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Full text of "The correspondence of Marcus Cornelius Fronto with Marcus Aurelius Antoninus, Lucius Verus, Antoninus Pius, and various friends;"











Translated by 




Complete list of Loeb titles can be 
found at the end of each volume 

The literary remains of the rhetorician 
(c. a.d. 100-176) first came to light in 
181 5, when Cardinal Mai, then prefect of 
the Ambrosian Library in Milan, dis- 
covered that beneath an account of the 
Acts of the first Council of Chalcedon in 
451 had originally been written a copy of 
the correspondence between Fronto and 
members of the imperial family, includ- 
ing no less than three who were to wear 
the purple. The letters possess an extra- 
ordinary fascination as giving an authen- 
tic record of the relationship between the 
foremost teacher of his time and his illus- 
trious pupil, Marcus Aurelius, his chief 
correspondent. Apart from small-talk 
(but even the trivialities of the great are 
replete with interest) the principal subject 
is Latin prose style. Fronto practises to 
excess the cultivation of trendy manner- 
isms, but sees clearly enough the sterility 
of a slavish imitation of classical models. 
Many problems arising from this unique 
work still await resolution: the original 
publication was deplorable, Hauler's life- 
long studies never led to an edition, and 
van den Hout's text is without a. commen- 
tary. Even after almost seventy years the 
Loeb volumes remain the most helpful 
avenue to an appreciation of these remark- 
able documents. 



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t T. E. PAGE, c.h., litt.d. t E. CAPPS, ph.d., ll.d. 
t W. H. D. ROUSE, litt.d. t L. A. POST, l.h.d. 
t E. H. WARMINGTON, m.a., f.r.hist.soc. 










C. R. HAINES, M.A., F.S.A. 








American ISBN 0-67-1-99125-7 
British ISBN 434 99113 9 

First printed 1920 
Revised and reprinted 1929 
Reprinted 1957, 1963, 1988 

Printed in Great Britain by 
Richard Clay Ltd, Chichester, Sussex 










Be Feriis Alsiensibus,l (Naber, p. 223). 

| Magistro meo. 

Ferias apud Alsium quam feriatas egerimus non 
scribam tibi, ne et ipse angaris et me obi urges, mi 
magister. Lorium autem regressus domnulam meam 
<leviter> febricitantem repperi. Medicus dicit, si 
cito nobis me . . . . tu quoque . . . - 1 <si tu> 
valeas, <ego> laetior sim. Nam oculis spero te iam 
utentem sanis visere .... Vale, mi magister. 

De Fer. Ah. 2 (Naber, p. 223). 

Domino meo Antonino Augusto. 

Ferias Alsienses .... in novellae quid can- 
tetur vineae atque . . . . 2 quid multarum rustic- 
arum. Catonem quoque in oratione adversus Lepidum 
verbum cantari solitum commemorasse, quom ait 
staiuas positas Ockae atque Dionysodoro effeminatis, qui 

1 About eight lines are lost. 

2 In these lacunae twelve lines are lost. 

1 On the Etrurian coast, twenty-four miles from Rome. 



Marcus Antoninus to Fronto 

162 A.D. 
To my master. 

In what holiday-wise we have kept our holiday 
at Alsium * I will not put on paper, that you may 
not be yourself troubled and scold me, my master. 
On my return to Lorium 2 I found my little lady 3 
slightly feverish. The doctor says, if we soon 

If you were well, I should 

be happier. For I hope to see you already enjoying 
the use of sound eyes .... Farewell, my master. 

Fronto to Marcus Antoninus 

To my Lord Antoninus Augustus. 

Your Alsian holiday 

of many rustic 

things. That Cato also in his speech Against Lepidus 
mentioned a word in everyone's mouth when he 
spoke of statues 4 set up to such unmanly creatures as 

2 Half-way to Alsium from Rome. 

3 Probably his daughter Cornificia. 

4 According to Plutarch, Cato preferred that statues of 
himself should be conspicuous by their absence. 



magiras facerent. Id in ... . velint post redire 
.... facit. Opportune .... cantandi luden- 
dique initium capiunt. Et . . . - 1 paravit 

De Fer. Als. 3 (Naber, p. 224). 

| Domino meo Antonino Augusto. 

1. Quid ? ego ignoro ea te mente Alsium isse ut 
animo morem gereres ibique ludo et ioco et otio libero 
quatriduum universum operam dares ? Nee dubito 
quin te ad ferias in secessu maritimo fruendas ita 
compararis : in sole meridiano ut somno oboedires 
Cubans, deinde Nigrum vocares, libros intro ferre 
iuberes, mox ut te studium legendi incessisset, aut te 
Plauto expolires aut Accio expleres aut Lucre tio 
delenires aut Ennio incenderes, in horam istic 2 
Musarum propriam, quintam ; redires inde libris 
.... eres diss .... mitteres ; Ciceronis si ser- 
mones ad te detulisset, audires; inde <de>vius 
quantum potis ad 3 litus pergeres et raucas paludes 
ambires; <tum> vel, si videretur, aliquam navem 
conscenderes, ut 4 aethere tranquillo in altum <pro- 
vectus> portisculorum et remigum visu audituque 
te oblectares ; actutum inde balneas peteres, corpus 
ad sudorem uberem commoveres, | convivium deinde 

1 From opportune to paravit the Codex has eleven lines 
not deciphered. 

2 Niebuhr istom ; Rob. Ellis istius, i.e. of Ennius. 
* For Mai's poteras. 

1 Buttmann for Cod. vel. 


Ocha and Dionysodorus who practised cooking ... . 

a beginning 

of singing and playing 

Fronto to Marcus 

To my Lord Antoninus Augustus. 

1. What ? Am I not aware that you went to 
Alsium witli the intention of indulging yourself and 
there giving yourself up to recreation and mirth 
and complete leisure for four whole days? And I 
have no doubt that you have set about enjoying the 
holiday at your seaside resort in this fashion : after 
taking your usual siesta at noonday, you would call 
Niger * and bid him bring in your books ; soon when 
you felt the inclination to read, you would polish 
your style with Plautus or saturate yourself with 
Accius or soothe yourself with Lucretius or fire 
yourself with Ennius, to the hour in that case 

appropriate to the Muses, the fifth 2 

. . . . ; if he had brought you treatises of Cicero, 
you would listen to them ; then you would go as far 
as possible off the beaten track to the shore and 
skirt the croaking marshes ; then even, if the fancy 
took you, get on board some vessel, that, putting out 
to sea in calm weather, you might delight yourself 
with the sight and sound of the rowers and their 
time-giver's 3 baton ; anon you would be off from 
there to the baths, make yourself sweat profusely, 

1 Not mentioned again. He would most likely be the 
secretary or librarian of Marcus, possibly his anagnostes or 

3 This seems a punning reference to Quintus, the prae- 
nomen of Ennius. 

3 The master of the rowers (something like our bo'sun) 
gave them the time by the beats of a hammer or baton. 



regium agitares conchis omnium generum, Plautino 
piscatu hamatili, ut ille ait, et saxatili, 1 altilibus 
veterum saginarum, matteis pomis bellariis crustulis 
vinis felicibus calicibus perlucidis sine delatoria nota. 
2. Quid hoc verbi sit, quaeras fortasse : accipe 
igitur. Ut homo ego multum facundus et Senecae 
Annaei sectator Faustiana vina de Sullae Fausti 
cognomento felicia appello; calicem vero sine delatoria 
nota quom dico, sine puncto dico. Neque enim me 
decet, qui sim tarn homo doctus, volgi verbis Faler- 
num vinum aut calicem acentetum appellare. Nam 
qua te dicam gratia Alsium, maritimum et volup- 
tarium locum, et ut ait Plautus, loc<ul>um lubricum 2 
delegisse, nisi ut bene haberes genio, utique verbo 
vetere faceres animo volup. z Qua, malum ! volup ? 
Immo, si dimidiatis verbis verum dicendum est, uti 
tu animo faceres vigil— vigilias dico — aut ut faceres 
laho aut ut faceres mole — labores et molestias dico — . 
Tu umquam volup? Volpem facilius quis tibi quam 
voluptatem conciliaverit. Die, oro te, Marce, idcir- 
cone Alsium petisti, ut in prospectu maris esurires ? 
Quid? tu Lorii te fame et siti et negotiis agendis 

adfligere nequibas ? In apopsi | iucundiores 

tibi esse videntur .... memini me ad ... . 
pueros in balneis esse .... rescribas .... liber 
.... mare ipsum aiunt, ubi alcedonia sint, fieri 
feriatum. An alcedo cum pullis suis tranquillo otio 

1 Plaut. Bud ii. i. 10. 2 Plaut. Mil. Glor. in. ii. 38. 

3 Plaut. A sin. v. iii 1. cp. cael. = caelum, qau = gaudium 
(Ennius), and vol = nolwris (Lucilius). cf. Pal. Anthology, 
vi. 85, and Elizabethan usage, e.g. sor = sorrow. 



then discuss a royal banquet with shellfish of all 
kinds, a Plautine catch hook-taken, rock-haunting, as 
he says, capons long fed fat, delicacies, fruit, sweets, 
confectionery, felicitous wines, translucent cups with 
no informer's brand. 

2. Perhaps you will ask what do you mean? 
Listen then ! I as a man greatly eloquent and a 
disciple of Annaeus Seneca call Faustian * wines 
felicitous wines from Faustus Sulla's title ; moreover 
when 1 speak of a cup without an informer's brand, 
I mean a cup without a spot. For it does not become 
a man so learned as I am to speak in everyday terms 
of Falernian wine or a flawless cup. For to what 
end can I say that you chose Alsium, a seaside 
and pleasure resort and, as Plautus has it, a slippeiy 
spot, if not to indulge yourself and, in ancient 
parlance, take your pleasu? How — the mischief! 
— pleasu ? Nay, if the truth must be told in 
docked words, that you might to your heart's con- 
tent indulge in watchin — I mean watching — , in 
labors — I mean labours — , in vexats — I mean vexa- 
tions. You ever indulge in pleasu ? It were easier to 
reconcile you to a polecat than to pleasure. Tell me, 
Marcus, I beseech you, have you repaired to Alsium 
only to fast with the sea in sight ? What, could you 
not wear yourself out at Lorium with hunger and 
thirst and doing business ? With a fine view .... 
seem to you more delightful ? I remember (telling) 


The very sea, they say, keeps holiday, when the 
halcyon broods. 2 Is a halcyon with her chicks 

1 The ager Faustianus was part of the Falernian district. 
Felix was a title of Faustus Sulla. Fronto is sarcastic in 
his allusion to Seneca, whom he disliked. 

2 See Plutarch On Water Animals, xxxv. 



dignior est quara tu cum tuis liberis ? . . . . 
<v>etere<s> <tyr>annos. 1 

3. At enim res plane iam postulat — num studium ? 
nura laborem ? num <vigilias ?> num munera ? 2 
Quis arcus perpetuo intenditur ? Quae fides per- 
petuo substrictae sunt ? 3 Oculi conivendo 4 <tan- 
tum> durant, qui uno obnixi obtutu interissent. 
Hortus qui crebro pangitur, ope <si> stercoris | in- 
diget, herbas et holuscula nihil] procreat ; frumento 
vero et solidis frugibus requietus ager deligitur ; 
ubei*tas soli otio paratur. 

4. Quid maiores vestri qui rempublicam et im- 
perium Romanum magnis auctibus auxerunt. Pro- 
avus vester summus bellator tamen histrionibus 
interdum se delectavit, et praeterea potavit satis 
strenue. Tamen eius opera populus Romanus in 
triumphis mulsum saepe bibit. Avum item vestrum, 6 
doctum principem et navum et orbis terrarum non 
regendi tantum sed etiam perambulandi diligentem, 
modulorum tamen et tibicinum studio devinctum 
fuisse scimus, et praeterea prandiorum opimorum 
esorem optimum fuisse. Iam vero pater vester, 
divinus ille vir, providentia pudicitia frugalitate 
innocentia pietate sanctimonia omnes omnium prin- 
cipum virtutes supergressus, tamen et palaestram ° 
ingressus est et hamum 7 instruxit et scurras risit. 

1 These two words do not appear in Mai. Naber seems 
to have got them from du Rieu. 

1 Cod. illegible except for letter u. 

a Mai has sn<> strutae sono. 4 Cornelissen for Cod. coniitgio. 

5 Charisius (i. 127), who quotes this passage, adds duum 
{:= duoram). 



worthier of quiet ease than you with your children ? 

3. But you say that circumstances now plainly de- 
mand — not study surely? not toil? not wakeful- 
ness ? not duties ? What bow is for ever strung x ? 
what chords for ever stretched ? By winking alone 
can eyes keep their sight, which could not but fail if 
fixed in one unwavering stare. A garden repeatedly 
planted, if it lack the aid of manure, bears only 
weeds and stunted vegetables of no value ; for corn, 
however, and staple crops land that has lain fallow 
is chosen ; rest restores fruitfulness to the soil. 

4. What of your ancestors who enlarged the state 
and empire of Rome with huge additions ? Your 
great-grandfather, consummate warrior as he was, 
yet at times took pleasure in actors 2 and, moreover, 
drank pretty stoutly. Yet thanks to him the Roman 
people often drank mead at his triumphs. We 
know, too, that your grandfather, a learned ruler 
and a strenuous, loving not only to govern the world, 
but to go up and down in it, was yet devoted to 
music and flute-players, and was withal a right good 
eater of right rich banquets. Again, your father, 
that godlike man, who in his foresight, continence, 
frugality, blamelessness, dutifulness, and personal 
righteousness excelled the virtues of all rulers, yet 
visited the palaestra, and baited a hook and laughed 
at buffoons. 

1 Hor. Od. ii. x. 20. 
* So Princ. Hist, ad fin. 

6 Galen, vi. 406 (Kiihn) says the same of Marcus. 

7 The margin of Cod. has theatrum twice, and implies that 
it was another reading. Capit. Fit. Pii xi. 2 says Pius was 
fond of fishing. 



5. Nihil de Gaio Caesare dico acerrimo Cleopatrae 
hoste <post moecho, 1 nihil de Augusto Liviae viro. 
Romulum ipsum urbis huius conditorem, quom hos- 
tium ducem manu comminus conserta obtruncavit 

Ambr. 225 quomque spolia opima | Feretrio vexit, huncne tenui 
victu usum putas? Profecto neque esuriens quis- 
quam neque abstemius animum induxisset virgines 
adultas de spectaculis rapere. Quid ? Numa senex 
sanctissimus nonne inter liba et deciraas profanandas 
et suovetaurilia mactanda aetatem egit, epularum 2 
dictator, cenarum libator, feriarum promulgator ? 
Saturatum et feriatum dico. E<x o>mn<ibus tu> 3 
esu dales ferias celebras ? Nee Chrysippum tuum 
praeteribo, quern cotidie ferunt madescere solitum. 
Et pleraque .... Socratem <plane ipsum ex> 
Socraticorum Symposiis et Dialogis et Epistulis exis- 
times hominem multum scitum et facetum fuisse — 
Socratem intelleges Aspasiae discipulum, Alcibiadi 

6. lam si bellum indixti ludo otio satietati volup- 
tati, at tu dormi saltern, quantum libero homini satis 
est. Intensius ad supremam .... ad luminis 
. . . . ? 4 An tandem si ignem de caelo nemo sur- 

* From the margin of Cod. 

2 Niebuhr epulonum for Cod. epulorum. Cicero {De Orat. 
iii. 19) says that the Epulones were instituted by the 

3 So Brakman. It would also be possible to read dico eum. 
Num tu . . . Before Socratem three lines are missing. 

4 Query horam diet quom tu labores sttscepisti, ad luminis 
adventum protrahes ? Cf. Suet. Vxtcll. 17. 



5. I say nothing of Gaius Caesar, Cleopatra's keenest 
foe and afterwards paramour, nothing of Augustus, 
the husband of Livia. As regards Romulus himself 
the founder of this city, when he slew the leader of 
the enemy in a hand-to-hand combat and brought 
the Spolia Opima 1 to Jupiter Feretrius, do you 
think he. was content with half rations? Verily 
no hungry or ascetic man could have conceived 
the idea of carrying off grown-up maidens from a 
public festival. 2 What? did not the aged Numa, 
most holy of men, pass his life putting sacred offer- 
ings and tithes to secular uses, and sacrificing bulls, 
sheep, and swine, he the dictator of festivals, the 
inaugurator of banquets, the promulgator of holi- 
days ? I call him a gourmand and a holiday-maker. 
And do you of all men keep your holidays fasting ? 
Nor will I pass over your own Chrysippus, 3 who used 
to get mellow, so they say, every day in the year. 
And very many .... Plainly Socrates himself, as 
you may gather from the Symposia, the Dialogues, 
and the Letters of the Socratics, was a man of 
much shrewdness and wit — the Socrates, mark 
you, who was Aspasia's pupil and Alcibiades's 

6. Now if you have declared war on play, relax- 
ation, good living, and pleasure, yet do sleep as 
a freeman should. (When you have worked) hard 
till the last (hour of the day, will you continue your 
labours) till the dawn? Prithee, if no one had 

1 The choice spoils taken by a general from the general of 
the enemy slain in single combat. 

2 The rape of the Sabine women. 

3 So Diog. Laert. Chrys. 4. Horace {Odes, III. xxi. 11) 
says the same of Fronto's hero Cato. 



ripuisset, sol non esset tibi satis ad iudicandum? 
Nae <tu> cum ammo tuo reputes 1 cotidiano te 
mendacio adstringi, quom te diem cognitioni dare 
ais et nocte cognoscis, | turn sive condemnes sive 
absolvas mendax futurus. Si quempiam condemnas, 
parum cavisse uidetur 2 ais: istuc quidem, si lucernae 
removeantur, nihil videri poterit. 

7. At tu obsecro vel ioco vel serio te exorari a 
me patere, ne te somno defraudes utique terminos 
diei et noctis serves. Agere de finibus <nondum 
divi> 8 duis claros et nobiles Vesperum et Luciferum 
puta : utrique demonstrationem sui quisque limitis 
ostendunt. Horum cognitioni interesse postulat 
Somnus, nam se quoque 4 adfinem esse negotio et 
adtingi iniuria ait. Vellem autem tantum mihi 
vigoris aut studii adesse, quantum adfuit quom ilia 
olim nugalia conscripsi, Laudem Fumi el Pulveris. 
Nae ego somni laudem ex summis opibus conscrip- 
sissem. 6 Nunc quoque, si tibi fabulam brevem 
libenti est audire, audi. 

8. Iovem Patrem ferunt, quom res humanas a 
primordio conderet, aevom vi<tae> 7 medium uno 
ictu percussum in duas partes undique pares diffi- 
disse : partem alteram luce, alteram tenebris ami- 
cisse, diem noctemque appellasse, noctique otium 
diei negotium tradidisse. Turn Somnus necdum 
natus erat et omnes pervigiles aetatem agebant; 

1 From the margin of Cod. for text reputas. 

' A legal expression. 3 Brakman. 

4 Orelli for Cod. quisque. 5 See i. p. 38 (Laudes). 

6 He seems to have done bo before : see i. p. 96. 

7 Heindorf. 



stolen fire from heaven, would not the sun suffice 
you for your judicial duties ? Do realise in your 
conscience that you are tied to a daily falsehood, for, 
when you say that you "appoint the day" for trial 
of cases and yet try by night, 1 then you are bound to 
be untruthful, whether you condemn or acquit. If 
you condemn anyone, you say, there appears to have 
been gross negligence; where indeed but for the 
lights nothing could appear at all. 

7. But do, I beseech you, in jest or earnest let 
yourself be persuaded by me not to rob yourself of 
sleep, and to keep the boundaries of day and night 
distinct. Imagine that two noble and illustrious 
litigants, Evening and Morning, are having a law- 
suit about boundaries not yet marked out. Each 
party puts in a description of his own frontier. 
Sleep claims to intervene in their trial, for he too is 
connected with the business, and declares that he 
suffers prejudice. Would that I had as much vigour 
and enthusiasm as I enjoyed when long ago I com- 
posed those trifles in praise of Smoke and of Dust. 
Verily I would have written a eulogy of Sleep to 
the top of my skill ! Now, too, if you care to hear 
a short apologue on Sleep, listen. 

8. They tell us that Father Jove, when at the 
beginning of things he was founding the human 
race, with one stroke clave asunder the continuity of 
man's life into two parts in every respect equal ; the 
one he clothed with light, the other with darkness ; 
called this day and that night, and assigned to night 
rest and to day work. As yet Sleep had not been 
born, and all men passed their whole lives awake. 

1 Dio, lxxi. 6, § 1 (of Marcus), vvktqs tariv ore Swdfav. 



Ambr. sie sed quies nocturna vigilantibus pro somno adhuc 1 | 
erat promulgata. Paulatim deinde, ut sunt ingenia 
hominum inquieta et agitandi et turbandi cupida, 
noctes diesque negotiis exercebant, horam otio 
nullam impertibant. Turn Iovem ferunt, ubi iam 
iurgia et vadimonia nocturna sisti et noctes quoque 
comperendinari videret, 2 cum corde suo agitasse de 
suis germanis fratribus unum praeficere, qui nocti 
atque otio hominum curaret : Neptunum multas et 
graves curas maritimas causatum, ne fluctus terras 
totas cum montibus obruerent neve motu 3 venti 
cuncta funditus percellerent, silvas et sata radicitus 
haurirent ; Ditem quoque Patrem causatum multa 
opera multaque cura templa infera 4 aegre coer- 
ced, amnibus et paludibus et stagnis Stygiis 
Acheruntem aegre commoeniri, canem denique cus- 
todem apposuisse umbris territandis quae aufugere 
ad superos cuperent, eique cani trinas latrandi 
fauces ac trinos hiatus trinasque dentium formidines 

9. Turn Iovem deos alios percontatum animadver- 
tisse, gratiam vigiliae aliquantum pollere ; lunonem 
plerosque partus nocturnos ciere ; Minervam artium 

Ambr. 214 atque artificum magistram | multum vigilari velle ; 
Martem nocturnas eruptiones et insidias muta re 
iuvare ; Venerem vero et Liberum multo maxime 

1 This word is doubtful. 
8 Heindorf for Cod. videcU. 



But in lieu of sleep the hush of night had been 
hitherto established for wakeful men. Then, little 
by little, men's disposition being restless and prone 
to action and excitement, they began to employ 
nights as well as days in business, giving not an 
hour to rest. Then they say that Jove, seeing that 
now quarrels and recognizances were fixed for the 
night, and suits were even put off from one night to 
another, took counsel with his own heart to set up 
one of his own brethren to preside over night and 
the repose of mankind. But Neptune pleaded his 
many heavy cares upon the seas, that the waves 
should not overflow whole lands, mountains and all, 
or cyclones in their fury level everything with the 
ground and suck up the woods and the crops by 
their roots. Father Dis too made his plea that 
hardly with immense pains and immense anxiety 
were the nether precincts kept under control, hardly 
was Hades impaled in on every side with rivers 
and marishes and the Stygian fens; that he had 
even set up a watch-dog to terrify any Shades that 
had a mind to escape to the upper air, and had 
given him to boot a triple throat for barking, three 
gaping jaws, and threefold terror of teeth. 

9. Then Jove after question had with other Gods 
perceived that a liking for wakefulness was consider- 
ably in the ascendant ; that Juno called most children 
to birth at night ; that Minerva, mistress of arts and 
artificers, was for much wakefulness; that Mars by the 
silence of the surroundings aided nightly sallies and 
ambuscades ; that Venus, however, and Liber were by 

* Hauler (Vers. d. Phil. 41, p. 79) reads coorti. 
4 Lucr. vi. 141. 



pernoctantibus favere. Capit turn consilium Iup- 
piter Somni procreandi eumque in deum numerum 
adsciscit, nocti et otio praeficit eique claves oculorum 
tradit. Herbarum quoque sucos, quibus corda 
hominum Somnus sopiret, suis Iuppiter manibus 
temperavit: securitatis et voluptatis herbae de caeli 
nemore advectae, de Acheruntis autem pratis leti 
herba petita. Eius leti guttam unam aspersit sed 1 
minimam, quanta dissimulantis lacrima esse solet. 

Hoc, inquit, suco soporem hominibus per oculorum 
repagula inriga : cuncti quibus inrigaris ilico post pro- 
cumbent el artubus mortuis immobiles iacebunt. Turn tu 
ne timeto, nam vivent et paulo post, ubi evigilaverint, 

10. Post id Iuppiter alas non ut Mercurio talares 
sed ut Amori humeris exaptas Somno adnexuit. 
Non enim te soleis, ait, et 2 talari ornatu ad pupulas 
hominum et palpebras incurrere oportet <aut> 3 curruli 
strepitu et cumfremitu equeslri, sed placide et clementer 

Ambr. 218 pinnis teneris in modum hirun\dinum advolare nee ut 
columbae alts plaudere. 

11. Ad hoc, quo iucundior hominibus Somnus 
esset, donat ei multa somnia amoena ut, quo 
studio quisque devinctus esset, aut 4 histrionem in 
somniis fautor spectaret, aut tibicinem audiret, aut 
aurigae agitanti 5 monstraret, milites somnio vin- 
cerent, imperatores somnio triumpharent, peregri- 

1 For Cod. nspersisse. Brakman would supply ferunL 
* Bahrens for Cod. aut. 8 Heindorf. 

4 For Cod. ut, and so in the two following cases. 
6 For Cod. agitandi. Pearce (cp. Suet. ViUll. 17) 
suggests minidraret. 


far the most in favour of the night-wakers. Jupiter 
then made up his mind to beget Sleep, and enrolled 
him among the Gods, set him in charge of night 
and repose, and gave into his keeping the keys of 
men's eyes. He also mixed with his own hands the 
juice of herbs, wherewith Sleep might soothe to rest 
the hearts of men. The herbs of security and 
delight he culled from the groves of Heaven, but 
the herb of death was sought in the meadows of 
Acheron. Of that death he mingled but one drop 
and that the tiniest, as is the tear of one who would 
hide his tears. 

With this juice, said he, instil slumber into men 
through the gateways of their eyes : all, into whom thou 
dost thus instil it, will thereafter at once fall down and 
lie prone with limbs motionless as though dead. But 
fear thou not, for they will be alive and anon, when they 
awake, will rise again. 

10. That done, Jupiter furnished Sleep with 
wings, not as Mercury's attached to the ankles, but 
like Love's fitted to the shoulders. For thou must 
not, said he, dash into the eyelids and pupils of men 
with sandals and winged ankles, with the whirling of 
chaiiots and the thunder of steeds, but fly to them quietly 
and softly with gentle wings like a swallow and not with 
clapping of pinions like pigeons. 

11. Furthermore, that Sleep might be the more 
welcome to men, he endowed him with many a 
lovely dream that, according to each sleeper's favour- 
ite hobby, he might — in his dreams— either watch 
an actor and clap him or listen to a flute-player or 
shout advice to a charioteer in his course ; that 
soldiers might conquer and generals triumph 1 — in 

1 cp. Lucan, Phars. vii. 7 fll 



nantes somnio redirent. Ea somnia plerumque ad 
vcrum convertunt. 

12. Igitur, Marce, si quo tibi somnio hinc opus 
est, censeo libens dormias tantisper dum quod cupis 
quaque exoptas vigil an ti tibi optingat. 

De Fer. A Is. 4 (Naber, p. 230). 

Magistro meo salutem. 

Modo recepi epistulam tuam, qua confestim 
fruar. Nunc enim imminebant officia hvo-rrapaLT-qja. 
Interim quod cupis, mi magister, breviter ut occu- 
patus parvolam nuntio nostram melius valere et 
intra cubiculum discurrere. 

Dictatis his legi litteras Alsienses meo tempore, 
mi magister, quom alii cenarent, ego cubarem tenui 
cibo contentus hora noctis secunda — multum, inquis, 
cohortatione mea <commotus> ! Multum, mi magis- 
ter, nam verbis tuis adquievi saepiusque legam ut 
Ambr. 149: saepius adquiescam. Ceterum verecundia ] officii, 
ends' quam sit res imperiosa, quis te magi s norit ? Sed oro 

te, illud quid est, quod in fine epistulae manum 
condoluisse 1 dicis ? Illatenus dolueris, mi magister, 
si me compotem voti di boni faciunt. Vale mi 
magister optime, <j>i\6o-ropyc 2 avdp(i>ir€. 

1 Naber for Cod. consoluisse. 

2 See i. p. 280. Lit. " man of warm affections." 



their dreams ; and wanderers come home — in their 
dreams. Such dreams generally turn out true. 

12. So, Marcus, if you need a dream hereafter, 
1 advise you to sleep with a will, until such time as 
what you desire and as you wish it may fall to your 
lot in your waking hours. 

Marcus Antoninus to Fronto 

rr. . .. 162 A.D. 

To my master, greeting. 

I have just received your letter, which I will 

enjoy presently. For at the moment I have duties 

hanging over me that can hardly be begged off. 

Meanwhile I will tell you, my master, shortly, as I 

am busy, what you want to hear, that our little 

daughter 1 is better and can run about the bedroom. 

After dictating the above I read the Alsian letters, 

my master, at my leisure, while the others were 

dining and I was lying down at eight o'clock, satisfied 

with a light repast. Much good has my advice done 

you, you will say ! Much, my master, for I have 

rested 2 upon your advice, and I shall read it the 

oftener that I may the oftener rest upon it. But 

who knows better than yourself how exacting a 

thing is obedience to duty? But what I beseech 

you is that which you say at the close of your letter, 

that your hand pained you. If the Gods are kind, 

my master, and grant my prayers, you will not have 

suffered pain since. Farewell, my best of masters, 

man of the warm heart. 

1 Probably Cornificia. 
• A play on the word. 



(Naber, p. 217.) 

De Bello Parthico 

<Ad Antoninum Imperatorem.> 

Ambr. 236, 1 <qui deus tan> ! |tam genuit gentem 

244 Romanam, aequo anirao patitur fatisci nos interdum 

et pelli et vulnerari. An cunctetur de militibus 

nostris Mars Pater ilia dicere ? — 

Ego quom genui, turn morituros scivi et ei ret sustuli ; 
Praeterea, quom in terrae orbem misi ob defendendum 

imperium 3 
Scibam me in mortifera bella non in epulas mittere. 2 

Haec verba Telamo Troiano bello de suis liberis 
semel elocutus est ; Mars de Romanis saepe mul- 
tisque in bellis hoc carmine usus est : Gallico bello 
apud Alliam, Samniti apud Caudium, Punico ad 
Cannas, Hispanico apud Numantiam, Iugurthino 
apud Cirtam, Parthico ad Carrhas. Sed semper et 
ubique aerumnas adoreis terroresque nostros trium- 
phis commutavit. 

2. Sed ne nimis vetera alte petam, vestrae familiae 
^xemplis utar. Traiani proavi vestri ductu aus- 
picioque nonne in Dacia captus vir consularis? 

1 Heindorf. 

8 From Ennius's tragedy Tclamon, quoted also by Cic. 
Tusc. iii. 13. Fronto adapts the words of Ennius, which 
are ad Troiam qu»m misi ob defendendam Qraeciam. He also 
has mortiferum bellum. 



On the Parthian War 1 

To the Emperor Antoninus. A,D * 

1 The God who begat the great Roman 

race has no compunction in suffering us to faint at 
times and be defeated and wounded. Or would 
Father Mars hesitate to say of our soldiers the 
words ? — 

Full well I knew when I begot you, you would die : 

I reared you for that end ; 
Aye, when I sent you forth the wide world through the 

empire to defend, 
Full well I knew to deadly wars and not to feasts my 

children I should send. 

These words were uttered by Telamon to his sons 
once in the Trojan war. But Mars has spoken of 
the Romans in the same strain many a time and in 
many a war: in the Gaulish war at Allia, 2 in the 
Samnite at Caudium, 3 in the Punic at Cannae, 4 in 
the Spanish at Numantia, 5 in the Jugurthine at 
Cirta, 6 in the Parthian at Carrhae. 7 But always and 
everywhere he turned our sorrows into successes 
and our terrors into triumphs. 

2. But not to hark back too far into ancient times, 
I will take instances from your own family. Was 
not a consular taken prisoner in Dacia under the 
leadership and auspices of your great grandfather 

1 The Parthian war broke out soon after the death of 
Pius. Fronto is consoling Marcus for a disaster in Armenia, 
when Severianus the legatus and his legion were destroyed 
at Elegeia in 162 by the Parthians. See also Prine. Hist. 
ad fin. * July 16, 390 b.c. 

8 321 B.c. * Aug. 2, 216 B.C. « 138 b c. 

6 Apparently the defeat of Albinus in 109 B.C. is meant. 

7 52 b.c. 



Nonne a Parthis consularis aeque vir in Mesopotamia 
trucidatus? Quid? avo vestro Hadriano imperium 
optinente quantum militum ab Iudaeis, quantum ab 
Britannis caesum. Patre etiam vestro imperante, 
qui omnium principum <felicissimus erat> x .... 
A.rubr. 235, . . | . . Si Marso quis patre natus viperas lacertas 
28iand 232 e * natrices timeret, nonne degenerasse videretur * ? 
.... pauculis diebus in fasciis tenentur, illi in 
pannis degunt omnem aetatem. 3 

3. Itaque bonus ille imperator .... venire 
captivos jubebat .... sint ingratiis. Quid ego, 
quippe cui .... Piscibus in caudis est <virtus>, 4 
avibus in pennis, anguibus serpendi vi . . . . quod 

Ambr. 228 quis . . . . | et gloriam Romani nominis restitu en- 
dam et insidias fraudesque hostium <puniendas>, 
quae comparata .... vendere nugaci .... con- 
sulta sunt tam<en> .... iure meritoque .... 

\inbr. 227 neque .... | vocent paratos progredi remanere, 
porro retro, illic <istic>. 5 Haudquaquam utile est 
homini nato res prosperas perpetuo evenire : fortunae 
variae magis tutae. 

4. Et <magnis firmatus> opibus et omnium quae- 
cumque intenderat sine offensione potitus, <Poly- 
crates> 6 nihil in aetate agunda duri aut acerbi 

1 Niebuhr, but perhaps pacaHssimus. A lacuna follows of 
not less, as it seems, than a page. 
■ From the margin of Codex. 

* From margin of p. 232 of Codex. 
4 Or possibly robur. * Mai. 

• Heindorf, who also suggested ted^gisset below. The other 
long insertions are my own, merely to make a readable 
translation possible. They mostly differ from Naber's Such 
indications as there are in the Codex have been followed. 



Trajan ? 1 Was not a consular likewise slain by the 
Parthians in Mesopotamia? 2 Again under the rule 
of your grandfather Hadrian what a number of 
soldiers were killed by the Jews/ what a number by 
the Britons! 4 Even in the principate of your Father, 

who was the most fortunate of princes 

Should we not think the son of a Marsian 5 father 
degenerate, if he were afraid of vipers, lizards, and 
water-snakes? . . . . 6 are kept a few days in 
swaddling bands, the others pass their whole lives in 

3. And so that excellent emperor 7 .... bade 

his captives be sold The strength of 

fishes lies in their tails, of birds in their wings, of 

snakes in their power of crawling 

.... both the restoration of the prestige of the 
Roman name, and the punishment of the enemy's 

traps and treachery, 

call upon those to halt 

who are ready to advance, forward, backward, here, 
there. It is by no means advantageous to a man 
that is born of woman that prosperity should always 
attend him : changing fortunes are more secure. 

4. Take Polycrates 8 : strong in his vast wealth, 
and successful without a stumble in all that he 
undertook, he is said in the course of his life to 
have experienced no hard fortune or disappointment, 

1 Longinus ; see Dio, lxviii. 12. 

' Maximus ; see ibid, lxviii. SO, and below, Princ. Hist, 
ad fin. 8 See Dio, lxix. 14. 

* Not recorded elsewhere ; but see Spart. Vit. Hadr. 5. 

* The Marsians were supposed to have power over snakes : 
see Pliny, N.H. vii. 2 ; xxv. 5. 

* In this gap (Ambr. 231) there was a reference to the 
Parthians, as we see from a marginal note. 

7 Trajan (?). 8 Tyrant of Samos, who died 522 B.C. 



expertus esse dicitur, quin sub manus quom cuncta 
<redegisset> prorsus <haberetur omnium regum> 
beatissimus. <Cui, ut fertur,> rex Amasis Aegyp- 
tius sapiens fortuna de eximia l consultus, scriptis 
familiaribus litteris suasit semet 2 ipsum voluntario 
aliquo damno sciens multaret eoque dolore <deis 
invidis se conciliaret> .... <ille autem aureo> 
habebat <in> anulo mannpretio summo 8 facie ex- 
imia lapidem smaragdum, <quam prae ceteris suis 
bonis rebus .... aestimabat>. Eum Polycrates 
anulum nave longa in altum provectus sponte in 
mare abiecit, unde numquam postilla emergeret. 

5. Turn quod sciens sponteque <fecit> 4 abiectum 
lapidem dolebat. <Sed mox grandem> piscator 
<piscem retibus> saepe <iactis tandem> nactus, 
indignum duxit ad venales deferre, sed dignitati 
parens regi obtulit. Rex gratum acceptumque 
habuit | s<ibique> apponi iussit: quo iusso piscique 
opera <data> se<rvi> contrectantes <eum> anulum 
in alvo repertum ad regem gaudentes detulerunt. 
Turn Polycrates litteras ordine de casu et postliminio 
anuli perscriptas ad regem Amasim mittit. Amasis 
magnum et maturum malum Polycrati coniectans 
amicitiam hospitiumque renuntiat, ut alieno potius, 
suo quam hospiti aut amico fortunam commutatam 
ipse minus aegre ferret. 

1 Cod. fortunatissimi s. Heindorf re&dafortunaeperitissimus. 
* Mai. Brakman says the Codex has semper (?). 
1 In the Codex follows smaragdum. 4 Brakman. 



such as to prevent him, when he had brought every- 
thing under his power, being counted the most 
fortunate of all kings. To him, as the story goes, 
Amasis the wise King of Egypt, being consulted 
about his unique good fortune, wrote a friendly 
letter, advising him of his own accord to inflict 
some loss knowingly upon himself, and by that 

penance disarm the envy of the Gods Now 

he had an emerald of extraordinary lustre set in a 
gold ring of the finest workmanship, which he valued 
above all his other possessions. Polycrates putting 
out to sea in a ship of war, cast this ring of his own 
accord into the water, making sure that he should 
never afterwards see it again. 

5. Deliberate and premeditated as his act had 
been, he subsequently regretted the jewel he had 
cast away. Rut shortly after a fisherman, who with 
repeated casting of his nets had at length caught a 
huge fish, thought it too fine to take to the dealers, 
and in virtue of its excellence presented it to the 
king. The king was much pleased with the gift, 
and ordered it to be served at his own table. When 
the slaves in pursuance of this order were busy with 
the fish preparing it for the table, they found the 
ring in its stomach and brought it joyfully to the 
king. Then Polycrates sent King Amasis a letter 
with full particulars of the sacrifice and recovery of 
the ring. Whereon Amasis, forecasting for Poly- 
crates a disaster signal and speedy, renounced all 
friendship and ties of hospitality with him, that 
when his fortune changed he might regard it with 
less concern as affecting a stranger rather than his 
own guest or friend. 




6. Sed somnium filiae Polycrati iam ante insigne 
optigerat. Patrem suura videre sibi visa erat aperto 
atque edito loco sublimem ungui et lavi Iovis et 
Solis manibus. Harioli autem laetam et pinguem 
fortunam portendi eo 1 somnio interpretati. Sed 
omne contra evenit. Nam deoeptus ab Oroete 
Perse Polycrates captusque in crucem sublatus est. 
Ita ei crucianti somnium expeditum. Manibus 
<enim Iovis quom plueret lavabatur, unguebatur 
Solis, dum ipse e corpore humorem emitteret>. 2 
Huiuscemodi 3 exorsus <felices ha>bent <exitum> 
interdum <infaustum>. Non est exultandum nimia 
et diutina prosper itate, | nee si quid malae pugnae 
accident defetiscendum. Sed victoriam brevi spera, 
namque semper in rebus gestis Romanis crebrae 
fortunarum commutationes extiterurrt. 

7. Quis ita ignarus est bellicarum memoriarum, 
qui ignoret populum Romanum non minus cadendo 
quam caedendo imperium peperisse ? legiones nos- 
tras saepe <fusas fuga> 4 tasque armis barbarorum 
esse ? Quamvis in<festi et> 5 truces tauri subigi 
iungendo domarique potuerunt : aeque ac 6 nostri 
exercitus olim 7 sub iugum missi sunt. Sed eosdem 
illos, qui sub iugum egerant, paulo post ante trium- 
phum nostri egere et captivos sub corona vendidere. 

1 For Cod. portendier. 2 Chiefly from Mai. 

8 Mai huius [fabulae] ; Manly t'uiuxque modi. 
4 Alan. 5 Brakman. 6 For poluere, praequam. 
7 For Cod. sili ; Naber illi. 



