inambu. The verb namba, vocare, occurs frequently, 
and must, I think, be referred to the Indo-Germanic 
root nomen, ovo/ia : Pers. nam. 

27. Mushippikh nisi Mannaya, Disperser of the inhabitants of 

the land of Manna, 

who did not keep their {treaty?) 

(and) who the army of Ispa- 

king of Ashguza, a crowd of 
soldiers who could not save them- 

destroyed with his weapons. 

28. kntu la tsanaku ; 

29. sha ummanati Ishpakaya, 

30. Ashguzaya, ikru la musha 

31. inarn as esku. 

Mushippikh, from *]Btt>, shapak, to disperse. 

Ikru, an armed host ; probably from Heb. n^N, to 
collect together. When the king of Susa led a vast 
army against Sennacherib, the assembled multitude is 
termed ikru rabu. 

VOL. VII. 2 Q 


Mushazib, particip. of Chald. 1TO, shazib, to save. 

32. DamishNabo-zir-gisidi pal Conqueror of Nabo-zir-gisidi, 
Marduk-baladan, son of Merodach-Baladan, 

33. sha ana sar Elamti ittaklu, who trusted to the king of Su- 


34. la weshazibu napshat-zu. but did not thereby save his life. 

Nabo-zir-gisidi appears to mean " Nebo loves the 
race;" from Heb. TDn, khisid, benignus (*de Deo, 
gratiosus,' Ges. 357). It is not impossible that the 
name of his father Marduk-baladan may have meant 
similarly "Marduk, love the child!" from py, adan, 
deliciae. The usual etym. is from nadan, to give (fut 
idan) ; but the other meaning may be supported by 
the example of an ancient monarch, whose name was 
Ninev-bal-ukkur, " Nine v, love the child!" from Ip* 
carus fuit. 

Ittaklu, he trusted ; from Chald. and Syr. 73n, ta- 
kal, fidit, confidit. 

35. Nahit-Marduk akh-su Then Neith-Marduk, his bro- 

ther • 

36. ashsu epish arduti-ya. made haste to do homage to 


The name of Nahit-Marduk may mean " Marduk 
is glorious." Compare the name of king Nabo-nahid, 
viz. " Nebo is glorious." 

Ashsu is a doubtful word. If it is a verb, it may be 
t&n, hash, festinavit, t. e. he made haste to come, 
and do homage ; see Schindler, p. 549. Or perhaps 
it may be p^, " he resolved," " he took the resolution," 
viz. to come and pay homage to me. 

37. Valtu kireb Elamti innab- From the land of the Sasians 
tu ; he made his escape ; 


38. ana Ninua ir belluti-ya unto Nineveh, the city of my 


39. illik-amma, wenassik nir- he came and kissed my yoke, 

40. Mat parti ana sikhirti-sha, The entire district on the Sea- 


41. ridat akhi-su weshatkil pa- which was the inheritance of 
nassu. his brother, I gave to him. 

Ana sikhirta-sha, in its entirety, or throughout the 
whole of it. The same as ana gimirti-sha. 

Ridut, inheritance. This is the Syr. wnm\ irtuta, 
inheritance, wanting the initial vowel. Root JTV in Sy- 
riac, but 1ffV in Hebrew, haeres fait; dropping the vowel 
in the imp. and inf. ttn, JlttTl (Ges. 447). The re- 
semblance of hares to ttH\ and of hared- to JTV, and 
fueredit{as) to mm\ is so close that I think the Ro- 
mans had this word from the Etruscans, who brought 
it from the East. The resemblance has not escaped 
Gesenius, who says, " nescio an Lat. beres, heredis, 
ejusdem originis sit." 

The eldest brother having died in Susiana (see 1. 34), 
the inheritance of old Merodach-Baladan's kingdom 
devolved on the next brother, Nahit-Marduk, and the 
king of Assyria confirmed him in it, on condition that 
he acknowledged his supremacy. 

Weshatkil, I gave, properly means " I entrusted" 
the government of these lands to him. It is the sha 
or causative conjugation of takal, TOn, confidit, which 
verb we had in line 33. 

42. Nahiha mati Beth-Dakkur- Destroyer of the city of Beth- 
ri, Dakknrri, 

43. sha kireb Kaldi yab Babil. which is in Chaldsea, and is the 

enemy of Babylon. 

44. KamishShems-ebni sar-su, Conqueror of Shems-ebni, its 


2 Q 2 


45. ish kilbti kilbithu la pali- an old man — vile and hateful — 
khu zikri Bel bieli. who would not worship the name 

of the lord of lords (viz. Mar- 

Yab, an enemy. The plural of this word, yabi, is 
very common, but the singular is rare. It is the Heb. 
yiN, hostis ; from root TM, odit, hostis fuit. 

IShems-ebni, i. e. " the Sun created him." The same 
verb is seen in the name of king Ashur-bani-pal, and 
in the phrase abi-bani-ya, " my father." 

Ish is the Heb. W*tP\ senex. This word has already 
been treated of in Col. I. 52. 

Kilbu kilbithu probably means " dog of dogs," from 
Heb. a?3. Vituperative epithets abound when here- 
tics are spoken of. Susubi has the epithet Kalebaia. 
Another enemy is contemptuously called " the son of 

46. sha asibut nasikkan Babi- 

(and) who many of the com- 


mon people, subjects of the prin- 

ces of Babylon 

47. u Bartship as parikti itbalu. 

and Borsippa, had seduced into 


48. Assu anaku balukti Bel u 

Then the true worship of Bel 

Nabiu, idu 

and Nebo, among 

49. asibut sinati wetaru. 

these people I reestablished. 

The monogram for " princes f ' is of doubtful pro- 
nunciation, perhaps nasikkan. 

Parikti is probably heresy, or rather schism, from 
Heb. par ah, separavit. 

Itbalu. T conjugation of Heb. hhl. or rhx Ges. 
151, * maculavit, deturpavit ;' also ' confudit (maxime 
sermonem).' Either sense suits well. The land was 
thrown into confusion by its prince renouncing the wor- 


ship of Marduk. It is possible however that asparikti 
itbalu may be " he plunged them into heresy;" from 
Heb. 72B, tabal, immersit. 

A$su, then. This word may be compared with the 
Heb. TON, then, which occurs in Deut. ii. 22, etc. 
The final r is sometimes omitted in Assyrian, as tsiba, 
a heap ; Heb. tsibar. 

Idu y among. Several words occur in the inscrip- 
tions derived from Heb. m, hid or id (unus), such as 
in id, un&. Indeed the common preposition itti, un& 
cum, appears to be thence derived, unless it is the 
Heb. nM, one of the meanings of which is € with/ 

Bel may mean here " the lord," i. e. Marduk, and 
not the god Bel. 

50. Pan nasikkan Babil a Bart- (And) to the princes of Baby- 
ship Ion and Borsippa 

51. weshatkil. I gave them. 

52. Neboshallim pal BaJatzu, Neboshallim, son of Balatzn, 

53. rs guza-su weshafliba, I placed upon his throne (i. e. 

that of Shems-ebnt), 

54. ishada abshani. and he did homage to me. 