6. But the daughter of Polycrates had previously 
had a remarkable dream. She had seemed to see her 
father, raised aloft on an open and conspicuous spot, 
being laved and anointed by the hands of Jupiter 
and the Sun. The diviners read the dream as 
foretelling a rich and happy fortune. 1 But it turned 
out wholly otherwise. For Polycrates, beguiled by 
Oroetes the Persian, was seized and crucified. And 
so the dream was fulfilled in his crucifixion. For he 
was laved by Jove's hands when it rained, and 
anointed by the hands of the Sun, when the dew of 
agony came out upon his skin. Such prosperous 
beginnings as his have not seldom a disastrous 
ending. There should be no exultation over exces- 
sive and prolonged prosperity, no fainting away 
when a reverse has been sustained. You may 
soon hope for a victory, for Rome in her history 
has ever experienced frequent alternations of 

7. Who is so unversed in military annals as not 
to know that the Roman people have earned their 
empire by falling no less than by felling? that 
our legions have often been broken and routed 
by the arms of barbarians? It has been found 
possible to subject to the yoke- and to tame bulls, 
however savage and dangerous; and in the same way 
our armies have in former times been made to pass 
under the yoke. But those very foes, who forced us 
under the yoke, have our generals but a little later 
forced to march at the head of their triumphs and 
have sold them as slaves by auction. 

1 Periander, the tyrant of Corinth, had a similar dream, 
and Artemidorus (a writer of the time of Marcus), On 
Dreams, 4, said it signified great honours and riches. 



8. Post Cannensem cladem Poenus imperator anul- 
orum aureorum, quos caesis equitibus Romanis Poeni 
detraxerant, tres modios cumulatos misit Cartha- 
ginem. Sed non multo post Carthago capta est : 
illis, qui anulos detraxerant, catenae inditae sunt. 
In ea pugna Scipio quantum hominum Poenorum 
Afrorumque cepit aut occidit aut in deditionem 
accepit ! Si eorum linguas resecari imperasset, 
navem onustam linguis Romam inegisset. 

9. Quod te vix quicjquam nisi raptim et furtim 
legere posse prae curis praesentibus scripsisti, fac 
memineris et cum animo tuo cogites C. Caesarem 
atrocissimo bello Gallico cum alia multa militaria 
turn etiam duos De Analogia libros scrupulosissimos 
scripsisse, inter tela volantia de nominibus declin- 
andis, de verborum aspirationibus et rationibus inter 
classica et tubas. Cur igitur tu, Marce, non minore 
ingenio praeditus quam C. Caesar, nee minus ordine 
insignis nee paucioribus exemplis aut documentis 
familiaribus instructus, non vincas negotia et 
invenias tibimet tempora, non modo ad orationes 
et poemata et historias et praecepta sapientium 
legenda sed etiam syllogismos, si perpeti potes, 
resolvendos ? 

1 He quotes Marcus's own phrase (see above, Ad Anion. 
ii. 1) in the letter from Minturnae (probably), where Marcus 
was trying to get a little respite from the anxieties caused by 
the Parthian invasion of Roman provinces and the disaster 
at Elegeia. 



8. After the disaster at Cannae the Carthaginian 
general sent to Carthage three bushels of golden 
rings heaped up, which Carthaginians had drawn 
from the fingers of Roman knights slain in the 
battle. But not many years later Carthage was 
taken, and chains were put on those who had drawn 
off the rings. In that battle what a multitude of 
Carthaginians and Africans did Scipio capture or 
slay or reduce to submission ! Had he given orders 
for their tongues to be cut out, he could have sent 
into Rome a ship freighted with the tongues of his 

9. With respect to what you say that you can 
scarcely read anything except by snatches and by 
stealth 1 in your present anxieties, recall to your 
mind and ponder the fact that Gaius Caesar, while 
engaged in a most formidable war in Gaul wrote 
betides many other military works two books of the 
most meticulous character On Analogy? discussing 
amid flying darts the declension of nouns, and the 
aspiration of words and their classification mid the 
blare of bugles and trumpets. Why then, O Marcus, 
should not you, who are endowed with no less 
abilities than Gaius Caesar, and are as noble in 
station and fortified by no fewer examples and 
patterns at home, master your duties and find time 
for yourself not only for reading speeches and poems 
and histories and the doctrines of philosophers, but 
also for unravelling syllogisms, if you can endure 
so far. 

* Cicero quotes this work {Brutus, 72) as meaning De ratixme 
Latine loquendi. Caesar wrote it while crossing the Alps on 
his way from his winter quarters at Luca, in north Italy, to 
the seat of war in Gaul. 



10. Nunc, ut orationem istam M. Tulli, quam tibi 
legendam raisi, paucis commendem. Mihi profecto 
ita videtur, neminem umquam neque Romana neque 
Graecorum lingua facundius in contione populi 
laudatiun quam Gnaeus Pompeius in ista oratione 
laudatus est : ut mihi ille videatur non ita suis 
virtutibus ut Ciceronis laudibus Magnus nominatus. 1 
Turn praeterea multa istic reperies praesentibus 
consiliis tuis capita apte considerata, de ducibus 
exercituum de|ligendis, de commodis sociorum, tutela 
provinciarum, di<sciplina mili>tum 2 ; quibus artibua 
praeditos esse oporteat imperatores bella et cetera 
ge<rrentes> 3 .... tractatus .... quos .... 
intentionem .... consuevi. Ne .... velim 
.... quia ego intento maiore vel aliquando re- 
praesentatas has res arbitror profuturas. Velis dum- 
taxat. Et si quis .... quod . . . . 4 Neque mihi 
succenseas, quod non mea manu tibi rescripserim, 
praesertim quom a te tua manu scriptas litteras 
acceperim. Digitis admodum invalidis nunc utor et 
detracts nti bus ; turn haec epistula multorum verb- 
orum indigebat, 5 mea autem dextera manus hac 
tempestate paucarum litterarum. 

Ad Antoninum Imp. i. 1 (Naber, p. 94). 

ad | Magistro meo. 

Bonum annum, bonam salutem, bonam fortun- 
am peto a deis die mihi sollemni natali tuo, cora- 

1 Ac . ncn . . pahis is apparently the reading of the Codex, 
according to du Rieu. The margin of Cod. has cognomiTvitus. 

2 Buttraann for Cod. de . . . . turn. Brakman prefers de- 
fendcndis, turn for disciplina militum, 

3 Brakman. 

4 Twenty-six lines are lost. 



10. Now to say a few words in praise of that 
speech 1 of M. Tullius which I sent you to read. It 
seems to me the very truth that no one was ever 
praised either in Greek or Latin before an assembly 
of the people more eloquently than Gnaeus Pom- 
peius in that speech, so much so that to me he seems 
to have earned his title of Great not so much by 
reason of his own merits as of Cicero's praises. 
Then besides you will find in it many chapters full 
of reflections well suited to your present measures, 
touching the choice of generals, the interests of 
allies, the safeguarding of provinces, the discipline 
of soldiers, the necessary qualifications of com- 
manders for duties in the field and elsewhere .... 

because I think that these considerations, even 
occasionally brought forward with greater earnest- 
ness, would be profitable. At all events you would 

wish it ; and if anyone Do not 

be offended with me for not having answered your 
letter in my own hand, and that though the letter 
I had from you was in yours. My fingers just 
now are very weak and refractory ; then this epistle 
required many words, but my right hand is at this 
moment one of few letters. 

Marcus Antoninus the Emperor to Fronto 

rp . 162 A.D. 

lo my master. 
A good year, good health, good fortune do 1 
ask of the Gods on this your birthday, a red-letter 

1 Surely the Pro Lege Manilla ; but Mai refers it to a 
speech on the Mithridatic War. 

6 Buttm. for Cod. ingerebal. Perhaps multam vim . . . 
ingerebat would stand. 



potemque me voti fore confido, nam quem sponte 
dei iuvisse volunt et dignum ope sua iudieant, eum 
commendo benignitati eorum. Tu quom alia laeta- 
bilia, mi magister, in tuo animo festo hoc die 
agitabis, numerato apud te qui te valde diligant : 
in iis primis hunc tuum discipulum ponito, inibi 
Dominum meum fratrem, TraBu <pi\ovvTa<; ere avOpur- 
7rovs. Vale, et perennem multis annis bonam 
valetudinem, mi magister, optine laetissimus in- 
columitate filiae nepotum generi. 

Nostra Faustina reficit sanitatem. Pull us noster 
Antoninus aliquo lenius tussit. Quantum quisque 
in nidulo nostro iam sapit, tantum pro te preeatur. 
Iterum atque iterum ac | porro in longam senectam 
bene vale, iucundissime magister. Peto a te — sed 
impetratum sit — ne te ob diem natalem Cornificiae 
Lorium vexes. Dis volentibus Romae paucis diebus 
nos videbis. Sed post diem natalem tuum, si me 
amas, nox quae sequitur iam placide quiescas sine 
ullius instantis officii cogitatione. Hoc Antonino 
tuo da sollicite et vere petenti. 

Ad Antoninum Imp. i. 2 (Naber, p. 94). 

Antonino Augusto Fronto. 

1. Seni huic et, ut tu appellas, magistro tuo 
bona salus bonus annus bona fortuna res omnis 

1 Hor. Od. iv. xi. 17. 

9 Victoriuus, who married Gratia about 160. 



day l for me, and I am assured that they will grant 
my prayer, for I commend to their bounty him 
whom the Gods themselves delight to aid and deem 
worthy of their help. You, my master, when other 
joyous thoughts pass through your mind on this 
your festal day, count over to yourself those who 
dearly love you : among the chief of these set this 
your pupil, set the Lord my brother there, both of 
us men that love you passionately. Farewell, my 
master, and may you for many years to come enjoy 
unbroken good health with your daughter, grand- 
children and son-in-law 2 spared to make your 
happiness complete. 

Our Faustina is recovering her health. Our little 
chick Antoninus 8 coughs rather less. The occu- 
pants of our little nest, each as far as he is old 
enough to do so, offer prayers for you. Next year 
and the year after and right on into a long old age, 
most delightful of masters, may you have the best 
of good health. I ask of you — and do not refuse 
me — not to take the trying journey to Lorium for 
Cornificia's 4 birthday. God willing, you shall see 
us at Rome a few days hence. But if you love 
me, pass the coming night in peace and quiet without 
attending to any business however pressing. Grant 
this to your Antoninus, who asks it with sincerity 
and concern. 

Fronto to Antoninus Augustus. 

1. For this old man and, as you style him, your 
master, good health, a good year, good fortune, 

* Antoninus (Geminus) and Lucius Aurelius Commodus, 
afterwards emperor, were born on Aug. 31, 161. The former 
died four years later. 4 The daughter of Marcus. 



bona, quae tu scribis eo 1 te mihi ab deis die tibi 
sollemnissimo natali meo precatum, omnia mihi ista 
in te tuoque fratre sita sunt, Antonine meo cordi 
dulcissime : quos ego postquam cognovi meque vobis 
.ransdidi, nihil umquam prae vobis dulcius habui 
neque habere possum; tametsi alios annos totidem 
de ii .tegro, quantum 2 vixi, vivam. Hoc igitur unum 
coniunctis precibus ab deis precemur, uti vos in- 
columes et florentes et reipublicae familiaeque vestrae 
prospere potentes aetatem longam degatis. Nee 
quicquam est praeterea, quod ego tanto opere vel ab 
Vat. 9T deis vel a forte fortuna vel a nobis ipsis impetratum | 
cupiam, quam ut vestro conspectu et adfatu ves- 
trisque tarn iucundis litteris frui quam mihi diutissime 
liceat; eique ego rei, si fieri posset, repuerascere 

2. Nam quod ad ceteras res alioqui adtinet, sat 
vitae est. Video te, Antonine, Principem tarn egre- 
gium quam speravi; tarn iustum tarn innocentem 
quam spopondi ; tarn gratum populo Romano et 
acceptum quam optavi ; tarn mei amantem quam ego 
volui ; tarn disertum quam ipse voluisti. Nam ubi 
primum coepisti rursum velle, nil offuit interdum 
noluisse. Fieri etiam vos cotidie facundiores video 

1 Cod. ea. 8 Query quot iam. 

1 So Melito in hia Apology (Eus. H.E. iv. 26, § 7) calls him 


everything good, which you write you have prayed 
of the Gods for me on this my birthday, above all 
others a red-letter day for you — all these good things 
are in your keeping and your brother's, O Antoninus, 
sweetest joy of my heart : whom, since I have known 
you and given myself up to you, I have ever held 
sweeter than all things, and will so hold you, 
although I live again other years as many as I have 
lived. This one thing, therefore, let all of us with 
joint prayers ask of the Gods, that you may both 
pass long lives in health and vigour, exercising your 
power to the advantage of the state and of your 
own households. Nor is there aught else I could 
wish so much to obtain either from the Gods or from 
Fairy Fortune or from yourselves, as that it may be 
my lot as long as possible to enjoy your presence, 
your converse, and your delightful letters ; and to 
that end I am ready, if it were possible, to be a boy 

2. Otherwise, as far as everything else is con- 
cerned, I have had my fill of life. I see you, Anto- 
ninus, as excellent an Emperor as I hoped ; as just, 
as blameless as I guaranteed ; as dear and as wel- 
come x to the Roman People as I desired ; fond of 
me to the height of my wishes, and eloquent to 
the height of your own. For now that you once 
begin to feel the wish again, to have lost the 
wish for a time proves to have been no set-back. 2 
Indeed I see both of you becoming more eloquent 

a About the year 146 Marcus devoted himself more ex- 
clusively to philosophy and neglected rhetoric (see Ad Mar. 
iv. 13, i. p. 216). Later he eschewed it entirely; see Thoughts, 
i. 7 ; i. 17, § 4. But there was rhetoric in his writings, and 
Dio, lxxi. 35, § 1, says he was "practised in rhetoric." 



et exulto quasi adhuc magister. Nam quom omnes 
virtutes vestras diligam et amplectar, fateor tarn en 
praecipuum me et proprium gaudium ex eloquentia 
vestra capere. Itidem lit parentes, quom in voltu 
liberum oris sui lineamenta dinoscunt, ita ego quom 
in orationibus vestris vestigia nostrae sectae anim- 
adverto — yeyrjOe hk <f>p£va AvJtw : meis enim verbis 
exprimere vim gaudii mei nequeo. Nee te recor- 
datio ista urgeat nee omnino angat, quod tibi con- 
scius es non perpetuam operam eloquentiae dedisse. 
Nam ita | res habet: qui magno ingenio praeditus 
recta via ad eloquentiam ab principio inductus atque 
institutus fuerit, tametsi interdum concessarit aut 
restiterit, ubi primum progredi denuo et pergere 
visum erit, coeptum illud iter confecerit setius for- 
tasse aliquo, minus tamen nihilo. Crede autem hoc 
mihi, omnium, quos ego cognoverim, uberiore quam 
tu sis ingenio adfectum comperisse me neminem: 
quod quidem ego magna cum lite Victorini nostri et 
magna eius cum bile adiurare solebam, quom eum 
adspirare ad pulchritudinem ingenii tui posse ne- 
garem. Turn ille meus Rusticus Romanus, qui 
vitam suam pro unguiculo tuo libenter dediderit 
atque devoverit, de ingenio tamen invitus et tristis 
aegre concedebat. 

1 Horn. Od. vi. 106 = Verg. Am. i. 502. 

2 About this time Consul II. and praef. urbi. For Marcus's 



every day, and I am elated as if I were still your 
master. For while I love and cherish all your 
merits, yet I confess that I derive my chief "and 
peculiar pleasure from your eloquence. Just as it 
is with parents, when in their children's faces they 
discern their own lineaments, so it is with me when 
in the speeches of either of you I detect marks of 
my school — and glad in her heart was Latona : l for I 
cannot express in my own words the intensity of my 
joy. And do not feel compunction at the recollec- 
tion, or be vexed in the least with the consciousness, 
of not having devoted yourself continuously to elo- 
quence. For the fact is that, if a man endowed 
with great natural capacity has been from the first 
brought into and trained in the right way of elo- 
quence, although he have given it the go-by for a 
time or rested on his oars, as soon as ever he resolves 
to make a fresh start and set forward, he will get to 
the end of his journey somewhat less quickly of 
course, but less successfully not a whit. But believe 
me when I say that, of all the men whom I have 
ever known, I have never met with any one gifted 
with richer ability than yourself: I used, indeed, to 
affirm this with an oath to the immense disagree- 
ment of our dear Victorinus and his immense dis- 
gust, when I said that he could not aspire to the 
charm of your natural gift. Then that friend of 
mine, the Roman Rusticus, 2 who would gladly sur- 
render and sacrifice his life for your little finger, 
yet on the question of your natural ability gave 
way against his will and with a frown. 

relations with him see Thouahte, i. 17, §§ 4, 6. Soon after 
this letter was written he condemned Justin Martyr and his 
companions to death as Christians. 



3. Unum tibi periculum fuit, Antonine, idem quod 
omnibus qui sublimi ingenio extiterunt, ne in verbo- 
rum copia et pulchritudine clauderes ; quanto enim 
ampliores sententiae creantur, tanto difficilius verbis 
vestiuntur ; nee mediocriter laborandum est ne pro- 
cerae illae sententiae male sint amictae neve inde- 
corius cinctae neve sint seminudae. 

| Meministi eius orationis tuae, quam vixdum 
pueritiam egressus in senatu habuisti ? in qua quom 
imagine utriculi ad exemplum accomodandum usus 
esses, anxie verebare ne parum pro loci et ordinis 
dignitate ttjv ct/cdva usurpasses, meque primam illam 
longiusculam ad te epistulam scripsisse qua id, quod 
res est, augurabar, magni ingenii signum esse ad 
eiusmodi sententiarum pericula audaciter adgredi, 
sed quod eo opus esset, tuo te studio et nonnulla 
nostra opera adsecuturum, ut digna tantis sententiis 
verborum lumina parares; quod nunc vides prove- 
nisse et, quamquam non semper ex summis opibus ad 
eloquentiam velificaris, tamen sipharis et remis te 
tenuisse iter, atque ut primum vela pandere neces- 
sitas impulit, omnes eloquentiae studiosos ut lembos 
et celoces facile praetervehi. 

4. Haec ut scriberem productus sum proxima 
epistula tua, qua scripsisti "exolescere paulatim 
quaecumque didicisses " ; mihi quidem nunc cum 

1 Perhaps when he entered the Senate as quaestor^ but very 
possibly his Caesar-speech. See i. p. 19. 



3. You had, Antoninus, but one danger to fear, 
and no one of outstanding ability can escape it — that 
you should limp in respect of copiousness and choice- 
ness of words. For the greater the thoughts, the 
more difficult it is to clothe them in words, and 
no small labour is needed to prevent those stately 
thoughts being ill- clothed or unbecomingly draped 
or half-naked. 

Do you remember that speech of yours, 1 which 
you delivered in the Senate when scarcely more 
than a boy, in which you made use of that simile of 
a leathern bottle by way of illustration, and were much 
concerned lest you had employed an image little 
suited to the dignity of the place and of a senator? 
and that first rather long letter 2 I wrote to you, in 
which I drew the inference — and it is a true in- 
ference — that it is a mark of great abilities to 
encounter boldly the difficulties in thoughts of that 
kind, but that by your own application and some 
help from me you would attain what was needed 
therein, the command of luminous expression 8 to 
match such great thoughts. This you see has now 
come to pass, and although you have not always set 
every sail in pursuit of eloquence, yet you have held 
on your course with topsails and with oars, and 
as soon as ever necessity has forced you to spread all 
your canvas, you are easily distancing all devotees of 
eloquence like so many pinnaces and yachts. 

4. I have been prompted to write this by your 
last letter, 4 in which you said that you were gradually 
forgetting all that you had learnt, but to me it seems 

9 The letter printed first in this edition : ep. the reference 
to avdncin. * cp. De Eluqu. iii. below. 

* This letter is not in the collection, but cp. i. p. 39. 



maxime florere quae didicisti atque adolescere viden- 

tur. An parura animadvertis, quanto studio quanto- 

que favore et voluptate dicentem te audiat senatus 

| populusque Romanus ? Et spondeo, quanto saepius 

audieritj tanto flagrantius amabit, ita multa et grata 

sunt ingenii et oris et vocis et faeundiae tuae dele- 

nimenta. Nimirura quisquam superiorum impera- 

torum — imperatoribus enim te comparare malo, ne 

viventibus comparem 1 — quisquam illorum his figu- 

rationibus uteretur, quae Graeci o-^/xara vocant ? 

Ne longius repetam, vel proximo senatu quom 

Cyzicenorum gravem causam commemorares, ita 

orationem tuam figurasti — quam figuram Graeci 

vapaktupw appellant — ut praetereundo tamen diceres 

et dicendo tamen praeterires. In qua 2 multa simul 

laudanda sunt: primum hoc, te doctissime per- 

spexisse sociorum graves aerumnas non perpetua 

neque recta aut prolixa oratione exaggerandas, indi- 

candas tamen impensius, ut digni senatus miseri- 

cordia et auxilio viderentur ; deinde ita breviter rem 

omnem atque ita valide elocutus es, ut paucissimis 

verbis omnia quae res posceret, continerentur, ut 

non ocius aut vehementius terra urbem illam quam 

1 Mai for Cod. compararem. a For Cod. quo. 

1 These are the technical figures of rhetoric, whether of 
language, such as alliteration, antithesis, eto., or of thought, 
such as irapaAei^is (= a passing by) here. 



that now more than ever is blossoming all that you 
have learnt and growing to maturity. Or do you 
fail to notice the eagerness, partiality, and pleasure 
with which the Senate and the Roman People listen 
to your speeches ? And I go bail for it, the oftener 
they listen the more passionately will they love, so 
many and so ingratiating are the charms of your 
genius, your countenance, your voice, and your 
eloquence. In fact, is there one among former 
Emperors- — I prefer to compare you with Emperors 
that I may not compare you with contemporaries — is 
there one who used these rhetorical figures which the 
Greeks call o-x^/xara? l Not to go further back, even 
at the last sitting of the Senate, when you spoke of 
the serious case of the Cyzicenes, you embellished 
your speech with a figure, which the Greeks call, in such a way that while waiving a point 
you yet mentioned it, and while mentioning it you 
yet waived it. In this speech many things at once 
call for praise: the first, that you most judiciously 
grasped the fact that the heavy trials of the allies 
should not be made too prominent by a continuous 
or direct or lengthy speech upon them, but should 
at the same time be pointed out with earnestness, 
so as to seem worthy of the compassion and help of 
the Senate ; then you set forth the whole case so 
briefly, and yet so forcibly, that all that the subject 
demanded was summed up in the fewest words ; so 
that not more suddenly or more violently was the 
city stirred by the earthquake 2 than the minds of 

2 The earthquake at Cyzicus is apparently alluded to again 
in the l)e Eloqueiitm 1 ad fin. It has & bearing on the date 
of the disputed Letter to the Commwe of Asia relative to the 
Christians (Euseb. H.E. iv. 13; Justin, Apol. i. ad Jin.), 



animos audientium tua oratio moverit. Ecquid ad- 
gnoscis formam sententiae tullianae — | ut non ocius 
aid vehementius terra urbem Mam quam animos audien- 
tium tua oratio moverit ? Ut quisque amore quempiam 
deperit, eius etiam naevolos saviatur. 

5. Sed mihi crede amplissimum te iam tenere in 
eloquentia locum, brevique summum eius cacumen 
aditurum, locuturumque inde nobiscum de loco supe- 
riore, nee tantulo superiore, quanto rostra foro et 
comitio excelsiora sunt, sed quanto altiores antennae 
sunt prora vel potius carina. Praecipue autem gau- 
deo te verba non obvia adripere, sed optima quae- 
rere. Hoc enim distat summus orator a mediocribus, 
quod ceteri facile contenti sunt verbis bonis, summus 
orator non est bonis contentus, si sint meliora. 

6. Sed haec certo loco ac tempore pluribus vel 
scribemus ad te vel coram colloquemur. Ut 
voluisti, Domine, et ut valetudo mea postulabat, 
domi mansi, tibique sum precatus ut multos dies 
natales liberorum tuorum prospere celebres. Pullo 
nostro tussiculam sedaverit et dies clementior et 
nutrix eius, si cibis aptioribus vescatur, omnia enim 
remedia atque omnes medelae fovendi 1 infantium 
faucibus | in lacte sunt sitae. 

7. In oratione tua Cyzicena quom deos precaveris, 
et si fas est, obsecro addidisti: quod ego me non 

1 m 1 of the Codex has offendi. Novak would read offensis. 

1 Adjoining the Forum. It was where the Romans voted 
by Curiae. * He is referring to Cornificia's birthday. 

s i,e, Antoninus Geminus, see last letter. 


your hearers by your speech. Do you recognize the 
Ciceronian turn of the sentence? — so that not more 
suddenly or more violently was the city stirred by the 
earthquake than the minds of your hearers by your speech. 
When a man is deeply in love he kisses even the 
moles on his beloved's cheek. 

5. But believe me you now hold a most distin- 
guished place in eloquence, and will ere long reach 
its very summit, and speak thence with us from 
higher ground, and not so much higher only as the 
Rostrum is than the Forum and the Comitium, 1 but 
as much as the yards overtop the prow or rather the 
keel. But above all am I glad that you do not 
snatch up the first words that occur to you, but seek 
out the best. For this is the distinction between a 
first-rate orator and ordinary ones, that the others 
are readily content with good words, while the first- 
rate orator is not content with words merely good if 
better are to be obtained. 

6. But I will either write to you or discuss these 
matters orally with you more fully at some fixed 
time and place. As you wished, my Lord, and as 
my health demanded, I have stayed at home and 
prayed for you that you might keep many happy 
returns of your children's birthdays. 2 The greater 
mildness of the weather and his nurse, if he takes 
more suitable food, will have quieted our little 
chick's 3 cough, for all remedies and all curatives for 
throat affections in children are centred in milk. 4 

7. In your Cyzicus-speech, when invoking the 
Gods, you added and if it be allowed, I adjure them, a 
use of the word 6 which I do not remember to have 

« See Aul. Gell xii. 1. 

8 Plautus uses it ( Kud. in. Hi. 32) of supplication to Venus, 
and Festus defines it as opcm a sacris pctere. 



memini legisse. Obsecrari enim et resecrari populus 
aut iudices solebant. Sed me forsitan memoria fuge- 
rit * tu diligentius animadvertito. 

8. Me quoque tussicula vexat et manus dexterae 
dolor, mediocris quidem sed qui a rescribenda longi- 
ore epistula impedierit : dictavi igitur. 

9. Quoniara mentio 7rapa\€Lif/€io<i habita est, non 
omittam quin te impertiam quod de figura ista 
studiosius animadverterim, neque Graecorum orato- 
rum neque Romanorum, quos ego legerim, elegantius 
hac figura usum quemquam quam M. Porcium in ea 
oratione, quae de Sumptu suo inscribitur, in qua sic ait : 

Iussi caudicem projerri, ubi mea oratio scripta erat 
de ea re, quod sponsionem feceram cum M. Cornelio, 
Tabulae prolatae : maiorum benefacta perlecta : delude 
quae ego pro republica fecissem leguntur. Ubi id utrum- 
que perlectum est, deinde scriptum erat in oratione : 
" Numquam ego pecuniam neque meam neque sociorum 
per ambitionem dilargitus sum." " Attat, noli noli scri- 
bere," 1 inquam "istud"; nolunt | audire. Deinde 
recitavit : " Numquam 2 ego praejectos per sociorum 
vestrorum oppida imposivi, qui eorum bona <coniuges>' 6 
liberos diriperent." "Istud quoque dele; nolunt audire : 
recita porro." "Numquam ego praedam neque quod de 
hoslibus captum esset neque manubias inter pauculos 
amicos meos divisi, ut illis eriperem qui cepissent." 
u Istuc quoque dele : nihil eo 4 minus volunl dici ; non 
opus est recitaio." "Numquam ego evectionem datavi, 
quo amid mei per symbolos pecunias magnas caperent," 

1 Query rccitare. 3 For Cod. num. quos. 

8 Eckstein. 4 Alan for Cod. nihilo, 



read, for it was the people or a jury that used to 
be adjured or conjured ; but perhaps my memory 
plays me false : do you think over it more carefully 

8. I, too, am troubled with a cough, and pain in 
my right hand, not very severe it is true, but enough 
to prevent my writing so long a letter: therefore I 
have dictated it. 

9. Since mention has been made of paraleipsis, I 
must not fail to acquaint you with what 1 have 
noticed with regard to this figure in a somewhat 
careful search. None of the Greek or Roman 
orators that I have read has used this figure more 
happily than M. Porcius in that speech which is 
entitled On his Expenses} in which he says as follows : 

/ ordered the volume to be produced containing my 
speech on the subject of my having made an agreement 
with M. Cornelius. The tablets were produced: the 
services of my ancestors were read out : then was re- 
cited what I had done for the state. The reading 
out of both these being finished, the speech went on as 
follows : " 1 have never either scattered my own money 
or that of the allies broadcast to gain popularity." "Oh, 
don't, don't, I say, record that : they have no wish to hear 
it." Then he read on : " Never have I set up officials in 
the towns of your allies to rob them of their goods, their 
wives, and the children" "Erase thai too; they will 
not listen : go on reading." " I have never divided booty 
or spoil taken from the enemy or prize money among my 
select friends so as to rob those who had won it." "Erase 
as far as that too : they would rather hear anything than 
that ; there is no need to read it." « I have never granted 
a pass to travel post, to enable my friends to gain large 

1 Nothing more is known of this speech. 



" Perge istuc quoque uti cum maxime delere." " Num- 
quam ego argentum pro vino congiario inter apparilores 
atque amicos rneos disdidi neque eos malo publico divites 
feci.' 3 " Enimvero usque istuc ad lignum dele." Fides in 
quo loco respublica siet, ubi *■ quod reipublicae bene fecis- 
sem, unde gratiam capiebam, nunc idem Mud memorare 
non audeo ne invidiae siet. Ita inductnm est male facere 
impoene, bene facere non impoene licere. 

10. Haec forma 7rapaA.ei^€co? nova, nee ab ullo alio, 
quod ego sciam, usurpata est. Iubet enim legi 
tabulas, et quod lectum sit iubet praeteriri. A te 
quoque novum factum, quod principium orationis 
tuae figura ista exorsus es ; sicut multa alia nova et 
exi|mia facturum te in orationibus tuis certum habeo, 
ita egregio ingenio natus es. 

Ad Verum (t) Jmp. i. 1 (Naber, p. 113). 

| <Domino meo> 2 . 


Sit quod iubes rectum fortasse sed serum : neque 
enim omnia, quae ratio postulat, etiam aetas tolerat 
.... An tu eyenum coges in ultima cantione cor- 
nicum voculas aemulari ? 3 . . | . . <in>genio dis- 
crepanti iuberesne me niti contra naturam adverso 
quod aiunt flumine? Quid, si quis postularet, ut 

1 Haupt for Cod. vti. 

* For all the first part of this letter see Hauler, Mitteil. d. 
koing. df-utsck. archaol. Institut., xix. pp. 317-321, and 
Archiv. f. lat. Lrxicographie, xv. 106. 

8 These two sentences are from the margin of Codex. 

4 6 


sums by these warrants." " Be quick, erase as far as that 
too most 'particularly" l " I have never shared the money 
for wine-largess between my retinue and friends, nor 
emiched them to the detriment of the state." "Marry, 
erase as far as that down to the wood." Pray mark the 
pass to which the state has come, when I dare not now 
mention the very services I have done it, whereby I hoped 
to gain gratitude, lest it should bring odium upon me. 
So much has it become the fashion that a man may do 
ill with impunity, but not with impunity do well. 

10. This form of paraleipsis is original and, as far 
as I know, not employed by anyone else. For Cato 
bids the tablets be read, and what is read he bids 
be waived aside. You also have shewn originality 
by beginning your speech with this figure, just as 
you will, I am sure, do many other original and 
brilliant things in your speeches, so great is your 
natural ability. 

Fronto to Marcus Antoninus (?) 2 

~ T , ? 162 A.D. 

lo my Lord. 


What you enjoin may perhaps be right, but it is 
too late : nor indeed does age also permit all that 
reason demands .... Would you make a swan in its 
dying song rival the cawing of crows ? . . . . though 
it is out of keeping with my genius, would you 
advise me to strive against nature and swim, as they 
say, against the stream? What, if one called on 

1 Or, " as quickly as possible." 

2 The heading and title to this letter are lost, and its 
attribution is not certain. It -eads like a letter to Marcus. 
Naber, following Mai, assigns it to Verus. 



Phidias ludicra aut Canachus deum simulacra fin- 
geret ? aut ut Calamis lepturga 1 aut Polycletus 
chirurga? 2 Quid, si Parrhasium versicolora pingere 
iuberet aut Apellen unicolora, aut Nealcen magnifica 
aut Protogenen minuta, aut Niciam obscura aut 
Dionysium inlustria, aut lascivia Euphranorem aut 
Pausiam t<ristiti>a sa<tura> ? 8 

2. In poetis autem quis ignorat ut gracilis sit 
Lucilius, Albucius 4 aridus, sublimis Lucretius, me- 
diocris Pacuvius, inaequalis Aceius, Ennius multi- 
formis ? Historiam quoque scripsere Sallustius 
structe Pictor incondite, Claudius lepide Antias in- 
venuste, Sisenna longinque, verbis Cato multiiugis 
Caelius singulis. Contionatur autem Cato infeste, 
Gracchus turbulente, Tullius copiose. lam in iudi- 
ciis saevit idem Cato, triumphat Cicero, tumultuatur 
Gracchus, Calvus rixatur. 

3. Sed haec exempla fortasse contemnas. Quid ? 
philosophi ipsi nonne diverso genere orationis usi 
sunt ? Zeno ad docendum plenissimus, Socrates ad 
coarguendum captiosissimus, Diogenes ad | expro- 
brandum promptissiinus, Heraclitus obscurus invol- 
vere omnia, Pythagoras mirincus clandestinis signis 
sancire omnia, Clitomachus anceps in dubium vocare 
omnia. Quidnam igitur agerent isti ipsi sapientis- 

1 Or m 2 Irpttirgata for m 1 Turena. 

2 m* EiTfScn. cp. dw.&ra tt Tuscanicis proximo, of the 
works of Callon, Quint, xii. 10. 7. ■ Or sa<UUa> Hauler. 

* Minton Warren Abuccius from Varro, B.R. iii. 6 6. 



Phidias to produce sportive works or Canachus 
images of Gods, or Calamis delicate statuary or 
Polycletus rough handiwork ? What if one bade 
Parrhasius paint rainbow hues or Apelles mono- 
chromes, or Nealces grand canvasses or Protogenes 
miniature l ones, or Nicias sombre pictures or Diony- 
sius brilliant ones, or Euphranor subjects all licence 
or Pausias all austerity ? 

2. Among poets, who does not know how JLucilius 
is graceful, 2 Albucius dry, Lucretius sublime, Pacu- 
vius mediocre, Accius unequal, Ennius many-sided ? 
History, too, has been written by Sallust sym- 
metrically by Pictor without method, by Claudius 
pleasantly by Antias without charm, by Sisenna 3 
at length, by Cato with many words abreast by 
Caelius with words in single harness. 4 In harangue, 
again, Cato is savage, Gracchus violent, Tully copious, 
while at the bar Cato rages, Cicero triumphs, 
Gracchus riots, Calvus quarrels. 

3. But perhaps you would make light of these In- 
stances. What ? have not philosophers themselves 
used different styles in their speaking ? No one could 
be fuller in exposition than Zeno, more captious in 
argument than Socrates, more ready than Diogenes 
at denunciation ; Heraclitus was obscure enough to 
mystify everything, Pythagoras wonderfully prone 
to give everything religious sanction with secret 
symbols, Clitomachus agnostic enough to call every- 
thing in question. What, pray, would your wisest of 

1 Hauler says this refers to detailed work and not to size. 

3 Aul. Gell. vii. 14, defines gracilis of style as combining 
vcmcstns and subtiHtas (= Greek ivx^s), and says Varro 
attributed gracilitas to Lncilius. 

3 As the names go in pairs, the contrast to Sisenna must 
have dropped out, and longinque may belong to his vis-b-vis. 

4 For Cato's trick of using aiqw . . . atqu* see i. p. 152. 



simi viri, si de suo quisque more atque instituto 
deducerentur ? Socrates ne coargueret, Zeno ne 
disceptaret, Diogenes ne increparet, ne quid Pytha- 
goras sanciret, ne quid Heraclitus absconderet, ne 
quid Clitomachus ambigeret ? 

4. Sed ne in prima ista parte diutius quam epis- 
tulae modus postulat commoremur, tempus est de 
verbis primum quid censeas eonsiderare. Die sodes 
hoc mihi, utrumne, tametsi sine ullo labore ac studio 
meo verba mihi elegantiora ultro occurrerent, sper- 
nenda censes ac repudianda ? An cum labore quidem 
et studio investigare verba elegantia prohibes, eadem 
vero, si ultro si iniussu atque invocatu meo venerint, 
ut Menelaum ad epulas, tu idem 1 recipi iubes? 
Nam istud quidem vetare durum prorsus atque in- 
humanum est : consimile ut si ab hospite, qui te 
Falerno accipiat, quod rure eius natum domi superfiat, 
Cretense postules vel Sa|guntinum, quod — malum ! — 
foris quaerendum sibi atque mercandum sit. Quid 
.... Epictetus incuriosus .... Socrates .... 
Xenophon .... Antisthenes .... Aeschines 
.... Plato 2 . . . . Haud igitur indicarent ea si 
. . . . s Quid nostra memoria Euphrates, Dio, Timo- 
crates, Athenodotus ? Quid horum magister Mus- 
onius? Nonne summa facundia praediti neque 

1 Rob. Ellis for Cod. quid'.m. 

* Eleven lines are missing. The names are from the 
margin. 8 Nine lines are lost. 

1 Horn. II. ii. 408. 

3 A Stoic philosopher friend of Pliny the younger. He 
committed suicide under Hadrian. 



men themselves do, if called away from their own 
individual habits and principles — Socrates from argu- 
ing, Zeno from disputing, Diogenes from finding fault, 
Pythagoras from sanctioning anything, Heraclitus 
from wrapping anything in mystery, Clitomachus 
from calling anything in question? 

4. But that we may not dwell on this first part longer 
than is compatible with the compass of a letter, it is 
time to consider first what is your view about words. 
Tell me then, pray, whether in your opinion the 
choicest words must be disdained and rejected, even 
if they come to me of their own accord, without 
any toil and pursuit of mine ? or, while forbidding 
the searching out of choice words with toil and 
eagerness, do you at the same time bid me receive 
them like Menelaus at the banquet, 1 if only they 
come of their own accord, unbidden by me and 
uninvited? For to forbid that indeed is down- 
right harsh and barbarous, It is as though from a 
host who welcomes you with Falernian wine, which 
being produced on his own estate is abundant at 
home, you should call for Cretan or Saguntine, to be 
got — bad cess to it ! — from elsewhere and paid for. 
What .... Epictetus unconcerned .... Socrates 
.... Xenophon .... Antisthenes .... Aes- 
chines .... Plato .... Would they then not 
indicate this, if ... . What in our own recollection 
of Euphrates, 2 Dio, 8 Timocrates, Atherodotus ? 4 
What of their master Musonius ? 5 Were they not 
gifted with a supreme command of words, and 

* Of Prusa, called "Golden-mouthed," orator and philo- 
sopher. He died about 117. 
4 Fronto's master. 
6 A Stoic philosopher under Nero and Vespasian, 



minus sapientiae quam eloquentiae gloria inclyti 
extiterunt ? 

5. An tu <censes Epictetum non> consulto verbis 
usura fuisse? . . . , l ne pallium quidem sordibus 
obsitum candido et pure lauto praetulisset. Nisi 
forte Epictetum 2 arbitrare claudum quoque consulto 
factum et servum consulto natum. Quid igitur est ? 
Tarn facile ille .... numquam voluntarias verb- 
orum sordes induisset. Forte et servus, consulto 
natus est sapiens. Sed ita eloquentia caruit pedum 
incolumitate 3 . . . . 

(Naber, p. 139.) 

De Eloquentia 1 

<Antonino Augusto Fronto>. 

1 4 | verborum loca gradus pondera 

aetates dignitatesque dinoscere ne in oratione prae- 
postera ut in temulento ac perturbato convivio con- 
locentur; quae ratio sit verba geminandi et interdum 
trigeminandi, nonnumquam quadriplicia, saepe quin- 
quies aut eo amplius superlata ponendi ; ne frustra 
neve temere verborum strues acerventur, sed ut 
certo ac sollerti termino uniantur. 5 

2. Post ista omnia investigata examinata distincta 
finita cognita, verborum omnium, ut ita dixerim, de 6 

1 Four lines are illegible. 

2 From the margin for Cod. eum tu. 

8 This sentence is from the margin of the Codex. Possibly 
the previous clause, for' e, etc., is not complete. 

4 A column seems to be lost between the end of the last 
letter and the beginning of this. As Naber points out, the 
order of the various fragments in this mutilated tractate 
cannot be certainly determined. 


famed as much for their eloquence as for their 
wisdom ? 1 

5. Or do you think that Epictetus did not use 
words of set purpose ? . . . . would have preferred 
even a mantle foul with dirt to one that was white 
and spotlessly clean. Unless you think perchance 
that Epictetus became lame too of set purpose and 
of set purpose was born a slave. What then is it ? 
So easily he ... . never would have donned volun- 
tary rags of words. Even a slave by accident he was 
of set purpose born a wise man. But so eloquence 
was divorced from soundness of feet 2 . , . . 

On Eloquence 1 

Fronto to Antoninus Augustus. AD ' 

1 to distinguish between the place, 

rank, weight, age, and dignity of words, that they 
may not be put together absurdly in a speech, as it 
might be in a drunken and confused carouse ; on 
what principles words are to be doubled and some- 
times trebled, on occasion drawn up four deep, often 
carried to a fifth place 8 or even extended further 
than that; that words be not heaped to no pur- 
pose or at random but be combined within fixed and 
intelligent limits. 

2. When all these have been examined, tested, 
distinguished, defined, and understood, then from 

1 All this was surely addressed to Marcus and not Verus. 

■ Epictetus, it is said, was made lame by the cruelty of 
his master, Epaphroditus. 

3 See for an illustration the first two lines of § 2, and cp. 
last letter, § 2, verba multiiuga. 

8 Schafer prefers finiantw, 
From the margin. 



populo, sicut in bello ubi opus sit legionem con- 
scribere, non tantum voluntarios legimus sed etiam 
latentes militari aetate conquirimus, ita ubi verborum 
praesidiis opus sit, non voluntariis tantum, quae 
ultro obvenerint, utemur sed latentia eliciemus atque 
ad imperandum indagabimus. 

3. Hie illud etiam, ut arbitror, scite a nobis com- 
mentandum, 1 quibus rationibus verba quaerantur, ut 
non hiantes oscitantesque expectemus, quando ver- 
bum ultro in linguam quasi palladium de caelo de- 
fluat ; 2 sed ut regiones verborum et saltus noverimus 
ut, ubi quaesitis opus siet, 3 per viam potius ad inves- 
tigandum quam invio progrediamur. 

4. Certa igitur loca sunt a vobis <exploranda> 4 
Ambr. 40J | . . In primis oratori cavendum ne 

quod novum verbum ut aes adulterinum percutiat, 
ut unum et id<em> verbum vetustate noscatur et 
novitate delectet 5 . . . . castella verborum .... 

conciliabula verborum 6 

Amhr. 402 . . . . | Officiorum genera duo, rati ones 

1 Heindoif for Cod. conventum ; Schafer would read com- 
mentum. * From the margin of Cod. for diffliiat in the text. 

3 For Cod. sit ut : the phrase is from Plautus. 

4 Heindorf. * From the margin of Codex. 

6 These two phrases are separate marginal glosses on the 
left margin of p. 403. 

1 The palladium was a supposed image of Pallas that fell 
from the sky at Troy and was carried off by the Greeks. 

2 In this mutilated passage Fronto is speaking of sapentia 
and eloquentia in connexion with a classification of human 
functions The officio, or essential functions of man are, he 
says, of two genera, and can be classified under three heads 
(rationes or species). The distinction of the two genera is not 



the whole word-population, so to speak, just as in 
war, when a legion has to be enrolled, we not only 
collect the volunteers but also search out the 
skulkers of military age, so when there is need of 
word-reinforcements, we must not only make use of 
the voluntary recruits that offer themselves, but 
fetch out the skulkers and hunt them up for service. 

3. At this point too, as I think, we must seek 
skilfully to find out the methods by which words 
are sought for, that we may not wait gaping open- 
mouthed till such time as a word shall fall of itself 
upon our tongues like a god-send 1 from heaven ; but 
that we should know their haunts and their coverts, 
so that, when we have need of choice words, we may 
follow them up along a beaten track rather than 
have no path to help us forward. 

4. You must therefore scout over definite ground 

First of all a speaker must be on 

his guard against coining a new word 3 like de- 
based bronze, so that each several word may be 
both known by its age and delight by its fresh- 
ness .... fortresses of words .... assembly- 
places of words Of obligations 2 the 

given in what we have. The three classes are (1) that of 
existence, that a man must exist and perform certain munera, 
e.g. eat, in order to live ; (2) of quality, he must be such and 
such and have such and such habits and idiosyncrasies ; 
(3) of objective or result, the two previous offijcia enabling 
him to discharge the third. This third class is concerned 
wholly with negotia, work done, and is self-contained. Under 
this comes sayisntia. Since a man must live before he can 
be wise, a mumis, like eating, is an ojftcAum of the wise man, 
though it has no direct connexion with his negotium, which 
is wisdom. Eating belongs to specis prima, which is common 
to all men, but wisdom to species tertia. The pursuit of 
eloquence comes under species secunda, whioh varies with 
every man. 3 See I. 219 ; n. 115. 



tripertitae. Prima species substantiae, ut sit ; altera 
qualitatis, ut talis sit ; tertia rei, ut rem ipsam, 1 
cuius causa superiora officia suscepit, expleat 
.... <dis>|cendae exercendaeque sapientiae : 
tertiam autem hanc speciem rei dico ac negotiis 
solam terminatam, se quasi contentam. Hac offici- 
orum partitione, si tamen aut ille verum aiebat, 
aut ego olim audita memoria retineo, ut prima 
homini ad sapientiam tendenti sint molimenta quae 
ad vitam salutemque pertinent conservandam. Igi- 
tur et prandere et lavari et ungui et cetera eiusmodi 
munera sunt sapientis officia, quamquam neque in 
balneis quisquam sapientia <se laverit>, neque ut 
circu<li .... quom> ad mensam cenarit pran- 
dio<que comeso> 2 vomerit, sapientiam ructarit ; 
<nec vitam quidem potes habere ni>si ederis, <nec 
sapientiam > nisi vixeris. Quid igitur istic admon- 
endus es? Ne tu <negotium> hoc <sapientiae in> 3 
prandio et mensa situm existimes. Non est sapien- 
tiae negotium vesci : sed sine vita, quae cibo constat, 
nulla sapientia, studia nulla esse possunt. Nunc 
.... vides igitur <prima haeo officia <omnium 

esse hominum> 4 . . | at non aeque 

sequentia officia, quae sunt qualitati cuiusque ac- 

1 For Cod. re ipsa, Niebuhr. 

* Comrso is from the margin of Codex. 

3 Heindorf. 

4 The additions are by Heindorf. There are seven lines of 
the Codex from nunc to hominum. 



kinds are two, the categories three-fold. The first 
class, of existence, that a man be ; the second, of 
quality, that he be such and such ; the third, of ob- 
jective, that he satisfy the very object by reason of 
which he undertook the foregoing obligations .... 
of learning and practising wisdom : by this third 
class, however, I mean that of objective and that 
which has its end in the work to be done and is, 
as it were, content with itself. By this division of 
obligations, if indeed either he x said what was true, 
or I carry correctly in my memory things heard 
long ago, for a man who aspires to wisdom those 
would count as the first things to be taken in 
hand which have to do with the preservation 
of life and health. So dining and bathing and 
anointing with oil and all functions of such a kind 
are obligations of the wise man. And yet neither 
at the baths can anyone lave himself with wisdom, 
nor when he has dined at table with a select com- 
pany, and after the meal had occasion to vomit, will 
he bring up wisdom; but you can neither have life 
unless you eat, nor wisdom unless you live. What 
then is the warning here ? that you should not 
think this business of wisdom to lie in dining and 
the pleasures of the table. The business of 
wisdom is not to eat, but apart from life, which is 
derived from food, there can be no wisdom and no 
pursuits. Now .... you see then that these 

primary obligations apply to all men 

but the second class of obligations which are suited 
to the character of each person, cannot be in the 

1 Probably one of Fronto's teachers, i.e. Dionysius or 
Athenodotus, who must have been mentioned in a lost part 
of the letter. 


VOL. I|. C 


commodate, 1 possunt omnium esse communia. 2 Aliud 
prandium gubernatori commune 3 et aliud pugili de 
integris tergoribus ; aliud prandendi tempus, alia 
lavatio, alius somnus, alia pervigilatio. 

5. Considera igitur an in hac secunda ratione 
officiorum contineatur eloquentiae studium. Nam 
Caesarum est in senatu quae e re sunt suadere, popu- 
lum de plerisque negotiis in concione appellare, ius 
iniustum corrigere, per orbem terrae litteras missi- 
tare, reges exterarum gentium compellare, sociorum 
culpas edictis coercere, benefacta laudare, seditiosos 
compescere, feroces territare. Omnia ista profecto 
verbis sunt ac litteris agenda. Non excoles igitur 
id quod tibi totiens tantisque in rebus videas magno 
usuifuturum? An nihil referre arbitraris qualibus 
verbis agas, quae non nisi verbis agi possunt ? Erras, 
si putas pari auctoritate in senatu fore Thersitae 
verbis expromptam sententiam et Menelai aut Ulixi 
orationem, quorum Homerus et voltus in agendo et 
habitus et status et voces canoras ac modulationum 
eloquentiae genera diversa non <dedignatus est 
describere> | . . 

6. Quisquam vereri potest quem inridet? quis- 
quam dicto oboediret cuius verba contempserit. 
Quom in officina Apellis Alexander Magnus de 
picturae arte dissereret, Tace quae nescis, inquit, ne 

1 The margin of Cod has secunda species quaJitatis haec est. 

* The margin adds scd diversa sunt et quae communia 
omnibus, which Heindorf thinks should be neque commoda 
omnibus. * Heindorf commodum. 



same way common to all. One kind of dinner is 
usual for the man at the wheel, and another off 
the whole chine of an ox for the prize-fighter; their 
times of dining are different, their washing is dif- 
ferent, their sleeping, their keeping awake different. 

5. Consider then whether in this second category 
of obligations be contained the pursuit of eloquence. 
For it falls to a Caesar to carry by persuasion neces- 
sary measures in the Senate, to address the people 
in a harangue on many important matters, to correct 
the inequities of the law, to despatch rescripts 
throughout the world, to take foreign kings to task, 
to repress by edicts disorders among the allies, to 
praise their services, to crush the rebellious and to 
cow the proud. All these must assuredly be done 
by speech and writing. Will you not then cultivate 
an art, which you see must be of great use to you so 
often and in matters of such moment ? Or do you 
imagine that it makes no difference with what words 
you bring about what can only be brought about by 
words ? You are mistaken if you think that an 
opinion blurted out in the Senate in the language of 
Thersites would carry equal weight with a speech of 
Menelaus or Ulysses, whose looks, in the act of 
speaking and their mien and attitude and melodious 
voices and the difference of cadence in their oratory 
Homer did not in fact disdain to describe x . . . . 

6. Can anyone fear him whom he laughs at, or 
could anyone obey his order, whose words he 
despised ? When Alexander the Great was dis- 
cussing the art of painting in the studio of Apelles, 
Hold your tongue, said the painter, about what you 

1 Horn. II. iii. 212. 





te pueii Mi, qui purpurissum subterunt, conteninant x 
.... Nemo tanta auctoritate est, qui non, ubi 
peritia deficitur, ab eo qui peritior est, despiciatur 
.... medebor .... temnor .... mersit 2 .... 

7. Tibi tanta eloquentia parta est, quae ad laudem 
etiam supersit .... comi | sese .... nil, ac 
capillus etsi non cotidie acu ornandus, tamen pectine 
cotidie expediendus est . . . . | fuisse Croesum et 
Solonem, Periandrum et Polycraten, Alcibiaden 
denique et Socraten. 

8. Quis dubitat sapientem ab insipiente vel prae- 
cipue consilio et delectu rerum et opinione discerni ? 
ut, si sit optio atque electio divitiarum atque eges- 
tatis, quamquam utraque et malitia et virtute 
careant, tamen electionem laude et culpa non carere. 
Proprium namque sapientis officium est recte eligere, 
neque perperam vel postponere vel anteferre. 

9. Si me interroges concupiscamne bonam vale- 
tudinem, abnuam equidem, si sim philosophus : nihil 
est enim fas concupiscere sapienti aut adpetere, 
quod fors fuat an frustra concupiscat ; nee quidquam, 
quod in manu fortunae situm videat concupiscet. 
Tamen, si necessario sit alterutra 3 res eligenda, 
Achilli potius pernicitatem eligam quam debilitatem 
Philoctetae. Simile igitur in eloquentia servandum : 
non opere nimio concupiscas igitur, nee opere nimio 

1 This whole passage has been restored from the Codex by 
Hauler, H'ien. Shut. 35, pp. 398 f. For the earlier part 
Mai read ivri dentins qvavi dictorum eins causa haud, the last 
three words being doubtful. 

2 These isolated words are from the margin of Cod. 
(Naber.) ' Brakman for Cod. altera. 



don't understand, that those boys yonder who are mixing 
the purple paint may not despise you l . . . . There is 
no one, however authoritative, who when his skill 
is at fault is not looked down upon by him who has 
greater skill 

7. You have achieved such great eloquence as is 

even more than enough for fame 

and hair, though it need not be daily set off with a 
pin, yet must daily be smoothed out with a comb 2 
.... Croesus and Solon, Periander and Polycrates, 
Alcibiades in fine and Socrates. 

8. Who doubts that a wise man is distinguished 
from an unwise man preeminently by his sagacity 
and choice of things and judgment, so that if there 
be an option and alternative between riches and 
poverty, though they are both of them devoid of 
vice and virtue, yet the choice between them is not 
devoid of praise or blame. For it is the special 
obligation of the wise man to choose rightly, and 
not wrongly put this first or that second. 

9. If you ask me whether I covet good health, I 
should, if I were a philosopher, say no ; for a wise 
man must not covet or desire anything which it may 
be he would covet in vain ; nor will he covet any- 
thing which he sees to lie in the power of Fortune. 3 
Yet were the choice of one or the other forced upon 
me, I would rather choose the fleetness of Achilles 
than the lameness of Philoctetes. A similar course 
must be kept in eloquence. You should, therefore, 
not covet it too much or too much disdain it : yet if 

1 Pliny gives the story, N. H. xxxv. 36, § 12. 

2 This seems to imply that Marcus's eloquence, great as it 
is, still requires brushing and trimming up. 

8 cp. Marcus, Thoughts, vi. 41, etc. 



aversere : tamen, 1 si eligendnm sit, longc longeque 
eloquentiam infantiae praeferas. 

10. Audivi te nonnumquam ita dicentem : at enim 
quom aliquid pulchrius elocutus sum, placeo mihi ideoque 
eloquentiam Jugio. Quin tu potius illud | corrigis 
ac mederis, ne placeas tibi, non ut id, propter quod 
places, repudies ? Nam ut nunc facis, alibi tu medi- 
camenta obligas. Quid tandem ? Si tibi placebis 
quod iuste iudicaris, iustitiam repudiabis ? Si place- 
bis tibi pio aliquo cultu parentis, pietatem asperna- 
bere ? Places tibi quom facundus : igitur verbera 
te : quid facundiam verberas ? 

11. Tametsi Plato ita diceret itaque te com- 
pellaret : iuvenis, periculum est tibi praepropera pla- 
cendi fuga : novissimum namque homini sapientiam 
colenti amiculum est gloriae cupido, id novissime exuitur : 
ipsi ipsi, inquam, Platoni in novissimum usque vitae 
finem gloria amiculum erit. 

Illud autem audisse me memini, pleraque sapientes 
viros, id est in 2 scitis mentis atque consultis, habere 
debere, quorum interdum usu abstineant ; itemque 
interdum nonnulla in usu habere debere, quae dog- 
matis improbent ; neque ubique rationem sapientiae 
rectam et usum vitae necessarium congruere. 

12. Fac te, Caesar, ad sapientiam Cleanthis aut 
Zenonis posse pertingere, ingratiis tamen tibi pur- 

1 Heindorf for Cod. turn. 

* For Cod. id inest. Kluss. reads id institutes mentis. 



a choice must be made you would far and far prefer 
eloquence to dumbness. 

10. I have heard you say sometimes, But indeed, 
when I have mid .something rather brilliant, I feel grati- 
fied, and that is why I shun eloquence. Why not rather 
correct and cure yourself of your self-gratification, 
instead of repudiating that which gratifies you. 
For acting as you now do, you are tying a poultice 
in the wrong place. What then ? If you gratify 
yourself by giving just judgment, will you disown 
justice? If you gratify yourself by shewing some 
filial respect to your father, will you despise filial 
duty ? You gratify yourself, when eloquent : chas- 
tize yourself then, but why chastize eloquence ? 

11. And yet Plato would tell you this and take 
you thus to task : Perilous, young man, is that hasty 
avoidance of self -gratification, for the last cloak that 
wraps the follower after wisdom is the love of fame, that 
is the last to be discarded : l to Plato, to Plato himself, 
I say, will fame be a cloak to his very last day. 

This also I remember to have heard, that wise 
men must needs have many things — I mean in their 
mental rules and postulates — to which in practice 
they occasionally give the go-by; and occasionally 
also must needs allow in practice some things which 
they cry out upon in their tenets ; and that the 
right rules of wisdom and the necessary practices 
of life do not everywhere coincide. 

12. Suppose that you, O Caesar, succeed in 
attaining to the wisdom of Cleanthes or Zeno, yet 

1 "The last infirmity of noble mind": see Plato (ap. 
Athen. xi. 507 D), &rxaTOJ> rbv rfjs 8<^i7S x^ Ta>va ' * v T ¥ Oavary$ avo5v6/j.eda. cp. also Tac. Agr. 9. ; Hist. iv. 6 ; Plat. 
An Seni, etc., 783 d ; Lucian, Peregr. 38. 



pureum pallium erit sumendum, non pallium l philo- 

sophorum soloci lana. Purpureo | . . 

Cleanthes aqua de puteo extrahenda victum quaere- 
bat ; tibi saepenumero curandum in tbeatro crocum 

longe atque alte exprimatur 2 | . . 

Diogenes cynicus non modo nullam pecuniam quae- 
sivit sed etiam propriam neglexit .... udaque ea 
.... mensa et . . . . familia tu . . . . famae 
.... Socrate .... sapientior .... alienum 
.... vocalem .... carmina quorundam .... 

13 <dei> | immortales sirint comitium et 

rostra et tribunalia Catonis et Graccbi et Ciceronis 
orationibus celebrata hoc potissimum saeculo conti- 
ciscere ? orbem terrae quem vocalem acceperis, 
mutum a te fieri ? Si linguam quis uni homini exse- 
cet, immanis habeatur ; eloquentiam humano generi 
exsecare mediocre facinus putas? Num 3 hunc ad- 
numeras Tereo aut Lycurgo? qui Lycurgus quid 
tandem 4 mab facinoris admisit, quom vites ampu- 
tavit? Multis profecto gentibus ac nationibus pro- 
fuisset vinum undique gentium exterminatum. Ta- 
men Lycurgus poenas caesarum vitium luit. Quare 
metuendam censeo divinitus poenam eloquentiae 
exterminatae. Nam vinea in unius tutela dei sita : 
eloquentiam vero multi in caelo diligunt : Minerva 
orationis magistra, Mercurius nuntiis praeditus, 

1 The margin of Cod. gives, as epithet of pallium, con- 
sucidum = wool newly shorn. 

2 From the margin of Cod. So also the next sentence and 
the succeeding fragments. 

3 For Cod. non. 4 The margin has tamen. 



against your will 1 you must put on the purple cloak, 
not the philosopher's mantle of coarse wool. Purple 

Cleanthes gained his livelihood by 

drawing water from a well ; you have often to see that 
saffron-water is sprinkled broadcast and high in the 

theatre 2 Diogenes the Cynic not 

only earned no money but took no care of what 
he had 3 

13. What, will the Immortal Gods allow the Comi- 
tium and Rostra and tribunals, that echoed to the 
speeches of Cato and Gracchus and Cicero, to be 
hushed in this age of all others? the wide world, 
which was vocal when you received it, to become 
dumb by your doing ? If one cut out the tongue of 
a single man, he would be deemed a monster ; to cut 
eloquence out from the human race— do you think 
that a trivial crime ? Do you rank the doer of this with 
Tereus and Lycurgus ? and this Lycurgus, what evil 
deed pray did he commit when he lopped the vines ? 
It had surely been to the benefit of many a race and 
nation had the vine been extirpated from the face 
of the earth. Yet Lycurgus paid dear for his felled 
vines. Wherefore I hold that the extirpation of 
eloquence must fear vengeance from Heaven. For 
the vine is placed under the patronage of one God, 
while eloquence is the delight of many a denizen of 
Heaven — Minerva the mistress of speech, Mercury 

1 See Capit. Fit. Mar. v. 3, and Marcus, Thoughts, v. 16 ; 
vi. 12. 

2 For this custom see Pliny, N. TT. xxi. 6. 

3 This may have been followed by some such sentence as 
"but you will have to provide for the finances of the state 
and see that they are husbanded." 



Apollo paeanum auctor, Liber dithyramborum 
cognitor, Fauni vaticinantium incitatores, magistra 
Homeri Calliope, magister Ennii Homerus et 

14. Turn si studium philosophiae in rebus esset 
solis occupatum, minus mirarer, quod tanto opere 
verba contemneres. Discere te autem ceratinas et 

Ambr. 392 soritas et pseudomenus, verba contorta | et fidicularia, 
neglegere vero cultum orationis et gravitatem et 
maiestatem et gratiam et nitorem, hoc indicat loqui 
te quam eloqui malle, murmurare potius et friguttire 
quam clangere. Diodori tu et Alexini verba verbis 
Platonis et Xenophontis et Antisthenis anteponis? 
ut si quis histrioni studiosus Tasurci gestu potius 
quam Roscii uteretur ; ut si in natando, si aeque 
liceret, ranam potius quam delphinos aemulari 
mallet, coturnicum potius pinnis breviculis quam 
aquilarum maiestate volitare? 

15. Ubi illud acumen tuum ? Ubi subtilitas ? 
Evigila et attend e, quid cupiat ipse Chrysippus. 
Num contentus est docere, rem ostendere, definire, 
explanare ? Non est contentus : verum auget in 

1 See i. p. 94, and cp. Hor. Ep. II. i. 52, somnia Pytha- 

2 It is by no means clear that Marcus despised words, but 
he did despise dialectics ; see Thoughts, i. 7 ; vii 67 ; viii. 1. 

* " Have you lost your horns ? " If " yes," then you had 
horns ; if " no," then you still have them. 

4 " How many grains make a heap ? " Do two, or three, or 
what exact number ? As heap is an indefinite term, the 



the controller of messages, Apollo the author of 
paeans, Liber the defender of dithyrambs, the Fauns 
inspirers of prophecies, Calliope the instructress of 
Homer, Homer the instructor of Ennius, and Sleep. 1 

14. Again, if the study of philosophy were con- 
cerned with practice alone, I should wonder less at 
your despising words 2 so much. That you should, 
however, learn horn-dilemmas? heap-fallacies,* liar- 
sylhgisms, b verbal quibbles and entanglements, 6 while 
neglecting the cultivation of oratory, its dignity and 
majesty and charm and splendour — this shews that 
you prefer mere speaking to real speaking, a whisper 
and a mumble to a trumpet-note. Do you rank the 
words of Diodorus and Alexinus 7 higher than the 
words of Plato and Xenophon and Antisthenes? as 
though anyone with a passion for the stage should 
copy the acting of Tasurcus rather than Roscius ; as 
though in swimming, were both possible, one would 
choose to take pattern by a frog rather than by a 
dolphin, and flit rather on the puny wings of quails 
than soar with the majesty of an eagle. 

15. Where is that shrewdness of yours? where 
your discernment ? Wake up and hear what Chry- 
sippus himself prefers. Is he content to teach, to 
disclose the subject, to define, to explain? He is 
not content: but he amplifies as much as he can, 

answer cannot be given in any definite number of grains. 
See Hor. Kp. II. i. 47, Elusus ratio ne mentis acervi. 

6 "If a man says he is lying, is he lying or speaking the 

For these fallacies see Diog. Laert. JSuclides, iv., and 
Zeller, Socrates, ch. xii. 

6 Lit. twisted, or intricate, and entangling. 

7 A captious disputant who made use of the horn-dilemma. 
Cicero mentions him with Diodorus, and speaks of his con- 
torta sophismata. See next page. 



quantum potest, exaggerat, praemunit, iterat, differt, 
recurrit, interrogate describit, dividit, personas fingit, 
orationem suam alii accommodat: tolvto. hi ivriv 
av^tiv, SiaarKtvd&iv, e£epya£€o-0cu, 7raA.1v A.€ycti/, cVava- 
<p£petv, TrapdrrTeiv, 1 Trpoo-oiTTOiroielv. 

16. Videsne ab eo paene omnia oratorum arnia 
tractari ? Igitur si ipse Chrysippus his utendum 
ostendit, 2 quid ego amplius postulo, nisi ut ne verbis 
diabeticorum sed potius Platonis <eloquentia 

Ambr. 301 utaris> ? . . | . . gladio dimicandum esse contra 
.... sed interest robiginoso an splendido <gladio> 3 
.... Epictetum .... sedentem .... <in 
sel>la placebat .... si ausus esset, epitaphium 
.... aut .... ilium lau<de sum>ma pertu- 
lisset 4 .... ira ... . sub umbra .... <ni>hil 
umquam <opi>nionis .... tot et .... Si 
us<quam> .... Anaxagorae non Alexini syco- 

Ambr. 390 phantae auditor .... conamen I • • 

17. Tragicus Aesopus fertur non prius ullam suo 
induisse capiti personam, antequam diu ex adverso 
contemplaret, ut pro personae voltu gestum sibi 
capessere ac vocem 5 <adsimulare posset> .... 
stillicidiis .... An maiorem <rem> tragoediam 
putas Amphiaraum scribere quam de terrarum hiatu 
dicere 6 ? . . . . tu de fulmine disputas . . . . 7 

1 Mai for Cod. irapanreiv. Buttm. prefers Trapaivuv. Some 
Greek words may have fallen out. 
a For Cod. ost.endiset. 
3 From the margin of Cod. 
* Ibid. 6 Ibid. • Ibid. 

7 Six lines lost. 



he exaggerates, he forestalls objections, he repeats, 
he postpones, he harks back, he asks questions, de- 
scribes, divides, introduces fictitious characters, puts 
his own words in another's mouth: those are the 
meanings of av£tiv, Siao-K€va£ctv, €£epya£ecr#ai, 7raAiv 
Ae'yciv, €7rava<£ep€iv, irapa-rrTtLV, TrpoacvTruTroulv. 1 

16. Do you see that he handles almost all the 
weapons of the orator? Therefore if Chrysippus 
himself has shewn that these should be used, what 
more do I ask, unless it be that you should not 
employ the verbiage of the dialecticians but rather 
the eloquence of Plato ? .... A sword must be 
used in fight against (opponents), but it matters 
much whether the blade be rusty or burnished 

.... Epictetus 

if he had dared, an epitaph 2 

carried through with the greatest credit .... 

If anywhere .... a disciple of 

Anaxagoras 3 not of the sycophant Alexinus .... 

17. The tragedian Aesopus is said never to have 
put on a tragic mask without setting it in front of him 
and studying it a long time that he might conform his 
gestures and adapt his voice to the face of the mask 

or do you think it a greater 

task to write the tragedy Amphiaraus 4 than to speak 
on the subject of an earthquake ? . . . . you argue 
about a thunderbolt .... 

1 These words mean to amplify, divide, treat fully, recapitu- 
late, hark hack, make the application, introduce characters. 

2 The epitaph of Epictetus was: 1 Epictetus was by 
name | Who now lie here, | As Irus poor, a slave, and 
lame | And to the Immortals dear. 

3 i.e. Pericles. See Cic. De oral. iii. 34; Oral. iv. 15. 

4 He was swallowed up by an earthquake, while trying to 
escape from the disastrous expedition against Thebes. There 
seems to be a reference to the Cyzicus earthquake in 162. 



18. Dabit philosophia quod dicas, dabit eloquentia 
qu<omodo dicas> .... <nam si quis> 1 dialecti- 
corum verbis scribat, suspirantem, tussientem immo 
Iovem scripserit, non tonantem. Para potius oratio- 
&.mbr. 389 : nem dignam sensibus, quos e philosophia hauries, et j 
^uat^xxvii. quanto honestius sentias, tanto augustius dicas. 
Quin erige te et extolle, et tortores istos, qui te 
ut abietem aut alnum proceram incurvant et ad 
chamaetorta 2 detrahunt, valido cacumine tuo excute, 
et tenta an usquam ab <optima via> discesseris. 
Sed coraitem philosophiae <eloquentiam adscisce et 
istos> 3 sermones gibberosos retortos <abice quos> 
. . . . 4 si tenueris, contemnas ; quom contempseris, 
nescias. Die, obsecro, mihi de dialecticis istis ecquid 
tenes ? Ecquid tenere te gaudes ? Nolo mihi dicas : 
apud te ipse reputa. Ego illud praedico, quom 
plurimos amicos in hac disciplina tenueris . . . . 5 

(Naber, p. 148.) 

De Eloquentia 2 

<Antonino Augusto Fronto>. 

Ambr. 380 : | 

begins** nuUius ante, nisi unius Gaii Sallusti, trita solo, sensum 

dictu periculosum et paene opstetricium pulcherrimo 

1 Heindorf. * Niebuhr prefers chamaestrota. 

8 Heindorf : also abice qnos. 
4 Thirteen lines are lost. 

6 There is a gap, says Naber, of 32 pp. between tenueris 
and nullius. 



18. Philosophy will tell you what to say, Eloquence 
how to say it 1 ... . For, using the language of 
dialecticians, a writer would speak of a Jove signing, 
nay rather wheezing, not thundering. Provide your- 
self rather with speech worthy of the thoughts you 
draw from philosophy, and the more noble your 
thoughts, the more impressive will your utterance 
be. Nay, lift yourself up and stand upright, and 
shake off with your strong top those tree-twisters 
who are bending you down, like a fir or stately alder, 
and lowering you to the level of stunted bushes, 
and make trial whether you have anywhere swerved 
from the right way. But summon Eloquence, the 
handmaid of philosophy, and cast away those crooked, 
twisted modes of speech .... which if you took 
them in, you would despise, and ignore when you 
have despised them. Tell me, I pray you, do you 
take anything in from your dialectics? are you 
proud of taking in anything ? You need not confess 
to me, but think it over with yourself. I prophesy 
this, though you have kept many of your friends 
loyal to this teaching .... 

On Eloquence 2 
Fronto to Antoninus Augustus. 

? 162 A.D. 

in a field previously trod by the foot of no one 2 save 
Gaius Sallustius alone, you brought to light in a 
most choice dress and a most becoming setting a 

1 The position of this sentence is not certain. Braknmn 
says it comes two sentences lower down. 

2 Lucr. i. 925. 



cultu et honestissimo ornatu protulisti. Evcppavas, 
v7T€p€v(f)pavas, orw^eo fxoi. Quod librari manu epistula 
scripta est, a labore gravi digitis consului qui sunt iam 
in suspicione. 

(Naber, p. 149.) 

De Eloquentia 3 

Antonino Augusto Fronto. 

1. Quid .... scrutetur qua .... propera 
.... neque balbam virginem, quae vestalis sit, 
capi fas est, neque sirbenam x . . . . [verba de 
balbutientibus ponenda varie] 2 . . . . minus .... 
balbutientium vox his ferme verbis significatur : vox 
impedita, vox vincta, vox difficilis, vox trunca, vox 
imperfecta, vox absona. His contraria quaerenti tibi 
subvenisse certum habeo, vox expedita? vox absoluta, 
vox facilis, vox Integra, vox lenis.* Tua vox .... 
vere .... his omnibus .... quibus vocabulis 
appellentur sirbeni percensio sit | ... . 

2. | Vocis modulatae amatores primas audisse fer- 
untur aves vernas luco opaco. Post pastores recens 
repertis fistulis se atque pecus oblectabant. Visae 

fistulae longe avibus modulatiores 5 

murmurantium | voculis in loco 6 eloquentiae oblec- 

1 From the margin of the Codex. 

2 Ibid. : possibly only a gloss. 3 m 1 eximia. 

4 For the restoration of this passage see Hauler, Wien. Stud. 
xxii. The contrary to imper/rCa seems to have dropped out. 

6 The above are from the margin. The rest of Ambr. 374 
is illegible. * Margin luco. 



meaning hard to express and needing almost a mid- 
wife's aid. You have given me joy, you have over- 
joyed me, may you be preserved to me. In having 
this letter written by my secretary I have saved my 
fingers from a heavy task, 1 as they are not at present 
to be trusted. 

On Eloquence 3 

? 162 A.D. 

Fronto to Antoninus Augustus. 

1 Neither a 

virgin that lisps may be chosen as a Vestal nor 
one that speaks indistinctly 2 . . . . Words descrip- 
tive of stammerers to be variously employed .... 
the utterance of stammerers is generally described 
as follows : an impeded utterance, a tied utterance, 
a laboured, a defective, an imperfect, a discordant 
utterance. The contraries of these have, I doubt 
not, already rewarded your search : a free utterance, 
a distinct, an easy, a perfect, a smooth utterance. 

Your utterance A survey 

of all the terms applied to indistinct speakers .... 

2. The lovers of melodious utterance are said to 
have listened first to the birds in a shady covert. 
Next shepherds delighted themselves and their 
flocks with the newly-invented pipes. Pipes seemed 
far more melodious than birds .... they take 
delight by way 3 of eloquence in the soft notes of 

1 A great part of this letter has obviously been lost. 

2 See Aulus Gellius, i. 12. This paragraph seems rather 
out of place. It has much affinity with the similar passage 
in Dc Orationibus, ad. med below. 

3 Reading luco, we must translate "of whisperers, or 
warblers, in the grove of eloquence." 



tantur. Ennium deinde et Accium et Lucretium 
ampliore iam mugitu personantes tamen tolerant. 
At ubi Catonis et Sallustii et Tullii tuba exaudita 
est, trepidant et pavent et fugam frustra medi- 
tantur. Nam illic quoque in philosophiae disciplinis, 
ubi tutum sibi perfugium putant, Platonis phone- 
mata erunt audienda. 

3. Haec in eos fabula competit, qui nulla indole 
praediti eloquentiam desperantes fugitant. Tibi, 
Caesar, ut cui maxime, sublime et excelsum et 
amplificum ingenium ab deis datum est. Nam 
primi tui sensus et incunabula studiorum tuorum 
mihi cognita sunt. Elucebat iam tunc nobilitas 
mentis et dignitas sententiarum, quibus sola turn 
deerant verborum lumina : ea quoque variis exercita- 
tionibus instruebamus. 

4. Ibi tu mihi videre mor<e iuven>ali et laboris 
taedio defessus, eloquentiae studium reliquisse, ad 
philosophiam devertisse, ubi nullum prohoemium 
cum cura excolendum, nulla narratio breviter et 
dilucide et callide collocanda, nullae quaestiones 
partiendae, nulla argumenta quaerenda, nihil ex- 

Ambr. 378 aggerandum | . . [mutilum perficere, 

hiulcum fartis iugare] .... consiliario huic magis 
aetati opus est quam auxiliario <amico> 1 .... 
mutilum perficere, hiulcum explere, asperum levi- 

gare 2 

1 From the margin of Cod. ; cp. Plaut. True. n. i. 8. 

2 Wien. Stud. 23, p. 338, Hauler. 



mutterers. Anon they nevertheless put up with 
Ennius and Accius and Lucretius, resonant now with 
a fuller bass. But when the trumpet of Cato and 
Sallust and Tullius is heard upon the air, they are 
excited and affrighted and bethink them of flight, 
vainly, for even there in the teachings of Philo- 
sophy, where they think they have a safe refuge, the 
resonant periods of Plato will have to be heard. 

3. This little story * applies to those who having 
no aptitude for it, shun eloquence in despair. But 
to you, O Caesar, if ever to man, has been given by 
the Gods a sublime and lofty and splendid genius ; 
for your earliest thoughts and the infancy of your 
studies came under my ken. From the very first 
there was no hiding your nobility of mind and the 
dignity of your thoughts : they wanted then but one 
thing, the illumination of words : that too, we were 
providing by a varied course of study. 

4. At this point, in the manner of the young and 
from a dislike of drudgery, you seem to have 
deserted the pursuit of eloquence, and to have 
turned aside after philosophy, 2 in which there is no 
exordium to be carefully elaborated, no marshalling 
of facts concisely and clearly and skilfully, no 
dividing of a subject into heads, no arguments to be 
hunted for, no amplification to com- 
plete what is imperfect, to fill up gaps with padding 
. . . .this age requires a friend for counsel rather 
than for help .... to complete what is imperfect, 
to fill up a hiatus, to make rough places smooth 

1 The evolution of eloquence just given. 
* See i. p. 217, Ad M. Caes. iv. 13, and cp. Thoughts, i. 7 
and 17, §4. 



5. | Nonne omnes oratorura copias sectabare, 1 
refutandi sollertiam. augendi facultatem, eludendi 
venustatem, permovendi delectandique, deterrendi 
incitandique, hortandi 2 conciliandi, inflammandi 3 
laxandi audientium animos aut alliciendi, rectam 
quandam in dicendo potentiam ac potestatem ? 

Turn si quando tibi negotiis districto perpetuis 
orationis conscribundae tempus deesset, nonne te 
tumultuariis quibusdam et lucrativis studiorum sol- 
aciis fulciebas, synonymis colligendis, verbis inter- 
dum singularibus requirendis ? ut veterum commata, 
lit 4 cola, synonymorum ratione converteres, ut de 
volgaribus elegantia, de contaminatis nova redderes, 
imaginem aliquam accommodares, figurara iniceres, 
prisco verbo adornares, colorem vetusculum appin- 
geres. Haec si propterea contemnis, quia didicisti, 
philosophiam quoque discendo contemnes. 

6. Sed non ea sunt ista quae possis contemnere : 
possis sane non amare. Ut olim Crassus tristis 
risum oderat, ut nostra hie memoria Crassus lucem 
fugitabat ; ut nostra ibidem memoria vir consularis 
campos fonnidabat, Pomptinum Campum multaque 

loca clausa lecticula praetervehebatur 5 | 

. . an tibi saepe .... supersit .... tamen si 
dixisses nonnumquam .... satis consuluisses 
.... modum. 6 Virum etiam saepe vir sapientissi- 

1 Niebuhr for Cod. sectnrere. a Beltrami for Cod. ornandi. 

3 Niebuhr for Cod. infomandi. 

4 Margin rt co 7 a sunovimomm. 

5 The last five words from the margin of the Codex. 

e The lost passage was on Friendship, as we learn from 
a marginal note. 

7 6 


5. Were you not eager for all the resources of 
orators, their adroitness in refuting, their talent for 
amplifying, their charm in evasion, and I know 
not what kind of downright power and potency, 
that lies in speaking, of moving and delighting, of 
deterring and provoking, of exhorting, of conciliat- 
ing, of inflaming, of calming the minds of hearers 
or alluring them ? 

Then if on occasion hindered by perpetual busi- 
ness you had no time to compose a speech, did you 
not fortify yourself with certain hurried yet valu- 
able recreations in the way of study, by collecting 
synonyms, at times by searching out remarkable 
words? so as to turn the periods of old writers and 
their clauses by the system of synonyms l ; to render 
refined what was vulgar, and fresh what was soiled, 
fit in some image, throw in a figure, embellish with 
a good old word, add a patina of age. If you de- 
spise all this only because you have learnt it, you 
will also despise philosophy in the learning. 

6. But these are not things which you could 
despise : dislike them of course you might. As in 
old days a morose Crassus 2 hated laughter, as in our 
time here a Crassus 3 hid from the daylight, and 
again in our time a man of consular rank had 
a horror of plains, and traversed the Pomptine 
plain and many other places with his litter closed 

But orten even the 

wisest of men does not know how to speak in a 

1 i.e. apparently paraphrasing old writers by using synony- 
mous but more striking expressions. 

8 The grandfather of Crassus the triumvir, called kye- 

8 Probably Crassus Frugi, Spart. Vii. Eadr. 5. 



mus .... <eloqui> nescit novo plane modo. Sed 
ita res tulerunt . . . . de puteo quoque. Puteus 
istic minus sorderet .... <senten>|tias inopina- 
tas, aliis <quidem novas et prius in>tactas. Tan to 
maius periculum sententiis inest, nisi figurationibus 
moderatis temperantur. Graecis verbis fortasse 
apertius significabo : ra kouvgl koli irapaZo^a twv evOv- 

IXTj/XaTtDV €1 . . . . <€i>7T€V aVTOL 7rXa .... <€l>7T€V 

r} -n-iOava .... Hoc ego animo .... nullis 
rationibus .... liber quem misti 1 rarus. Scias igi- 
tur in hoc uno eximiam eloquentiam tuam claudere. 