Pan is used as a preposition, meaning 'belonging 
to ' or ' possessed by/ ex. gr. weshatkil panussun (for 
pan sun), " I gave into their possession." 

Weshatkil. See line 41 of this column. 

Neboshallim, i. e. Nebo save ! or perhaps as a sub- 
stantive, " Nebo, the saviour." 

The last line occurs frequently, but the spelling 
varies. Generally it is isuthu abshani. It means that 
"he did homage to me ;" but the grammatical con- 
struction is uncertain. 

Ishada is probably from TDn. 


55. Ir Adumu, ir dannati mati The city of Edom, the strongest 
Aribi, city of the land of the Arabians, 

56. aha Senakhirib sar Ashur which Sennacherib, king of 


57. (abu) banu-ya iksudu my father, had conquered 

The rest of this paragraph is broken off. The word 
abu is also destroyed. 

Column III. 

The first three lines of this column are destroyed. 


4. itti taraarti-so kabitti, with his abundant presents, 

5. ana Ninua, ir belluti-ya, unto Nineveh, my royal city, 

6. illik-amma, wenassik nir-ya. he came, and kissed my yoke. 

7. Assu natan ilu-su wetsalla Then holding forth to me his 
anima; gods, he made supplication to 


8. rimu arsi-su ; I took pity on him ; 

9. ilu shatunu ankhut-sun utti- I repaired the injuries on those 
shu, images of his gods, 

1 0. danan Ashur bel-ya, the emblems of Ashur, my lord, 

1 1 . u sidhir mu-ya eli-sun we- and the writing of my own 
shashdiru, name, I caused to be written on 


12. wetaru attan-su. and I gave them back to him 


Natan, Jn3, in the sense of c extendens manum, por- 
rigens' (Ges. 1062). 

Rimu, with pity ; Heb. Dm, ' misertus est ' (Ges. 

Arsi-su, I received him kindly. The root seems to 
be Heb. TVT\ % * benevolo excepit dona ferentem ' (Ges. 



The last part of line 9 occurs in many other inscrip- 
tions. I would derive ankhut from !"0y, anah, to in- 
jure, which in Assyrian seems to have been TOV. A 
tense of this verb occurs frequently, inakhu, it shall 
decay (said of a palace). 

Sidhir, to write, and subst. a writing. Hence in the 
sha conjugation weshashdhir, I caused to be written. 

Wetaru or utaru: adverb, 'again ;' this word occurs 

13. Sfaal tabu-ya tarbit haikal- 


14. ana saruti eli-sun ashkun ; 


itti ilu-shaanamat-sha we- 

A young woman, brought up 
in my palace, 

I appointed to be queen over 

with her gods unto her country 
I restored her. • 

Shal tabu, a young woman. This adjective occurs 
in B. M. 41, 4. Akh-$u tabu-ssu, his younger brother. 

Tarbit, brought up ; feminine from pen, to grow 
up: Ges. 919, 'adolevit.' It seems that she became 
the wife of the suppliant monarch ; this however is 
not very clearly expressed. 

16. LXV garaali eli madatti 

65 camels, increased beyond 
the tribute 

17. abu-ya makriti weraddi, 

[he paid to] my late father, 

18. hukin tsirussu. 

I imposed upon him. 

19. Arka Hazael shimut 

After (/ had deprived Hazael 

of the crown ?) 

20. Yahilu, tar-su, 

Yahilu, his son, 

21. as guza-su weshasib. 

I placed upon his throne. 

22. X mana (aurf) : fmille la- 

Ten mirue of gold : a thousand 

pides) biruti, 

precious stones : 

23. Lgammali: Mkunzi-shim* 

24. eli madati abi-su uraddi 

50 camels : a thousand 

increased beyond the tribute 


which his father paid, I imposed 

upon him. 


The meaning of line 19 is uncertain. Shimut may 
be the same as simat, a crown. 

The phrase hukin tsirussu, line 18, generally marks 
the conclusion of a subject. I therefore suppose that 
Hazael was not the same person as "the suppliant 

Ten mina would be about £40 sterling of our 

Biruti. The root seems to be Heb. 1ND, par, ' pul- 
cher fuit' (Ges. 809), whence 1ND, a tiara or diadem. 
A similar word, the precious paruti stone, is frequently 
mentioned in the inscriptions. 

Uraddi or weraddi> augmented. Here it appears to 
be a participle. 


25. Batzu nagu sha ashar-su The Marsh Country, whose si- 
ruku, tuation is remote, 

26. milak nab ali ebgar muna- a great district of overflowed 
khir znmi, land, cursed with famine, 

Batzah, a marsh ; Heb. PGQ, * palus * (Ges. 1 65) ; 
and yn, csenura, lutum. 

Nagu, a province or district, occurs frequently. 

Milak or malak, a long journey; from *ppr, alak 9 ire, 
proficisci. Thus we have malak 30 kasbu, a distance 
or voyage of 30 leagues. 

Nabaliy overflowed. Compare nabalish wetar> *I 
filled it to overflowing' — said of a canal which the king 
caused to be made (Bellino's Cylinder). Root related 
to Heb. JQ3, copiose effudit, scaturivit. 

Munakhir, from 133, ' infortunium ' (Ges. 669). This 
word is used for " great calamity or ruin," Job xxxi. 3, 


and Obad. line 12, " ne rideas in die calamitatis ("OS) 
fratris tui." 

Zwni or tzumi, famine ; HeD. DIE, jejunare, and 
subst. jejunium. 

27. CXL kasbu ebgar batsi, 140 leagues of marsh land, 

28. bukutta u takkazabit ; uninhabited, and utterly worth- 


29. XX kasbu ebgar tsir u ru- then 20 leagues of a high and 
tap, well-watered country, 

30. aha kima which like 

Kasbu I have translated " a league." When used 
for a measure of time, it is two hours. 

Bukutta, void of inhabitants ; Heb. njTn, evacuatio, 
depopulation in Nahum. 

Takkazabit, quite worthless; see Schindler, 855. 
The root is ltD, hazab, vanus, nugax, inanis. Perhaps 
however it is from the Hiph. form, yt3!"T, hokkazib, 
" conviciis premere," to speak of a thing as worthless. 
In that case we may translate takkazabit, a land " of 
evil repute," or " very ill spoken of." 

Tsir u rutap I have rendered "high and well- 
watered." Tsir signifies " high," and occurs in that 
sense very frequently. 

Rutap is well irrigated, and causing fertility ; see 
Schindler, 1731, nan, maduit, irrigatus fuit, viruit. 
Arab, ruiab, humidi, molles, teneri. Chald. y*i£T\ % hu- 
midus, viridis. Job xxiv., " They shall be moistened 
(12ZDT) by the mountain streams " (as translated by 
Schindler). This seems to have been the only part of 
the south country worth conquering. 