7. Moneo igitur Marcum meum etiam atque etiam, 
et ut meminerit obsecro, quotienscumque aSo^orepov 
ivOv/x-qfxa conceperis, volvas illud tecum 2 et diversis 
et variis figurationibus verses temptesque et verbis 
splendidis excolas. Nam quae nova et inopinata 
audientibus sunt, periculum est nisi ornentur et 
figurentur ne videantur absurda. 

8. Cetera omnia tibi in eloquentia expolita et ex- 
planata 3 sunt. Scis verba quaerere, scis reperta recte 
collocare, scis colorem sincerum vetustatis appingere, 
sententiis autem gravissimis et honestissimis abun- 
das . . . , 4 <pri>|ma conditio est; ubi semel pate- 
factae sunt, facile cognitae negleguntur. Contemni 
denique et nullo honore esse rhetora videas ; obser- 
vari autem et omnibus officiis coli dialecticos, quod 

1 Hauler's reading. Mai and Brakman saw mire in the 
margin. 2 Heindorf for Cod. temct. 

3 This is Mai's reading Niebuhr prefers cxprdUa. 

4 Neither Mai nor Naber tell us the extent of the lacuna 
here, but Mai follows it with the passage which Naber puts 
first in his De Eloquentia 1. 



style obviously new. But circumstances have so 

a well there would sound less vulgar 

.... thoughts unexpected, to others indeed new 
and previously unused. So much greater peril is 
there in thoughts if they are not qualified with 
figures of speech sparingly used. I can perhaps 
express my meaning more clearly in Greek words : tu 
kcuvcl kcu rrapdSo$a twv iiOvfxrjfxaT 


the book which you 

sent a scarce one. Know then that in this one 
point your eloquence limps, splendid as it is. 

7. I warn you, therefore, again and again, my 
Marcus, and beseech you to remember, as often as 
you conceive in your mind a startling thought, 
think over it with yourself and turn and try it with 
various figures of speech and dress it out in splendid 
words. For there is a danger that what is new to 
the hearers and unexpected may seem ridiculous 
unless it be embellished and made figurative. 

8. All else in eloquence are for you smoothed 
and made clear. You know how to search out 
words, you know how to arrange them correctly 
when found, you know how to invest them with 
the genuine patina of antiquity, and you have an 
abundance of the weightiest and noblest thoughts 
.... is the first essential ; as soon as they 
have been exposed they are easily known and dis- 
regarded. In a word, you could see that the 
rhetorician is despised and of no account, while 
the dialecticians are courted and treated with 

1 " New and startling thoughts." Fronlo urges Marcus 
to aim at striking and unconventional ideas, but to be care- 
ful that the}' should be toned down by their setting, so as 
not to strike the hearers as bizarre. 



in eorum rationibus semper obscuri aliquid et tor- 
tuosi <sit>, eoque fit ut magistro discipulus haereat 
semper et inserviat, vinctus perpetuis quibusdam 
vinculis adtineatur. 

Dicet aliquis tu igitur praeter ceteros nimirum verbis 
pulchris et insignibus uteris ? ] Ego immo volgaribus 
et obsoletis. Quid igitur est? Nisi istud saltern 
scirem, deterioribus uterer. 

(Naber, p. 153.) 

De Eloquentia 4 

Antonino Augusto Fronto. 

1. Pleraque in oratione recenti tua, quod ad 
sententias adtinet, animadverto egregia esse ; pauca 
admodum uno tenus verbo corrigenda ; nonnihil in- 
terdum elocutione novella parum signatum. Quae 
melius visum est particulatim scribere, ita enim faci- 
lius perpendes singula et satis temporis ad inspici- 
endum habebis, ut qui plurimis negotiis aut agendis 
occupatus sis aut actis defessus. 

2. Igitur in prohoemio quae egregie a te dicta 
putem, quaeque arbitrer corrigenda, scripsi tibi. 
Scripturum deinceps pro amore in | te meo confide 
cetera. Prima ergo pars tota mirifica est, multis et 
gravibus sententiis referta, in quibus eximiae sunt 
.... Si recte .... quo genere Cato .... Si 

1 Niebuhr for Cod. utena. 


every respect, because in their ratiocinations there is 
always something obscure and intricate, and hence 
it results that the disciple always hangs upon his 
master and is his slave, held fast bound with a kind 
of everlasting fetter. 

Someone will say You then, of course, beyond all 
others use choice and striking words. Nay, I use 
common and old ones. What then? If I knew 
not that much, I should use words still worse. 

On Eloquence 4 

Fronto to Antoninus Augustus. 

1. Most things in your late speech, as far as the 
thoughts go, I consider were excellent, very few 
required alteration to the extent of a single word ; 
some parts here and there were not sufficiently 
marked with novelty of expression. 1 I have thought 
it better to write to you on these points in detail, 
for so you will the more easily consider them separ- 
ately and have time to look into them, being as 
you are busied with the actual discharge and 
wearied with the past performance of very many 

2. Well then I have written to tell you what I con- 
sider excellently said by you in your exordium, and 
what in my opinion needs alteration. Do not doubt 
that what I shall further write will be written in 
the spirit of my love for you. All the first part 
then is wonderfully fine, packed with many weighty 
thoughts, in which these stand out .... in which 
kind Cato .... if sparingly and with dignity 

1 Professor Mackail takes this to mean the " new Latin " 
style introduced by Fronto. 
* 8i 


parce et cum dignitate .... multo deinde gravior 
et severior subiuncta <est sententia> .... si 
nihil .... nobis opinionis . . . . | tralatum, turn 
.... <si> res ita impulerint .... vincas. 
Inesse .... alterum proprium comes, alterum tra- 
latum opifex. Neque ulla verbis istis inter se com- 
munio est neque propinquitas. Offendit igitur aures 
ingruens diversitas naturae . . . .* sapere .... 
Sallustius .... quique manu ventre pene bona patria 
laceraverat. Vides quantum similitudine verborum 
formae assecutus sit, ut verbum postremum, quam- 
quam parum pudicum, non indecorum esse videatur ; 
ideo scilicet quod <duo> verba similia praecedant. 
Quodsi ita haec verba contra dixisset : quique pene 
bona patria laceraverat, indita 2 obscenitas verbis 
appareret .... manu ventre. Ad .... aures ; 
tertioque . . . . | Siao-Kevrj et 7rap€K/?ao-€i carendum. 
3. Enimvero ad philosophum librum legas ; magis- 
tro interpretante tacitus attendas ; intellexisse ad- 
nuas; aliis legentibus ipse plerumque dormites; 
audias ri to Trpcorov; ri to Stvrepov; diu multumque 
numerari : «i fj/xepa co-rtv, <j>ws io-riv, fenestris paten- 
tibus laborari. Securus inde abeas, cui nihil per 
noctem meditandum aut conscribendum, nihil magis- 
tro recitandum, nihil de memoria pronuntiandum, 
nulla verborum indagatio, nullius synonymi ornatus, 
nihil de Graeca in nostram linguam pariter verten- 
dum. In eos quoque meus magister Dionysius 

1 The margin of Cod. has in alio : ptfcre. 

a Query inscita . . . verbi. Several have proposed insita. 



.... then follows a much weightier and austerer 
thought if 

circumstances so compel .... the one word speci- 
fic — companion, the other figurative — artizan. Nor is 
there any connexion or relationship between these 
words. The ear therefore is offended by the in- 
herent contrast obtruded upon it 

.... Sallust says .... "and one who had also 
wasted his patrimony manu ventre pene." l You see 
how much the writer has effected by the likeness in 
the form of the words, so that the last word though 
far from modest does not strike one as indecent : 
for the reason doubtless that two similar words pre- 
cede it. But if on the other hand he had spoken 
the words thus : quique pene bona patria laceraverat, 
the obscenity attached to the words would be ob- 

must lack disposition and digression. 

3. To be sure you would read a book to your 
philosopher ; 2 listen in silence while your master 
explained it ; shew by nods that you understood him; 
while others were reading, you would yourself mostly 
sleep ; would hear reiterated at length and often 
What is the first premiss ? What is the second ? with 
windows wide open hear the point laboured, If it is 
day, it is light. Then you would take your departure 
without a care, as one who had nothing to think 
over or write up the whole night long, nothing to 
recite to a master, nothing to say by heart, no hunt- 
ing up of words, no garniture of a single synonym, 
no parallel turning of Greek into our own tongue. 
Against them 3 too did my master Dionysius the 

1 Catil. 14. 

8 Fronto is making fun of the dialectic method of teaching 
contrasted with the rhetorical. 3 The dialecticians. 



Tenuiof et compositam fabulara protulit de discep- 
tatione vitis et arboris ilicis. 

4. Vitis se ante ilicem ferebat, quod suavissimum 
fructum hominum conviviis et Osiris 1 altaribus 
crearet, idem dulce esu, idem haustu iucundum. 
Turn se maiore cura quam Cleopatram reginam 
ornari, comptius quam Laidem formosam. Pam- 
pinos suos ita pulchros esse ut necterentur ex eis 
Libero thyrsi, corona Sileno, Nymphis Bacchisque 
redimicula ; ilicem esse horridam infructuosam in- 
amabilem ; creare boni aut amoeni numquam quic- 
Ambr. 387 quam | praeter glandem .... et in lacerata. Item 
vos . . . . 2 Nunc ego consulto in fabulis finem 
facio, ut, si qua acrius dicta sunt, permixta fabulis 
molliantur. 3 

Ad Verum Imp, ii. 6 (Naber, p. 133). 

<Domino meo Vero Augusto> 

Ambr. 434, . . . . | animi mei perturbatione non possem. 

4^ lowing Sed acceptis litteris tuis, ea re iam primum bona 
spes mihi ostentata est, quod tua manu scripseras ; 
deinde quod post apstinentiam tridui et sanguinem 
satis strenue et prompte demissum, liberatum esse 
te periculo impendentis valetudinis nuntiabas. Re- 
spiravi igitur et revalui et apud omnes foculos aras 

1 See Hauler {Vers. d. Phil 41, p. 79) for this passage. 
a About a column and a half are lost in the lacunae. 
3 This sentence is from the margin. 

1 He was called \«irr6s (see Athen. xi. 7), and also a<r*a- 
Kacpffs, from a line in Homer (11. ii. 512) which he often quoted. 

s 4 


Slender 1 indite a quite artistic apologue on a dis- 
pute between the Vine and the Holm-oak tree. 

4. The vine vaunted herself above the holm-oak 
because she bore the most delicious of all fruits for 
the banquets of men and the altars of Osiris, alike 
sweet to eat and delightful to quaff. Then, again, 
she was arrayed with more care than queenly Cleo- 
patra, with more taste than lovely Lais. So fair 
were her branches that from them were wound the 
thyrsus-wands for Liber, a garland for Silenus, and 
chaplets for the Nymphs and Maenads. But the 
holm-oak was rough, barren, unattractive, and never 
produced anything of any goodness or beauty except 

acorns Now I purposely end 

with fictions that, if I have said anything too severe, 
it may be softened down by being mingled with 

Fronto to Lucius Verus 

To my Lord Verus Augustus. 

.... I was so distressed in mind that I could 
not . , . . But on the receipt of your letter, the 
very fact that you had written with your own hand 
raised my hopes at the outset ; then came your good 
news that after three days' fasting and a prompt and 
rather drastic letting of blood you had been freed 
from the risk of a threatened illness. 2 So I breathed 
again and recovered and made my prayers at every 

1 Capit. ( Fit. Veri, 6) tells us that Verus, while on his way 
to Asia for the Parthian war, was taken ill at Canusium. 
It appears that he narrowly escaped having a stroke, such as 
caused his death in January, 169, at the age of thirty-nine. 



lucos sacros arbores sacratas — nam rure agebam — 
supplicavi. Et nunc expecto x cognoscere ex tuis 
litteris, quantum medii 2 isti dies promoverint ad 
vires reficiendas. Enimvero nunc maiore multo cura 
diligentiaque opus est, ut paulatim temet compleas, 
nee properes ad detrimenta virium resarcienda. Nam 
id quidem omnium opinione compertum et traditum 
est, sanguinem ubi abundet incursim detrahendum, 
postea pedetemptim esse reparandum. 

Fac, oro te et obsecro, Domine, quod tuo egregio 

ingenio decet, temperes et reparcas et modificeris 

desideriis omnibus, quae nunc acriora solito et pro- 

caciora existere necesse est post apstinentiam, qua 

Aiubr. 433 necessario in tem|pore usus es. 

Fratrem Dominum saluta, quern salvom habebis, 
si tu salvos eris. Vale, Domine dulcissime. 

Ad Amicos, i. 11 (Naber. p. 181). 
imbr. 319 J Fronto Velio Rufo Seni salutem. 

jul med. ' 

-oL i Figurae orationis sunt quae maxime orationem 

ornant. Duplex autem genus est figurarum. Aut 
enim verborum figurae sunt aut sententiarum. In 
figuris verborum est tropos, metaphora. Hac figura 
usus sum quom stagnum 3 dixi de corpore in quo 

1 Haupt exptto. 

2 Haupt for Cod. mediei. Naber reads medici (? misprint). 
* Klussmann for Cod. figuram. 

1 If Capit. ( Vit. Ver. 6, § 7) is to be trusted, there was 
much need of this exhortation. 



hearth, altar, sacred grove and consecrated tree — for 
I was staying in the country. And now I am wait- 
ing to hear from your next letter how much the 
intervening days have done towards restoring your 
strength. For, indeed, much greater care and atten- 
tion are required now, that you may fill your veins 
gradually and not be in too great a haste to repair 
your lost strength. For it is a belief verified and 
traditional that blood when in excess must be 
promptly drawn off, but must subsequently be re- 
gained by slow degrees. 

1 pray and beseech you, my Lord, take heed, as 
befits your eminent character, to be sparing and 
temperate and restrained l in all your desires which 
now, after the abstinence which you have practised 
on a necessary occasion, must necessarily make them- 
selves felt more keenly and more importunately than 

Greet my Lord your brother, 2 whose health you 
will ensure if you are well. Farewell, most sweet 

? 162 A.D. 

Fhonto to Velius Rufus Senex, 3 greeting. 

The figures in a speech are what most set off a 
speech. There are two kinds of figures, for there 
are verbal figures or figures of thought. Among the 
former are trope and metaphor. 4 I employed this 
figure 5 when I applied the word slough to a body in 

' Marcus hurried to Canusium to see him ; see Capit. ibid. 

8 Nothing more is certainly known of him. 

4 Cicero {Brat. 17), following Greek precedent, separated 
tropes from figures. We use trope for the metaphorical use 
of a word. 

6 Perhaps in the speech Pro Bilhynis mentioned below. 



neque <sucus> l sincerus neque aqua pura neque 
ullus humor liquidus, sed ita ut in palude corrupta 
omnia. Quod autem plerosque fugit, 2 te hominem 
vehementem et cum doctrina turn multo magis 
natura validum esse [scirem artes] 3 eius modicae 
. . . . 4 as aliter . . . , 5 

Ad Jmfcos, i. 15 (Naber, p. 184). 

Fronto Praecilio Pompeiano salutem. 

Verum ex me, mi Pompeiane, uti res est, 
audies ; velimque te mihi verum | dicenti fidem 
habere. Orationem is tarn Pro Bithynis ante annum 
fere in manus sumpseram et corrigere institueram. 
Tibi etiam Romae tunc agenti nonnihil de ista ora- 
tione promiseram. Et quidem, si recte memini, 
quom sermo inter nos de partitionibus orationum 
ortus esset, dixeram et prae me tuleram, satis me 
diligenter in ista oratione coniecturam, quae in 
crimine mandatae caedis verteretur, divisisse argu- 
ments ac refutasse. Interea nervorum dolor solito 
vehementior me invasit, et diutius ac molestius solito 
remoratus est. Nee possum ego membris crucianti- 
bus operam ullam litteris scribendis legendisque 
impendere ; nee umquam istuc a me postulare ausus 
sum. Philosophis etiam mirificis hominibus dicenti- 
bus, sapientem virum etiam in Phalaridis tauro inclu- 

1 Brakman. * Mai gives this, but with doubt. 

3 Mai gives these two words doubtfully. Brakman says 
vcHdwn is followed by esse. * Four letters lost. 

5 A lacuna of four pages follows to meremur in Ad Amicos, 
i. 12, below. 



which there is no sap pure, no water uncontami- 
nated, no fluid clear, but, as in a morass, everything 
rotting. What, however, escapes most people, I 
should know, that you, a strenuous man and a strong 
by training, and much more by nature .... 

? 162 a.d. 

Fronto to Praecilius Pompeianus, 1 greeting. 

You shall hear from me, my Pompeianus, the 
true state of the case ; and 1 would ask you to accept 
it from me as the truth. It is nearly a year ago that 
I took that speech For the Bithynians * in hand and 
set about revising it. I also made certain promises 
to you about the speech w r hen you were in Rome at 
that time. And, indeed, if I remember rightly, 
when we were discussing the rhetorical heads of a 
speech, I claimed, and with some pride, that I had 
in that speech very thoroughly analyzed in argument 
and confuted the assumption which turned on the 
charge of murder by mandate. Meanwhile, a more 
than usually severe attack of neuritis came on, which 
proved to be more persistent and troublesome than 
usual. And I cannot pay any attention to writing 
or reading letters when my limbs are racked with 
pain ; nor have I ever ventured to make such a 
demand upon my strength. When philosophers, 
those wondrous creatures, tell us that the wise man, 
even if shut up in the Bull of Phalaris, 3 would still 

1 Nothing is known for certain about him. He was 
possibly a fellow-countryman of Fronto's from Cirta. 

2 Nothing more is known of this speech beyond what 
Fronto tells us. 

8 A commonplace of the orators. See Cic. Tusc. ii. 7; 
Seneca, Ep. 66, etc. 

vm 11 D 


sum beatum nihilominus fore, facilius crediderim 
beatum eum fore quam posse tantisper amburenti in 
aheno prohoemium meditari aut epigrammata 1 scri- 

Reconciliata deinde mihi longo post tempore com- 
moda valetudine alias egi res potius : adversus istam 
orationem alienato animo fui, nee pudebit me fateri 

odium ac simultatem | . . Rediit igitur 

post repudium renuntiatum oratio domum meam et 
mecum denuo mansitavit 2 . . . . ab anu anucella 3 

Ad Amicos, i. 16 (Naber, p. 185). 

<Fronto> Praecilio Pompeiano <salutem>. 

Lege, carissime mihi 4 < Pompeiano | 

. . Venetus 5 venalis est. Scis hoc perpetuum 
Veneti fatum esse, ut nutnquam venierit, veneat 
semper 6 . . . . | das curare. Rescribit mihi litteras 
se nullas accepisse. Tu certum .... loquar 
.... quidquid .... consenuisse .... sim 
. . . . carissima 7 .... 

Ad Amicos, i. 17 (Naber, p. 185). 

<Fronto> Claudio Iuliano <salutem>. 

Habuisti igitur domi, 8 <mi Naucelli> Ita 

instituimus amicitiam, ut haec volgata officia negle- 

1 Niebuhr would read rpicheircmata (arguments). 

'.From the margin of Cod. s Ibid. 

4 From the Index (Naber, p. 172). 6 Mai has Vcnttis. 

6 From the margin of Cod. So also the fragments that 

7 These five words may belong to the next letter. There 
are also two words, Haft saWm, given by Mai, which Niebuhr 
places between semper and das curare. 8 From the Index. 


be happy, I could find it more easy to believe that 
he would be happy than that he would be able, 
while baking in the brass, to muse the while on an 
exordium or write pointed phrases. 

Then when after a long interval I had recovered 
my health, I turned to other matters in preference. 
I took a dislike to that speech, and will not be 
ashamed to confess hatred and aversion .... 
.... So the speech has come back home to me 
after I had publicly disowned it, and taken up its 
abode with me again 

? 162 A.D. 

Fronto to Praecilius Pompeianus, 1 greeting. 
My very dear friend Pompeianus, read .... 
.... Venetus 2 is for sale. You know that 
it is the perpetual fate of Venetus to be always 

going, never gone He writes in 

answer that he has never received my letter 

? 162 A.D. 

Fronto to Claudius Julianus, greeting. 

You have had then at home, my Naucellius, 8 
.... Our friendship has been on such a footing 
that we could dispense with these conventional 

1 There was another letter to him in this collection (Naber, 
p. 172), but only the opening words remain (from the Index, 
as read by Hauler, Wien. IStud. 33, pt. 1, p. 175) : Labris 
eivs labrafovi, I kissed him lip to lip. 

2 Venetus may be a proper name, or = Venetianu* {i.e. a 
partizan of the " Blues" in the Circus), or mean a Venetian. 

3 One of the names of Julianus, who was consul under 
Pius and provincial legate under Marcus. 



geremus vero amore contenti .... Cum amico 
omnia amara et dulcia communicata velim .... 
salus lumina . . . . eo pervenit ut esset mibi non 
tantum carissimus is sed paene solus . . . 

Ad Amicos, i. 18 (Naber, p. 185). 

<Fronto> Claudio luliano <salutem>. 

Nescio quo pacto fit 1 . . . . | omnes provinciates 
loqui ; multa etiam laboriosius facere quam ipsa res 
postulat : acta cognitionum, epistulas omnes denique 
ad provinciam adtinentes. Te iuvabunt tuisque 
. . . . 2 <ut> adsidue <tu omnia> munera obires 
. . . . 3 <cum bo>nore provinciales tractare, ut 
verum sit quod antiqui veteres dixerunt, rov avrov 
€ivat kcu -nai^eiv kox arTrovhafav. Valerianus .... 
bonus si ... . studebam . . . . 4 conclusus ; nee 
me Valerianus noster videre potuit. A Dominis 
nostris Imperatoribus non propter aliud amari me 
opto, quam ut te quoque participem mei corporis et 
animi diligant: et cum bonitate eorum certus sum 
ita fore. 

Quom tibi scriberem, paulo commodius valebam. 
Adhuc quidem eo tempore eram ex longissima vale- 
tudine, quam contra curam .... aeque .... 
. . | . . male mulcavit, recitavi in senatu satis 
. . . . 5 <ut> repeterem, postularetur. Fac, mi 
Naucelli, valetudinis tuae curam agas, ut fortis ad 
nos venias. Dei praestabunt ut me quoque forti- 

1 From the Index (Naber, p. 172). 

2 About twenty-five letters missing. 
8 About ten letters lost. 

* In these lacunae eight lines are lost. 
5 In the first gap ten letters are lost, in the second ten 
lines, and in the third three lines. 



services, assured of the reality of our love .... 
With a friend I would wish all joys and sorrows 

shared it came to this that 

he was not only my dearest friend, but almost the 
single one who .... 

? 162 A.D. 

Fronto to Claudius Julianus, greeting. 

I know not how it comes to pass .... all the 
provincials say ; to do many things also more labori- 
ously than the case itself requires : memoranda of 
the trials, lastly all letters which relate to the pro- 
vince. They will assist you .... that you should 
diligently perform all your duties .... treat the 
provincials with respect, that the saying of the classic 
ancients may be verified, that the same man can be 
both sportive and strenuous. Valerianus * . . . . 

; nor was our friend 

Valerianus able to see me. I desire not to be loved 
by our Lords the Emperors 2 on any other terms 
than that you too the partner of my body and mind 
should be included in their love : and such is their 
good nature I feel sure that this will be so. 

While writing to you, I feel a little better. I am 
still indeed at this time after my most protracted ill- 
health, which in spite of care 

roughly handled, 1 delivered in the 

Senate .... was asked to repeat it. Be sure, my 
Naucellius, to take care of your health, that you 
may be strong when you come to us. Please God 

1 Possibly the master of the emperor Pertinax (see Capit. 
Fit. Pert. 12). 

2 Marcus Antoninus and Lucius Verus (161-169). 



culum invenias. Valerianus noster magnas ad te 
plagas rettulit, quas ab omnibus . . . . x gravius eum 
tractavi quam Stratonabian aut Pyrallum. 2 Stragula 
mihi linea sculptaf quae germani . . . . 8 

Ad M. Caes. ii. 16 (Naber, p. 37). 

<Domino meo>. 

.... <praedam> | abripere terrae, ut dicitur, 
immo cellae filios : tantam de thesauris Antonini 
pecuniam prodigi quam nescio quae ista altilis 
alumna accipiet, unde nihil Egatheus acceperit. 
Quanti vero rumores adversi, quantae querimoniae 
exorientur bonis lege Falcidia distractis ? Lineam 
istam famosam atque celebratam ceteraque tantae 
pecuniae ornamenta quis emet? Tua uxor si emerit, 
praedam invasisse et minimo aere eripuisse dicetur, 
eoque minus ad eos quibus legatum erat pervenisse. 

1 Two lines lost. 2 These two words are not certain. 

3 Perhaps ten lines are lost here. 

1 From the fragmentary nature of the evidence, it is not 
easy to understand the legal points in the case alluded to in 
these three letters. Matidia, the great-aunt of Marcus and 
Faustina, had made them her heirs, but whether they were 
her natural heirs is not known. The corticilli were informal 
documents added to the will, in which directions were given 
to the heir as to certain gifts to be distributed by him. 
These were cancelled by Matidia, but certain interested 
parties tried to pass them off as valid. Fronto is afraid 
that Marcus will, for fear of benefiting himself, let them 
stand, in which case they might absorb more than the three- 
fourths of the whole property contrary to the Falcidian law, 



you will find me too a little stronger. Our friend 
Valerianus has told you the great blows, which from 
all (quarters) .... I have treated him more firmly 
than Stratonabia or Pyrallus. A linen covering 

Fronto to Marcus Antoninus as Emperor 

rr. i j l 162 A.D. 

To my Lord. 1 

.... that children of the earth, as the saying 
goes, or rather of the gutter, should snatch the 
booty : that so much wealth from the treasuries of 
Antoninus should be thrown away for that pampered 
protegee, whoever she is, to get, so that Egatheus 2 
will get nothing. What unfriendly comments how- 
ever, what grumblings will arise, when the goods 
have been dispersed under the Falcidian Law ? 
That celebrated string of pearls, 3 which everyone 
talks of, and all the other ornaments of such value, 
who will buy them ? If your wife buys them, she. 
will be said to have pounced upon the spoil and 
snatched them away at a very small price, and that so 
much the less had come to the legatees under the 

which stipulated that the heir must receive at least one- 
fourth of the whole inheritance. Marcus could either refuse 
to act as heir, or decide against the codicils, and so bring 
the gifts mentioned in them into his own share as residuary 
legatee, or let the codicils stand in spite of the seals being 
broken (cp his own decision in Dig. xxviii. 4, 3, and Gaius, 
ii. 120 and 151). It is most likely that he took the second 
course, though he may also have carried out the cancelled 

* See Corp. Insc. Lat. vi. 8440 : T. Aurelius Egatheus Imp. 
Antonini Aug. Lib. a CodiciUis. 

3 Possibly alluded to by Seaevola, one of the aviici, in Dig. 
xxxv. 2, 36. 



At non emet haec ornaments. Faustina. Quis igitur 
emet margarita, quae filiabus tuis legata sunt ? lis 
margaritis collos filiarum tuarum despoliabis ut cuius 
tandem ingluvies tur^ida ornetur ? 

An hereditas Matidiae a vobis non adibitur ? 
Summo genere, summis opibus nobilissima femina de 
vobis optime merita intestata obierit ? Ita prorsus 
eveniet ut cui funus publicum decreveris ei ademeris 
testamentum. Adhuc usque in omnibus causis 
iustum te et gravem et sanctum iudicem exhibuisti : 
ab uxorisne tuae causa prave iudicare inchoabis ? 
Turn tu qu.dem ignem imitaberis, si proximos 
am bures, longinquis lucebis. 

Ad M. Oma. ii. 17 [Nmber, p. 35). 

R<escriptum> magistro meo. 

Ergo magister meus iam nobis et patronus erit ? 
Equidem possum securus esse, quom duas res animo 
meo carissimas secutus sim. rationem veram et sen- 
tentiam tuam. Di velint ut semper, quod agam, 
secundo iudicio tuo, mi magister, agam. 

Vides quid horae tibi rescribam. Nam post con- 
sultationem Amicorum in hoc tempus collegi 
sedulo ea quae nos moverant, ut Domino meo per- 
scriberem faceremque cum nobis in isto quoque 


will. But you will say Faustina will not buy these 
ornaments. Who then will buy the pearls," which 
were left to your daughters ? You will rob the 
necks of your daughters of these pearls that thev 
may grace whose goitred gorge may I ask? 

Shall Matidia's inheritance not be taken up by 
you ? Shall a most noble lady of the highest rank, 
of the greatest wealth, one who has deserved 
especially well of you, have thus died intestate ? 
The precise result, therefore, will be, that you will have 
robbed of her will one to whom you have granted a 
public funeral. Hitherto in every cause without 
exception you have shewn yourself a just and 
weighty and righteous judge. Will you begin with 
your wife's case to give wrong judgment? Then will 
you indeed be like a fire, if you scorch those who are 
nearest and give light to those who are far off. 1 

The Emperor Marcus Antoninus to Fronto 

. 162 A.D. 

Answer to my master. 

So my master will now be my advocate also ! 
Of a truth I can feel easy in my mind, when I have 
followed the two guides dearest to my heart, right 
reason and your opinion. God grant that whatever 
I do I may always do with your favourable endorse- 
ment, my master. 

You see how late I am writing my answer to you. 
For after a consultation with my Friends up to this 
moment, I have carefully collected all the points 
which weighed with us, so as to write fully to my 
Lord, 2 and make him our assessor in this business 

1 cp. Sallust in Suidass.r. Athenodotus. 

' Lucius Verus, who had gone to the Parthian war. 



negotio praesentem. Turn demum Oapa-rja-o} rots 
fitfiovkevfxcvois, quom fuerint ab illo comprobata. 
Orationem, qua causam nostram defendisti, Faus- 
tinae confestim ostendam, et agam gratias ei quod 
mihi talis epistula tua legenda ex isto negotio nata 
est. Bone et optime magister, vale. 

Ad Amicos, i. 14 (Naber, p. 183). 

Aufidio Victorino genero <Fronto salutem>. 
Ad obruzae tempus * . . . . | et Varianis alum- 
nis masculis feminisque sestertium deciens 2 singulis 
reliquit usurarium potius quam proprium : nam quin- 
quagena annua ab Augusta singulis dari iussit. 
Plerique omnes, qui earn curaverant, frustra fuerunt : 
ne librae quidem singulis ponderatae sunt. Ausi 
sunt tamen nonnulli, navi scilicet et strenui viri, 
codicillos, quos iam pridem Matidia inciderat, obsi- 
gnare, quom ilia sine sensu ullo iaceret. Ausi etiam 
sunt codicillos istos apud Dominum nostrum ut 
probe ac recte factos tueri et defendere. Nee sine 
metu fui, ne quid philosophia perversi suaderet. 
Quid ad eum de re scripserim, ut scires, exemplum 
litterarum misi tibi. 

In oratione Bithyna, cuius partem legisse te scribis, 

1 From the Index, as read by Hauler ( Wien. Stud. 33, 
pt. 1, p. 175). 2 Possibly victim in the Codex. 

1 He chaffingly calls the letter a speech. 

2 This assaying of the gold (presumably the gold orna- 
ments) was done by means of fire in a small flat vessel called 
a cupel. 

9 8 


also. Then only shall I have confidence in our 
decision, when it has been approved by him. The 
"speech 1 " in which you have advocated our cause, 
I will shew at once to Faustina, and will tender her 
thanks because as an outcome of that business it 
has been my lot to read such a letter from you. 
Good master, best of masters, farewell. 

162 A.D. 

Fronto to Aufidius Victorinus his son-in-law. 
At the time of the gold-test 2 .... and 
to her Varian proteges of either sex she left a 
million sesterces 3 apiece for them to enjoy as a 
life interest rather than for their own; for she 
directed that 50,000 sesterces 4 apiece should be 
given them every year by the Empress. Almost 
all those who had paid her court lost their 
labour : not a pound apiece was weighed out to 
them. Some of them however, brisk and smart 
fellows without a doubt, had the effrontery, while 
Matidia lay unconscious, to seal up the codicils, 
which she had annulled a long while before. They 
had the effrontery also to uphold and defend these 
codicils before our Lord as duly and truly executed. 
And I have not been without apprehension that 
Philosophy might lead him to a wrong decision. 
That you may know what I wrote to him on the 
subject, I send you a copy of my letter. 

In my Bithynian speech, part of which you write 

8 About £20,000. 

4 About £500. It is not clear whether these alumni 
were children of an alimentary foundation, such as the 
puellae Faustinianae. 



m n :-. sunt nova addita, ut arbitror ego. non inornate, 
locos :n primis de acta vita, quern tibi placiturum 
puto, si legeris quod in simili re II. Tullius pro 
L S alia egregie scriptum reliquit : non ut par pari 
compares, sed ut aestimes nostrum mediocre in- 
genium quantum ab illo eximiae eloquentiae viro 
abluda: - 

(Naber, p. 155.) 

An Marcum Antoninlm de Obationiboi 

<Antonino Augusto Fronto>. 

1 pauca subnectam fortasse inepta 

iniqua. nam rursus faxo magistrum me experiare. 
Neque ignoras omnem hanc magistrorum <turbam>'^ 
vanam propemodum et stolidam esse : parum elo- 
quentiae et sapientiae nihil. Feres profecto bona 
venia veterem potestatem et nomen magistri me 
usurpantem denuo. 

2. Fateor enim. quod res est. unam solam posse 
causam incidere,. qua causa claudat aliquantum amor 

1 So Cod. by mistake for P. 

1 Haupt for Cod. abluai (Mai), cp. Hor. Sat. u. iii. 320. 

1 Mai. Query <.rtvi>. 

r.g to the confusion in the leaves of the Codex and 
their partial illegibility, it is impossible to be quite 6ure of 
the position of the various parts of this tractate, and con- 
sequently of the thread of the =.'. It is c. 
connected with the similar letters j> £h<fu^ntia above, being 
rm an appeal to Marcus not to neglect eloquence for 
philosophy. Little seems lost at the beginning, and Fronto 
enters at once on an indictmer: :' the false eloquence of 
Seneca and his school, whom he accuses of trickeries and 
tautology, taking Lucan especially as an instance of the latter 
fault. He compares their mannerisms to a harpist in a 



that you have read, there are many fresh things 
introduced, not inelegantly as I fancy, particularly a 
passage on my past life, which I think will please 
you. if you read that excellent speech on a similar 
subject in defence of P. Sulla left us by If. Tullius : 
not that you should compare us as equals, but that 
you should recognise how far my mediocre talent 
falls short of that man of unapproachable eloquence. 

On Speeches 

Fronto to Antoninus Augustus. 

1 I will subjoin a few possibly un- 
reasonable and unjust criticisms, for I will mike 
you again have a taste of me as a mister. 1 And 
you are aware that all this company of masters 
is more or less futile and fatuous — little enough of 
eloquence and of wisdom nought ! You will I am 
sure bear with me for taking up anew my old-time 
authority and title of master. 

'2. For I confess, what is the fact, that onlv one 
thing could happen to cause any considerable set-back 

cantata repeating a note aj.'.in and again. He also . 
such writers with meanness and slovenliness of dictio 
effeminate rlu-roy and preciosity. Turning to a speech 
lately delivere I by Marcus, he praises him for his invent on, 
and repeats (§ S what he had sa:d in the D< Eloqwmtia about 
clear and imperfect utterance. In connexion with this he 
refers to a treatise of Theodorus. which he had evidently 
used in his lessons. In -S 9 an unfortunate _ a res the 

trend of the argument, but we find him still discussing the 
Senecau style. From this he turns to the erandiloqu -. 
a Gallic rhetor and his inappropriate use of Ennius. E 
abrupt transition from Alexander to the Tiber is pm 
In conclusion, he criticises severely an edict of Marcus and 
adds a warning against the debased style, 



erga te meus — si eloquentiam neglegas. Neglegas 
tamen vero potius censeo quam prave excolas. Con- 
fusam earn ego eloquentiam, catachannae ritu l par- 
tim pineis l nucibus Catonis partim Senecae mollibus 
et febriculosis prunulis insitam, subvertendam censeo 
radicitus, immo vero, Plautino ut utar verbo, 2 ex- 
radicitus. Neque ignoro copiosum sententiis et 
redundantem hominem esse : verum sententias eius 
tolutares video nusquam quadripedo concitas 3 cursu 
ten<d>ere, nusquam pugnare, 4 nusquam maiestatem 
studere ; ut Laberius dictaholaria, immo dicteria, 
potius eum quam dicta confingere. 

3. Itane existimas graviores sententias et eadem 
de re apud Annaeum istum reperturum te quam 
apud Sergium ? Sed non modulatas aeque : fateor ; 
Ambr. S81 neque ita \ cor daces : ita est ; neque ita tinnulas : non 
nego. Quid vero, si prandium utrique adponatur, 
adpositas oleas alter digitis prendat, ad os adferat, 
ut manducandi ius fasque est ita dentibus subiciat, 
alter autem oleas suas in altum iaciat, ore aperto 
excipiat, ut calculos praestigiator, primoribus labris 
ostentet? Ea re profecto pueri laudent, convivae 

1 So Hauler in Festschrift Theod. Gomperz, p. 392. 

8 Brakman for Cod. Plautino trato. Stud, prefers Plautino- 
tato, for which cp. Aul. Gell. iii. 3, Plautinissimus, and 
Lucian, V. H. ii. 19, TiKarcaviKMraros. 

* For Cod* concito, which does not seem to be used like 
concitato. * Heindorf suggests pungerc. 



in my love for you, and that is, if you were to neglect 
eloquence. Yet indeed I would rather you neglected 
it than cultivated it in the wrong way. For as to 
that hybrid eloquence of the catachanna ] type, 
grafted partly with Cato's pine-nuts,' 2 partly with 
the soft and hectic plums of Seneca, it ought in my 
judgment to be plucked up by the roots, nay, to 
use a Plautine expression, by the roots of the roots. 
I am aware that he is a man who abounds in 
thoughts, aye bubbles over with them ; but I see 
his thoughts go trot-trot, nowhere keep on their 
course under the spur at a free gallop, nowhere shew 
fight, nowhere aim at sublimity : like Laberius, he 
fashions wit-bolts, or rather wit-flashes, rather than 

3. Do you then suppose that you could find 
weightier thoughts and on the same subject in 
your Annaeus than in Sergius ? But (in Sergius) 3 
not so rhythmical : I grant it ; nor so sprightly : it is 
so ; nor with suck a ring : I do not deny it. But 
what, if the same meal be set before two persons, 
and the one take up the olives set on the table with 
his fingers, carry them to his open mouth, let them 
come between his teeth for mastication in the decent 
and proper manner, while the other throw his olives 
into the air, catch them in his mouth, and shew 
them when caught, like a juggler his pebbles, with 
the tips of his lips. Schoolboys of course would clap 
the feat and the guests be amused, but the one will 

1 See i. p. 140. 

2 The plain, austere eloquence of Cato is compared to the 
fruit of the wild pine (Hauler refers to Cato, R. If. xlviii. 3), 
as contrasted with the soft, feverish style of Seneca. 

3 Sergius Flavins or Plautus a Stoic, who, says Quintilian 
{Itu>t. viii. 3), formed many new words, some very harsh. 



de'ectentur; sed alter pudice pranderit, alter labellis 
gesticulatus erit. 

At enim sunt quaedam in libris eius scite dicta, 
graviter quoque nonnulla. Etiam laminae interdum 
argentiolae cloacis inveniuntur ; eane re cloacas 
purgandas redimemus ? 

4. Primum illud in isto genere dicendi vitium 
turpissimum, quod eandem sententiam milliens alio 
atque alio amictu indutam referunt. Ut histriones, 
quom palliolatim saltant, caudam cycni, capillum 
Veneris, Furiae flagellum, eodem pallio demonstrant : 
ita isti unam eandemque sententiam multimodis 
faciunt, ventilant, commutant, convertunt, eadem 
lacinia <varia> saltant, 1 refricant eandem unam 
sententiam saepius quam puellae olfactoria sucina. 2 

5. Dicendum est de fortuna aliquid ? Omnes ibi 
Ambr. 844: Fortunas, Antiates, Praenestijnas, Respicientes, bal- 

end of . • r> . 

Quat. xxx. nearum etiam, rortunas omnes cum pennis cum 
rotis cum gubernaculis reperias. 

Unum exempli causa poetae prohoemium com- 
memorabo, poetae eiusdem temporis eiusdemque 
nominis ; fuit aeque Annaeus. Is initio car minis 
sui septem primis versibus nihil aliud quam bella 
plus quam civilia interpretatus est. N<umera> 3 
replicet quot sententiis — Iusque datum sceleri : una 
sententia est; in sua viclrici conversum viscera 

1 For Cod. salutant. Haupt suggests eandem laHniam 

2 Haupt for Cod. olfactoriae. * Brakman. 



have eaten his dinner decently, the other juggled 
with his lips. 