Line 30 is difficult, and I observe that the other cy- 
linder omits lines 29, 30, and substitutes quite a dif- 
ferent phrase ; see B. M. (1st series), pi. 56, 12. It 


is, however, illegible, except the first word ashar, a 

31. XX kasbu mati khatzu, Then 20 leagues of broken 
shaddi abnam, shakkil nam, country, a region of rocks, barren 

in the extreme, 

32. ana arka-ya wemasshiru ; behind me I left ; and I then 
etik marched 

33. nagu suatu sha valtu tami into a region, which in former 
valluti times 

34. la illiku sar pani makhri-ya. no king, of all my ancestors, 

had ever penetrated. 

35. As kibit Ashur bel-ya, By the command of Ashur, my 


36. as girbi-su shaldanish attal- into the midst of it proudly I 
lak. advanced. 

Khatzu, fractus ; from Syr. NSp, fregit. Compare 
French casser. 

Shaddi. Heb. HTO, campus, ager. 

Shakkil. Heb. *a» f « sterilis fuit * (Ges. 1003); 
h^SQf, quite deserted ; * ab omnibus relictus ' (Ges.). 

Nam : this particle seems to mean c exceedingly/ 
I am not sure to what root it should be referred, but 
perhaps to the Arabic NQ3, nama, otherwise ^a, nami, 
crevit, multiplicavit ; and as a subst, TD2, MM, n«- 
mu, nameh, ' multiplicatio ;' see Schindler 1124. 

Wemashiru, from ^DO, reliquit, which occurs fre* 
quently in the inscriptions. 

Etik. Heb. pny, c castra movit,' in Hiph. (Ges. 807). 

Nagu suatu, that region. I have introduced these 
two words, which are found on the second cylinder. 
They seem very necessary to the sense. 

Kibit, a command ; from the same root as aibi, I 
commanded ; ikbu, he commanded ; ikbuni, they com- 



Shaldanish, from Heb. to^tP, dominus fuit. Chald. 
ptoVtP, dominus. Hence the word Sultan or Soldan, 
according to Schindler, Lex. p. 1873. 

Shaldanishj "like a king/ 9 or "proudly, with royal 

Attallaky t conjugation of the verb allak, to advance. 
Heb. Y?n. 

37. VIII sarin shaktreb nagie 

38. aduk. Ilu-sun, shasu-sun, 

39. u nisi-sunashlulaanakireb 

40. Layali, ear ir Yadihu, . 

41. aha valta lapan eskuti-ya 

42. ahallat ilu-su ishmiu 

43. ana Ninua-ki ir beUuti-ya, 

44. adi tsirri-ya illik-amma 

45. wenaaaik nir-ya. 

46. Rimu arsi-su: aktabi-su 

Eight kings of the interior of 
that country 

I slew. Their gods, their trea- 
sures, their goods, 

and their people, I carried away 
captive into Assyria. 

Layali, king of the city of Ya- 

who had fled from before my 

hearing of the capture of his 

unto Nineveh, my royal city, 

unto my majesty he came, and 
kissed my yoke. 

I took pity on him. I com* 
manded that he should be par- 

Aktabi is the t conjugation of akbi, " I gave com- 
mand." This verb frequently occurs, ex. gr. when 
Sennacherib took the city of Ekron, he put to death 
the rebellious citizens, but there was a loyal minority 
whom he spared and rewarded. The words are, 
U88hur-sun akbi, I gave command to honour or decorate 
them, see B. M. 39, 7. 

Ashak means probably to pardons from J?tP\ libe- 
rare, pronouncing the V hard, as the Arabic ghain. 
The same root occurs, 1 think, in the name of a man 


on the Zaaleh stone, viz. San-sik-ash-ka, or " San, pre- 
serve thy votary 1" He was probably a priest of San, 
the lunar deity. But if this explanation of aslutk is 
not admissible, I think the word may be an error for 
ashur, to decorate; the word (whatever it is) being 
partly defaced on the cylinder. 

47. Ilu-su sha ashlula, danan His gods which I had captured; 
Ashur bel-ya, the emblem of Ashur, my lord, 

48. eli-suu ashthuru, utaru at- upon them I inscribed, and I 
tan-su. gave them to him once more. 

49. Nagie mati Batzi suata Those provinces uf the Marsh 


50. weshatkil panussu : I entrusted to his jurisdiction; 

5 1 . tikun mandatta belluti-ya a settled tribute to my majesty 

52. hukin tsirussu. I imposed upon him. 

Weshatkil, I entrusted, is the sha conjugation of 
takil, to trust. Chald. hlD, ' confidit ' (Schindler, 

53. Belbasha pal Bunani Gam- Belbasha, son of Bunani, king 
bulaya, of the Gambuli tribe, 

54. sha as XII kasbu ebgar as who [in an island] 12 leagues 
mami u gishukki, [from the land] amidst the waters 

and the waves, 

55. kima nuni meshkunu ruta. like fishes have placed their 

humid dwellings. 

After describing the conquest of the Marsh country 
of Lower Chaldaea, he passes on to their neighbours 
the Gambuli, who dwelt in some small islands in the 
Persian Gulf, where probably some of them followed 
the occupation of pearl fishers, for which that sea has 
always been famous. Their humid way of life is par- 
ticularly spoken of. 


Kasbu alone is a measure of time (two hours), but 
kasbu ebgar is a measure of length, which I have 
vaguely translated "a league." Ebgar is earth or 
land, but I am uncertain how the word was pro- 

Mami, if I have written the word rightly, is the Heb. 
D**D, waters. 

Gishukki I suppose to mean " waves," which are 
elsewhere called gibishti. 

Ruta may be the same word as rutab, humidus, 
which we have already had in this inscription, Col. III. 
29. This sense seems to suit the passage well. In 
Job xxiv. 8, DZO't, maduit pluvi&, to be wet with rain. 
Here " to be always wet with the spray of the sea " 
may be the meaning intended. 

56. as kibitA&hurbel-ya khatu On [hearing] the command of 
imkutzu, • Ashur, my lord, he waa struck 

with terror. 

57. ki bilim ramani-su 

58. bilut u mandatta tribute and offerings [he brought 

to my majesty]. 

The first cuneiform sign in Jchatu is generally to be 
pronounced pa. The value Ma, which occurs in this 
word and in a few others, is comparatively very rare. 
A special example of it is seen in the name of the 
great nation of the Khati or Khatti, viz. Syria. That 
it was pronounced as kha in the present word, appears 
from the frequent occurrence of the phrase khatu im- 
kutzu, or imkutzu khatu in other inscriptions, written 
with the usual form of the syllable kha. Khatu is the 
Heb. nn, terror. 

Imkutzu, he was struck ; from makhatz or makhaz, 
to strike. Heb. ^TTO, percussit. Another derived word 


from this root is takhazi, battle, which frequently occurs 
in the inscriptions. 

The meaning of line 57 is doubtful. Ramani usu- 
ally signifies ' soldiers/ or perhaps ' officers/ 

Ki bilim ilimu, " by command of the gods," is a fre- 
quent phrase. But ki bilim ramani-su, " by command 
of his officers/' or " the chiefs of his army," is a very 
improbable translation. We might say, perhaps, " by 
consent of his chiefs," or " urged by them," he sent 
tribute to me. Perhaps, however, his ramani were 
his gods or higher powers, from aim, altus fuit. But 
I have not found this meaning of ramani elsewhere. 

Column TV. 