You will say, there are certain things in his books 
cleverly expressed, some also with dignity. Yes, eveu 
little silver coins are sometimes found in sewers ; are 
we on that account to contract for the cleaning of 
sewers ? * 

4. The first and most objectionable defect in that 
style of speech is the repetition of the same thought 
under one dress and another, times without number. 
As actors, when they dance clad in mantles, with 
one and the same mantle represent a swan's tail, the 
tresses of Venus, a Fury's scourge, so these writers 
make up the same thought in a thousand ways, 
flourish it, alter it, disguise it, with the same lappet 
dance diverse dances, rub up one and the same 
thought oftener than girls their perfumed amber. 

5. Has something to be said about fortune ? You 
will find there the whole gallery of Fortunes, For- 
tunes of Antium, of Praeneste, Fortunes Regardant, 2 
Fortunes too of baths, all Fortunes with wings, 
with wheels, with rudders. 

One prelude of a poem 3 I will quote by way of 
example from a poet of the same time and of the 
same name, an Annaeus like the other. In the 
first seven verses at the beginning of his poem he 
has done nothing but paraphrase the words Wars 
worse than civil. Count up the phrases in which 
he rings the changes on this — and sanction granted 
to wrong : phrase number one ; turning their conquer- 
ing swords, in their own heart's blood to imbrue them : 

1 Dryden, in his Essay on Dramatic Poetry, quotes the 
proverb attrum ex stercore coUigere. 

2 i.e. ready to aid men ; see Cic. De Legg. ii. 11, §28. 
* Lucan's Pharsalia, Book I. 2 ff. 



<dextra> : iam haec altera est; cogtiatasque acies: 
tertia haec erit ; in commune nefas : quartam nu- 
merat ; infestisque obvia signis signa : accumulat quo- 
que quintam ; pares aquilas : sexta haec Herculis 
aerumna ; el pita minantia pilis : septima — de Aiacis 
scuto corium. Annaee, quis finis erit ? Aut si 
nullus finis nee modus servandus est, cur non 
addis et similes lituos ? Addas licet et carmina nota 
tubarum. Sed et loricas et conos et balteos et 
omnem armorum supellectilem sequere. 

6. Apollonius autem — non enim Homeri pro- 
hoemiorum par artificium est — Apollonius, inquam, 
qui Argonautas scripsit, | quinque res <prorsus di- 
versas diserte in> quattuor versibus narrat : k\£o. 
cjmdtwv, viros qui navigassent ; ol Uovtolo Kara oro/xa, 
iter quo navigassent ; fiao-iXrjos itfrq/Aoavvr) HeAtao, 
cuius imperio navigassent; <^pvcr€toi'> /xira Kwas, 
cui rei navigassent ; ivtyyov r^Kacrav 'Apyto, navem 
oua vecti essent. 

Isti autem tam oratores quam poetae consimile 
faciunt atque l citharoedi solent unam aliquam vo- 
calem litteram de Inone 2 vel de Aedone multis et 
variis accentibus <iter>are. 8 

7. Quid ego verborum sordes et illuvies ? Quid 
verba modulate collocata <et> effeminate fluentia 4 
. . . . Ibi igitur . . . . et aversantes <exami>nare 

1 Naber for Cod. ut quae. 

- Peerlkamp for Mai's Herwne. 

3 Ibid. Mai has < cant > are. 

4 This sentence is from the margin of Cod. 



here we have a second ; kin against kin embattled : 
that will be a third ; guilt that was shared by all : he 
tells off his fourth ; and standards set against stand- 
ards : he piles up a fifth to boot ; eagles with eagles 
matched : here's the sixth ! why, this is a labour 
of Hercules ; and javelins poised against javelins : a 
seventh ! a bull's hide from the shield of Ajax. Wilt 
never be done, Annaeus? Or if no end or limit 
is ever to be kept, why not add clarions aho alike ? 
And you might go on, and the well-known blare of the 
bugles. Yes, and follow up with cuirasses and helmets 
and belts and all the paraphernalia of a soldier. 

6. Apollonius, however — for Homer's openings 
are not equally skilful — Apollonius, I say, who wrote 
the Argonautica, describes five quite distinct facts 
explicitly in five lines : kA-ccx ^wtwv, 1 the heroes who 
sailed ; ot Hovroio Kara arofxa, the route by which 
they sailed ; f3ao-L\rjos i^rjfxocrvvr) IIcAiao, at whose 
hest they sailed ; ^pvo-ctov /xcra Koias, on what quest 
they sailed ; ivtyyov rjXacrav 'Apya>, the ship on which 
they were carried. 

These writers, as well rhetoricians as poets, do 
just what harpers are wont to do, who dwell with 
many varied intonations on some single vowel from 
[no or from Aedon. 2 

7. What shall I say of meanness and sloven- 
liness in words ? What of words rhythmically 

arranged and effeminately fluent? 

.... and from dislike regard with a critical eye 

1 Glories of heroes, — who by the Pontic strait, — as their 
monarch Pelias bade them, — seeking the Golden Fleece, — 
rowed forth in the well-built Argo. 

2 Musical plays so named from their subjects ; but the 
names are by no means certain, and various others have been 
proposed instead. 



hoc elegantiae 1 genus. <Uti> clipeo te Achillis in 
orationibus oportet, non parmulam ventilare neque 
hastulis histrionis ludere. Aquae de siphunculis 
concinnius saliunt quam de imbribus .... rem 
laudant .... quaerit .... quis istorum .... 
pandere .... apud .... 

8 - | oculos convenient es dixisti. Quis clamor 

iteratur ! 3 apparuit enim utrumque verbum quae- 
situm et inventum : quod ubi verbum invenisti, cavere 
pulchre scivisti. Impediti 4 voce dicuntur qui bal- 
butiunt, et contrarium est soluta et expedita voce : 
multo melius apparuit enodata ; quaesisse te arbitror 
ex eodem isto loco quod est dno rov evavriov, quom 
imperfecta vox balbutientium sit, potuisse dici per- 
fectam. Quae ignoras<se te . . . . quom> 5 oculos 
convenientes dixisti . . . , 6 improbatur hie locus ab 
.... <quia verbum varia> significatione est : 
Theodorus a7r6 rod TroWax^ Aeyccr^ai appellat. Nam 
convenire et decere et aptum esse et congruere 
Graeci f]pix6o~6au appellant. 

Non dubito alia item verba percensuisse. Nam, 
<quom> straboni oculi. dispares sunt, potuisse te 

1 Eckst. prefers eloqw-ntiae. Uti is from Mai. 

2 In the lacunae after imbribus about a quarter of a page 
would seem to be lost. 

3 Naber prefers iteratus. 
1 Query impedito,. 

6 A little more than a line is lost. J. W. E. Pearce sug- 
gests Quae ignoras <hinc sa<pe adhibenda sunt. Ex eo fonie 
igUur> oculos, etc. 

6 Nine or ten letters lost. 



this form of preciosity. In public speaking you have 
need to use the shield of Achilles, not wave a little 
targe or feint with the sham lances of the stage. 
Water gushes more daintily from little pipes than 
from the clouds 

8 You spoke of harmonizing eyes-. 1 What 

applause, redoubled ! for either word had been ob- 
viously sought after and found : and when you had 
found the word, you knew admirably how to use it 
with caution. Those who stammer* 2 are said to have 
an impediment in their speech, and the contrary is 
the case with a speech free and unimpeded : much 
better clearly was your tongue-untied. And I think 
you have gone to that same passage for an expression 
"drawn from the contrary," that, since the utterance 
of stammerers is imperfect, it was possible to speak 
of a perfect utterance. That you should have been 
unaware of this .... when you said harmonizing 
eyes .... this passage is found fault with .... 
(because the word is of a varied) meaning : Theo- 
dorus calls it the " method from synonyms." 3 For 
the Greeks express to agree, to Jit, to suit, to har- 
monize by the term rjpfxoadai (to be adapted). 

I do not doubt that you passed in review other 
words also. For as in him who squints the eyes are 
not of a match, you could have called them equal or 

1 Marcus may have been alluding to himself and Lucius as 
the eyes of the state. 

2 See De Eloquentia above, 3, § 1. 

8 J. W. E. Pearce has suggested to me that this is the 
meaning of the words. A text-book on rhetoric by Theo- 
dorus seems referred to, by the rules of which Fronto judges 
the expressions quoted. There were two rhetoricians of this 
name, one of Gadara, the other of Byzantium. For the 
latter see Cic. Brut. 12 (in arte suitilior). 



pares aut im pares dicere ; disconcinnos illos, hos con- 
cinnos dici potuisse ; convenientes multo melius. 

9. Dicas fortasse quid in orationibus meis novicimn, 
quid crispulum, quid luscum, quid purpurisso litum aut 
tumidum aut pollidum ? Nondum quicquam : sed 
vereor . . . , 1 eas promo . . . , 2 

10. Laudo Censoris factum, qui ludos talarios pro- 
hibuit, | quod semet ipsum diceret, quom ea praeter- 
iret, dignitati difficile servire, quin ad modum crotali 
aut cymbali pedem poneret. Turn praeterea multa 
sunt in isto genere dicendi sinceris similia, nisi quis 
diligenter examinat. lusque datum sceleri* M. An- 
naeus ait ; contra Sallustius : omne ius in validioribus 

11. Gallicanus 4 quidam declamator, quom Mace- 
dones deliberarent, Alexandro morbo mortuo, an et 
Babylonem perverterent, Quid si operas conduc<it>is 
leones ? inquit. Iste et superbe Factum est — eodem 
hoc verbo 5 Enni — vobis lustra<tis> 6 peroravit, 7 factum 
est, factum est opus 8 inex<super>abile. Tiberis est, 
Tusce, 9 Tiberis quem iubes claudi : Tiber amnis et 
dominus et fluentium circa regnator undarum; 

1 Six letters lost. a Three lines lost. 

* Cod. adds co. 

4 For all the following passage see Hauler, Zeitschr. f. d. 
ost. Gymn. lxi. pp. 673 ff. 

* Over this word is written in a?(io) graviore sensu. 

6 Or m* ex alio: Quiritibus. ' Or m* ex alio : exrlamavit. 

8 Over opus is written turn facinus per/ecta canalis, and 
then tali mole praastabilis. 

9 Or possibly Fausie says Hauler. The Tuscan must have 
canalised the Tiber. 



unequal, these accordant, those discordant ; but har- 
monizing was much better. 

9. Perhaps you will say what is there in my speeches 
new-fangled, what artificial, what obscure, what patched 
with purple, what inflated or corrupt ? Nothing as 
yet ; l but I fear 

10. I praise the Censor's 2 act, who shut up the 
gaming nouses because he himself, as he said, when 
he passed that way could scarce consult his dignity 
so far as to refrain from dancing to the sound of 
the castanets or cymbals. Then besides there are 
many things in that kind of oratory 3 not unlike the 
genuine thing, if one does not look carefully into it. 
Sanction granted to wrong, says M. Annaeus ; on the 
other hand Sallust : all right rests with the stronger. 

11. A certain Gallic rhetorician, 4 while the Mace- 
donians on Alexander's death from disease were de- 
bating 5 whether they should utterly destroy Babylon 
also, says, What if you hire lions to do your work ? 
Grandiosely too he 6 cries in his peroration, using 
the same word as Ennius, By you citizens has been 
wrought, has been wrought a work unsurpassable. It is 
the Tiber, O Tuscan, 7 the Tiber that thou biddest be 
penned in: the river Tiber, master and monarch of all 

1 This passage, if no other, makes impossible the sugges- 
tion of Mommsen that this treatise was written as late as 
177. Fronto died, almost certainly, in 166 or 167. 

2 It is not known who the Censor was. 

3 The Senecan style. 

4 Probably not Favorinus, the Gallic orator of Hadrian's 
circle, who was a friend of Fronto's. 

5 i.e. in the orator's show speech on the subject. 
8 The Gallic orator. 

7 Who the Tuscan was who canalised the Tiber is not 
clear, nor whether the whole of this is not another extract 
from the rhetorician. 



Ennius <Factum 'st>: pos<t> aqiiam 1 <iam> con- 
sistit isti jiuvius qui <est> omnibu princeps, 2 qui sub 
ovilia* ait. 

Peritia opus est ut vestem interpolem a sincera 
discernas. Itaque tutissimuin est lectionibus eius- 
modi abstinere. Facilis ad lubrica lapsus est. 

12. Unum edictum tuum memini me animadver- 
tisse, quo periculose scripseris vel indigna defecto 
aliquo libro. Huius edicti initium est : Florere in 
jw actibus inlibatam tuventutem. Quid hoc est, 
Marce? Hoc | nempe dicere vis, cupere te Italica 
oppida frequentari copia iuniorum. Quid in primo 
versu et verbo primo facit florere ? Quid significat 
inlibatam tuventutem ? Quid sibi volunt ambitus isti 
et circumitiones ? Alia quoque eodem edicto sunt 
eiusmodi. Revertere potius ad verba apta et propria 
et suo suco imbuta. Scabies porrigo ex eiusmodi 
libris concipitur. Monetam illam veterem sectator. 
Plumbei nummi et cuiuscemodi 4 adulterini in istis 
recentibus nummis saepius inveniuntur quam in 
vetustis, quibus signatus est Perperna vel Tre- 
ba<nius> .... Quid igitur? Non malim mihi 

1 m* pnstquam. Above these words is written sensu (or 
versu) duro pr-ssi' , and above that retro ad arida. 

2 For this line the Codex also gives Rtro iam substat 
fluviu*, etc., and Cunstitit in Jiuvius qui e*t princeps omnium 

3 Over these words are written Urbis Romae taxis Palatini 
inhaiiita-se /erunf," r. 

4 Kluss. would read cuiusquemodi. 



circumfluent waters; 1 Ennius says: 'Twas wrought: 
after its flood now \ stayed at the spot stood still that 
stream that is queen of all livers, | which underneath the 
Ovilia ' l (flows). 

There is skill needed to distinguish a patched 
dress from a sound one. So the safest course is to 
eschew all such citations. It is easy to slip on the ice. 

12. One edict of yours I remember to have noticed, 
in which you hazardously wrote what would be even 
unworthy of some faulty book. The edict begins : 
That there should flourish on their holdings 3 unimpaired 
youth. What is this, Marcus ? What you wish to say 
is doubtless that you desire to see the Italian towns 
stocked with a plentiful supply of young men. What 
is florere doing in the first line and as the first word ? 
What is meant by unimpaired 4 youth ? W T hat is the ob- 
ject of these inversions and circumlocutions ? Other 
faults of a similar kind are to be found in the same 
edict. Hark back rather to words that are suitable 
and appropriate and juicy with their own sap. The 
itch and the scurf are caught from books of that 
kind. 5 Cleave to the old mintage. Coins of lead 
and debased metal of every kind are oftener met 
with in our recent issues than in the archaic ones 
which are stamped with the names of Perperna or 
Trebanius 6 . . . . What then ? Am I not to prefer 

1 cp. Verg. Aen. viii. 77. He probably followed Ennius. 

2 The Ovilia was a place in the Campus Marti us where the 
voting at the elections took place. 

3 Arlus, a certain measure of land (seePlin. N.H. xviii. 17). 

4 Marcus (Ad Caes. i. 2 and v. 7) uses the word illibatus 
of corpus and salus, coupling it with incolumis in the latter 
case. Pius uses it in a rescript ( Inst. last. i. 8, 2) with 
potestas. It appears, therefore, that its use with a personal 
subject was objectionable. 6 That is, like Seneca's. 

6 See Index. 



nummum Antonini aut Commodi aut Pii? Polluta 
<ista> et contaminata et varia et maculosa maculo- 
sioraque quam nutricis pallium. Omni ergo opera, 
si possit <neri>, 1 linguam communem reddas ; ver- 
bum aliquod requiras non fictum a te, nam id quidem 
absurdum est, sed usurpatum concinnius aut con- 
gruentius aut accommodatius. 

13. Tantum antiquitatis curaeque maioribus pro Italica 
gente fuit, Sallustius ait. Antiquitas verbum usitatum, 
sed nusquam isto sensu usurpatum, 2 neque ideo 
probe placitum. Nam volgo dicitur, quod potius sit, 
antiquius esse. Inde prorsus 3 ipsa <a> Sallustio 
derivata : et | quoniam minus clarum quod et minus 
usitatum verbum est, insequenti verbo interpretatus 
est, antiquitatis curaeque. 

Hoc modo .... municipes sacrorum .... 
actus .... Quid .... vale .... poculum. In 
ore 4 plebis ad hoc pervolgatum est usque hoc genus 
verborum; Accius, Plautus, Sallustius saepenumero, 
etiam raro Tullius <usurpat> . . . , 5 

1 Mai. He marks the word communem as doubtful. 

2 For this passage see Hauler, Wien. Stud. 32, pt. 2. 
1 Cod. pro . . s. Brakman prefers probes. 

* m l aures. 

' The lacunae cover more than a column. 

1 This mention of Commodus is difficult. He was named 
Caesar in 166, but did not become emperor till 177. Though 
the father of Lucius Verus was Commodus, the latter could 
not have been called Commodus. Bourchier {Class. Rev. Nov. 



for myself a coin of Antoninus or Commodus ] 
or Pius? Those old words are stained and con- 
taminated and discoloured and spotted, aye, more 
spotted than a nurse's apron. There is need, there- 
fore, of all your pains to render your language, if 
possible, current coin ; be ever on the look-out for 
some word, not one coined by you, for that, indeed, 
is an absurdity, but used by you more elegantly or 
more aptly or more happily than by others. 2 

13. Says Sallust : Such reverent regard z and affec- 
tion did our ancestors have for the Italian race. This 
word antiquitas is often used, but nowhere employed 
in that sense, 4 and therefore is not properly correct. 
For it is commonly said that what is preferable is 
antiquius. Thence undoubtedly did Sallust derive 
his use of antiquitas itself 1 , and, since a word that is 
less usual is also less clear, he interpreted it by 
means of the following word, antiquitatis curaeque. 

In this way 

In the mouths 

of the people words of this kind have hitherto always 
been in vogue ; Accius, Plautus, Sallust very often, 
even occasionally Cicero, (use them) .... 

1922) thinks Eolus of Ennius Verus may be meant. Perperna 
was consul 130 B.C. There is a coin of the G"-ns Trebavia 
extant ; see Eckhel, v. 326, possibly a coin of C. before 172 
is meant. 

2 Fronto says : Follow the older writers. The Senecan 
style is as catching as the itch. There is purer metal in 
the older coins. What, not prefer a coin of Antoninus! Of 
course the older words are worn and discoloured with age 
and want careful handling to justify their use. 

3 From Sallust's Hint. Lib. I. says Hauler. Servius quotes 
the passage on Verg. Georg. ii. 209. 

4 Cicero seems to use it so. 



Ad Verum Imp. ii. 2 (Naber, p. 129) 

<Magistro meo salutem.> 

. . . .* <necessa>|rio correcta vel in tempore 
pro visa vel celeriter curata vel sedulo instructa, prae- 
dicare ipse 2 apud te supersedi. Da verecundiae 
veniam, si urgentibus curis praepeditus negotia in 
manibus praeversus sum, speque tuae erga me 
benignissimae facilitates interim in scribendo cessavi. 
Fiduciae amoris ignoscito, si piguit consilia me sin- 
gularum rerum forsitan in dies mutanda sub incerto 
adhuc exitu dubia existimatione perscribere. Causam 
quaeso tam iustae cunctationis accipias. Cur igitur 
aliis quam tibi saepius? Ut breviter absolvam : 
quoniam quidem, nisi ita facerem, ill i irascerentur, 
tu ignosceres ; illi tacerent, tu flagitares: 3 illis offi- 
cium officio repensabam, tibi amorem pro amore 
debebam. 4 An velles ad te quoque me litteras invi- 
tum querentem festinantem, quia necesse erat potius 
quam quia libebat, darem ? Cur autem, inquies, 
non libebat? Quia nequedum quicquam eiusmodi 
effectum erat, ut te liberet ad gaudii societatem 
vocare. Curarum vero, quae me dies noctesque 
miserrimum habuere, et prope ad desperationem 
summae rei perjduxere, facere participem hominem 
carissimum et quem semper laetum esse cuperem, 

1 The best part of a page is lost between the end of Ad 
Verum, ii. 1, and here. 2 Heindorf for Cod. ipsa. 

3 Mahly would read fingitarent . . . taceres. 

4 Heindorf for Cod. debcam. 

1 Verus is writing from Syria not long after his arrival at 
the seat of war, while the Pafthians had not yet been 
definitely beaten. 


From Lucius Verus to Fronto 

rp ,. 163 A.D. 

lo my master, greeting. 

.... I have refrained from relating to you 
myself all that had necessarily to be set right or 
provided for in good time, or quickly remedied 
or carefully arranged. 1 Make allowance for my 
scrupulosity, if shackled with urgent cares I have 
dealt first with the business in hand and, count- 
ing on your good-natured indulgence towards me, 
have meanwhile given up writing. Pardon my re- 
liance on our love if I have fought shy of describing 
my measures in detail, liable as they were to daily 
alteration and while the issue was still doubtful 
and all forecast precarious. Accept, I beseech you, 
the reason for so legitimate a delay. Why, then, 
write to others oftener than to you ? To excuse 
myself shortly : because, in fact, did I not do so, 
they would be angry, you would forgive ; they 
would give up writing, you would importune me ; 
to them I rendered duty for duty, to you I owed 
love for love. Or would you wish me to write you 
also letters unwillingly, grumblingly, hurriedly, from 
necessity rather than from choice ? Now why, you 
will say, not from choice? Because not even yet 
has anything been accomplished such as to make 
me wish to invite you to share in the joy. I did 
not care, I confess, to make one so very dear to me, 
and one whom I would wish to be always happy, a 
partner in anxieties which night and day made me 
utterly wretched/ and almost brought me to despair 

2 Nazarius (Paneg. xxiv. § 6) says that Varus in a panic 
offered the Parthian king terms which were scornfully 
rejected, but he means Lucius Verus : see p. 212. 



fateor non libebat. Nee enim illud libebat, aliud 
dolere aliud loqui. Simulare Lucium quicquam 
adversus Frontonem ! a quo ego prius multo sim- 
plicitatem verique l amorem quam loquendi polite 
disciplinam didicisse me praedico. Equidem pacto 
quoque, quod inter nos iampridem intercessit, satis 
me ad veniam impetrandam paratum esse arbitror. 
Denique, quamquam mihi lacessitus a me saepius 
numquam tamen rescripsisses, dolebam hercules sed 
pacti memoria non succensebam. Postremo quid 
plura? ne potius defendere me quam orare te 
videar : peccavi, fateor : adversum quem minime 
decuit : etiam id fateor. Sed tu melior esto. Satis 
poenarum lui, primum in eo ipso quod peccasse me 
sentio : mox quod tantis terris disiunctus, qui te in 
vestigio exorare potuissem, tot interea mensibus dum 
meas litteras accipis, dum ego tuas recipio, cura dis- 
cruciabor. Adhibeo tibi deprecatores humanitatem 
ipsam, nam et delinquere humanum est et hominis 
maxime proprium | ignoscere 2 

Ad Antoninum Imp. i. 3 (Naber, p. 101). 

| Domino meo Antonino Augusto. 

Vidi pullulos tuos, quod quidem libentissime 
in vita mea viderim, tarn simili facie tibi ut nihil sit 

1 Heindorf for Cod. verum. 

a This word is from the margin of Cod. Mommsen says 
at least two leaves are lost between this word and the 
mutilated beginning of Ad Verum, ii. 3. 



of success. Nor, indeed, did I care for the alter- 
native, to feel one thing and utter another. What, 
Lucius to make pretences to Fronto ! from whom 
I do not hesitate to say I have learnt simplicity and 
the love of truth far before the lesson of polite 
phrasing. Indeed, by the compact also, which has 
long subsisted between us, I think I am sufficiently 
qualified for receiving pardon. At all events, when 
in spite of repeated appeals from me you never 
wrote, I was sorry, by heaven, but, remembering our 
compact, not angry. Finally, why say more, that I 
seem not rather to justify myself than to entreat 
you ? 1 have been in fault, I admit it ; against the 
last person, too, that deserved it : that, too, I admit. 
But you must be better than I. I have suffered 
enough punishment, first in the very fact that I am 
conscious of my fault, then because, though face to 
face I could have won your pardon in a moment, I 
must now, separated as I am from you by such wide 
lands, be tortured with anxiety for so many inter- 
vening months until you get my letter and I get 
your answer back. I present to you as suppliants in 
my favour humanity herself, for even to offend is 
human, and it is man's peculiar privilege to par- 
don . . . , x 

Fronto to Marcus 

To my Lord Antoninus Augustus. 

I have seen your little chicks, 2 and a more 
welcome sight I shall never in my life see, so like in 
features to you that nothing can be more like than the 

1 A second d'precator was probably Marcus. 

2 The twins Lucius Aurelius Conimodus and Antoninus 
GeminUs, born at Lanuvium on August 31, 161. The latter 
died in 165. 



hoc simili similius. Feci prorsus compendium itin- 
eris Lorium usque, compendium viae lubricae, com- 
pendium clivorum arduorum : tamen vidi te non 
exadvorsum modo sed locupletius, sive me ad dex- 
teram sive ad laevam convertissem. Sunt autem 
dis iuvantibus colore satis salubri, clamore forti. 
Panem alter tenebat bene candidum, ut puer regius, 
alter autem cibarium, plane ut a philosopho pro- 
gnatus. Deos quaeso sit salvos sator, salva sint sata. 
salva seges sit, quae tarn similes procreat. Nam 
etiam voculas eorum audivi tarn dulces tarn venustas, 
ut orationis tuae lepidum ilium et liquidum sonura 
nescio quo pacto in utriusque pipulo adgnoscerem. 
lam tu igitur, nisi caves, superbiorem aliquanto me 
experiere ; habeo enim quos pro te non oculis modo 
amem sed etiam auribus. 

Ad Antoninum Imp. i. 4 (Naber, p. 101). 

Maoistro meo salutem. 

Vidi filiolos meos, quom | eos vidisti ; vidi et te, 
quom litteras tuas legerem. Oro te, mi magister, 
ama me ut amas ; ama me sic etiam quo modo istos 
parvolos nostros amas : nondum omne dixi quod 
volo : ama me quo modo amasti. Haec ut scriberem, 
tuarum litterarum mira iucunditas produxit. Nam 

1 The author of De Differentiis Vocabulnrum — po'sibly 
Fronto himself— explains locuplcs as a copia locornm. Fronto 
means that he has been able to see Marcus without going to 



likeness. I have absolutely taken a journey by short 
cut quite to Lorium, a short cut of the slippery road, 
a short cut of the steep ascents : nevertheless I have 
seen you not only opposite to me but in more places 
than one, 1 whether I turned to the right hand or to 
the left. God be praised they have quite a healthy 
colour and strong lungs. One was holding a piece 
of white bread, like a little prince, the other a piece 
of black bread, quite in keeping with a philosopher's 
son. I beseech the Gods to bless the sower, bless 
the seed sown, bless the soil that bears a crop so 
true to stock. For even the sound of their little 
voices was so sweet, so winsome to my ear that I 
seemed, I know not how, to hear in the tiny piping 2 
of either the clear and charming tones of your own 
utterance. Now therefore, if you do not take care, 
you will find me holding my head a good deal 
higher, for I have those whom I can love instead of 
you, not with eyes only but with ears also. 

Marcus to Fronto 

rr . .. 163 A.D. 

To my master, greeting. 

I saw my little sons, when you saw them; I saw 
you too, when I read your letter. I beseech you, 
my master, love me as you do love me ; love me too 
even as you love those little ones of ours : I have 
not yet said all that I want to say : love me as you 
have loved me. The extraordinary delightfulness of 
your letter has led me to write this. For as to its 

Lorium, where he apparently was, in the faces of his two 
2 cp. "Thy small pipe," Shaks. Tw. N. i. 4, 32. 


VOL. II. ■ 


de elegantia quid dicam? nisi te Latine loqui, nos 
ceteros neque Graece neque Latine. Domino meo 
fratri peto scriptites. Valde volt ut hoc a te im- 
petrem : desideria autem illius intemperantem me 
et violentum faciunt. Vale mi iucundissime magister. 
Nepotem tuum saluta. 

Ad Antoninvm Imp. i. 5 (Naber, p. 102). 

Antonino Augusto Domino meo. 

1. Ante gestum, post relatum, aiunt qui tabulas 
sedulo conficiunt. Idem verbum epistulae huic 
opportunum est, quae litteris tuis nuper ad me 
scriptis nunc demum respondet. Causa morae fuit 
quod, quom rescribere instituissem, quaedam menti 
meae se offerebant non supino, ut dicitur, rostro 
scribenda. Dein senatus dies intercessit, et in 
senatu labor eo gravior perceptus, quod cum gaudio 
simul altius penetraverat, ita ut cum sole ventus. 
Nunc haec epistula, quod non suo tempore praesto 
| adfuerit, veniam in dilationibus l usitatam poscit 
nefraudi sit. 

2. Quom accepi litteras tuas, ita rescribere coe- 
peram — Ama me ut amas, inquis. Huic verbo 
respondere paulo verbis pluribus in animo est ; pro- 
lixius enim rescribere tibi tempore illo solebam, quo 

1 Kiessling for Cod. rclntionibus. 

1 Fronto seems to mean that his reply, or payment of his 
debt, was not made at once but followed later, as the entry 
in the ledger follows the transaction. 



style what can I say? except that you talk Latin 
while the rest of us talk neither Latin nor Greek. 
Write often, I pray you, to the Lord my brother. 
He especially wishes me to get this from you. His 
wishes, however, make me unreasonable and exact- 
ing. Farewell, my most delightful of masters. Give 
my love to your grandson. 

Fronto to Marcus 

To my Lord Antoninus Augustus. 

1. First done, then entered, 1 say they who keep 
their books carefully. The same saying is applicable 
to this letter, which now at last answers your recent 
one to me. The reason of the delay has been that, 
when I made up my mind to write, some things 
came into my mind, which could not be written 
down beak in air, as the saying is. Then intervened 
the sitting of the Senate, and the labour it entailed 
was felt the more heavily in that, being simultaneous 
with my joy, it had taken deeper hold of me, just as 
the wind when combined with the sun. 2 Now this 
letter, as it was not forthcoming at its due time, 
asks the indulgence usual in postponements, that it 
be without prejudice. 

2. When I received your letter, I began my 
answer thus — Love me as you do love me, you say : 
I propose to answer this phrase somewhat less briefly. 
For I used to answer your letters more at length in 

a Does Fronto mean that as the wind finds freer entrance 
to our bodies when the sun has caused us to lay aside our 
wraps, so toil makes itself more felt when joy has relaxed 
our energies? 



amatum te a me satis compertum tibi esse tute 
ostendis. Vide, quaeso, ne temet ipse defraudes et 
detrimentum amoris ultro poscas : amplius enim 
tanto amari te a me velim credas mihi, quanto omni- 
bus in rebus potior est certus praesens fructus quam 
futuri spes incerta. Egone qui indolem ingenii tui in 
germine etiam turn et in herba et in flore dilexerim, 
nunc frugem ipsam maturae virtutis nonne multo 
multoque amplius diligam ? Turn ego stolidissimus 
habear agrestium omnium omniumque aratorum, si 
mihi cariora sint sata messibus. Ego vero <eorum> 
quae optavi quaeque vovi compos, optatorum voto- 
rumque meorum damnatus atque multatus sum : in 
earn multam duplicatum amorem tuum defero, 1 non, 
ut antiquitus multas inrogari mos fuit, mille minus 
dimidio. Assae nutricis est infantem magis diligere 
quam adultum ; succensere etiam | pubertati stulta 
nutrix solet, puerum de gremio sibi abductum et 
campo aut foro traditum. Litteratores etiam isti 
discipulos suos, quoad puerilia discunt et mercedem 
pendunt, magis diligunt. Ego quom ad curam 
cultumque ingenii tui accessi, hunc te speravi fore 
qui nunc es ; in haec tua tempora amorem meum 
intendi. Lucebat in pueritia tua virtus insita, luce- 

1 Boissonade for Cod. desero. 

1 Cato (see Aul. Gell. vii. 3, 37) mentions this old law, 
under which the fine for certain offences was limited to half 
a man's property less 1,0')0 (asses). Fronto says that, all his 
wishes and prayers for Marcus having been abundantly ful- 



those days when, as you yourself shew, you were 
sufficiently assured of my love for you. Look, I be- 
seech you, that you do not rob yourself, and of your 
own accord demand a diminution of love, for I would 
have you believe that you are so much more fully 
loved by me now, as in all things a present certain 
fruition exceeds an uncertain hope in the future. 
Shall not I, who loved the native quality of your 
genius even then, when in bud and in leaf and in 
flower, love now far far more deeply the very fruit 
of your matured excellence ? Then should I be 
deemed the most blockish of all country swains and 
all ploughmen, if I valued what was sown above 
what was harvested. I indeed, being granted all 
that I wished and prayed for, have been cast and 
fined in my very wishes and prayers : to meet that 
fine I put in my doubled love for you, not, as was 
the custom in old time for fines to be inflicted, at the 
rate of half less a thousand (asses). 1 A dry-nurse 
commonly loves a baby more than an older child ; a 
foolish nurse is even prone to be angry with adoles- 
cence for taking away her boy from her arms and 
giving him over to the playground or the forum. 
Your instructors of youth too love their pupils more 
while they learn boyhood's lessons and pay their 
fees. When I was called to the care and cultivation 
of your natural powers, I hoped you would be what 
you now are ; I carried my love on to these your 
present days. Conspicuous in your boyhood was 
your innate excellence ; even more conspicuous was 

filled, he is bound now to perform his part of the bargain 
and pay the fine due. To meet this liability he tenders his 
doubled love for Marcus, and does not, as was the old 
custom, pay with less than half his assets. 



bat etiam magis in adulescentia : sed ita ut quom 
serenus dies inluculascit lumine inchoato. Nunc iam 
virtus integra orbe splendido exorta est et radiis 
disseminata : et l tu me ad pristinam illam mensuram 
luciscentis amoris tui revocas, et iubes matutina 
dilucula iucere meridie ! Audi, quaeso, quanto am- 
pliore nunc sis virtute quam antea fueris, quo 
facilius credas, quanto amplius amoris merearis et 
poscere desinas tantumdem. 

3. Ut a pietate contendere te tibimet incipiam, 
obsequia erga patrem tua pristina commemorabo, 
eaque cum praesentibus officiis comparabo. Quis 
ignorat, ubi pater tuus minus valeret, te iuxta 
cum eo carere balneo, vino aqua etiam et cibo 
temet deducere solitum ? Nulla unquam te neque 
somni neque vigiliae neque cibi | neque itineris 
tua tempora habuisse sed patris temporibus in- 
servisse 2 .... 

Ad Marcum Imp. i. 6-10, Index only (Naber, p. 93). 

<Magistro meo salutem> | Minus valui, mi magis- 
ter . . . . 

<Antonino Augusto Domino meo> Si ambulare 
iam <poteris> 3 .... 

<Magistro meo salutem> Festino, mi magister, 
<scribere> .... 

1 Klussmann for Cod. est. 

2 The last nine words are from the margin of Cod., except 
that there the verbs are given in the indicative. 

3 Or perhaps potero, 


it in your youth ; but in such a way as when a cloud- 
less day begins to break with newly-dawning light. 
Now already your full excellence has risen with 
dazzling disc and spread its rays on every side : and 
yet you call me back to that bygone measure of my 
dawning love for you, and bid the morning twilight 
shine at noonday ! Hear, I pray you, how much 
enhanced beyond your former is your present ex- 
cellence, that you may more easily understand how 
much larger a measure of love you deserve, while 
you cease to claim only as much. 

3. To begin my comparison of yourself to yourself 
with your dutifulness, I will mention your bygone 
devotion to your father, 1 and contrast it with your 
present attention to duty. Who does not know 
that, when your father was unwell, you used to dis- 
continue baths in order to keep him company, deny 
yourself wine, even water and food ; that you never 
studied your own convenience in the matter of sleep 
or waking or food or exercise, but sacrificed every- 
thing to your father's convenience ? . . . . 

Five Letters between Marcus and Fronto of which 
only the opening words remain 

163 A.D. 

To my master, greeting. I have been unwell, my 
master .... 

To my Lord Antoninus Augustus. It you can 
walk yet .... 

To my master, greeting. I hasten to write, my 
master .... 

1 His adoptive father Pius. Marcus's pietas is also men- 
tioned Capit. v. § 8, vii. § 2, and Diu, lxxi. 35. 



<Antonino Augusto Domino meo> Non reticebo 
<Maoistro meo salutem> Ego, mi magister, 

Ad Antoninum Imp. ii. 3 (Naber, p. 106). 

<Magistro meo salutem.> 

.... <quom nihil magis explo>|ratum atque 
expeditum sit, mi magister, quam tua clemens in 
officiis adversum te nostris interpretatio. Scribe l 
igitur Domino meo pollicenti tibi multas suas litteras 
comperisse te ex me quae mandavit. Turn cetera 
adf'ectionis et comitatis tuae subnecte, mi magister ; 
nam in litteris tuis, ut aequom est, adquiescit. 

Ego biduo isto, nisi quod nocturni somni cepi, 
nihil intervalli habui : quam ob rem nondum legere 
epistulam prolixiorem 2 Domino meo a te scriptani 
potui, sed crastinam opportunitatem avide prospicio. 
Vale mi iucundissime magister. Nepotem saluta. 

Ad Verum Imp. ii. 1 (Naber, p. 119). 

Ambr. 446, | Domino meo Vero Augusto salutem. 
^Vwd. 1. lam iam, Imperator, esto erga me ut voles 

utque tuus animus feret ; vel tu me neglegito vel 

1 Naber for Cod. scribo. * The following letter. 

1 Lucius Verus, his colleague. 

a This long letter to Lucius in Syria was written on the 
victorious conclusion of the Armenian portion of the great 
Parthian war, when Lucius received the title Armcniacits. 
Besides flattering Lucius on the military successes, he praises 
the eloquence of his despatch to the senate. The rest of the 
letter is a glorification of eloquence, in which he includes all 



To my Lord Antoninus Augustus. I will not hide 
from you .... 

To my master, greeting. I, my master .... 

Marcus Antoninus to Fronto 

To my master greeting. 

.... since nothing is more to be counted upon 
and more readily given, my master, than the kindly 
construction you put upon our services in respect to 
yourself. Write then to my Lord, 1 who promises 
you many letters in return, that you have received 
his message from me. Add also other tokens of 
your affection and good-nature, my master, for he 
rests on them, as he has every reason to do. 

For the last two days 1 have had no respite except 
such sleep as I have got at night : consequently I 
have had no time as yet to read your lengthy letter 
to my Lord, but I greedily look forward to an 
opportunity of doing so to-morrow. Farewell, my 
most delightful of masters. Love to your grandson. 

Fronto to Lucius Verus 

To my Lord Verus Augustus, greeting. 2 

1. From this moment, O Emperor, treat me as 
you please and as your feelings prompt you. Neglect 

good literature, shewing its essential importance to the ruler 
and the general in the field. Unfortunately the letter is 
much mutilated, and many interesting passages are only 
partially intelligible. The last part is taken up with a 
comparison between Lucius's despatch and other historical 
documents of a similar character. The picture of the de- 
moralised army is given again in the Principia Hixtoriff, but 
the restoration of discipline was the work of Avidius Cassius 
and Martius Verus and the other generals. 



etiam spernito, nihil denique honoris impertito, 
<in> postremis, 1 si videbitur, habeto. Nihil est ita 
durum aut ita iniurium, quod me 2 facere adversum, 
| si maxime velis, possis, quin ego ex te gaudiis 
amplissimis abundem. 

Virtutes tuas bellicas et militaria facinora tua 
atque consulta me nunc laudare tu forsitan putes. 
Quibus ego rebus, tametsi sunt pulcherrimae in rem 
publicam imperiumque populi Romani, optimae 
amplissimae, tam<en> iis ego rebus laetandis viri- 
lem pro ceteris portionem voluptatis capio; ex 
eloquentia autem tua, quam scriptis ad senatum 
litteris declarasti, ego iam hie triumpho. 