1 wenassik nir-ya and he kissed my yoke. 

2. rima arsi-su : wesharkits I took pity on him : I gave him 
shurruti. a golden necklace. 

3. Ir Shapi-Bel ir dannuti-su, Of Shapi-Bel, his fortified city, 

4. dannat-zu wedanninu ; I strengthened the fortifications; 

5. Shaasu adi zabi-kim-su as himself and his archers within 
libbi the city 

6. weshali-su ; I left ; 

7. kima ikti Elamti edil-su. and like a palm-tree of the land 

of Elamti, I caused him to flourish. 

Wesharhits, the sha conjugation of Heb. Dm, rakis, 

Shurrut, a chain or necklace of honour, from Heb. 
JVntP, shurut, catenae, armilte (Ges. 1038) ; from ITW, 
a contorquendo dictae, ut Lat. torques. 

Wesharkits shurruti is therefore, ' I bound him with 
a chain of honour, or placed a golden collar round his 

As libbiy in the interior thereof. 


Weshaliy probably for weshari, I left; from Heb. 
shar, -ttW, « reliquus fuit * (Ges. 975). 

Edit. This verb means in Assyrian, to repair or 
restore, or exalt and beautify. Thus in B. M. 70, 23 
(first series), a king calls himself the Mudil, or Restorer 
of the temple of Kharrish-Kurkura. It appears to be 
the Arabic hilt, edel (Ges. 739), to which he attributes 
the sense of ' generosus fuit ;' while Schindler renders 
it ' renovavit,' which agrees with the Assyrian. 

Ikti. This word has the sign for tree or wood pre- 
fixed to it. 

8. Patusarra nagu, sha itie . . . In the district of Patusarra, 

which borders upon 

9. sha kireb Madaya rukuti, which is in the farther part of 

10. sha padi Bikni, shaddi abni in the province of Bikni, the 
zamat: country of the precious zamat- 

stone : 

Patu or pati evidently meant ' a city ' in the Median 
tongue, for it is found in the names of many places. 

Itie, the frontiers of a land. 

Padi is probably the Heb. nMD, pat, latus, regio, 
e. g. 1WQ nND, regio Moabi (Ges. 808) ; in fact, it is 
sometimes written pat in the Assyrian inscriptions, 
e.g. Botta, pi. 13, 11. 

Bikni. The geographical position of this country 
has not yet been ascertained. Whenever it is named it 
is almost always added that it is the native region of the 
zamat -stone, a precious substance not yet identified. 

Zamat. The pronunciation of this name is quite 
uncertain. Perhaps it should be read zakur, and may 
come from Heb. VIS, candid us, nitens. This, on the 
supposition that it was a white stone. But Rawlinson 



thinks it was lapis lazuli. On the other hand, if the 
true pronunciation is zamat, it may have been a kind 
of jasper stone, which is called in Heb. fiDTZJ\ Gr. 
uunriS- : but in Arabic, with a slight change of the la- 
bial, DOttF yashmat, yazmat, which is not very remote 
from zamat. However, nothing certain is yet known 
about it. 

1 1 . aha as sarin abi-ya nin la 

12. kiti mat-sun. 

13. Sirep-parna, Eparna, 

14. Beli iri dannuti, 

15. sha la iknusu ana niri 

1 6. shaasun adi nisi-sun kurra 

17. ga, tsieni, uduri, 

1 8. shallat-zun kabitta ashlula 
ana Ashur-ki. 

(which, among the kings my 
fathers, none ever trod 

the soil of their country). 

Sireparna and Eparna, 

chiefs of fortified cities, 

who had not bowed down to 
my yoke, 

themselves and their people 
and their horses trained to draw 

their oxen, sheep, mules, and 

and much spoil, I carried off to 

Ikbutzu, or ikbutsu, from Heb. Dn3, pedibus cat 

Uduri, elsewhere called utturat, appear to be drome- 
daries ; Pers. u&tur. 

19. Uppits bel-ir sha ir Far- 

20. Zanasan bel-ir sha ir Par- 

21. Ramatiya bel-ir sha ir Ur- 

22. mati Madaya sha ashar- 
sun ruku, 

23. sha as kutsi sarin abi-ya 
kiti Ashur 

24. la ibbulkitunu, la ikbutzu 

Uppits, city-chief of the city 

Zanasan, city-chief of the city 

Ramatiya, city-chief of the city 

Median cities whose situation 
is remote, # 

who in the times of the kings 
my fathers, the land of Assyria 

never traversed, nor ever trod 
upon its soil 



25. bulukhut rarubi Ashur bel- (for now the dreadful terror of 

ya iskhutsu sunuti, 

26. karniski rabi, zamat khib 

27. ana Ninua ir belluti-ya 

28. issunu, wenassiku nir-ya. 

Ashur my lord had struck them), 
noble stallions and precious 

zamat Btones, the pride of their 


unto Nineveh, my royal city, 
they brought, and kissed my 


Kutsi. Heb. PKp, finis; Chald. nsp: Dan. iv. 31, 
OW PSpb, in fine dierum. 

As kutsi means here, * in termino ' (vitae), during the 
lifetime. The phrase occurs frequently. 

Ibbulkitunu, they traversed; from a quadriliteral 
root, balkat, transire, which seems peculiar to the As- 
syrian language. It has also a t conjugation, as atta- 
balkat, ' I passed by,' praeterivi. 

Khib, delicise. Syr. Main, amor, dilectio. Root 3T7, 

29. Assu bieli iri shakaut itku 

30. Belluti wetsallu, 

31. erisu inni ikru. 

32* Sutrish-ya nisi nam .... 

33. sha padi mati-sun, 

34. itti-sun wemahiru. 

35. Nisi asibut iri shatunu 

36. ikbutsu, weshaknis-su 

Then the chiefs of certain re- 
volted cities assembled themselves 

and supplicated my Majesty, 
and cried to me most earnestly. 
My officers, men of distinction 
belonging to those cities, 
I commissioned to go along 
with them. 

The inhabitants of those cities 
they thoroughly subdued, and 
compelled them to bow down to 
their yoke. 

Shakaut ', c in a state of revolt,' 'seduced/ 'led astray/ 
participle from Heb. shaga, JTftP (Ges. 982), ' aberravit, 
peccavit/ etc., which is nearly the same as ;utt>, c erra- 
vit, deliquit/ and, as a participle, ' seductus/ 

VOL. VII. 2 R 


Itku, € they assembled/ third person plural. Atki, 
1 1 assembled/ is the first person singular of same verb. 
It occurs frequently. 

E-ri-8u was pronounced erish, as appears from other 
passages. It is an adverb, meaning ' eagerly ' or * pas- 
sionately.' It appears to be derived from Heb. rnn, 
arsit (Ges. 367), saepe significat ' exarsit ir&.' (N.B. 
The Latin ira may have some ancient connection with 
this Semitic verb mn.) We also find in Chald. bnn, 
exarsit, incensus fuit, iratus fuit, doluit, aegr6 tulit, 
and the substantive *in, ardor, ira, indignatio. The 
general sense of the passage is ascertained by compa- 
ring it with a passage in Botta, pi. 151, last line, where 
a rebellious king comes to implore mercy of Sargon. 

Wetsalla annima, he besought me ; erish anni thru, 
earnestly he cried to me. If the two passages are 
placed in comparison, the parallelism of the sense will 
be manifest : — 

Sargon : wetsalla annima, erish anni ikru. 

Esarhaddon : belluti wetsallu, erisu inni ikru. 

Ikru, they cried ; from Heb. tnp, kara, to cry or 
call aloud. 

Sutrish. This very common word, meaning always 
the king's officers or lieutenants, should perhaps be 
read sutrin. It is the Heb. "ttdtP, scriba ; y/xi/ifiaTtw, 
dein magistrates, praefectus populi. The sutrim, UH&&, 
were the magistrates of the people of Israel in Egypt, 
in the desert, and in Palestine. In Proverbs vi. and 
2 Chron. xxvi. they are officers of a still higher rank 
(Ges. 997). 

Padi. See line 10 of this column. 

Ikbutsu, they crushed them, they trampled out the 
rebellion ; Heb. DID, pedibus calcavit. 


Nirussun, ' to their yokes/ viz. those of the chiefs, 
their former rulers. Sun being destitute of accent, the 
accent falls on the last syllable of niru. 

37. Tikun mandata beUuti-ya A fixed tribute to my Majesty, 
matti uma hukin tsiru-sun. measured equably, I imposed 

upon them. 

Matti uma, with a measurement that was equal, si- 
milar, or uniform. This is said in praise of the king's 

Mat. Heb. *TO, mensura. Uma or wrvma, similis. 

Line 38 in one copy commences a new paragraph, 
which is evidently the proper arrangement, the subject 
being quite dissimilar from the preceding. 

38. Valtu Ashur, Shemesh, After that Ashur, the Sun, Bel, 
Bel, u Nabiu, and Nebo. 

39. Ishtar sha Ninua, Ishtar Ishtar of Nineveh and Ishtar 
sha Arbil, of Arbela, 

40. eli nakiri-ya as liti over my enemies, by victories, 

41. weshazitzuni mamitsu, had established firmly my 
umala libbi-ya. power, I fulfilled my heart's de- 

42. As kishitti nakiri matluti Out of the spoils of foreign 


43. sha as tuzirti ill rabi bieli- which by the help of the great 
ya, gods my lords 

44. iksucla kata-ya, my hands had seized, 

45. ishrat makhazi sha mat ten large temples in Assyria 

46. u Akkadi weshapishu ; and in Mesopotamia I erected ; 

47. kaspakhurassuwezakharu, with silver and gold I adorned 


48. wenammir kima tami. and I made them as brilliant as 

the Sun. 

Most of the words in this section are of common 



Mamitsu is the Heb. ff'SDND, mamitsim, vires, fk- 
cultates, opes (Ges. 539). 

Matlut appears to be a Chald. form 7HD of the 
Heb. TtPE, imperium, dominatio, regnum, etc. 

Tuzirti, help ; a verbal substantive, from the Heb. 
"tty, auxilium dare. 

Iksuda should perhaps be construed as a passive, 
* had been seized by my hands.' This verb is very 

Ishrat. Heb. munt, ishrat, decern. 

The verb in line 47 should perhaps be read weza- 
kharu, if we may suppose the last sign but one to be 
erroneously given, Heb. ^TO, candidus, nitens ; or it 
may be wezahin, a verb which signifies * to adorn a 
temple/ in the Phillips cylinder (Col. I. 33). 

49. As tami su bit-rabu sarti In those days the royal palace 

50. sha kireb Ninaa, in the middle of Nineveh 

51. sha sarin alikut makhri which the kings, my fathers 
abi-ya who went before me, 

52. weBhapishu ana sutishur erected for the accommodation 
kilil, of troops, 

53. pakadi karniski, sosi, and for the care (or safe keep- 

ing) of stallions and mares, 

54. rakabi belli hunuti takhazi, and cars (or waggons) able to 

carry implements of war, 

55. u shallat nakiri gimir su- (and for the safe custody of) the 
tak&u foreign spoils and all manner of 

precious objects 

56. sha Ashur sar ilim which A&hur, king of the gods, 

57. ana ishki sarti-ya ishruka, had given abundantly to my 

royal arms, 

Kilil, troops; here probably the usual garrison of 
Nineveh. The word seems to be the Heb. "TYf, exer- 

Bel, in line 54, means t able ' or c capable.' Here a 


fractured portion of the cylinder intervenes, which pro- 
bably mentioned that this palace was gone to decay, 
and that the king had resolved to rebuild it. 

Column V. 

2. maltha musikku weshasei A multitude of captives I com- 
aunuti pelled 

3. ilbinu libidi. to make bricks. 

As in Egypt, so in Assyria, the captives taken in 
war were generally employed in laborious works. 

Musikku. The first sign appears to be erroneously 
given in the lithograph. 1 derive the word from Heb. 
ptn, to bind strongly. It occurs frequently in the in- 

4. Haikal turra suatu That old palace 

5. ana sikhirti-sha agguru. I pulled down the whole of it. 

Turra. I think this adjective may be derived from 
Heb. TH, dur, sseculum ; it will therefore signify sacu- 
laris, or extremely old. 

6. Ebgaru mahidu kireb A vast quantity of earth in 
kaatim baskets. 

7. valta libbi asibut abratu, I removed from its former place, 

8. eli-sha weraddi ; and heaped that upon it (t. e. 

upon the site of the old palace) ; 

9. as pili raati danni and with stones of vast size 
10. talausmalli. I finished the work of its 


This account of the rebuilding of the palace is too 
concise to be easily intelligible. I may therefore refer 
to the fuller account given of a similar work in one of 
Sennacherib's inscriptions. See c Journal of the Royal 
Asiatic Society/ vol. xix. p. 167. 


Ebgaru. The syllable ga is defaced on the cylinder. 

Kireb kastim. I have restored this passage from 
Sennacherib's inscription, for the text is erroneously 
given in the lithograph. 

Kastim, some kind of vessels, or perhaps baskets. 
Heb. hast, nop, a vessel (Ges. 896). Compare also 
STOp (Ges. 908). 

Asibut, places. Other inscriptions have uskalli, 
which seems to mean * low places/ from Tfifll. 

Mati y size. Heb. TD, mensura. 

Usmalli, may be the sha conjugation of mala, N7Q, 
to complete or fulfil ; but more probably that of atrial, 
hoot, laboravit. 

1 1 . Atki XXII sarin Khati, I assembled twenty-two kings 

of the Syrian nations, 

12. sha akhi parti u kabal parti those of the seacoast, and those 
kalf-snn, of the islands, all of them, 

13. Wemahir sunuti. and I passed them in review. 

Khati. We here see that this name included both 
the Phoenicians of the seacoast (including the Syrians 
of the interior) and also the inhabitants of Cyprus, who 
must therefore have spoken a dialect of the same lan- 
guage. This throws much light upon the Tin of Scrip- 
ture (vulgo Chittim). The cuneiform sign, which is 
the first syllable of Khati, is generally used for pa ; 
the value kha is borrowed from the Median or Scythic 

We now come to a long list of presents brought by 
these kings to their supreme monarch. 