2. Recepi, recepi, habeoque teneoque omnem abs te 
cumulatam parem gratiam : possum iam de vita laeto 
animo excedere, magno operae meae pretio percepto 
magnoque monumento ad aeternam gloriam relicto. 
Magistrum me tuum fuisse aut sciunt omnes homines 
aut opinantur aut vobis credunt: quod equidem 
parcius mihimet adrogarem, nisi vos ultro praedi- 
caretis : id quoniam vos praedicatis, ego nequeo 

3. Bellicae igitur tuae laudis et adoreae multos 
habes administros, multaque armatorum milia undi- 
que gentium accita victoriam tibi adnituntur et 
adiuvant : eloquentiae vir<tus>, 3 ausim dicere, meo 

1 Pearce extremis. 2 Klussmann for Cod. mihi. 

9 Hauler ( Wien. Stud. 26, p. 344) gives this as the reading 
of the Codex for Mai's vero. Brakman gives eloquentia tua, 



me, or even despise me, in a word shew me no 
honour, put me, if you will, with the lowest. There 
is nothing you can do against me, however much in 
earnest you are, so harsh or unjust, that you should 
not be for me the source of the most abounding 

Perhaps you may think that it is your warlike 
qualities and your military achievements and strategy 
that I am now praising. True, they are most 
glorious for the state and Empire of the Roman 
people, none better or more magnificent, yet in 
rejoicing over them I but take my individual share 
of delight proportionably with others ; but in the 
case of your eloquence, of which you gave such plain 
evidence in your despatch to the Senate, it is I 
who triumph indeed. 

2. I have received, I have received, and I have and 
hold a full return from you in like measure heaped 
high : I can now depart this life with a joyous heart, 
richly recompensed for my labours and leaving be- 
hind me a mighty monument to my lasting fame. 
That I was your master all men either know or 
suppose or believe from your lips : indeed, I should 
be shy of claiming this honour for myself did you 
not yourselves both proclaim it : since you do pro- 
claim it, it is not for me to deny it. 

3. In your military glory and success you have 
many instruments, and many thousands of armed 
men called up from every nation under heaven spend 
themselves and lend their aid to win victory for you: 
but your supremacy in eloquence has been gained, 
I may make bold to say, under my leadership, O 

but as Mai and Hauler see the letters v and r, it seems as if 
the reading may be cloquentia vero tua. 



ductu, Caesar, meoque auspicio parta 1 est . . | . . 

| . . spolia . ♦ . . <regi> 2 Par- 

thorum prompte et graviter respondisti. Scilicet 
hoc te a centurionibus vel primipilaribus, elegantis- 
simis altercatoribus, didicisse ? Dausara et Nicepho- 
r<i>um et Artaxata ductu auspicioque tuo armis capta 
sunt, sed arcem munitam et invictam et inexpugna- 
bilem, quae in fratris tui pectore sita est, ad nomen 
Armeniaci quod recusaverat sumendum, quis alius 
quam tu, aut quibus aliis tu quam eloquentiae copiis 
adortus es? Comitem tibi ad impetrandum adscisti 
exercitum, sed loquentem exercitum oratione pug- 
nantem. In ea tu parte litterarum tuarum, ut 
fratrem amantem decuit, sententiis magis crebris 3 et 
dulcibus usus es et verba modulatius collocasti ; quas 
quom legerem — in senatu enim per valetudinem non 
potui adesse — quom eloquentia tua fratrem tuum 
urgeri viderem, ita cum tacitis cogitationibus meis 
compellabam : Quid hoc rei est, Antonine ? Nam tibi 
video nomen quod rccnsaveras accipiendum esse et de 
sententia decedendum. Quid nunc meae, quid philoso- 
phorum litterae agunt ? Litteris militis vincimur. Ec- 
quid autem <parum>* pulchre scripsisse videtur ? Num- 
quod verbum insolens aut intempestivom ? Aut num ego 

1 m 2 has vata. 

2 Plight lines are lost from the beginning of Vat. 14. 

3 No convincing emendation of this unsatisfactory reading 
has been proposed, cp. however Cicero, quoted in Suet. 
Caes. 55. 4 Klussmann. 

1 See ii. 213. 

* Dausara was near Edessa and Nicephorium on the 



Caesar, and under my auspices 

Your answer to the Parthian king 1 was 

prompt and weighty. Of course you learnt this 
from your centurions or front-rankers, those truly 
polished disputants ! Dausara and Nicephorium 
and Artaxata 2 were taken by storm under your 
leadership and auspices, but that fortified and un- 
conquered and impregnable citadel, which is planted 
in your brother's breast, against the assumption of 
the title Armeniacus, 2 which he had refused, who 
other than you assaulted, and you with what other 
weapons than those of eloquence? You called in as 
your ally in winning your way an army, but a vocal 
army fighting with words. In that part of your 
letter, as befitted a loving brother, your thoughts 
were more closely packed and took a tenderer cast, 
and you arranged your words more rhythmically. 
When I read them — for I was too unwell to be 
present in the Senate — and perceived your brother 
to be hard pressed by your eloquence, I thus apo- 
strophized him in my unspoken thoughts : What do 
you say to this, Antoninus ? I see that you will have to 
take the title which you have declined, and retreat from 
your resolve. What is the use now of my letters, what 
of the letters of philosophers ? We are outdone by a 
soldier's letter. Is there anything, think you, less than 
admirable in the writing? any unusual or unseasonable 
word? Or do I seem to you to have trained a vain- 

Upper Euphrates in Mesopotamia. Artaxata was the capital 
of Armenia. 

8 Capit. ( Vit. Mar. ix. § 2) says this title was bestowed on 
both emperors after the successful campaign of Statius 
Priscus in Armenia in 163, but refused at first by Marcus. 
It appears on his coins late in 164, and he dropped it on the 
death of Lucius in 169. 



tibi video?' gloriosum militem erudisse ? Quin, quod volts 
omnibus expetisti, habes fratrem fortem, " virum bonum 
dicendi peritum " ; eadem enim dicit Me quae tu, sed ea 
minus multis 1 tile quam tu. 

4. Quom maxime haec ego mecum agitabam, ora- 
tioni tuae successit Antonini oratio — Di boni, quam 
pulchra, quam vera multa ! Plane dicta omnia et 
verba delenifica pietate et fide et amore et desiderio 
delibuta. Quid <ergo ? Utrum> 2 inter duos ambos 3 
meos, petitoremne an unde peteretur, magis laud- 
arem ? Antoninus erat cum imperio obsequens ; tu 
autem, Luci, cum obsequio eras prae amore imperi- 
osus. Eas ego orationes ambas quom dextra laevaque 
manu mea gestarem, amplior mihi et ornatior vide- 
bar daduchis Eleusinae faces gestantibus et regibus 
sceptra tenentibus et quindecimviris libros adeun- 
tibus ; deosque patrios ita comprecatus sum : Hammo 
luppiter, te Liby<ae deum s oro> . . | . . deorum etiam 
partim eloquentes se quam tacitos coli maluerunt 
.... contumacia ego .... sinit .... pervica- 
cibus eloquentia incutiatur. Ne fulmen quidem 
aeque terreret nisi cum tonitru caderet. Ea ipsa 
tonandi potestas non Diti Patri neque Neptuno ne- 
que deis ceteris sed imperatori summo Iovi tradita 
est, ut fragoribus nubium et sonoribus procellarum, 

1 .<te. verhis. 

1 Mai fills the gap with agercm turn. Brakman reads the 
Codex as Qnib<us> ver . . . 

3 For the late-Latin reduplication cp. ii. 92, antiqui veteres. 
Klussmann would read amicos. 



glorious soldier ? Nay, you have what you have asked 
for in ail your prayers, a brave brother, " a good man 
skilled in speaking" l He says the same things as you, 
but expresses them more concisely than you. 

4. At the very moment, when I was turning this 
over in my mind, following yours came the speech of 
Antoninus — Good heavens, how many admirable 
things, how many true ! Every saying, every word 
quite fascinating, steeped in loyal affection and trust 
and love and longing. What then ? which of both 
my two friends, the petitioner or the petitioned, 
should I praise the more ? Antoninus with all his 
imperial power was complaisant, but you, Lucius, 
with all your complaisance, were for very love 
imperious. Carrying those two speeches in my right 
hand and my left, methought I was more honoured 
and more richly adorned than the priests of Eleusis 
carrying their torches, and kings holding sceptres in 
their hands, and the quindecimvirs opening the 
Sacred Books ; and thus did I make my prayer to 
my ancestral 2 Gods : Jupiter Ammon, I beseech thee, 
Libya's God .... some of the Gods also preferred 
to be worshipped as speaking rather than as silent 

the obstinate be inoculated 

with eloquence. Even the levin-bolt would lose 
half its terror did it not fall to the accompaniment of 
thunder. That very power of thundering was not 
committed to Father Dis or to Neptune or to the 
other Gods, but to their sovran emperor Jove, that 
by the crashing of clouds and the roaring of storms, 

1 A phrase found in the Elder Seneca (Controv. i.) and 
Quint. [Ins'it. i. pr.). It apparently originated with Cato. 
a Fronto was a native of Cirta. 



velut quibusdam caelestibus vocibus, altissimum | im- 
perium a contemptu vindicaret. 

5. Igitur si verum imperatorem generis humani 
quaeritis, eloquentia vestra 1 imperat, eloquentia 
mentibus dominatur. Ea metum incutit, amorem 
conciliat, industriam excitat, impudentiam extin- 
guit, virtutem cohortatur, vitia confutat, suadet, 
mulcet, docet, consolatur. Denique provoco audac- 
ter et condicione vetere : omittite eloquentiam et 
imperate ; orationes in senatu habere omittite et 
Armeniam subigite. Alii quoque duces ante vos 
Armeniam subegerunt ; sed una mehercules tua epis- 
tula, una tui fratris de te tuisque virtutibus oratio 
nobilior ad gloriam et ad posteros celebratior erit 
quam plerique principum triumphi. Vent di us ille, 
postquam Parthos fudit fugavitque, ad victoriam 
suam praedicandam orationem a C. Sallustio mutuatus 
est, et Nerva facta sua in senatu verbis rogaticiis 2 
commendavit. Item plerique ante parentes vestros 
propemodum infantes et elingues principes fuerunt, 
qui de rebus militiae a se gestis nihil magis loqui 
possent quam galeae loquuntur. 

6. Postquam respublica a magistratibus annuis ad 
C. Caesarem et mox ad Augustum tralata est, Caesari 
quidem facultatem dicendi video | imperatoriam 3 
fuisse, Augustum vero saeculi residua elegantia 4 et 

1 Here Fronto addresses both emperors. 

2 Margin of Cod. has roqatariis. 

3 Naber for Cod. imperatorem. 

4 Niebuhr for Cod. residui eleganter. 



as by some voice from heaven, he might safeguard 
his supreme sovranty from contempt. 

5. Therefore, if you seek a veritable sovran of 
the human race, it is your eloquence that is sovran, 
eloquence that sways men's minds. It inspires fear, 
wins love, is a spur to effort, puts shame to silence, ex- 
horts to virtue, exposes vices, urges, soothes, teaches, 
consoles. In fine, I challenge boldly and on an old 
condition — give up eloquence and rule ; give up 
making speeches in the Senate and subdue Armenia. 
Other leaders before you have subdued Armenia; 
but, by heaven, your single letter, your brother's 
single speech on you and your merits will be as 
regards fame more ennobling, and as regards pos- 
terity more talked of, than many a triumph of 
princes. The famous Ventidius, 1 when he had de- 
feated and dispersed the Parthians, to proclaim his 
victory borrowed a speech from C. Sallustius ; and 
Nerva commended his acts in the Senate with words 
requisitioned from others. Moreover, most of the 
emperors that preceded your progenitors were virtu- 
ally dumb and inarticulate, and were no more able 
to speak of their military achievements than could 
their helmets. 

6. When the Commonwealth had been transferred 
from yearly magistrates to C. Caesar and anon to 
Augustus, I perceive, indeed, that Caesar's gift of 
speech was that of an imperator, 2 while Augustus 
was, I think, master of but the dying elegance of his 

1 Ventidius Bassus was enslaved as a child in the Social 
war. As legatus of Antony fifty years later he defeated 
the Parthians, and attained the unique distinction of a 
triumph over them. 

2 cp. Suet. Cass. 55. Montaigne (i. 25) speaks of "the 
soldier-like eloquence, as Suetonius calleth that of Caesar." 



Latinae linguae etiara turn integro lepore potius 
quam dicendi ubertate praeditum puto. Post Aug- 
ustum nonnihil reliquiarum iam et vietarum et 
tabescentium Tiberio illi superfuisse. Imperatores 
autem deinceps ad Vespasianum usque eiusmodi om- 
nes ut non minus verborum puderet, quam pigeret 
morum et misereret facinorum. 

7. Quod quis dicat, non enim didicerant, cur ergo 
imperabant ? Aut imperarent gestu censeo, ut his- 
triones ; aut nutu ut muti ; aut per interpretem ut 
barbari. Quis eorum oratione sua aut senatum ad- 
fari, quis edictum, quis epistulam suismet verbis com- 
ponere potuit ? Quasi phrenitis morbus quibus im- 
plicitus est, aliena eloquentes imperitabant ; ut tibiae 
sine ore alieno mutae erant. 

8. Imperium autem non potestatis tantummodo 
vocabulum sed etiam orationis l est : quippe vis im- 
perandi iubendo vetandoque exercetur. Nisi bene 
facta laudet, nisi perperam gesta reprehendat, nisi 
hortetur ad virtutem, nisi a vitiis deterreat, nomen 
suum deserat et imperator frustra appelletur . . . , 
|partum 2 subdere nefarium, falsam pugnam deferre 
militare flagitium, testimonium falsum dicere capital 
visum est .... 

9 veteris eloquentiae colorem adumbra- 

tum ostendit Hadriana oratio 3 .... Osiris .... 

1 The marginal gloss is : <de> imperatore quoad sciens esse 
debet ft litJerarum. 

2 For the whole of this passage see Hauler, Wien. Stvd. 
25, pt. 1, pp. 162 ff. He says that he is reserving many 
other restorations in this letter for his forthcoming edition. 

8 From the margin of Cod. 



times and such charm as the Latin tongue still 
retained unimpaired, rather than of opulent diction. 
After Augustus a few relics only, withered already 
and decaying, were left over for the notorious 
Tiberius. But his successors without a break to 
Vespasian were all of such a kind as to make us no 
less ashamed of their speaking than disgusted with 
their characters and sorry for their acts. 1 

7. But should one say yes, for they had not been taught, 
why, then, did they bear rule ? That they might ex- 
ercise it, I presume, either by gestures, like actors, or 
with signs like the dumb, or through an interpreter 
like foreigners. Which of them could address people 
or Senate in a speech of his own ? which draw up 
an edict or a rescript in his own words ? They ruled 
but as the mouthpiece of others, like men in the 
phrensy of delirium : they were as pipes that are 
only vocal with another's breath. 

8. Now sovranty is a word that connotes not only 
power but also speech, since the exercise of sovranty 
practically consists in bidding and forbidding. If 
he did not praise good actions, if he did not blame 
evil doings, if he did not exhort to virtue, if he did 
not warn off from vice, a ruler would belie his name 
and be called sovran to no purpose .... to foist 
in a changeling was accounted abominable, to publish 
a false bulletin a military crime, to give false witness 
a capital offence .... 

9 Hadrian's speech affects a spurious 

pretence of ancient eloquence 2 . . . . Osiris 

1 But Joseplius (Hvtt. of J'.ws, xix. 3, 5) and Tacitus 
{Ann. xiii. 5) speak highly of the eloquence of Gaius {i.e. 

2 For Hadrian's rococo tastes see Spart. Hadr. xvi. 5. 



scilicet de facundiae mulo taceo : lyrae impar appel- 
Ambr. 420 latur . . . . | apparem, non darem .... deus 
.... at allatum est. 

10. Plerisque etiam indignis 1 paternus locus im- 
perium per manus detulit : haud secus quam pullis, 
quibus omnia generis insignia ab ovo iam insita 2 
sunt, cristae et plumae et cantus et vigiliae, regum 
pueris in utero matris summa iam potestas destinata 
est : opstetricis manu imperium adipiscuntur .... 

11. Inter Romulum et Remum diversis montibus 
augur<antes aves de> rerum summa iudicaverunt. 
Et regnum Persarum .... equom .... seponet 
. . . , non cursu sed <equorum> priore hinnitu 3 
.... pa rat us non .... aquilae et . . . . non si 

Ambr. 420, 12. | Insidiis saepe aliorum et coniurationibus 
ademptum aliis imperium ad alios delatum scimus. 
Sed neque inventa eloquentia potest adimi neque 
morte adempta in alium transferri. 4 Tecum frater 

Ambr. 419 tuus iuste probatis 5 facta Romuli .... | ... . 

Ambr. 418 

13. Iam Cato Hispaniam recuperabat, tarn Gracchus 
locabai Adam et Kartkaginem viritim dwidebat 6 . . . . 

J For Cod indianus. 

2 The margin gives prae^to for this word. 

8 From the margin, but it is not clear where the sentence 
belongs. Naber gives further fragments from the text of 
Cod.: e.g. <princi>palus <rerum Homanarum^ . . . .prior 
(Brakman prio-nn) nemo. 

4 For what follows see Hauler, Wien. Stud. 33, Pt. 1. 

• Query probat ea. Brakman reads the first three words of 
the sentence as Ego miratus tuo. 



.... of course I pass over the mule of eloquence : l 
he is labelled as no expert at the lyre 

10. To many even unworthy sons the father's 
place has handed down the sovranty : just as chicks 
have all the marks of their kind present in them 
even from the egg, namely combs and feathers and 
crowing and wakeful ways, so for the sons of kings 
even in their mother's womb is supreme power 
destined : they receive the sovranty at the midwife's 
hand .... 

11. Between Romulus and Remus, as they took 
the auguries on separate^ hills, birds decided the 
question of sovranty, and one of the Persian kings 
(is said in old days to have gained) the kingdom 
not by a race but by priority in the neighing of his 
horse. 2 

12. We know that the plots and conspiracies of 
others have often deprived one man of his sovranty 
and handed it over to another. But eloquence when 
once found can neither be taken away, nor when 
taken away by death be transferred to another. 
With you your brother approves these deeds of 

13. Cato was already recovering Spain, Gracchus 
already farming Asia and parcelling Carthage out among 
individual settlers .... Now, Marcus Tullius was 

1 There was a proverb Svos \vpas, "an ass at the lyre." 
cp. Lucian, De Merc. Cond. 25 : Dial. Meretr. 14 ; Adv. 
Ind. 4. 

8 I have given the probable meaning of the mutilated 
passage, according to Naber's view of it ; cp. Min. Felix, 
UctaviiLs, xviii. 6, and see Herod, iii. 84. 

6 From the margin, and quoted, says Hauler, from Sallust, 
who he asserts is mentioned in the previous lacuna. 



lam M. Tullius summum supremumque os Romanae 
linguae fuit x .... | ... . vellet, Cicero autem 
modulatius ; vos utriusque gratiam sectantes meam 
moderantis viam vaditis. 2 

14. Extant epistulae utraque lingua partim ab 
ducibus ipsis conscriptae, partim a scriptoribus his- 
toriarum vel annalium compositae, ut ilia Thucydidis 
nobilissima Niciae ducis epistula ex Sicilia missa ; 
item apud Gaium Sallustium ad Arsacen regem Mith- 
ridatis auxilium implorantis litterae criminosae ; et 
Cn. Pompeii ad senatum de stipendio litterae graves ; 
et Adherbalis apud Cirtas astu 3 obsessi invidiosae 
litterae ; verum omneSj uti res postulabat, breves nee 
ullam rerum gestarum expeditionem continentes. In 
hunc autem modum ; quo scripsisti tu, extant Catuli 
litterae, quibus res a se iacturis atque damnis gestas 
ut lauro merendas 4 historic! exemplo exposuit; verum 
turgent <ea> elate prolata teneris prope verbis. 
Historia tamen potius splendide perscribenda ; si ad 
senatum perscriberetur, etiam caute. Pollio Asinius 
iubilatus Consiliorum suorum si in formam epistulae 
contulisset necessario brevius et expeditius et den- 

1 From the margin. 

2 For this passage see Hauler, Versam. d. deutsch. Philol. 50, 
and II ten. .Stud. 31, Pt. 1. 

" Query arte ( = arete). 

4 We seem to require orTiaridas (Pea.rce) or laurum 7nerente». 



the chiefest and supreme mouthpiece of the Roman 
tongue .... but Cicero more rhythmically : l both 
of you, aspiring to the charm of either, go the way 
that I guide you. 

14. There are extant letters in both languages, 
partly written by actual leaders, partly composed by 
the writers of histories or annals, such as that most 
memorable letter in Thucydides of the general Nicias 2 
sent from Sicily; also in Gaius Sallustius, the letter 
full of invective from Mithridates to Arsaces 3 the 
king, entreating his help ; and the dignified despatch 
of Gnaeus Pompeius to the Senate touching his sol- 
diers' pay; 4 and the recriminatory letter ot Adherbal 
while treacherously beleaguered at Cirta ; 5 but all, as 
the occasion required, short and without any descrip- 
tion of events. In the style, however, of your letter 
there is extant a despatch of Catulus, in which he 
has set forth in the historical manner his own ex- 
ploits, chequered with losses and failure, as de- 
serving of the laurel crown. But there is a touch of 
bombast in these high-flown periods, couched in 
words almost plaintive. 6 History, however, should 
rather be written in the grand style and, if written 
for the Senate, with restraint as well. If Asinius 
Pollio had thrown the jubilations of his Counsels 
into the form of a letter, in a style necessarily 
terser, readier, and more compact, even if here and 

1 He is being contrasted probably with Cato. 

2 Thuc. vii. 11-16. * Sallust, Hist iv. 

4 ibid Hist. iii. The letter was from Spain ; see Plutarch, 
Life if Scrtorhis, ad fin. 

* ibid. Hell. Jvg. 24. If arte be read, translate straitly. 

• cp. Cic. Brut. 132, where he speaks of Catulus' book 
De Consulatu et de rebus geatis suis as written molli et Xeno- 
phoriteo genere sermonis, 



sius, si quod interdum respondit 1 inornatius, scrip- 
sisset melius. f 

15. Tuae litterae et eloquentes sunt ut oratoris, 

Ambr. 408 stre|nuae ut ducis, graves ut ad senatum, ut de re 
militari non redundantes. Nam neque .... eius 
.... de ... . brevitatis .... coartatis .... 
fuit. Quis imperator, <ali>quid 2 ad senatum quom 
debet loqui, epistulam scriberet ? Eaque tibi 
facultas . . . . de quibus scribendum erat quom 
.... dum . . . . se denique .... cum iam 
.... vita sicut prius quamquam prov .... 
ad populum dicere et .... quod .... vos 
.... exercitus insuper aut .... meo non ipse 
.... vel quod .... nos .... vel quod So- 
haemo potius quam Vologaeso regnum Armeniae 
dedisset ; aut quod Pacorum regno privasset ; nonne 3 
oratione huiusmodi explicari vis atque Nepos de re 
Numantina id epistula eo minore vi ; Bello insupra 
ufidique viri e nationibus adducti Hispaniae aderant 

Ambr. 407 . . . | operam gestantes .... scriptae .... 

16 Summum eloquentiae genus est de sublim- 

Ambr. 406 ibus magnifice, de tenuibus frugaliter dicere 4 . . . . j 
.... solitatim 

Ambr.405 | . . ego hac re . . . . 

1 Pearce suggests res poscit. We should at least expect 
rcspondisset. 2 Niebuhr. 

a What follows is Hauler's restoration of the text from the 

4 From the margin of Cod. The words are Cicero's (Orat. 
29). Huliiatim is also from the margin. 

1 For Pollio's style see Seneca, Ep. 100, 7. Marcus took 
a dislike to this author ; see i. p. 140. 



there he did make some answer with a want of finish, 
he would have written better. 1 

15. Your letter is both eloquent, as being an 
orator's, strenuous, as being a general's, dignified, as to 
the Senate, and, as on a matter military, not over- 
loaded. For neither 

What imperator, 

when it is his duty to say something to the Senate, 
would write a letter? You, having no opportunity 
(of speaking to them) .... about which you had 
to write 

that he had given 

the kingdom of Armenia to Sohaemus 2 rather than 
to Vologaesus ; or that he had deprived Pacorus 3 of 
his kingdom ; do you not wish this to be set forth in 
a speech after the manner in which Nepos on the 
Numantine affair described it in a letter so much 
less forcibly, thus : in the above-mentioned war men 
drawn from all the nations of Spain were present 

16. The supremest eloquence is to speak of sublime 
things in the grand style, of homely things in simple 

2 A coin of Lucius, a.d. 164, with legend Bex Armcniis 
datus (Cohen, iii. 189, Plate 1), shews us Lucius giving 
Sohaemus the crown. He had been driven from his king- 
dom by the Parthians, and became senator and consul at 
Rome ; for which see Photius, 94. 

3 A sarcophagus with an inscription by this Aurelius 
Pacorus to his brother is extant. See Corp. Inner. Grace. 
3559. Vologaesus had made him King of Armenia. 



vicum .... ubi .... eos apud .... ab 
elo<quentia> .... viso .... neque officii obses 
.... quam philosopham .... nihil .... qui- 
dem .... sumpsit se . . . . valeat. Hinc quae 
.... magis minusve . . . . ut principio incre- 
pandum ; ut post principia .... ubi gradus .... 
habenis eloquentia per . . . . A quando .... 

17. Etiam Viriathus etiam Spartacus belli scientes 
et manu prompti fuere. Sed enim omnes uni- 
versos, quicumque post Romam conditam oratores 
extiterunt, illos etiam quos in Bruto Cicero eloquen- 
tiae civitate gregatim donavit, si numerare velis, vix 
trecentorum numerum complebis, quom 2 ex una 
Fabiorum familia trecenti milites fortissimi pro 
patria dimicantes uno die occubuerint. Non gent- 
ium multa milia .... sub pellibus .... unum 

A.mbr. 414 etiam .... quern tu | . . asinus 3 

.... ad summam eloquentiae .... ubi res 
postulat, .... sive de re submittere 4 <orationem> 

Ambr. 418 | . . frustra sed ad .... fidei com- 

memoratae. Ceteros ars ac . . . . opes .... quo 
.... binos egenum meminisse. 5 

18. His te consiliis, Imperator, a prima pueritia 
tua non circus 6 profecto nee lorica sed libri et litter- 
arum disciplina imbuebant. Quom multa eiusmodi 
consiliosa exempla in historiis et in orationibus lecti- 
tareSj ad rem militarem magistra eloquentia usus es. 

1 Fourteen letters, of which the last three are -dunu 
8 Mai for Cod. quod. 3 From the margin. 

4 These four words are from the margin. 
6 These fragments from the beginning of 414 represent 
eighteen lines. • Cornel, suggests clipeus. Possibly cassis. 



17. Even Viriathus l and even Spartacus 2 were 
skilled in war and quick to strike. But indeed, if you 
wish to count up the full tale of all the orators, as many 
as have existed since the foundation of Rome, includ- 
ing those whom Cicero in his Brutus endowed whole- 
sale with the franchise of eloquence, you will scarcely 
make up the number of three hundred all told, 
while from one family of the Fabii there fell fighting 
for their country in one day three hundred soldiers, 
the bravest of the brave. Not of races many thou- 

to the height of 

eloquence .... where the subject calls for it 
.... or to speak on a matter in a lower key 

18. It was surely, Imperator, not the circus or 
the breastplate that instilled these wise ideas into 
you from your earliest boyhood, but books and train- 
ing in letters. When you read many instances of 
this kind, fruitful of wise suggestion, in histories and 
speeches, you used eloquence as your mistress in the 
art of war. 

1 A Lusitairian guerilla chief (147 B.C.) who defied the 
Romans for many years. 

2 A Thraeian slave and gladiator who raised an in- 
surrection and held out in Italy itself for two years. 
73-71 B.a 



19. Exercitus tibi traditus erat luxuria ct lascivia 
et otio diutino corruptus. Milites Antiochiae adsidue 
plaudere histrionibus consueti, saepius in nemore 2 
vicinae ganeae quam sub signis habiti. Equi incuria 
horridi, equites volsi : raro brachium aut crus militum 
hirsutum. Ad hoc vestiti melius quam armati, adeo 
ut vir gravis et veteris disciplinae Laelianus Pontius 
loricas partim eorum digitis primoribus scinderet; 
equos pulvillis instratos animadverteret ; | iussu eius 
cornicula consecta, a sedilibus equitum pluma quasi 
anseribus devolsa. Pauci militum equum subli- 
mitus insilire, ceteri aegre calce genu poplite ere- 
pere; 2 baud multi vibrantes hastas, pars maior 
sine vi et vigore tamquam lanceas 3 iacere. Alea 
in castris frequens, somnus pernox aut in vino 

20. Huiuscemodi milites quibus imperiis contineres 
et ad frugem atque industriam converteres, nonne te 
Hannibalis duritia, Africani disciplina, Metelli ex- 
empla historiis perscripta docuerunt? Ipsum hoc 
tuum a te diutina prudentia consultum, quod non 
ante signis conlatis manum cum hostibus conseruisti 
quam levibus proeliis et minutis victoriis militem 

1 Cornel, suggests m'dore, from Cic. In Pis. 6. 

2 Klussmann for Cod. repere. 

3 Jordan for Cod. Lanzas. 

1 cp. below, Trine,. Hist, ad med. and Ad Am. i. 6. 

2 cp. Lucian, De Salt. : ol 'Kvriox^s • . . ir6\is opx*\<* lv 
fid\i<TTa irpeafituovaa. 



19. The army you took over was demoralized with 
luxury and immorality 1 and prolonged idleness. 
The soldiers at Antioch 2 were wont to spend their 
time clapping actors, and were more often found in 
the nearest cafe-garden than in the ranks. Horses 
shaggy from neglect, but every hair plucked from 
their riders : a rare sight was a soldier with arm 
or leg hairy. Withal the men better clothed than 
armed, so much so that Pontius Laelianus, 3 a man of 
character and a disciplinarian of the old school, in 
some cases ripped up their cuirasses with his finger- 
tips ; he found horses saddled with cushions, and by 
his orders the little pommels on them were slit open 
and the down plucked from their pillions as from 
geese. Few of the soldiers could vault upon their 
steeds, the rest scrambled clumsily up by dint of 
heel or knee or ham ; not many could make their 
spears hurtle, most tossed them like toy lances with- 
out verve and vigour. Gambling was rife in camp : 
sleep night-long, or, if a watch was kept, it was over 
the wine-cups. 

20. By what disciplinary measures you were to 
break-in soldiers of this stamp and make them ser- 
viceable and strenuous did you not learn from the 
dourness of Hannibal, the stern discipline of Afri- 
canus, the exemplary methods of Metellus, 4 of which 
histories are full ? This very precaution of yours, a 
lesson drawn from long study, not to engage the 
enemy in a pitched battle until you had seasoned your 
men with skirmishes and minor successes — did you 

s We know his cursus honorum from Corp. Inscr. Lot. vi. 

4 Probably Q. Caecilius Metellus, called Numidicus, who 
conducted the war against Jugurtha in 109 B.C.; see below, 
Saliust, quoted Ad Anton, ii. 6. 



imbueres, nonne Cato docuit orator idem et imperator 
summus ? Ipsa subieci Catonis verba, in quibus con- 
siliorum tuorum expressa vestigia cerneres : Interea 
unamquamque turmam manipulum cohortem temptabam, 
quid facer e possent : proeliis levibus l spectabam cuius- 
modi quisque esset : si quis strenue fecerat, donabam 
honeste, ut alii idem vellent, atque in contione verbis multis 
lavdaham. Interea aliquot pauca castra feci, sed ubi anni 
tempus venit, castra hiberna <constitui> ....[.. 
Catonis imaginem de senatu proferri solitam memo- 
riae traditum est: si ob militaria facinora, cur non 
Camilli? cur non Capitolini? cur non Curii alio- 
rumque ducum ? 2 ........ . 

Ad Vtrum Imp. ii. 7 (Naber, p. 133). 

| Vero Augusto Domino meo. 

1. Quanta et quam vetus familiaritas mihi inter- 
cedebat cum Gavio Claro meminisse te, Doinine, 
arbitror. Ita saepe de eo apud te ex animi mei sen- 
tentia sum fabulatus. Nee ab re esse puto memorem 
te tamen admonere. 

2. A prima aetate sua me curavit Gavius Clarus 
familiariter non modo iis officiis, quibus senator aetate 
et loco minor maiorem gradu atque natu senatorem 
probe colit ac promeretur; sed paulatim amicitia 

1 Mai for Cod. lenibus. 

* All this from Catonis is from the margin of Cod. A gloss 
also adds tres triumphi de 4/ricanis (Mai). 



not learn it from Cato, a man equally consummate as 
orator and as commander? I subjoin Cato's very 
words, in which you can detect the express counter- 
part of your measures : Meanwhile I tested each separate 
squadron, maniple, cohort, to gauge its capabilities. By 
little combats I found out the calibre of each man : if 
a soldier had done gallant service I rewarded him hand- 
somely, that others might have a mind to the same, and 
in my address to the soldiers I was profuse in his praise. 
Meanwhile I made a few encampments here and there, 
but when the season of the year came round, 1 established 
winter quarters 1 . . . . tradition tells us that Cato's 
bust used to be carried forth from the Senate : if by 
reason of his military exploits, why not the bust of 
Camillus? why not of Capitolinus? why not of 
Curius and other generals? 

Fronto to Lucius Verus 

To my Lord Verus Augustus. 

1. How great and long-standing is the intimacy 
which subsisted between me and Gavius Clarus is 
well known, I think, my Lord, to you. So often have 
I spoken of him from the fulness of my heart before 
you. Nor does it seem to me amiss to remind you 
of this, well as you remember it. 

2. From his earliest years Gavius Clarus devoted 
himself to me as a personal friend, not only in those 
good offices with which a senator, lesser in age 
and rank, rightly honours and deserves well of 
another senator, higher in rank and older than him- 
self. But gradually our friendship reached such a 

1 From an unknown work of Cato. 



nostra eo processit ut neque ilium pigeret nee me 
puderet ea ilium oboedire mihi, quae clientes, quae 
liberti fideles ac laboriosi obsequuntur : nulla hoc 
aut mea insolentia aut illius adulatione ; sed mutua 
caritas nostra et amor verus ademit utrique nostrum 
in officiis moderandis omnem detrectationem. Quid 
ego memorem negotia in foro nostra minima max- 
imaque ab eo curata ? aut domi quom x uspiam recte 
Ambr. 424 clausum aut opsignatum aut curatum aut confectum | 
quid velim, me uni huic mandasse et concredisse. 

3. Sed, quod alumnus meus aegre toleraret, vale- 
tudini meae curandae ita semper studuit, tantam 
omni tempore etiam operam dedit, ut excubaret 
etiam aegro mihi et, ubi meis ego uti manibus per 
valetudinem non possem, manu sua cibos ad os meum 
adferret. Postremo, si quid humanitus, absente Vic- 
torino et domino fratre meo, mihi accidisset, huic 
iusta corpori meo curanda mandavi. Praesentibus 
etiam illis ab hoc potissimum corpus meum con- 
trectari volui, quo minus doloris ad fratrem et 
generum meum ex contactu ullo corporis mei per- 

4. Haec mihi cum Gavio Claro iura sunt. lam 
ego, si res familiaris mihi largior esset, ne quid ad 
senatoris munia facile toleranda deesset, omni <ei> 2 
ope subvenirem ; neque umquam ego huius negotii 
causa eum trans mare proficisci paterer. Nunc et 

1 Haupt for Cod. quod. 2 Heindorf. 

*5 2 


stage that, without dislike on his part or shame on 
mine, he could pay me the deference of a client, 
the respect that is shewn by faithful and diligent 
freedmen : this not from any arrogance on my part 
or servility on his, but our mutual affection and 
genuine love did away with any reluctance for either 
of us in the regulation of our duties. What need for 
me to mention his attention to my affairs in the 
forum, the least equally with the greatest; or at 
home, when I wished anything anywhere duly closed 
or sealed or attended to or completed, how I en- 
trusted and confided it to him alone. 

3. But, though my foster child would hardly shew 
such complaisance, he always devoted such attention 
to my health, was so unsparing, too, at all times 
of himself, that when I was sick he even sat up 
with me, and when rheumatism deprived me of 
the use of my hands he was wont to put the 
food to my mouth with his own hand. Lastly, I 
commissioned him to see to it that my body had 
its due rites, if in the absence of Victorinus and 
my good brother anything happened to me such 
as must to all men. Even if they should be on 
the spot, I wished my body to be handled by him 
rather than by any other, that my brother and my 
son-in-law might be spared the pain of touching 
my body. 

4. These are the terms on which Gavius Clarus 
and I stand. Now, if my means were more ample, 
I would help him to the utmost of my power to 
enable him to discharge the duties of a senator in 
comfort, nor should I ever allow him to cross the sea 
on his present errand. As it is, both the moderate 




nostrae res haud copiosae et huius paupertas artior 
me compulerunt, ut eum invitum expellerem in 
Suriam ad legata, quae ei in testamento hominis 
amicissimi obvenerunt, persequenda. 

5. Quae paupertas Claro raeo nulla ipsius culpa 
Ambr. 428 optigit, | sed neque paterna ulla neque materna bona 

fruenda percepit : eaque fine heres patris fuit, ut 
creditoribus paternis aegre satisfaceret. Ceterum 
parsimonia et officiis et frugalitate onera quaestoria 
et aedilicia et praetoria perfunctus est. Cui J quidem 
per absentiam eius divus pater vester sumptum prae- 
turae de fisco vestro quom expendisset, ubi primum 
in Urbem Clarus reconciliata sibi valetudine rediit, 
omne fisco vestro persolvit. 

6. Nihil isto homine officiosius est, nihil modestius, 
nihil verecundius ; liberalis etiam, si quid mihi credis, 
et in tanta tenuitate, quantum res patitur, largus. 
Simplicitas, castitas, Veritas, fides Romana plane, 
<pi\o<rTopyia vero nescio an Romana ; quippe qui nihil 
minus in tota mea vita Romae repperi quam hominem 
sincere <£i\oo-ropyov : ut putem, quia reapse nemo 
est 2 Romae (piXoaropyos, ne nomen quidem huic 
virtuti esse Romanum. 

7. Hunc tibi, Domine, quantis possum precibus 

1 Heindorf for Cod. cum. * Naber for Cod. sit. 



nature of my means 1 and his straitened circum- 
stances have forced me to banish him against his 
will into Syria to secure the legacies which have 
come to him under the will of a very dear friend. 

5. This want of means has been the lot of my 
friend Clarus from no fault of his own*, for he received 
no benefit from either his father's or his mother's 
estate ; the only result of his being his father's heir 
was that he found difficulty in paying his father's 
creditors. But by economy and attention to duty 
and frugality he discharged all his obligations as 
quaestor, aedile, and praetor, and whereas your 
deified father paid out from your privy purse 2 the 
expenses of his praetorship in his absence, as soon as 
ever Clarus recovered his health and came back to 
Rome he paid in the whole amount to the imperial 

6. Nothing can be more conscientious than the 
man, nothing more reasonable, nothing more un- 
assuming ; generous also, if I am any authority, and 
considering the slenderness of his resources as open- 
handed as his means permit. His characteristics, 
simplicity, continence, truthfulness, an honour plainly 
Roman, a warmth of affection, 3 however, possibly not 
Roman, for there is nothing of which my whole life 
through I have seen less at Rome than a man un- 
feignedly <f>i\6arTopyo<s. The reason why there is not 
even a word for this virtue in our language must, I 
imagine, be, that in reality no one at Rome has any 
warm affection. 

7. This is the man, my Lord, whom I commend to 

1 Yet according to Aul. Gellius he could spend more than 
£3,000 on a bath (Gell xix. 10, § 4). 

2 cp Capit. Pii Vit. viii. 4. 

8 Especially between parents and children. See i. p. 281 
and Marcus, Thoughts, i. 11, and Justinian, Imt. ii. 18 pr. 



commendo. Si umquam me amasti sive amaturus 
umquam es, hunc a me fidei tuae. atque opi traditum 
tuearis peto. Quaeras fortasse quid pro eo <ut 
facias rogare velim> .... 

Ad Antoninum Imp. ii. 4 (Naber, p. 106). 

| Magtstro meo salutem. 

Quom salubritas ruris huius me delectaret, sen- 
tiebam non mediocre illud mihi deesse, uti de tua 
quoque bona valetudine certus essem, mi magister. 
Id uti suppleas, deos oro. Rusticatio autem nostra 
fxtra 7roAiT€tas prorsus negotium illud est vitae togatae. 
Quid quaeris? hanc ipsam epistulam paululum me 
pergere non sinunt instantes curae, quarum vacatio 
noctis demum aliqua parte contingit. Vale mi iucun- 
dissime magister. 

Ciceronis epistulas, si forte | electas totas vel dimi- 
diatas habes, impertias, vel mone quas potissimum 
legendas mihi censeas ad facultatem sermonis foven- 

Ad Antoninum Imp. ii. 5 (Naber, p. 107). 

Domino meo. 