14. gushurrim rabim, timi tsiri, Precious woods in large beams, 

15. its abimi, its , its ebony-wood, cedar- wood, and 

sharnish, shurnish-wood, 

16. valtu kireb Sirara, Leb- from Sirar. and Lebanon, 



17. shal ili danni, shallat also pictures of the great gods ; 

zazati. and sculptures to be fixed up 

against walls. 

Abimi may be for abini, or ebony. 

Cedar-wood has a peculiar symbol, of which the 
pronunciation is as yet uncertain. 

Shal appears to signify a picture; from Heb. 72, 
c imago, umbra/ which is probably the original root of 
D72, a statue or image. 

Shalat zazati appear to have been sculptures or 
images fixed up against a wall, and therefore what we 
call bas-reliefs. Great numbers of these are in the 
British Museum. 

Zazati, fixed up; from Heb. ty and ttJJ, azaz, of which 
verb the Assyrians seem to have possessed several 
other forms. When the king commands a tablet or 
decree to be fixed up for public inspection, he almost 
always uses the verb weshaziz, " I commanded to fix 
it," or " I had it fixed up." When Sennacherib was 
in the mountains of Nypflr he caused his workmen 
to quarry the finest white alabaster, and carve it into 
shallat zazati, probably bas-reliefs representing his 

18 ilu, agavri, Statues of the gods, carved in 

stone ; 

19. sha itshir rabi, albutar, slabs of granite and alabaster; 

20. kumina, kumina tardu, (names of stones.) 

21. belgishak, alishdu; (ditto.) 

22. tak gina khiliba, valtu various kinds of stone, from 
kireb karshani the forests 

23. ashar nabniti-sun, of the land of their birth, 

24. ana khishakti haikal-ya, for the adornment of my pa- 


25. marsish paskish with danger and difficulty 


26. ana Ninua weshaldidani. auto Nineveh they brought 

along with them. 

Before ilu in line 18 is the symbol for "stone." 
They were therefore u stone gods," t. c. statues. 

Agavri, elsewhere agurri, are slabs of any material 
good for building. Six or seven kinds of stone are 
here enumerated ; most of them are as yet uncertain. 

Gina is elsewhere used in the sense of " kind " or 
" species." It is sometimes written du, but that syl- 
lable had for its second value, gina, as in the name of 
the king Sar-du, i. e. Sar-gina, and the country of 
Beth Ya-du for Beth Ya-kina. 

In the Annals (sheet 10, line penultimate) we read: 
— " I planted trees by the side of the canal; the best 
kinds {gina) I reserved for Ashur, my lord." 

Khiliba, various, may be compared with Chaldee 
tpn, varius ; so also in Arabic (Schindl. 586). 

Karshani usually means forests, but here it is better 
to translate " wild country " or " hills." 

Khishak appears to be the Chald. TWT1, aptum ftiit, 
commodum fuit ; and as a substantive, usus, utilitas. 
See Col. VI. 46. 

Marsishpaskish, two adverbs derived from adjectives, 
both in very common use. 

Marsu or marsut is the usual epithet of a hill, and 
means " steep " or " difficult." 

Paskut has much the same meaning, and may be 
rendered " lofty " or " arduous." 

Weshaldiduni ; third plural. When the king him- 
self causes a weighty load to be brought to Nineveh, 
he says, in the first singular, ana Ninua weshaldad. 
This verb appears to me to be the sha conjugation of 
radad, replacing r by L 




Radad in Arabic signifies c movit, volvit, rettulit' 
(Sch. 1698). 

The other cylinder makes a very important addition 
to this section, which treats of the visit of the twenty- 
two kings. It will be considered hereafter. It will 
be observed that the visit of the kings interrupts the 
account of the building of the palace; it was, no doubt, 
introduced in the wrong place by the original 6cribe. 

27. As arki Shaga, (iom sumu) la the month Shaga, on the 
belgari, day named belgari, 

28. eli tali suata upon that mound 

29. bit-rebi rabbati magnificent buildings 

30. ana miship belluti-ya for the residence of my majesty 

31. abtani tsirussu. I built upon it. 

" Upon that mound." These words refer us back to 
line 1 0, where the king says he constructed this mound, 
or tala. Line 27 must have followed next after line 10 

Abtani is the t conjugation of abni, I built ; Heb. 
7VBL. Perhaps abtani meant " I began to build." 

32. Bit danni shaXCV( ) A great building of ninety-five 

rebti buda measures in length 

33. XXXI (....) rebti om- and thirty-one measures in 
ma, breadth, 

34. aha as sarin alikut makhri which among the kings, my 
abi-ya fathers who went before me, 

35. nin la ebusu, anaku ebus : none had ever made, I con- 

structed : 

In line 32 I read the numeral as ninety-five, for I 
consider that a single vertical wedge means either 
one, sixty y or the square of sixty, according to circum- 

" Measures" The word Am, or ammat y is preceded 


by a peculiar sign, representing one line as cut in half 
by another. Following Dr. Hincks, I translate it '■ a 

Rebti, L e. " in size" or " in length." 

Nin. This seems a very clear example of the use 
in Assyrian of an Indo-Germanic root. English, none, 
no one. German, nein. Latin, non and ne. Greek vy 
(in vr)fiepT7)9 9 etc.) . 

36. gushurri (....) tsiruti with beams of lofty cedar-trees 

37. weshatriza eli-sha I constructed its roof; 

38. ik (. . . .) its shuraish, sha and to its (. . . .) made of 
erits-sin khiga, shurnish-wood, whose sawn planks 

are excellent, 

39. mitsir kaspa utakabarwe- I fastened ornaments of silver 
rakkush and bronze 

40. werattah babat-sha. and I affixed them to the gates. 

Ik seems to be only the first syllable of some word. 
These ik are very frequently mentioned, but I am un- 
able to say what they were. 

Sha erits-sin khiga means " whose erits are good," 
but the meaning of the word is doubtful. Perhaps 
it is the word given by Schindler, p. 1396, lf*W 9 * scis- 
sura, fissura/ and implies that the shurnish-wood was 
peculiarly well adapted for being sawn into planks. 

Mitsir ', from Chaid. and Syr. T2, tsir, 'effinxit, 
formavit/ and more especially ' pinxit, acupinxit, etc.;' 
in short, it meant generally " to ornament beautifully 
with some pattern." Hence Chald. T2D, mitsir, " co- 
vered with figures," or " adorned with a pattern." 
Also substantive, T2, imago (Schindl. 1540). 

Werakkush. In this word I read the second syl- 
lable as rak, which value occurs on a tablet in the 
British Museum ; and likewise in the Annals (sheet 6, 
line 103), one copy has shcU . tzuti, which the other 


explains by ra. ka. tzuti. I would compare this verb 
with the Heb. D3*l, to fasten, and suppose it may 
mean that the mitsir, or ornaments of silver and 
bronze, were fastened on the wood, or inlaid into it. 

Werattah, I would derive from the Heb. pm, ra- 
takh, iigavit, vinctus fuit, etc. (Sch. 1776). I Suppose 
it to mean that these ornamental beams of wood were 
fastened to the gates, thereby making them very hand- 
some. Perhaps, however, it would be better to trans- 
late werattah, " I set them up " at the gates. 

Babat-sha, the gates of it, i. e. of the palace. 

41 Sacred bulls carved in stone, 

42. sha kipi sikni-sun, which conceal a divine presence, 

43. tsati-sin wetarru, I placed beside the gates, 

Whenever these bulls are mentioned, the expres- 
sions used become mysterious or symbolical, and I am 
unable to offer a certain transcription of the cuneiform 
signs employed in line 41. But I will revert to the 
subject later, and in the meanwhile observe that per- 
haps the line mentions the sacred lions also. These 
symbolic animals were objects of the highest venera- 
tion, as being supposed to be inhabited by the Divine 
Spirit, though outwardly forms of stone. 

Kipi. Heb. non, khipah, to conceal, or to veil. 

Sikni. Chald. W3tt>, habitatio (scil. Dei) : et inde Dei 
praesentia, divinitas ipsa, et spiritus sanctus in prophetis 
habitans. (Schindler 1857.) Similar to this was the 
superstitious awe entertained for certain stones — a kind 
of magnets — called Batylia, that is to say, Beth-El, 
habitation of God ; because a spirit was supposed to 
dwell in them and cause their wonderful movements. 

Tsati. Heb. 12, tsad, latus. 


Wetarru. Heb. TV, edar or adar, disposuit, ordi- 

44. Natsiru lripsi, mushallimu guardians of the treasure, pre- 


45. taUakti sari bani-sun : of the revenue, of the king who 

constructed them : 

46. (....) weshashbit every one of them I located 

47. sisa-shin. in their place. 

If the palace had four gates, there must have been 
eight of these bulls at least, therefore the expression 
" every one of them " is suitable. . They were sup- 
posed to stand as guardians at the gates over the 
king's wealth. This is something like other ancient 
superstitions ; Gryphons were supposed to guard hid- 
den treasures. 

Natsiru. Heb. natsir, 123, custodivit. 

TaUakti, probably a verbal substantive 'from Heb. 
alak, Y?n, ire, venire. In Greek, irpoao&o* is the public 
revenue (but originally meant only a going or coming). 
So Latin, reditus, proventus ; and English, income, re- 

The first sign in line 46 appears to mean " every," 
for it occurs in that sense, Col. VI. 46. 

48. Haikal pili u (. . . .) This palace of stone and cedtr- 


49. mati muduti of immense size 

50. ana sutahuti belluti-ya for the [residence?] of my ma- 


5 1 . naklish weshapish. splendidly I finished. 

Mati. Heb. TD, mensura. 

The syllable lish in naklish is by error made su in 
the lithograph. 

52. Shal ili danni eri mashaati Sculptures of the great gods, 

made of bronze painted (or var- 


53. shaakhiinnapanauar(ki) on both sides, and before and 


54. in atda-su kilatan kireb- in the (closed apartments ?) of 
sha [valbit]. its interior, I constructed. 

Mashaati. From nW3, to anoint, to paint. See 
Schindl. p. 1044. Statues were varnished and some- 
times anointed anciently. This account of painted 
sculptures representing the gods occurs again in the 
inscription in the British Museum volume, pi. 44, 80, 
with the verb valbit at the end. Schindler, p. 1044, 
has TW12, pinxit ; ntPEE, pictura. 

Akhi or akha, a side. Akha anna, this side. Akha 
ulluya, the other side. Akhi inna, on both sides. 
(Such, at least, I believe to be the meaning of the 
last phrase.) 

Valbit. This word is effaced, but the commence- 
ment of it remains visible. 

Column VI. 

1. (....) tsiruti Cornices (?) of lofty cedar wood 

2. its abimi, knlul babat-sin and ebony (?) wood, on the top 
ebit. of the gates I made. 

The second sign of line 1 is effaced ; I suppose it 
should be ik. 

Kulul, the summit. Chald. W?3, summitas, co- 
rona. Schindler, p. 861, has collected many examples. 

Babat. Perhaps the doors of the interior apartments. 

3. Sikhirti haikal shatu, The whole of that palace, 

4. nibikha pashku sha ka, with lofty nibikJt, of ivory and 
zamat lapis lazuli 

5. weshapisha, weshalma kili- I finished, and I completed its 
bu. kilt. 


Kili. These may be the same as beth kili, the 
closed apartments, or harem. 

Weshalma is properly, I made safe or secure. 

6. Taillulat gigu kima (....) With flat roofs like (....) 

7. weshaskir gimir babni. I covered all the apartments. 

Babni, I take to be ' apartments ' and not ' gates.' 
Tsillulat, tzululi, etc., often occur in the sense of 
the roof of a building, from Heb. Vs, bbs, umbra. 

Gigu is exactly the Heb. iTU, giga. See Ges. 195. 
He says, " tectum domus, idque in Oriente planum." 
(Josh. ii. 6 ; 1 Sam. ix. 25 ; Proverbs xxi. 9 ; etc.) It 
was the flat roof on which the inmates of the palace 
were accustomed to sit in the cool of the evening. 
Elsewhere the king says he built a low building, after 
the fashion of Syria. This tallies well with the pre- 
sent mention of the flat roof 

8. Sikkat kaspa ebbi, u takabar With ornaments of pnre silver 
namri and shining copper 

9. werattah kireb-(sha). I adorned the interior. 

Ebbi, from eb, totus. Argentum integrum, i. e. pu- 

Werattah. See Col. V. 40. pm, to fasten. " I 
hung the walls of the interior apartments with shining 

Sikkat, imagery. Heb. !T3tt7, imago, species (Ges. 
962). The root is Chal. H3» or N3D, aspexit. Hence 
maskity JT3ttfD, imago, figura (Ges. 623), which word 
is especially applied to inner apartments with figured 
walls, which were therefore called rP3\PQ "Hnn, "con- 
clavia imaginum," i. e. " quorum parietes figuris ido- 
lorum depictis ornati erant*' (Ges.). These chambers, 


described by Ezekiel, probably resembled those of 
Esarhaddon's palace mentioned in line 8. 

At the end of line 9 the word sha is effaced on the 

In line 2, ebit should perhaps be read emit. It may 
be the Heb. TOyrr, * statuit, constituit/ Hiph. of TO?, 
6tetit ; which verb is used in architecture, e. g. Tttay, 

10. Danan Aahur bel-ya, The glory of Ashur, my lord, 

1 1 . sha as mati nakrati with which in the lands of his 


12. ilubusn, he clothed himself, 

13. (. . . .) inkharrakuti etziba displayed (?) in bas-reliefs, I 
kireb-sha. sculptured within it. 

Danan is probably ' glory/ from dan, great. 

Nakrati is feminine to agree with mati. From na- 
kra> ' a foreigner/ and generally 'an enemy/ Heb. *£U, 
alienus, peregrinus. 

Ilubusu. Heb. ttfl7, to clothe ; metaphorically, in 
Ezekiel, " induit terrorem." Compare also this pas- 
sage from the Psalms, " splendorem ac majestatem in- 

duisti," rwnb. 