Quintus hie dies est ut correptus sum dolore 
membrorum omnium, praecipue autem cervicum et 
inguinum. Memini me excerpsisse ex Ciceronis 
epistulis ea dumtaxat, quibus inesset aliqua de elo- 
quentia vel philosophia vel de republica disputatio; 



you with the strongest appeal possible. If ever you 
have loved me, or wish ever to love me, I beg that 
you will befriend him whom I commit to your trust 
and protection. Perhaps you will ask what I wish 
you to do for him .... 

Marcus Antoninus to Fronto 

™ 163 A.D. 

To my master, greeting. 

While enjoying this health-giving country air, I 

feel there is one great thing lacking, the assurance 

that you also are in good health, my master. That 

you make good that defect is my prayer to the Gods. 

But this country holiday of mine saddled with state 

business is, in fact, your busy city life still. In a 

word I cannot go on with this very letter for a line 

or two owing to pressing duties, from which I enjoy 

a respite only for a part of the night. Farewell, my 

most delightful of masters. 

If you have any selected letters of Cicero, either 

entire or in extracts, lend me them or tell me which 

you think I ought particularly to read to improve my 

command of language. 

Fronto to Marcus Antoninus 

rj. J , 163 A.D. 

To my Lord. 

This is the fifth day since I have been seized 
with pain in all my limbs, but especially in my 
neck and groin. As far as I remember I have ex- 
tracted from Cicero's letters only those passages in 
which there was some discussion about eloquence or 
philosophy or politics ; besides, if there seemed to be 



praeterea si quid eleganti x aut verbo notabili 
dictum videretur, excerpsi. Quae in usu meo ad 
manum erant excerpta, misi tibi. Tres libros, duos 
ad Brutum, unum ad Axium, describi iubebis, si 
quid rei esse videbitur, et remittes mihi, nam ex- 
emplares eorum excerptorum nullos feci. Omnes 
autem Ciceronis epistulas legendas censeo, mea 
sententia vel magis quam omnes eius orationes. 
Epistulis Ciceronis nihil est perfectius. 

Ad Antoninum Imp. ii. 6 (Naber, p. 107). 

Domino meo Fronto. 

1 <facili>|tatem 2 historiae aptam neque 

illam moderationem orationi accommodatam ; figuras 
etiam, quas Graeci cr\rj/xaTa vocant, ilium historiae, 
hunc orationi congruentes adhibuisse ; Sallustium 
antithetis honeste compositis usum : alieni appetens y 
sui profusus ; satis eloquentiae, sapientiae parum ; par- 
onomasia etiam non absurda neque frivola sed proba 
et eleganti : Simulator ac dissimulator ; Tullium vero 
commotissima 3 et familiari oratoribus figura usum, 
quam scriptores artium eVava^opai/ vocant . . . . 4 

2. Quis clarioribus viris quodam tempore iucundior? 
quis turpioribus coniunclior ? quis civis meliorum partium 

1 Query elegantius. 

2 Or <ub'r>tatcm. There is a gap in the Codex here of 
twelve pages, says Naber, the last being Vat. 158. The 
fragments he gives at the beginning of the letter do not 
seem to belong to it. 

3 Naber : Mai reads commodissima. 
* Four lines are lost. 



any choice expression or striking word I have ex- 
tracted it. Such of these as were by me for my own 
use 1 have sent to you. You might, if you think it 
worth while, have the three books, two to Brutus 
and one to Axius, copied and return them to me, as 
of these particular extracts I have made no copies. 
All Cicero's letters, however, should, I think, be 
read — in my opinion, even more than his speeches. 
There is nothing more perfect than Cicero's letters. 

Fronto to Marcus Antoninus 

Fronto to my Lord. 1 

1 a facility adapted to history, and not 

that restraint which is suitable for oratory ; that these 
authors 2 employed figures of speech also, which the 
Greeks call <rx^/AaTa, the former those which are in 
keeping with history, the latter with oratory ; that 
Sallust made use of antithesis happily arranged : 
greedy of another s wealth, lavish of his own ; eloquence 
enough, too little wisdom y 3 of word-echo, too, and 
that not ridiculous or trivial but judicious and in 
good taste : expert in simulation and dissimulation;* that 
Tullius, however, made use of a most passionate 
figure, and one well known to orators, which gram- 
marians call epanaphora . . . . 5 

2. Who on occasion more delightful to our nobler 
men f Who more intimate with the baser ? Who at 

1 This letter, contrasting the characteristics of history 
and oratory in the matter of style, preserves for us long 
extracts from Sallust which would have been greatly ap- 
preciated if Sallusf's works had been totally lost. It has not 
been thought necessary here to give the extracts in full. 

2 Sallubt and Cicero * Sallust, Catil. 5. 

4 Sallust, ibid. • i.e. repetition of an emphatic word. 



aliquando ? quis tetrior hostis huic civilati ? quis in 
voluptatibus inquinalior ? quis in lahoribus patientior ? 
quis in rapacitate avarior ? quis in largitione effusior ? 
Et octo 1 deinceps ab eodem isto verbo sententiae 
inchoantur. Si videbitur, id quoque animadvertito 
et cum animo tuo cogitato, 2 an pro cetero ornatu ac 
tumultu me|dium illud inculpatum sit, cum omnibus 
communicare quod habebat ; nam mihi paulo hoc vol- 
gatius et ieiunius videtur. 

3. Non <prorsus inept um> post ilia Sallustii 
et Tullii de Catilina <quod> L. Antoni<us> 
<. . . . >utus 3 ait putabam ostendere : <quem exer- 
citum> praeter veteranum <alacri ardo>re magna pars 
iuventutis sequebatur. Idcirco hoc in schemate tu 
faceres idem quod pictor, qui numquam equom pin- 
ge<re conatus esset> pro . . . , 4 pingit .... 

4. Iugurthae forma huiusmodi est : 

Qui ubi primum adolevit, pollens viribus, decora facie, 
sed multo maxime ingenio validus, non se luxu neque in- 
ertiae corrumpendum dedit, sed uti mos gentis ill i us est, 
equitare iaculari cursu cum aequalibus certare ; et quoin 
omnes gloria anteiret, omnibus tamen carus esse. Ad hoc 
pleraque tempora in venando age re, leonem atque alias 
feras primus aid in primis ferire, plurimum facere, 
minimum de se loqui. 5 .... Nam Iugurtha, ut erat 

1 For Cod. porro : if this be kept, read quot porro. 

2 Klussmann for quod animadvertit de te . . . citato (Mai 
and Naber). 

3 Query L. Annaevs Cornutus, a historian of Livy's time, 
who is confused by Suidas with the philosopher of the same 
name. 4 About a hundred letters are lost. 

5 First extract to loqui is complete. Of the second from 
Nam Iugurtha only about one-sixth is given. 


times on the good side in politics f Who a foulei 
enemy to this state ? Who more polluted in his 
pleasures ? Who more enduring in his labours ? Who 
more greedy in his rapacity ? Who more lavish in his 
prodigality ? Even eight sentences in succession 
begin with the same word. Notice this also, if yoii 
will, and turn it over in your mind whether, com- 
pared to all the embellishment and passion, that 
neutral phrase — to share what he had with all 1 — be 
not a blemish ; for to me this seems a little too dry 
and commonplace. 

3. After those passages of Tullius and Sallust 
on Catiline I thought it not wholly irrelevant to 
exhibit what L. Antonius .... says : whom besides 
a veteran army a great part of the young men followed 
with eager enthusiasm. Therefore, in using this figure 
you would do just what a painter, who had never 
tried to paint a horse 

4. The sketch of Jugurtha is as follows : 

As soon as he grew up, endowed with bodily strength, 
a handsome person, but above all with a powerful intellect, 
he did not give himself up to the seductions of luxury and 
idleness, but, as is the way with that nation, rode, threw 
the dart, and challenged his peers in the race; and though 
he outstripped all in glory, yet was he a favourite with all. 
Besides he spent much time in the chase and was the first, 
or among the first, to strike the lion or other wild beasts, 
and doing the most he still said the least about himself 2 
.... For Jugurtha, possessed as he was of a vigorous 

1 Cicero, Pro Cnel. 6. The passage continues : Ilia vero 
iudicrs, in illo homine mirabiUafucrwnt, comprefondcre multos 
amicitia, tueri obsfqnio ; cum omnibus communicare quod 
habebnl ; srrvire tempnribus omnium suorum, etc. 

* Sallust, Jug. 6, § 1. 



imp\igro atque acri ingenio, ubi naturam P. Scipionis, 
qui turn Romanis imperator erat et morem hostium 
cognovit .... magis quam honesti. 1 

I Artes imperatoriae honore summo habitae 
, . . quid .... sperent ab per .... tibi natura 


. qui turn 


6. j Ne agri quidem forma praetereunda : 

Mare saevum, importuosum ; ager frugum fertilis, 
bonus pecori, arbori infecundus ; caelo terraque penuria 
aquari m. Genus hominum salubri corpore, velox, pa- 
liens laborum ; ac plerosque senectus dissolvit, nisi qui 
ferro aut bestiis interiere, nam morbus haud saepe quern- 
<quam> superat. Ad hoc malefici generis plurima 

7. Turn ille persequitur non inscite : 

In regnum Adherbalis animum intendit : ipse acer, belli- 
cosus, at is quern petebat quietus, imbellis, placido ingenio, 
opportunus iniuriae, metuens magis quam metuendus. 

8. Hoc de consulis peritia : 

Nam in conside nostro multae bonaeque artes et animt 
et corporis erant, quas omnes avaritia praepediebal ; 
patiens laborum, 2 acri ingenio, satis providens, belli haud 
. ignarus, firmissimus contra pericula et insidias* 

9. Milites deinde corrupti : 

Exercitus imperatori traditur a Spurio Albino procon- 
sule iners, imbellis, neque periculi neque laboris patiens, 
lingua quam manu promptior, praedator ex sociis et ipsa 

1 For all these Sallust extracts see Hauler, Rhein. Mus. 
54, Pt. 2 (1899), pp. 161-170. The extract from Nam covers 
four pages (Naber). 

* Naber says Ambr. 82 begins at Artes. 

3 Cod. laboris. * m s of Cod. for invidias. 



and eager character, when he came to know the temper 
of P. Scipio, who was then the Roman general, and the 
ways of the enemy .... rather than respected. 1 

5. The qualities of a general held in the highest 

6. Nor must the sketch of the country be left 

The sea is stormy and harbourless ; the country fruit- 
ful in grain, good for cattle, but not kindly for trees ; 
there is a scarcity of water from rain or springs. The 
inhabitants are healthy in body, active, inured to toil; the 
majority succumb to old age, unless they perish by violence 
or wild beasts, for disease seldom claims a victim. It 
must be added that noxious animals abound. 2 

7. Then he goes on as follows with no little skill : 
He turned his thoughts to AdherbaCs kingdom: himself 

dating, warlike, but he whom he was to assail quiet, un- 
warlike, of a gentle disposition, at the meicy of any 
attack, the victim rather than the cause of fear.* 

8. This of the consul's generalship : 

For our consul had many excellent endowments of body 
and mind, but avarice was a clog upon them all : he was 
inured to toils, enterprising in character, but wary enough, 
no novice in war, and undaunted in the face of danger 
and surprises.* 

9. Then the demoralized soldiery : 

The army handed over to the general, Spurius Albinus 
the proconsul, was without energy or warlike spirit, inured 
neither to danger nor toil, quicker with a word than a 
blow, spoiler of the allies and itself the spoil of the 

1 Sallust, Juq. 7, § 4-8, § 1. 

2 ib.d. 17, § 5. 

» ibid. 20 §§ 1 and 2. 
4 ibid. 28, § 5. 



praeda hostium, sine imperio | et modeslia habitus. Ita 
imperatori novo plus ex malis moribus sollicitudinis , quam 
ex copia militum auxilii aut spei bonae accedebat. 

10. Effeminatio : 

Nam Albinus, Auli fratris exercitusque clade perculsus, 
postquam decreverat non egredi provincia quantum tem- 
poris aestivorum in imperio fuit, plerumque milites stativts 
castris habebat, nisi quom odor aut pabuli egestas locum 
mutare subegerat. Sed neque muniebantur castra, neque 
more militiae vigiliae deducebantur ; uti cuique libebat, 
ab signis aberat. Lixae permixti militibus diu noctuque 
vagabantur et palantes agros vastare, villas expugnare, 
pecoris et mancipiorum praedas certantes agere, eaque 
mutare cum mercatoribus vino advecticio et aliis talibus ; 
praeterea frumentum datum publice l vendere, panem in 
dies mercari ; postremo quaecumque dici aut Jingi queunt 
ignaviae luxuriaeque probra, ea in illo exercitu cuncta 
fuere et alia amplius. Sed in ea difficultate Metellum nee 
minus quam in rebus hostilibus magnum et sapientem 
virum fuisse comperior, tanta temperantia inter ambitio- 
nem saevit\iamque moderaium 2 .... exercitum brevi 
con/lrmavit. 3 

11. Turn forma Marii : 

Per idem tempus Uticae forte C. Mario per hostias 
dis supplicante, magna atque mirabilia poriendi haruspex 
dixerat : proinde quae animo agitabat foetus dis ageret : 

1 Sallust has publice datum. 

2 In the passage here omitted the Codex has nee miles 
TiastMm aut gregarius where Sallust has only ne miles 

3 Of this extract rather more than one-half is given. 



enemy, kept in no obedience or discipline. So by their bad 
morale they brought their new commander more anxiety 
than they gave him support or confidence by their numbers. 1 

10. Growth of effeminacy : 

For Albinus, dismayed by the disaster to his brother 
Aulus and his army, resolved not to stir out of his 
province for such time of summer campaigning as he was 
in command, and kept the soldiers for the most part in a 
stationary camp, except when the stench or want of 

forage compelled a move. But the camp was not forti- 
fied, nor regular watches posted according to the rules 
of war ; the soldier absented himself from duty as he 
pleased. Camp-followers mingled with the soldiers and 
went in and out day and night, and wandered about 
robbing the countryside, forcing their way into the farm- 
houses, vying with one another in carrying off cattle and 
slaves, which they exchanged with the dealers for imported 
wine and other such- like things; not content with this, 
they sold the state allowance of corn and bought bread 

for daily consumption : in a word, all the evil effects of 
idleness and luxury, which can be expressed or imagitied, 
were to be met with in that army, and others besides. 
But in these difficult circumstances I find that Metellus 
proved himself a great and wise man no less than in the 

field, so just a mean did he keep between a pandering to 
popularity and undue severity .... and in a short 
time he restored the discipline of the army. 2 

11. Then a sketch of Marius : 

About the same time when Marius, who chanced to be 
at Utica, was sacrificing to the Gods, the diviner had 
announced that i( great and wondrous things were pre- 
saged; let him therefore rely on the Gods and cany 

» Sallust, Jug. 44, § 1. 

8 ibid. 44, § 4 to end of 45. 

>6 5 


fortunam quam saepissime experirelur ; cuncta prospere 
eventura. At ilium iam antea consulatus ingens cupido 
Ambr.?page exagitabat ] . . . . petere non audebal} 

12. Animo 

Simul consul quasi nullo imposito omnia providere ; 
apud omnes adesse, laudare, increpare merentia. Ipse 
armalus intentusque item milites cogebat ; neque secus 
atque iter facere, castra munire, excubitum in portas co- 
hortis ex legionibus, pro castris equites auxiliarios mittere; 
praeterea alios super vallum in munimentis locare, vigilias 
ipse circumire, non diffidentia futuri, quae imperavisset, 
quam uti militibus exaequatus cum imperatore labor 
Ambr. 89 volentibus esset : .... | ... . bene atque decore 
gesla. 2 

13. Sed forma ea imperatoris : perlege et volup- 
taria 8 . . . .: 

Sed in his erat Sempronia, quae multa saepe virilis 

audaciae facmora commiserat. Haec mulier genere atque 

forma, praeterea viro lib eris satis fortunata fuit ; Graecis 

litteris et Latinis docta ; psallere saltare elegantius quam 

necesse est probae ; multa alia quae inslrumenta luxurtae 

sunt. Sed ei cariora .... quam peteretur* 

1 About one-third of this extract is given. 
8 About two-thirds of this extract are given. 
8 The margin has volup ativa. 
4 About one -half of this extract is given. 


through what he had in mind : let him put fortune to the 
touch as often as he would; all would turn out well." 
Now, for a long time past Marius had been fired with an 
intense desire to be consul .... had not ventured to 
sue for the consulship. 1 


At the same time the consul, as though no duty was 
delegated, satv to everything himself, was present every- 
where, givhig praise, giving blame where due. Himself 
armed and alert, he forced his soldiers to be so likewise ; 
and he shelved no less caution in fortifying camps and in 
posting at the gates a watch from the legionaries of the 
cohort, and in front of the camp from the auxiliary 
cavalry, than in making marches; he stationed others 
besides above the rampart in entrenchments, and went 
the rounds of the watch in person, not so much from any 
doubt that what he had ordered would be done, as that 
the soldiers might endure cheerfully toils which they saw 
shared by their leader: .... conducted with dignity 
and success. 2 

13. But that is the sketch of a commander: listen 
to some things also in a more sensuous strain : 

Among these was Sempronia, who had done many deeds 
that often shewed the daring of a man. Here was a 
woman sufficiently happy in her birth and her beauty, not 
to mention in her husband and children ; she was learned 
in Greek and Latin literature ; she coidd sing and dance 
more attractively than was required by an honest woman ; 
and there were many other things which minister to 
luxury. Btd she valued everything more .... than 
solicited by them. 3 

1 Sallust, Jug. 63, §§ 1-7. 
* ibid. 100, §§ 3-5. 
8 ibid. Cat. 25. 



14. Quibus rebus permota civitas atque nnmutata nobis 
fades ; ex gumma laetitia* lasciviaque, quae diuturna 
quies pepererat, repent e omnes tristitia invasit ; festinare, 
trepidare, neque loco nee homini cuiquam satis credere ; 
neque helium gerere neque pacem habere : suo quisque 
metu pericula metiri. Ad hoc mulieres, quibus reijmblicae 
magnitudine belli timor insolitus, ad]flic\tare sese, manus 
supplices ad caelum tendere, miseraii parvos liberos, rogi- 
tare omnia, omni rumore 2 pavere, adripere omnia, super- 
bia atque deliciis omissis sibi patriaeque diffidere. 

15. Forma, qua flagitia disciplinae plebis describ- 
untur : 

Nam semper in civitate, quis opes nullae sunt, bonis 
invident, malos extollunt, Vetera odere, nova exoptant ; 
odio suarum rerum mutari omnia student; turba atque 
seditionibus sine cura aluntur ; quoniam egestas facile 
sine damno habetur. 3 

Ad Amicos, i. 7 (Naber, p. 179). 

| Fronto Aufidio Victorino salutem. 

Antoninus Aquila vir doctus est et facundus. 
Quod tu dicas, Audistine eum declamilantem ? Non 

1 m 1 luxuria. 

* <>mni rumore and adripere omnia are not found in our 

3 This letter, says Hauler {Rhem. Afus. 54, Pt. 2, p. 161), 
is followed by an undeciphered letter of thanks from Marcus. 
To this apparently belong the fragments given by Naber 
(p. Ill ; Ambr. 89, col. 2) : misiaci . . . nonw . . . sed quern 



14. By these events the state was stirred to its depths, 
and the face of the city transformed for us : from the 
height of luxury and licentiousness, the outcome of a 
long-standing peace, all were suddenly seized with gloom ; 
there was hurry, there was confusion, and no place, no 
person, was quite trusted; they were not at war, they 
were not enjoying peace ; each man made his own alarm 
the measure of his danger. Moreover the women, unused 
to the fear of war, by reason of the greatness of the 
state, worried themselves, raised suppliant hands to 
heaven, bemoaned their little children, questioned every- 
thing, quaked at every rumour, snatched at every bit of 
news, and forgetting their pride and their pleasures, were 
despondent for themselves and their country. 1 

15. Sketch of the insubordination of the people 
and their excesses : 

For in a state those who have no wealth of their own 
invariably envy the better classes, glorify the bad, hate 
what is old, hanker after change ; from discontent with 
their own condition, they are eager for a revolution ; 
disorder and public discord provide them with subsistence 
without any effort of their own, since poverty is easily 
maintained without loss. 2 

? 164 A.D. 

Fronto to Aufidius Victorinus, greeting. 

Antoninus Aquila 3 is a learned man and an 
eloquent. But should you say, Have you heard him 

1 Sallust, Cat. 31, §§ 1-3. 2 ibid. 37, § 3. 

8 An eminent rhetorician of Galatia ; see Philost. Vit. 
Soph, ii., under Chrestus. 

. . . sal<utein>. It may have reference to the letters which 
follow Ad Antoninum, ii 7 and 8. 



mediusfidius ipse audivi, sed credidi affirmantibus id 
doctissirais et honestissimis et mihi carissimis viris, 
quos et iudicare recte posse et ex animi sententia 
testimonium perhibere certe scio. 

Velim, Domine, ut adiuves eum quo facilius in 
civitate aliqua istius provinciae publice instituendis 
adulescentibus adsciscatur. Impense istud a te peto: 
fautum J enim Aquilae volo honoris eorum causa, qui 
pro eo studiose laborant; nee ita ei studerent pro- 
feeto, nisi dignum tanto studio arbitrarentur ; nee 
nisi facundiam eius magno opere probarent, tibi eum 
commendari tanto opere postularent, quom te gravis- 
simum et prudentissimum iudicem cum aliarum 
rerum turn vel praecipue eloquentiae sciant. Ego 
vero etiam nomini 2 hominis faveo, ut sit p-qropw 
apuTTOi, quoniam quidem Aquila appellatur. 

Ad Amicos, i. 12(Naber, p. 181). 

<Fronto> Aufidio Victorino genero <salutem>. 
Litteras quas, domine, 3 .... <dei, si haeo 4 | 
meremur, et mihi filium et tibi uxorem, ut recte 

1 Heindorf for Cod. factum. 

* Heindorf for Cod. nomine, which, however, the margin 
of Cod. supports, having the note faveo ilia re. 

s These words are from the Index (Cod. Ambr. 337 ; 
Naber, p. 172). 

4 Two pages are missing from the Codex between the last 
legible word of Ad Amicos, i. 11 {aliter) and meremur here. 



declaim ? no, of a truth, I myself have not, but I take 
it in trust on the assurance of the most learned and 
honourable men and very dear friends of mine, who 
I am perfectly certain are both able to judge cor- 
rectly, and bear witness to what they really think. 

I would wish you, honoured son, 1 to use your 
influence to get him an appointment as public in- 
structor of youth in some state within your province. 2 
I ask this earnestly of you, for I would have favour 
shewn to Aquila for their sake who interest them- 
selves so diligently in his behalf, and they would 
surely not so interest themselves for him, did they 
not think him worthy of such great interest ; nor 
unless they greatly approved of his eloquence, 
would they make such a point of his being recom- 
mended to you, knowing you to be a most serious 
and competent judge as well of other things as 
especially of eloquence. I however have faith in 
the man's very name, shewing him to be the prince 
of orators, since indeed he is called Aquila. 

? 164 A.D. 

Fronto to Aufidius Victorinus his son-in-law, 

The letter, honoured son, which .... The 
Gods, if we deserve it, will deal kindly with my 

1 This conventional use of Domine (cp. ' Domine f rater, 
p. 244, and even, if the MS. is correct, domine magister, 
Ad Ani. ii. 1), is ridiculed in an epigram of the Anthologia 
Palatina. x. 44. 

* Victorinus, the son-in-law of Fronto, was appointed 
legatus of Germany about 162. 



proveniat, favebunt et familiam nostram liberis ac 
nepotibus augebunt et eos, qui ex te geniti sunt 
eruntque, tui similes praestabunt. Cum isto quidem 
sive Victorino nostro sive Frontone cotidianae mihi 
lites et iurgia intercedunt. Quom tu nullam umquam 
mercedem ullius rei agendae dicendaeve a quoquam 
postulates, Fronto iste nullum verbum prius neque 
frequentius congarrit quam hoc DA : ego contra 
quod possum, aut chartulas ei aut tabellas porrigo, 
quarum rerum petitorem eum esse cupio. Nonnulla 
tamen et aviti ingenii signa ostendit. U varum 
avidissimus est; primum denique hunc cibum de- 
gluttivit, nee cessavit per totos paene dies aut lingua 
lambere uvam aut labris saviari ac gingivis lacessere 
ac ludificari. Avicularum etiam cupidissimus est ; 
pullis gallinarum columbarum passerum oblectatur, 
quo studio me a prima infantia devinctum fuisse 
saepe audivi ex eis qui mihi educatores 1 aut magistri 
fuerunt. Senex autem quanto perdicum studio 2 
tenear, nemo est qui me leviter noverit quin sciat. 
Nullum est enim factum meum dictumve quod clam 
ceteris esse velim ; quin cuius rei mihimet ipse con- 
scius sim, ceteros quoque omnes iuxta mecum scire 
velim . . . , 8 

1 For Cod. edvstorrs. 2 cp. i. p. 239. 
8 Apparently very little is lost. 

1 The same person, viz. Gratia, who was possibly with 
child. The son here mentioned must be the consul of 
199 a.d., who set up an inscription to his son of the same 



daughter and your wife. 1 that all may go well, and 
will bless our household with children and grand- 
children, and will see to it that those, who have 
been and shall yet be born of you. shall be like you. 
Daily tiffs i.deed and disagreements I have with 
our little Vietorinus or our little Fronto. While you 
never ask anv reward 2 of any one for act or speech. 
your little Fronto prattles no word more readily or 
more constantly than this Da \ G:re\ I on my part 
do my best to supply him with scraps of paper and 
little tablets, things which I wish him to want. Some 
signs, however, even of his grandfather's character- 
istics he does shew. He is very fond of grapes : it 
was the very Gist food he sucked down, and for 
whole days almost he did not cease licking a grape 
with his tongue or kissing it with his lips and mum- 
bling it with his gums and amusing himself with it. 
He is also devoted to little birds ; he delights in 
chickens, young pigeons, and sparrows. I have 
often heard from those who were my tutors and 
masters that I had from my earliest infancy a passion 
for such things. As for my penchant, however, for 
partridges in my old age, there is no one who knows 
me ever so slightly but is aware of that. For there 
is no deed or word of mine that I would wish to 
keep secret from others. Nay. whatever there be in 
mv heart of hearts I would wish all others to know 
as well as myself .... 

name : M • aufidio • noBTOHl ■ pro>'efoti • H • cornelii • 


dclcissiuc • [Oorp. Jnscr. La:, xi. 6334). 
' : See Dig, lxxii. 11. 



Ad Amicos, i. 13 (Naber, p. 182). 

imbr. 328 J <Fronto> Aufidio Victorino genero <salutem>. 
Graviter oculos dolui 1 .... Nullus dolor aut 
<cruciatus> 2 . . . . lateris aut internatii oriebantur. 
Internatium 3 Graeci Upbv octtovv, Suetonius Tran- 
quillus spinam sacram appellat. Ego me neque 
Graecum neque Latinum vocabulum ullius membri 
nosse mallem, dum istius doloris expers vitam 

Ad Amicos, ii. 6 (Naber, p. 191). 

Arrio Antonino <Fronto salutem>. 
mbr. 290, Multum amicorum 4 .... I eram. Demon- 

iL 1, line 6 ' 

Jrakman); stratus est mihi a doctis et multum mihi familiaribus 

aber says . , . 

57, f Uow- vins, quorum apud me voluntas ipsorum mento valet 
plurimum. Igitur, si me amas, tantum Volumnio 
tribue honoris facultatisque amicitiae tuae amplec- 
tendae, ol yap 4>L\to.toi avSpes conciliaverunt eum 
mihi. Igitur tarn comi amicitia accipias velim quam 
ille volebat, Menoetiadi faporepov 8« Kepatpe quom 

1 From the Index (Naber, p. 172; Ambr. 338). Several 
lines are lost. 

2 Brakman reads this word on the margin of the Codex, 
and instead of a U t a'g (doubtful). 

* An emendation by Haupt (fTermes, i. 23) for Mai's infer 
nativum. The sacrtd bone was the lowest vertebra of the 
spine. In Anthol. Pal. xi. 38 it means '• skull." 

* From the Index (Naber, p. 189 ; Cod. Ambr. 277). The 
first part of the letter is lost in the gap that follows Ad 
Amicos, ii. 4. This gap contained pp. 339 and 338. 



? 164 A.D. 

Fronto to Aufidius Victorinus his son-in-law, 
greeting. 1 

1 have had severe pain in the eyes .... No 
pain or lumbago in the side or back came on. The 
Greeks call the back-bone Upbv oarovv (the sacred 
bone) : Suetonius Tranquillus calls it the sacred 
spine. For my part I would gladly not know the 
Greek or Latin name of a single member, if I could 
only live without pain in it. 

? 164 A.D. 
Fronto to Arrius Antoninus, 2 greeting. 

He has been brought to my notice 

by learned men and close friends of my own, whose 
personal wishes rightly have the greatest weight 
with me. Therefore, if you love me, accord to 
Volumnius so much respect and opportunity of 
gaining your friendship, for very dear friends have 
enlisted my sympathy for him. Therefore I would 
ask you to welcome him with such kindly friendship 
as the great Achilles wished to shew, when he bid 
the son of Menoetius mix the wine stranger} 

1 Publ. Consentius, in his Ars Graminatica, p. 2031, 16 
(Putsch), quotes from Fronto, et illae vestrae Atheivae Doro- 
corthoro (Rheims), words which were probably contained in 
a letter to Victorinus in his province. 

2 An interesting personality and a relative, probably, of 
Pius. We have his cursvs honor um in an inscription set up 
by the municipality of Concordia [Corp. Inscr. Lot. v. 1874). 
There is an inscription also set up to him at Cirta (see 
Dessau, 1119). Tertullian {Ad Scap. 5) gives us an in- 
teresting anecdote of him in connection with a persecution 
of Christians in Asia Minor, 184-5. 

8 Horn. 11. ix. 203. The son of Menoetius was Patroclus. 
Plutarch (Symp. v. 4) discusses the meaning of these words. 
See also Athen. x. 6. The usual texts of Homer read Kepaie. 



Ad Amicos, ii. 7 (Naber, p. 192). 

Arrio Antonino <Fronto salutem>. 

1. Have mi, domine fili carissime. Sicut eos qui 
dicta factaque tua <in> administranda provincia 
maximis laudibus ferunt, laetus ac libens audio, ita 
si quis quid remurmurat aut deprecatur, multo scru- 
pulosius ausculto, et quo quicque modo gesseris aut 
iudicaveris requiro, utqui existimationi tuae famaeque 
iuxta quam meae consultum cupiam. 

2. Volumnius Serenus Concordiensis, si nihil in 
eis, quae commemorat, aut 1 verae rei demsit aut 
addUit, iure meritoque utetur me apud te vel patrono 
vel precatore. Quodsi ultra epistulae modum vide- 

Lmbr. 287? bor progressus, eo eveniet | quod ea res postulat ut 
cum epistula coniuncta sit quaedam causidicatio. 

3. Rem omnem ita, ut mihi Volumnius exposuit, 
proponam : simul et unumquidque verumne sit 

Estne lege coloniae Concordiensium cautum, ne- 
quis scribam faxit nisi eum quem decurionem 
quoque recte facere possit? Fueruntne omnes et 
1 Klussmann for Cod. commemorarunt. 

1 This letter is important for our knowledge of the status 
of a decurio, or municipal senator. It shews that these were 
elected by the whole body. The exact merits of the case at 
issue are obscured by the mutilation of the letter. We 
know from a law still preserved in the Digest that a decurio 
temporarily exiled for an offence not involving infamia 
might on his return take up his old position, but, if not a 

i 7 6 


? 164 A.D. 

Fronto to Arrius Antoninus, greeting. 1 

1. Health to my honoured and most dear son! 
just as I listen with willing and welcoming ears to 
those who are loudest in praise of your words and 
deeds in the administration of your province, so, if 
anyone grumbles at all or carps at it, I give him a 
much more critical hearing and require every detail 
of your acts and decisions, as one who would safe- 
guard your reputation and good name equally with 
my own. 

2. Volumnius Serenus of Concordia, 2 if in what 
he tells me he has subtracted nothing from the 
truth, nor added anything to it, has every right and 
claim to my services as his advocate and intercessor 
before you. But if I seem to overstep the limits of 
a letter, the reason will be, that the facts of the 
case require some legal advocacy to be mixed up 
with the letter. 

3. I will set forth the whole matter as Volumnius 
has stated it to me, and ask you at the same time 
as to each point, whether it is true. 

Is it provided by the charter of the Colony of 
Concordia, 2 that no one be made a notary except he 
be eligible also for the office of municipal senator? 

senator previously, he could only become one with the em- 
peror's express permission. By excluding Volumnius even 
for a time from the senate, Antoninus might seem to affix 
upon him the stigma of infamy. Fronto argues that there 
can be no doubt he was a senator before his exile. We learn 
from this letter also that the decurions had to pay for their 
privileges. The case came under the cognizance of Antoninus 
as jwidicu* per Italiam regionis Transpadanae (aee inscrip- 
tion quoted under the previous letter). 
1 In Venetia. 



sunt ad hoc locorum. quibus umquara scriptus pub- 
licum Concordiae <de>Iatus 2 est, decuriones ? 

Factusne est Volumnius decreto ordinis scriba et 
decurio ? Pensiones plurimas ad quartam usque ob 
decnrionatmn dependitner 

Ususne est per quinque et quadra^inta annos 
omnibus decurionum praemiis comruodisque, cenis 
<in> publicis. in curia, in spectacuiis ? Cenavitne 
seditne ut decurio, censuitne ? 

Si quo usus :uit publice legando, legatusne est 
Volumnius saepenumero ? Estne Volumnio legato 
semper 2 viaticum publicum decretum. 

Item legationis de re frumentaria gratis a Volumnio 
susceptae estne in commentariis publicis descripta 
commemoratio ? 

4. Si omnia ista. quae supra dixi, ita decreta, ita 
depensa. ita gesta sunt, quid 3 est cur dubites post £?s quinque et ] quadraginta anr.os sitne decurio, qui 
scriba fuerit, pecuniam ob decurionatum intulerit. 
commoda decurionatus usurpaverit, munia functus 

a — -. •>:-;, <fuerit> 4 : Et quid est, m : fi:i, quid est quod ista 

E sltS'^ probari tibi planius 5 velis ? Quoniam quae .... 

:._ 2 .... <commo> dis. pecuniam intulerit, munia 


5. Post ista ultro citroque a me rogata atque 
response, nonne etiam praeiudicium . . . , 7 delatus 
es: Volumnius quasi in curiam inrumperet, quom ei 
ius ■ introeundae curiae non esset ut relegato, quod 

: Klussroann. s Heindorf for Cod. per. 

8 Cod. id. * Or query f : : lorfunctw*. 

5 For Cod. fUmitiM, a form which Fronto repudiates 
(p. U 


Have they all beeD and are they all senators, who up 
till now have ever been given the post of notarv 
public at Concordia ? 

Was Volumnius elected notary and senator bv a 
resolution of the local senate ? and has he made as 
many as four payments in respect of his senatorship ? 

Has he enjoyed for five and forty years all the 
rewards and privileges attaching to senators, at 
public banquets, in the senate-house, at shows ? 
Has he dined, has he sat, has he voted as a senator? 

In the case of public deputations has Volumnius 
been often chosen to be a deputy ? Have his ex- 
penses as deputy always been voted to Volumnius 
from the public chest ? 

Again is there in the municipal registers record 
of a deputation on the corn supply undertaken by 
Volumnius at his own charges? 

4. If all this that I have mentioned above has 
been so decreed, so paid, so done, how can you be 
in doubt after five and forty years whether he is a 
senator, who has been a notary, has paid in money 
in respect of his being senator, has enjoyed the 
privileges of being senator, has discharged its 
duties? And what is there, my son, what is there 
that you would wish more plainly proved ? Since 

(has enjoyed) the privileges, paid-in 

moneys, discharged duties. 

5. After these questions and answers of mine 
backwards and forwards, is it not also a begging of 
the question .... Volumnius has been accused of 
forcing his way into the senate illegally, since as a 
man temporarily banished he had no right to enter 

6 Thirty-seven and a half lines are lost. 

7 Tive lines lost. 8 Xiebuhr for Cod. eius. 



neque ante exilium pro decurionatu omnem pecuniam 
neque ullam posterius intulisset. Quae cum longis- 
simis temporibus forent perorata, Lollius Urbicus 
causa inspecta nihil adversus Volumnium statuit; 
Ambr. 2«6 sed loco .... | ... . sed pro .... istum 
(N»ber,29») .... num .... debet .... defenderit .... 
pro honore ratis, non video qui possit asse . . non 

Quid, quod imperatores nostri in Isidori Lysiae 
causa ita constituerunt ? 1 .... aut .... an 

Ambr. 304 legatio | . . tus . . . . simul per .... 

ignominia .... inuritur sempiterna 2 . . . . 

Non idem dedecus est homini solitario ignominia 
feriri, quantum dedecus est plena liberis ac nepoti- 
bus domo infamia notari, cuius infamiae aspergo 
inquinat simul multos et dedecorat. Sicut non 
eadem clades est in proeliis unum equitem obtrun- 
cari et triremem frangi. Tur . . . . 3 armato .... 
et . . . . remis vero .... perierit . . . . 4 

6. Leges pleraeque poenam sanciverunt, ne quis 
arborem felicem succidisset. <Haec> quaenam est 
arboris felicitas ? Rami scilicet 5 fecundi et frugi- 
feri, bacis pomisque onusti. Nemo cannam quamvis 
proceram, nemo harundinem dixerit felicem. Ae- 
quiusne est arboribus honori atque tutelae poma et 
bacas esse quam hominibus liberos nepotesque ? 

1 Eighteen lines are illegible here. 

2 From the margin of Cod. 

3 Seven lines are lost, 4 Eight lines lost. 
6 Eckstein for unintelligible letters in Cod. 

1 He was pratf. urb. in 152 and following years, when this 
case would have come before him. We know that he con- 
demned certain Christians, named Ptolemaeus and Lucius, 
to death (Justin, Apol. ii. §§ 1 and 2). He was also governor 



it ; in that neither before his exile had he paid in all 
the money for his senatorship nor any since. When 
all this had been argued out in the lengthiest of 
proceedings, Lollius Urbicus, 1 after examining the 
case, made no decree against Volumnius ; but in 

place of 

reckoned in proportion to the honour, I do not see 

What again of the similar decision of our Em- 
perors 2 in the case of Isidorus Lysias? .... 

is branded with 

indelible infamy .... 

The disgrace is not the same for a single man to 
receive the stigma of ignominy, as is the disgrace 
for a house full of children and grandchildren to 
be stained with infamy, for this bespattering with 
infamy defiles and disgraces many at once. Just as 
the loss is not the same in wars if a single horseman 
be cut down or a trireme be rammed 

6. Many laws 3 have fixed a penalty for cutting 
down " happy " trees. 4 What is this happiness of a 
tree ? Is it not flourishing and fruit-bearing branches 
laden with berries and fruit ? No one ever called a 
reed, however tall, no one ever called a bamboo 
happy. Is it more right that fruits and berries 
should count as an honour and safeguard for trees 
than children and grandchildren for men? .... 

of Britain, defeated the Brigantes, a Yorkshire tribe, and 
completed the Wall of Antoninus between the Forth and 
the Clyde. See Cor f h Inscr. Lot. x. 419 (Add.). 

2 Marcus and Verus. Nothing further is known of the 
case of Lysias. 8 Digest, xlvii. 7, 2 ; Gaius, iv. 2, etc. 

* Felices arbores Cato dixit quae fructum ferunt, Paul, ex 
Feat. p. 92. 



A.mbr 803 .... | ... . globus equitum Romanorum, pars 
curiae in uno homine dehonestatur .... Raro 
umquam tot simul capita de caelo tacta sunt, quot tu 
condemnasti .... 

7. Ille qui esse quam videri bonus maluit, fortunis 
parum prosperis usus est .... Verum est eum, qui 
opinionem virtu tis neglegat, ipsam quoque neglegere 
virtutem .... Nee quisquam bonas artes magno 
opere studet adipisci, quas adeptus necne sit non 
studet scire 1 .... donicum . . . . de sententia 
.... cumulare .... verbum quod in sententia 
.... curia .... cur .... miror .... prin- 
cipio .... sin repudium dare et Gneus 2 orbari 
possit, id dubito. Namque id quod longum sit posse 
interdum fieri longius, altum altius, numerosum 
numerosius. Haec et eiusmodi verba video admit- 
tere aliquod augendi laxamentum, pleno autem 
plenius nihil fieri posse. Nam poculum profecto si 

Ambr. soi plenum sit, | magis compleri frustra postules, nisi 
effuderis. Enimvero quom omnibus negotiis artata 
sint tempora <et huic quidem> tempus alterum, 
<illi> 3 coniunctum alterum, reputes cum animo tuo 
an ista causa tempus argumenti probandi careat. 
Antequam decurio .... per <curiam> creari 
debuit : creatus est ; ubi creatus est, usurpare 
honorem debuit : multifariam usurpavit ; postquam 
usurpavit, pensionibus inferre pecuniam debuit: 
quater intulit ; munia decurionatus <facere debuit : 
fecit> ; . . . . et esset .... quidem .... 
labrum sum .... et tanto redemptas 4 parum 
valent, quidquid hue additum fuerit, frustra abunda- 

1 These five sentences are from the margin of the Codex. 
* Buttm. would read gnatis. 
a Heindorf would read an in ista causa careat, 
4 Klussmann for Cod. tanta redentas. 