Karrakuti, or -duti. Heb. BVf, sculpsit ; in Greek, 

XapaK-, XVP"*-* X a P aT ~* 

Etziba. Heb. 32y, ( formavit, finxit/ and as a sub- 
stantive, 'simulacrum/ One stroke has been lost 
from the syllable ba in the lithographed text. 

14. Shari tsirnti takut mati With lofty shar trees, cut down 
Khamanu, in the land of Khamana, 

15. sha kala shimdi u itzidi which all joiners and wood- 


1 6. kharru-su, itakha-sha emit. like best, I erected its porticoes. 

These shar or khar trees are very frequently men- 


tioned. The next sign, tnakh or tsir, does not appear 
to me to be part of the name, but an adjective expres- 
sive of excellence or loftiness. 

Takut, felled or cut down. This is a participle from 
the Syriac verb JTffi, dejectus fuit. This root occurs 
very frequently in Hebrew, with the general sense of 
down, downwards, low, humble, inferior, etc. etc. 

Khamanu. Heb. pQVr, Mount Hermon. 

Shimdi, joiners ; from Heb. TO2, to join together. 

Itzidi, woodcutters ; from Heb. TSJT, etzid, to cut 
down with an axe. Gesenius, p. 787, says, "securi 

In these two words we have examples of a cunei- 
form sign which frequently occurs, whose value is du 
I do not find it anywhere in the published lists ; it is 
compounded of two signs resembling those used for 
khi and ha. 

Kharru; they love, they prefer. Heb. Tj5\ carus 

Itakha. Heb. pVlM, which Gesenius, p. 117, ren- 
ders "genus quoddam column arum, irepiorvkw, por- 

Emit. See the note on Col. VI. 2. 

1 7. Kishalla-sha ma-rab urab- Its treasure rooms I much en- 
bi ; larged ; 

18. tallakta-sha mahatish urap- its coursing grounds I greatly 
pish extended 

19. ana maauk kurra kireb-sha. for the exercising of horses 

within it. 

This palace, or great central establishment, com- 
prised gardens and fields within its limits. 

I know not what the syllable ma mean6 prefixed to 
rab 9 unless the group stands for mati-rabi, "in a great 


proportion ;" Heb. TO, mensura. But perhaps the text 
is uncertain. 

Tallakta, ' courses/ from Heb. y?n, * ire, proficisci/ 
and as a substantive ' via/ I may here remark that 
in Col. V. 44, vmshaUimu tallakti sari bani sun ought 
to have been translated " who make safe the paths of 
the king their constructor," t. e. guardians of his life. 

Masui, properly a gentle running or exercising. 
Heb. pttTD, masuk, discursitatio. See Gesenius, p. 632. 
The root is pptt?, ' discursitavit,' which loses one letter 
in the future, ptt>\ 

20. Pattu ushashar-amma, Streams of water I conducted 


21. ushabiba tappish. and I filled them excellently. 

The general sense of this clause may be given, but 
some words are obscure. 

Pattu is used in other passages for ( waterworks ' or 
1 aqueducts/ Thus, after giving an account of a great 
work of this kind, the king says, " I called its name 
the patti of Sennacherib." And such waterworks are 
elsewhere called ami pattati. The root may be patah, 
rrr©, to open. 

In line 50 of Bellino's cylinder, the word ashur 
signifies "I conducted/' viz. a stream of water. This 
verb seems to be the Heb. TON, asher, < duxit/ which 
verb is used in a good sense, so that " duxit feliciter " 
may be generally understood. See Ges. p. 109. 

Ushashar, " I caused to be led/' seems to be the sha 
or causative conjugation of this verb. " I gave orders 
to dig these streams or conduits." 

Ushabiba may be one of the forms of the root JDttf 
" full;" it would then mean " I filled." After this word 

VOL. VII. 2 s 


we find the monosyllable a, which sometimes means 
1 water/ but whether it does so here I cannot say. 

Tappish may mean * excellently/ from 3ZD, bene. 
On comparing the parallel passage in Bellino's cylinder, 
line 61, we find a remarkable various reading — usha- 
biba pattish. 

22. Haikal suata valta vassi- That palace from its fonnda- 
sha tions 

23. adi galubi-sha to its roof 

24. artzib ushaklilu. Lulie I built up and I finished. And 
uraalli I made lulie 

25. ab rab meshbab-ya. for the great Senators of my 


The lulie were perhaps rows of circular seats ; from 
Heb. D^W?, scalae cochleatae. 

Umalli. Heb. 7DJJ, laboravit. 

Abrab, written short for abim rabim, great fathers or 
noble senators. These abim may be compared with 
the Patres Conscripti of the Romans ; they are fre- 
quently mentioned in Sargon's inscriptions. Compare 
senatus, yepovaia, assembly of elders. 

Meshbab, a council ; properly, sitting in a circle ; 
sometimes a family council. The root is Heb. 3QD, 
shabab 9 to surround. Gesenius, p. 701, says "cinxit, 
circumdedit." Persons surrounding a mau are called 
his- D^SD. In the cuneiform writing meshbab is 
written — mesh . eb . eb. 

26. Haikal pakidat kala rau 
ashkura nibit-tsa. 

Pakidat, protection, care, custody. 
Heb. pakad, ipD, curam gerere ; and as a substan- 
tive, mps, cura, custodia (Ges. p. 836). 


Ma, name, denomination., Pakidat kala mu, pro- 
tecting care of every kind. 

27. Ashur, Ishtar sha Ninua, Ashur, Ishtar of Nineveh, and 
ilim Ashur-ki the gods of Assyria 

28. kali-sun, as girbi-sha ak- all of them, in its chapels I 
riba. worshipped. 

29. ( ) urrikhti ebbuti Victims of rare perfection 

30. makhar-sun akki : I sacrificed to their divinities : 

31. uwekhira katraya 

32. ilu shatona askun libbi- and I did for those deities ac- 
sun. cording to their wish. 

Ebbuti, perfection ; or, as an adjective, ' perfect/ 
Makhar often seems to mean ' divinity/ Some 
connection with the Greek yjucap suggests itself. 
Compare fuucape* $eoi cuev eovre*. 
Line 31, the meaning is doubtful. 
Lib, the heart ; also, ' the heart's desire/ 

33. Iktar rabu sarruti, I assembled together the great 

men of my empire, 

34. rabi a nisi mat-ya kali- the noblemen and the corn- 
sun moners of my land, all of them, 

35. as tazirti u kirieti, ' [to aid me (?)] with their help 

and their foresight, 

36. as itz . . . . tasilati and their well-weighed coun- 


37. kireb-sha ushasibu ; within the palace I caused them 

to sit 

38. ushaliza nupar-sun. 

Iktar, I assembled ; properly " I surrounded my- 
self with." From the root *VT3, kitar, cinxit, circum- 

Tazirti, help ; verbal substantive from Heb. ezer, 
nw, to help. 

Kirieti, foresight, caution, knowledge (Schind. 548). 

2 s 2 


Chald. "flpr, prospexit, cavit, cognovit. Th