.... a troop of Roman cavalry, a part of the 
senate is dishonoured in the person of one man 
.... scarcely ever have so many men lost their 
lives physically by lightning as will lose theirs civilly 
by your decision .... 

7. He, who has preferred being to seeming good, 
has enjoyed far from prosperous fortune .... 
Certain it is that he who cares not to be thought 
virtuous does not care to be virtuous either .... 
Nor is there anyone who is greatly interested in 
acquiring the noble arts that is not interested to know 

whether he has acquired them 

but if he can grant a divorce and 

Gnaeus can be bereaved — that is what I doubt. 
For what is long can on occasion become longer, 
what is deep, deeper, what is numerous, more 
numerous. These and similar words I see admit of 
some latitude of increase, but nothing can become 
fuller than full. For surely if a cup be full, it 
would be useless to ask for it to be filled still 
more, unless you emptied some of it. For in- 
deed, since in all business time is limited, and 
one time is closely associated with this business 
and another with that, consider in your own mind 
whether this case lacks the time for proving the 
point urged. Before that .... he ought to have 
been elected senator by the senate: he was elected; 
when elected he ought to have exercised his rights : 
he did exercise them in many ways ; after exercising 
them he ought to have paid in money by fixed 
instalments : he did pay this in four times ; he ought 
to have discharged the duties of senatorship : he 

did discharge them ; . . 

whatever is added to this will be a superfluity. 



bit. Nam ubi quae ad fidem sat esse oportet, satis 
iudici non sunt, nullus finis est ambiguitatis. Ut 
rectam ingressis viam certus itineris est finis ac 
modus, errantibus aut peragrare facilius est quam 
pervenire .... minores sis ... . 

8. | Nunc aut .... alter .... tentant .... 
quantum est, nisi quod sunt .... lenissimum 
mansuetissimum doetissimum piissimum in causa non 
dicam bona — finge enim ambigua — tanto natu senem 
prohibuisse curia interim. 

Cui aetati omnium vacatio munerum data est, 
aetatem <eam> nulla lex, si sacramento adigantur 
.... mei tua et aut igno<minia> . . . .* seni 
septuaginta annos egresso insignem maculam infligis, 
quando, oro te, abolendam ? Quantulum enim vitae 
reliquum est ad exuendam infamiam et pristinam 
dignitatem sperandam. Hoc quod vocas interim, 
quanti<sper> 2 sperabit? Si tantisper dum spirat, 3 
paulisper sperabit. Quis segeti torridae messem 
procrastinat ? Nee non quis vindemiam maturam ac 
distillantem propellit? 4 Aut sa<ne> 5 quis tempus 
prorogat pomis mitibus aut floribus marcescentibus 
aut facibus ] ardentibus ? aptum 6 soli <nas>centi 
verbum est interim, occid<enti> confestim. Vellem 
sicut tu senem differs, ita aetas quoque differret 
.... adulescentiae iuventuti prolixa vitae curricula 
data sunt, sicut diebus et noctibus interdum licet 


1 Three lines are lost. 2 Heindorf. 

3 Rob. KUis for Mai's doubtful dedisset. 

4 The margin has differt, 

b For Naber's nee non. * For Cod. etiam. 


For when the judge is not satisfied with what ought 
to be sufficient to convince, there is no limit to 
uncertainty. As for one who starts on the right 
road a journey has a fixed destination and limit, so 
for those who get off the path it is easier to roam 
than to get home 


to have shut out from the senate 

meanwhile, in a case I will not call a good one — let 
us call it doubtful — a man of such advanced age, 
most kindly, most gentle, most learned, most 

That age, 1 which is entitled to exemption from 
all duties, no law, if they are bound by a military 

oath on an old man past his 

seventieth year you inflict a signal stain, and when, 
I ask, is it to be effaced ? For how brief is the life 
left him for shaking off his dishonour and looking 
forward to regaining his former rank. This that 
you call the meanwhile, how long can he expect to 
hope for it? If as long as he breathes, it will be but 
a brief time for hope. Who delays to put the sickle 
to the sun-browned cornfield ? and who defers the 
vintage when the grapes are ripe and dropping their 
juice ? Who in fact loses time when fruits are 
mellowing, flowers fading, and torches burning down? 
Meanwhile is a word that fits the rising sun, for the 
setting sun the word is at once. Would that old 
age might put the old man off as you do ... . 
Before youth, before manhood lies many a lengthy 
lap of life, just as days and nights may sometimes 

No one who had reached fifty-five could be forced to 
become a decurion ; see Digest, 1. 2, 2, 8. 


TOL. II. ° 


esse longis : senectus crepusculum est, quod longum 
esse non potest .... metienda sunt .... debet. 

9. Proculus .... bienniura illud .... est 
.... homini seni quidqukl interim fit iuxta in- 
terim 1 fit ... . poenam inrogatam .... prae- 
vertit, et quinquennium in triennium artavit. Nam- 
que meum .... late turn .... omnium facit 

.... Clementer | . . 2 Proculus homo 

ingenio ad cetera remisso et delicato sed in sententiis 
dicundis ad puniendum paullo ut <opinor pro> 3 nior 
et infestior .... Plerique ad cetera visi minime 
serii, in iudicando tamen asperi fuere ; scilicet ut 
pro severitate, qua carebant, obtentui saevitiam 

10. Biennium tunc de . . . . demum Volumnio 
pro .... nunc .... biennium vita .... agi a 
te . . . . <ex sent>entia tua res .... detrahi 
ignomimam <libe>ris nepotibus genero 4 adfinibus, 
quibus .... domi patrem fratresque reliqueris. 
Subleva misericordia aetatem familiarem tibi et 
patritam . . . . et rescindas | . . . . interim .... 
vel tutus eum si vita . . . . vel dolor .... decurio 
.... pec<unia> .... te ... . meum .... 
in te . . . . qui .... omnem pro decurionatu 
pecuniam dependisset. Sibi .... num, fili, .... 
ni . . . . quae .... quidem interdum facias 

1 Ehrenthal would read inieritum, but the word is repeated 
in the margin. 

9 Nine lines lost at the beginning of the page. 

3 Schwierczina is responsible for opiuor and Alau for 
yron ior. 

4 Klussmann for Cod. genere. 



be long. Old age is a twilight that cannot last 
.... must be measured .... 

9. Proculus l . . . . that two years period .... 
for an old man whatever is mean- 
while means but a mean while .... quashed the 
penalty and shortened the five years to three. 


.... Proculus, a man of a disposition in all other 
respects easy-going and pleasure-loving, yet in passing 
sentence was, I think, a little too ready to punish, 
and too severe .... Many who have seemed in 
other matters far from taking things seriously, yet 
have been harsh on the bench, wishing no doubt to 
hide their real lack of severity under a cloak of 
ruthlessness put on for the purpose. 

10. The two years then .... at last for Volum- 


his children, grand children, son-in- 
law, and relations to be freed from infamy, for whom 
.... you will leave father and brothers at home. 
Relieve by your compassion an age which you know 
so well in your home and in your father .... and 
cancel .... that meanwhile 

had paid all the money for his senatorship 

1 There was a notable jurist named Proculus quoted in 
the Digest. A Cornelius Proculus is also mentioned in the 
Digest as the recipient of a rescript from Marcus and 

I8 7 


Ad Amicca, ii. 8 (Naber, p. 109). 

<Fronto> Arrio Antonino <salutem>. 

Gratulor mihi plerisque horainibus . . . .* esse 
. . . . 2 esse me a te non secus quam parentem 
observari. Eo fit ut ad me decurrant plurimi, qui 
tuam gratiam cupiunt. Quos ego non temere nee 
sine dilectu audio sed probe petentibus sutfragium 
meum impertio. lis vero qui parum probe quid a te 
impetratum velint, <pos>se 3 denego. Ut a me 
potius ill<um> . . . . te repulsam 4 Baburiana .... 
nos .... sua .... sita .... caros mihi viros 
et magno opere iis obsequi cupiam, ita tamen ut 
<sum>ma 5 | mihi ac potissima sit iustitiae tuae 
ratio . . . . fl tuae humanitati congruens videbatur ; 
desiderium Baburianae 7 commendandum tibi recepi, 
et quam possum studiosissime commendo .... ego 
per . . . . de opere extruendo .... extructum. 
Videbatur .... defendi .... pronuntiasti quid 
ad ... . quo .... agas quod fuit tradendum, 
superest quod a te . . . .in pauca conferam. 

Sententiae tuae Baburiana non aequo animo sed 
prompto etiam et paene <libente animo obtemper- 
avit> 8 .... Quid igitur postulat, quod non am- 
bitiosum concessu, Baburianae vero <magno opere> 9 
iucundum impetratu fuerit .... <di>cunt a . . . . 
quae de sententia tua usurarum .... penditur 

1 Six letters are missing. The preceding words are partly 
from the Index (Ambr. 277 ; Naber, p 189). 

* Three lines are lost. s Naber esse : Klussinann ipse. 

4 So Niebuhr, but Naber prints erctul. . . . 

5 Schwierczina prefers prima. 

6 Two lines lost. 7 Cod. HabuHnni. 

* The gap is of about thirty letters. Possibly modo has 
fallen out or should replace animo. 9 Naber. 



? 164 A.D. 

Fronto to Arrius Antoninus, greeting. 1 

I congratulate myself that for most men it is 

that I am looked up to by you 

quite as a parent. Consequently very many who de- 
sire your favour have recourse to me. I do not give 
them a hearing at haphazard and without circum- 
spection, but I lend my support to those whose peti- 
tion is honest. To those, however, who wish to obtain 
some dishonest advantage from you, 1 say Impossible. 
That Baburiana should rather from me .... 

men dear to me and 

I would most gladly oblige them, only so far how- 
ever as is compatible above and before all with 
a regard for your justice .... It seemed in keep- 
ing with your humane disposition 2 ; I took upon 
myself to commend Baburiana's wish to you, and I 

do commend it most heartily 

with regard to constructing the work 

Baburiana bowed to your decision not resignedly 
only but even promptly and almost willingly .... 
What then does she ask which would not be worth 
your while to grant, and at the same time very 
much to Baburiana's interest to obtain .... pay- 
ment of interest in accordance with your decision 

1 This letter seems to refer to a contract for a public 
building, for part of which Baburiana was responsible. 
Arrius had found some fault with this, or had fined B. for 
the work not being finished in time. 

2 Humanitcu was beginning about this time to get the 
meaning humanity. See Aul. GelL xiii. 16 ; Digest, xliv. 37, 



.... extruendo adiungatur ... J quondam 
petita. Contulisse .... infamia multata videtur. 
Id populo quoque . . . , 2 

Ad Arnicas, i. 8 (Naber, p. 179). 

Fronto Passieno Rufo salutem. 

Aemilius Pius cum studio|rum elegantia turn 
morum eximia probitate mihi carus est. Commendo 
eum tibi, frater. Nee ignoro nullum adhuc inter 
nos mutuo scriptitantium 8 usum fuisse, quamquam 
ego te optimum virum bonarumque artium secta- 
torem communium amicorum fama cognossem, et tu 
fortasse aliquid de me secundi rumoris acceperis. 
Sed nullum pulchrius amicitiae copulandae <tem- 
pus> 4 reperire potui quam adulescentis optimi con- 
ciliandi tibi occasionem. Ama eum, oro te. Cum 
ipsius causa hoc peto, turn mea quoque. Nam me 
etiam magis amabis si cum Pio familiarius egeris. 
Novit enim Pius nostra omnia et in primis quam 
cupidissimus sim amicitiarum cum eiusmodi viris, 
qualis tu es, copulandarum. 

Ad Amicos, i. 6 (Naber, p. 178). 

| Fronto Avidio Cassio salutem. 

Iunius Maximus tribunus, qui laureatas adtulit 
litteras, non publico tantum munere strenue, sed 

1 Seven or eight lines are lost. 

2 Two pages are lost before the next letter (77/ viris ei 
De<urionibus\ Ambr. 306. 

• Heindorf for Cod. scribtitantcm. * Mai. 

1 There was another letter to Arrius in the Codex, but we 
have only its title in the Index (Naber, p. 189 ; Ambr. 277 
or 292) and the first two words, ValtrianuM ClUianus. 


attached to the construction of the work 

Fronto to Passienus Rufus, 2 greeting. ' 

Aemilius Pius 3 is endeared to me both by the 
refinement of his tastes and the absolute integrity 
of his character. I commend him to you, my 
brother. I am not unaware that hitherto we have 
not been on the terms of correspondents, though I 
have known of you through common friends as an 
excellent man and a lover of the noble arts, and you 
perhaps have heard me well spoken of. Yet I could 
find no fairer prospect of establishing a close friend- 
ship with you than the occasion of recommending 
to your favour an excellent young man. Love him, 
1 beseech you : I ask this for his sake, but also for 
my own. For you will love me too the more, the 
more intimate with Pius you become. Pius knows 
all my heart, and how very much I desire to enter 
into close friendship with such men as yourself. 

Fronto to Avidius Cassius, 4 greeting. 

Junius Maximus the tribune, who brought the 
laurelled 5 letter, not only discharged his public 

2 Possibly consul in 149, and, if so, proconsul about 164, 
for at this time about fifteen years separated the two offices 
* Probably a pupil of Fronto's. 

4 The ablest general in the Parthian war. He afterwards, 
in 175, revolted against Marcus, and after a six months 
dream of empire was assassinated. 

5 In token of victory on the successful termination of tht 
Parthian war. So in the Peninsular war our coaches ran 
down through the country decked with laurel when a victory 
had been won. Q 


privato erga te officio amice functus est ; ita de 
laboribus et consiliis tuis et industria et vigilantia 
praedicator ubique frequentissimus extitit. Ad me 
quidem minus valentem quom in suburbanam villain 
venisset, numquam cessavit in vesperum usque fabu- 
las nectere itinerum tuorum et disciplinae ad pris- 
cum morem institutae ac retentae ; turn in agmine 
ducendo et manu conserenda strenuissimi vigoris 
tui et consultissimae opportunitatis ; prorsus ut 
nullus miles Plautinus de suis quam hie de tuis 
virtutibus gloriose praedicaret : nisi quod Plautus 
de suo milite cum lepore, hie de te cum amore et 
cum summa fide | . Dignus est quern diligas et 
suff'ragiis tuis ornes. Tuae propriae gloriae addi- 
deris, quantum dignitati praedicatoris tu adstruxeris. 

Ad Amicos, i. 19 (Naber, p. 186). 

| <Fronto> Fulviano <salutem>. 

Ego integer epistularum x . . . . Munus hoc ab 
ineunte aetate infrequens habui et paene neglectum ; 
nee quisquam est hominum, nisi me fallo, qui rarius 
quam ego scripserit ad amicos aut rescripserit, nee 
quisquam de 2 <quo minus> quam <de me> .... 
noscitur . . . . | den 3 .... ultro citroque tibi 
<facul>tas est .... te .... tamen .... 

1 From the Index (Naber, p. 172 ; Cod. Ambr. 337). See 
Hauler {li'ien. Mud. 33, Pt. 1, p. 175). I follow Brak- 
man in placing here the following sentence, which Naber 
gives to Ad Amicos, i. 18. 



mission with despatch, but also his private duty 
towards you with friendship, so unfailingly did he 
appear everywhere as the eulogist of your labours 
and measures and industry and vigilance. In- 
deed, when he came to me in my villa near the 
city, when I was far from well, he never ceased till 
nightfall telling tale after tale of your expeditions 
and of the discipline which you had restored and 
maintained up to the ancient standard ; then of 
your unremitting vigour on the march and unerring 
instinct for the right moment for battle. In very 
truth no soldier of Plautus 1 so vaingloriously eulo- 
gized his own merits as he did yours, only that 
Plautus in the case of his soldier spoke with 
pleasantry, while of you Maximus spoke with affec- 
tion and the utmost loyalty. He deserves your 
love, and to profit by your patronage. Whatever 
you do to enhance the honour of your eulogist will 
redound to your own glory. 

165 A.D. 
Fronto to Fulvianus, greeting. 

In the matter of letters when I was vigorous 
.... From my earliest days I have paid but fitful 
attention to this duty and almost neglected it; and 
if I mistake not, there is no man who has written 
to his friends or answered their letters less often 

than myself, nor anyone . 

...... You have an opportunity of (sending) 

1 The Miles Gloriosus. 

8 To the end of the page six lines are lost. 
8 Query <miUendi>, 



amicis et comitibus .... hie .... possi .... 
quod .... non .... post .... quae . . . .j 
neque duco, neque umquam querar. Quid igitur? 
Nonne illud quoque evenire solet, ut is, qui diu 
amaverit quempiam, subito vel levitate morum 
vel copia novorum amicorum desinat amare ? Scis 
saepenumero hoc satis multis usu venisse, sed non 
nostrae mensurae hominibus .... hoc .... 
alias .... amicis . . . , x diligentiae . . . . 2 nos- 
trae mediocritas retinet. 

Ad Verum Imp. ii. 3 (Naber, p. 131). 

<Magistro meo.> 3 

.... | illi suis litteris subdiderunt. Ea vero 
quae post meam profectionem gesta sunt ex litteris 
a<d> me scriptis a negotio cuique praepositis duci- 
bus cognosces. Earum exemplaria Sallustius noster, 
nunc Fulvianus, dabit. Ego vero, ut et consiliorum 
meorum rationes commemorare possis, meas quoque 
litteras, quibus quidquid gerendum esset demon- 
stratur, mittam tibi. Quodsi picturas quoque quas- 
dam desideraveris, poteris a Fulviano accipere. 
Et quidem quo magis te quasi in rem praesentem 
inducerem, mandavi Cassio Avidio Martioque Vero 
commentarios quosdam mihi facerent, quos tibi mit- 
tam, et quibus 4 mores hominum et sensum 5 
eorum cognosces. Quodsi me quoque voles aliquem 
commentarium facere, designa mihi qualem velis 

1 In these lacunae five lines are included. 2 One word. 

8 Nielmhr annexes this letter to Ad Verttm, ii. 10, which 
seems very unlikely. Mai suggests that it may be part of 
Ad Verum, ii. 2, which is impossible from the contents of it. 



backwards and forwards .... to friends and com- 

.... nor do I think so, nor shall I ever complain. 
What then? Is not this often the case that one, 
who has long loved another, suddenly, whether from 
fickleness of character or by reason of the quantity 
of his new friends, gives up loving ? You know that 
this has constantly occurred to quite a number ot 
people, but not to persons of our type 

Lucius Verus to Fronto 

To my master, greeting. 

.... they subjoined to their letters. What 
was done, however, after I had set out you can learn 
from the despatches sent me by the commanders 
entrusted with each business. Our friend Sallustius, 
now called Fulvianus, will provide you with copies 
of them. But that you may be able also to give 
the reasons for my measures, I will send you my 
own letters as well, in which all that had to be 
done is clearly set forth. But if you want some sort 
of pictures besides, you can get them from Ful- 
vianus. And to bring you into closer touch with the 
reality, I have directed Avidius Cassius and Martius 
Verus to draw up some memoranda for me, which 
I will send you, and you will be quite able from 
them to gauge the character of the men and 
their capacity, but if you wish me also to draw up 
a memorandum, instruct me as to the form of it 

4 Naber <tu> . 

6 So Cod. anticipated by Heindorf. 



faciain, et ut iubes faciam. Quidvis enim subire 
paratus sum, dum a te res nostrae illustrentur. 
Plane non contempseris et orationes ad senatum et 
adlocutiones nostras ad exercitum. Mittam tibi et 
sermones meos cum barbaris habitos. Multum haec 
tibi conferent. 

Unam rem volo non quidem demonstrare disci- 
Ambr. 435 pulus magistro, | sed existimandam dare. Circa cau- 
sas et initia belli diu commoraberis, et etiam ea quae 
nobis absentibus male gesta sunt. Tarde ad nostra 
venies. Porro necessarium puto, quanto ante meum 
adventum superiores Parthi fuerint, dilucere, ut 
quantum nos egerimus appareat. An igitur debeas, 
quomodo TrevT-qKovTatTtav ©ovkvSi'S^s explicuit, ilia 
omnia corripere, an vero paulo altius l dicere, nee 
tamen ita ut mox nostra dispandere, ipse dispicies. 

In summa meae res gestae tantae sunt, quantae 
sunt scilicet, quoiquoimodi 2 sunt : tantae autem 
videbuntur, quantas tu eas videri voles. 

(Naber, p. 202, adinit. Principia Historiae.) 
<Domino meo Antonino Augusto 

.... | des adesse dies .... in elogiis te 
Ambr. 27a nime legas quod .... magni . . . . 3 et 


204 and 263 i Heindorf latiu*. 

1 A locative used as genitive of quality. 

3 There are twenty-four lines lost al the beginning of this 

1 From the defeat of Xerxes to the Peloponnesian war. 
Thuc. i. 89 S. 


which you prefer, and I will follow your directions. 
I am ready to fall in with any suggestions as long as 
my exploits are set in a bright light by you. Of 
course you will not overlook my speeches to the 
Senate and harangues to the army. I will send you 
also my parleys with the enemy. These will be of 
great assistance to you. 

One thing I wish not indeed to point out to 
you — the pupil to his master — but to offer for your 
consideration, that you should dwell at length on 
the causes and early stages of the war, and especially 
our ill success in my absence. Do not be in a hurry 
to come to my share. Further, I think it essential 
to make quite clear the great superiority of the 
Parthians before my arrival, that the magnitude of 
my achievements may be manifest. Whether, then, 
you should give only a sketch of all this, as Thucy- 
dides did in his Narrative of the Fifty Years War, 1 or 
go a little more deeply into the subject without 
however expatiating upon it, as you would upon mine 
in the sequel, it is for you to decide. 

In short, my achievements, whatsoever their 
character, are no greater, of course, than they actu- 
ally are, but they can be made to seem as great 
as you would have them seem. 2 

Fronto to Marcus Antoninus 

To my Lord Antoninus Augustus. 3 165 AD ' 

m and to the great exploits 

* cp. Cic. Ad Fam v. 12, a letter which Lucius seems to 
imitate. See also Pliny to Tacitus (vii. 33). m 

3 This is evidently a covering letter to Marcus with the Prtn- 
cipia Historic*. The fuller account of the war was possibly, 
owing to Fronto's death in 166 or 167, unless Lucian (Quo- 
modo Hist. , 19) refers to Fronto, never written. 


fratris tui magnis rebus gestis historia non 1 indili- 
genter scripta nonnihil studii et rumoris additura 2 
sit, sicut ignera quamvis magnum vel levis aura, si 
adflaverit, adiuverit. 

Ubi primum frater tuus commentarium miserit, 
rem copiose scribere adgrediemur, si tamen hoc quod 
A.mbr. 275 gusto mittimus non displicebit | . . 3 

(Naber, p. 202.) 

Principia Historiae 

<Ad Lucium Verum Imp.> 

1. . . | 4 tantas res a te gestas, 

quantas Achilles gessisse cuperet et Homerus 
scripsisse . . . . ab orationibus .... nis ... . 
<pror>sus vereor nequa novitate aut insolentia 
.... rem cantibus et modis absonum quid inodu- 
latu et cantu cecinerim . . . , 5 

2. I ... . Sallustius . . . : 6 Eorum prof ecto uber- 
rima ingenia frustra fuissent, ni magnificis sese rebus 
scribendis occupassent, itemque nisi pro magnitudine reruni 
gestarum scriptorum quoque ingenia congruerent .... 

1 Instead of non in- Hauler (41 Vers. d. deul. Phil 1895 ; 
pp. 78 ff. ) reads covsiHo et. 

1 Klussmann for auctura (xVfai). 

8 Four and a half lines lost. 

4 For Hauler's new readings in this tractate see Vrrsam. 
41 d. dfW. Phil. pp. 78 ff and fVien. stud. 38, pp. 166 ff. 

- PP- 
8 All the above is from the margin of the Codex. 
6 The margin adds Homerum dicit. 

1 A preface to the history of the Parthian war which 
Fronto was to write from materials supplied to him by 
Lucius. This we may presume would have had considerable 



of your brother a history written in no perfunctory 
spirit would be likely to add some interest and cele- 
brity, just as the blowing even of a light breeze can 
fan a fire however great. 

As soon as your brother sends me his memoranda, 
I will undertake the writing of a full account, pro- 
vided however that this, which I send as a foretaste, 
finds favour 

Preamble to History 1 

Fronto to Lucius Verus. 

1 these great exploits wrought 

by you such as Achilles himself would fain have 

wrought and Homer written 

I am quite afraid that through some novelty and 
unusualness .... 1 shall have sung something not 
accordant with songs and measures .... 

2 Sallust . . . : In fact their natural gifts, 

however rich, would have been of no avail had theij not 
concerned themselves with the wiiting of their splendid 
achievements, and likewise were not their talents as writers 
on a par with the greatness of the deeds 

historical value. This preamble covered twenty-eight pages 
of the Codex. Fronto praises Lucius extravagantly, setting 
him even above the great Trajan. But much of the eulogy 
is mere rhetoric, and he seems to have had his eye on a 
rhetorical common place, Livy's sketch of Hannibal. The 
piece is too mutilated for us to be able to judge Fronto's 
performance fairly, out his account of the virtues and ex- 
ploits of Lucius does not tally with what we learn of him 
elsewhere. Lucian may be referring to Fronto in his Quoin. 
Hist. Scrib. § 19, where he ridicules the contemporary 
historians of the Parthian war, when he speaks of &k\os ris 
aoiSifios €*l \6yo»v Svvdjxtt. 



Ambr. 265 . . | . . Herculi aerumnae celebres, si <non ro 1 
etiam, disciplinae 2 .... 

3. Enimvero fandi agendique laudibus longe prae- 
stantibus omnium Cato Porcius .... Rei factae 
mater natura : in navium adparatu .... deus alitis 
pinnas, ut eas effingeret homo natura tuenda : remus 
ergo de natura 3 .... 

Catus ita Cato 4 <dat> Agrigentinis aratra, oppid- 
atim statuis ornandus, qui prima acta h<ominum 
atque> Latini nominis subolem et Italicarum ori- 
gines <urbium et ab>originum pueritias illustravit 

Ambr. 268 | • • Xenophon hie sub Cyro voluntaria 

stipendia fecit .... quantum a stipendiis otii 

Inthefol- , f j ? =l 

lowinjrgap datum in venando occupatur 5 | . . . . 

come Ainbr. 


Ambr. 272 4. | . . . . Imperium populi Romani a Traiano 
imperatore trans flumina hostilia porrectum .... 
principa<tum> cum pueri .... et mihi .... 
Liberum amanti et 6 inculpatum silentium. Namque 
ceteri mortales praesenti die mentiuntur ; scriptorum 
mendacia tam culpam quam memoriam merent 

Ambr. 271 sempiternam .... | ... . humani .... tute 
.... fida .... comminisci .... parem. Nam 
praesenti die minuunt .... immo non est .... 
gens .... certum est ... . fratre 7 . . . . 

1 Mai. 

3 This sentence and all those which are in the next section 
are from the margin of Cod. 

8 Hauler gives Apollo deua .... tueri dare. Ius ergo. 
Mai has d*us and tuendi tins. For Apollo some verb seems 
required, and Pearce reads accommodans ; he also suggested 
tuenda and remits. 4 See Plutarch, M. Cato ad init. 



The labours of Hercules famous, if not as facts also, 
(yet) by way of teaching .... 

3. Indeed for speech and action alike the reputa- 
tion of Porcius Cato stands far the highest of ail 
.... Nature the mother of invention : in the 
equipment of ships God (supplied) the wings of a 
bird, for man to imitate them by having an eye on 
nature; the oar therefore is copied from nature .... 

So the acute Cato, worthy of being honoured 
with statues in every city, gives the Agrigentines 
ploughs. He shed light on the earliest history of 
man and the races of the Italian name and the 
origins of the Italian cities and the childhood of 

the first inhabitants This Xenophon 

served campaigns as a volunteer under Cyrus .... 
All the leisure left to him from his campaigns he 
devoted to hunting 

4 The Empire of the Roman People was 

advanced beyond the hostile rivers 1 by the Emperor 


To the lover silence is free and carries no blame. 
For all other mortals tell present-day lies, but the 
lies of writers deserve a reprobation as everlasting 
as their memory 

1 Euphrates and Tigris. 

6 A marginal note on p. 269 of Cod. says a eulogy of 
Trajan was to be found on that page of the Codex. It is not 
clear whether Hauler found the words a Travxno imperative 
in the text. • For Cod. est. 

7 The above fragments are from the margin, which also 
has Ordo regnorwn ante Romam (Assyria, Persia, and Maoe- 



5. | ... . Macedonum opes torrentis modo magna 
vi ortae brevi die occiderunt : quorum unius humanae 
prolis aetate imperium extinctum est. Nam ilia 
quae Alexandri comites familiaresque tenuerunt, 
praefecturae magis quam imperia appellandae 
• • • • 

6. Nemini usquam oppidum neque tectum diu- 
tinum aut limen inveteratum, libertatem inopia 
sortiti, quia inopem subigendi 1 sterilis fructus laboris 
capitur .... vagi palantes, nullo itineris destinato 
fine non ad locum sed ad vesperum contenditur 

7 <direp>|tiones clades ediderunt, latro- 

num potius quam hostium numero duco. Soli homi- 
num Parthi adversus populum Romanum hostile 
nomen haud umquam contemnendum gesserunt: id 
satis demonstrat non Crassi modo clades et Antonii 
foeda fuga, sed etiam fortissimi imperatoris Traiani 
ductu legatus cum exercitu caesus et principis 3 ad 
triumphum decedentis haudquaquam secura nee 
incruenta 4 regressio. 

8. Bella igitur duo maxima a duobus maximis 
imperatoribus adversus Parthos nostra memoria pari 
eventu bellata contendere inter se pro copiis cuiusque 
ducis et temporis 5 pergam : haud ignarus fortia 

\ KlusstTiann subigenti. 

2 The above three sentences are from the margin. 

3 Margin adds ip-ius before principis. 
* The margin has et laudato,. 

6 Hauler, IVien. Stud. 24, Pt. 1, p. 529. 


5 The power of the Macedonians swelling 

like a torrent with mighty force in a brief day fell 
away to nothing : and their empire was extinguished 
in the lifetime of a single generation. For those 
portions which were held by the companions and 
friends of Alexander deserve the name of satrapies 
rather than of kingdoms .... 

6. Not one of them anywhere has a town or per- 
manent dwelling or settled home : they owe their 
freedom to their poverty, for he who goes about to 
subjugate the poor gets but a barren return for his 
labour .... wandering, roving, with no fixed goal 
of their march, the end of which depends not on 
locality but on nightfall .... 

7 (those nations whose) plundering raids 

have caused disasters I class as brigands rather than 
as enemies. The Parthians alone of mankind have 
sustained against the Roman People the role of 
enemy in a fashion never to be despised, as is suffi- 
ciently shewn, not only by the disaster to Crassus, 1 
and the shameful flight of Antonius, 2 but by the 
slaughter of a general 3 with his army, under the 
leadership even of Trajan, the stoutest of Emperors, 
and by the retreat, by no means unharassed or 
without loss, of that emperor as he retired to cele- 
brate his triumph. 

8. I will proceed then to compare with one 
another, in respect to the forces of either leader and 
either occasion, the two most memorable wars 
against the Parthians fought with like success in our 
time, not forgetting withal that the doughty deeds 

1 At Charrae in Mesopotamia, B.C. 53. 

* Mark Antony, in 36. 

3 Maximus, mentioned again below. See Bio, lxviii. 29, 30. 



facinora viventium gravatius, raortuorum gratius, 
accipi ; faveri praeteritis, invideri praesentibus. 
Namque invidia semper ad superstitem mordens adit 
.... docebit ut . . . . Dempta visque extra posse 

Ambr. 274 quo .... visui l . .[.... Ubi primum 

magnum ducem respublica poposcit, id est pensis 

p<arem> propositis, omnibus Arpinati paupertate aut 

Nursina duritia ortis ducibus bellicosior extitit 

.... Parthos Romano sanguine impiatos .... 

Ambr. 278 orbant .... tranquillus 2 . . . . ! oratoribus 3 . . . . 

Ambr. 252: atque .... <hostem> | olim adversus Romanos in- 

Sxvii.ends tentum et infestum et instructum: bellis exercitatum 

xxxvlo <sane> ab insidiis ad ... . dum .... in ... . 

agit .... ratum, quom ad omne facinus audendum 

praeceps agebatur, nullo iam scelere quod atrocius 

auderet reliquo. 

9. Turn praeterea e<x inst>ruend<o> . . . . 4 
datum .... bellum .... <explo>randum .... 
Ad hoc . . . . 5 in bellum profectus est cum cognitis 
militibus hostem Parthum contemnentibus, sagit- 
tarum ictus post ingentia Dacorum falcibus inlata 
volnera despicatui habentibus. Multos militum im- 
perator suo quemque nomine proprio atque castrensi 
et ioculari appellabat. Pigros . . . . 6 vel corniculo 
vel aereo vel partim .... cuiusque .... herede 
<usu> militari pensiones hostium spoliis feroces,f 

1 About sixteen lines are lost in these lacunae. 
8 All the above on p. 274 from the margin of Cod. 
8 In the margin here is a note, f'a>teyyricus Fologasi (i.e. 
the Parthian king). * Nine letters. 

2 04 


of the living are listened to in a more grudging, of 
the dead in a more generous, spirit ; that the past 
are regarded with partiality, the present with envy. 
For as long as a man lives snarling envy is ever at 

his side 

As soon as ever the state called for a great leader, 
that is to say a man who was equal to the task 
before him, there appeared one who was more war- 
like than all the leaders reared in the needy homes 
of Arpinum 1 or the hardy ways of Nursia 2 .... 

Parthians stained with Roman blood 

an enemy of old, resolved 

and dangerous, and prepared to meet the Romans, 

trained in wars verily from ambush 

when he was hurried headlong into 

daring any wicked deed, no crime more outrageous 
being now left for him to dare. 

9. Then besides 

He set out for the war with tried soldiers who held 
the Parthian enemy in contempt, making light of 
the impact of their arrows compared with the gaping 
wounds inflicted by the scythes of the Dacians. 
Numbers of his soldiers would the emperor 3 call 
each by his own name, aye, and by any humorous 
nickname of the camp. Those who hung back 

with a helmet 

decoration or bronze or partly .... by military 
custom payments proudly gained from spoils of the 
enemy such as, though victorious and celebrating 

1 Marius. * Vespasian. 

8 He is speaking of Trajan. See Pliny, Pancg. 15. 

8 Seven lines are lost from datum, 

• From here to the end of p. 262 are thirteen lines. 



Ambr. 251 quas saepe victor et triumphos celebra|ns viris 
legatis invidisset. 1 

10. Lucio Parthis aut dilectu novi Quirites sumendi 
fuerunt aut fortissimi ex subsignanis deligendi mili- 
tibus tristi et molli militia corruptis. Namque 
post imperatorem Traianum disciplina propemodum 
exercitus carebant, Hadriano et amicis cogundis et 
facunde appellandis exercitibus satis impigro, 2 et 
in summa instruments bellorum ; quin provincias 
manu Traiani captas variis bellis ac nunc 3 con- 
stituendas omittere maluit quam exercitu retinere. 
Eius itinerum monumenta videas per plurimas Asiae 
atque Europae urbes sita, cum alia multa turn sepul- 
chra ex saxo formata. 

Non solum in gelosas sed etiam in alias meridio- 
nalis sedis terras profectus est saluti his provinciis, 
quas trans Euphratis et Danuvii ripas sitas Traianus 
spe Moesiae et Asiae provinciae addere posse se im- 
perio Romano adnexuerat. Has omnes provincias, 
Daciam et Parthis amissas partes, ultro restituit. 
Exercitus in Asia se pro scutis atque gladiis salibus 
sub pellibus delectare : ducem neminem umquam 
post eiusmodi vidit. 

1 For the whole of this passage see Hauler, Serta Hartel. 
1896, p. 266. For feroces Brakman reads teretes, and for 
spobis, g r alias : query parol as. For celtbrans m 1 has enteritis, 
which seems required as well as celt-brans. I have read quas 
for Hauler's quo* to make a translatable sentence. 

a Hauler reads inimicis (against Mai and Brakman), with 
what meaning is not clear, and ed for et. Mai gave suis 



triumphs, he had often grudged brave men, his 
generals (who had served him well). 

10. Lucius had either to take new citizens by a 
levy for the Parthian war, or out of the reserve 
legionaries, demoralized by dull and lax service, 
choose the stoutest men. For after the Emperor 
Trajan's time the armies were almost destitute of 
military training, Hadrian being energetic enough 
in mobilizing his friends and eloquently addressing 
his armies and generally in the appliances of war. 
Moreover he preferred to give up, 1 rather than to 
hold with an army, the provinces which Trajan had 
taken in various wars, and which now required to be 
organized. Records of his progresses one can see 
set up in many a city of Asia and Europe, as well 
tombs 2 built of stone as many others. 

He made his way not only into frozen lands, but 
also into others of a southern situation, to the advan- 
tage of those provinces which, lying beyond the 
Euphrates and the Danube, Trajan had annexed to 
the Roman Empire with the hope that he could add 
them to Moesia and the province of Asia. These 
entire provinces, Dacia and the parts lost by the 
Parthians, Hadrian voluntarily restored. His armies 
in Asia he amused with " sallies " in the camp 
instead of with swords and shields: a general the 
like of him the army never afterwards saw. 

1 See Spart. Hadr. 5 and Aug. Be Civ. Dei, iv. 29. 

2 Such as the Moles Hadriana at Rome, and perhaps the 
tomb of Antinous in the Campus. 

impigro sed a summa .... bellorum, where the sed seems to 
introduce a point in which Hadrian was deficient. With 
Hauler's reading we have to supply this deficiency mentally. 
8 Brakman. Hauler has novo. 



11. A rebus — pari studio pacis — sane iustis reti- 
nuisse se fertur, plane vana apstinendo uni omnium 
Romanorum principum Numae regi aequiparandus. 1 

Ambr. 258 Pax | . . . . pertum est dat .... his <rem>- 
publicam sibi administrandam .... sis a patria 
.... nee belli ad vers us Parthos instaurandi amator 
existens, 2 ita longa desuetudine bellandi miles Roma- 
nus ad ignaviam redactus <est>. Nam cum omnibus 
vitae artibus turn praecipue rei militari desidia noxia 
est. Permultum etiam interest fortunam variam 
experiri et naviter milites in campo exercere. 

12. Corruptissimi vero omnium Syriatici milites, 
seditiosi, contumaces, apud signa infrequentes, prae 
statutis 3 praesidiis vagi, exploratorum more palantes, 
de meridie ad posterum temulenti, ne armatu quidem 
sustinendo adsueti, sed impatientia laboris armis 
singillatim omittendis in velitum atque funditorum 
modum seminudi. Praeter huiuscemodi dedecora 
malis proeliis ita perculsi fuerunt, ut ad primum 
Parthorum conspectum terga verterent, tubas quasi 
fugae signum canentes audirent. 

13. Tantam militaris disciplinae labem pro re 
Lucius coercuit, industria sua ad militandum exemplo 

Laxbr. 257 proposita. | Primus ipse in agmine haud saepius 
equo vehi quam pedibus fatisci ; tarn solem torridum 

1 A marginal note has qualis et Antoninus fuit. cp. Capit 
Piu*, 25. 

2 This word is read with some doubt by Hauler. 

* m 1 has fieti armis. For all this passage see Hauler, 
Wicn. Stud. 24, Pt. 1, p. 520 f. 



11. The same devotion to peace is said to have 
withheld him from action absolutely justified, so that 
in his freedom from empty ambition he is clearly 
comparable in all the line of Roman Emperors to 
Numa alone. 

Peace that the state should 

be governed by him nor 

being enamoured of a new war against the Parthians, 
so by long unfamiliarity with fighting the Roman 
soldier was reduced to a cowardly condition. For 
as to all the arts of life, so especially to the business 
of war, is sloth fatal. It is of the greatest import- 
ance also for soldiers to experience the ups and 
downs of fortune, and to take strenuous exercise in 
the open. 

12. The most demoralized of all, however, were 
the Syrian soldiers, mutinous, disobedient, seldom 
with their units, straying in front of their prescribed 
posts, roving about like scouts, tipsy from noon one 
day to the next, unused even to carrying their arms, 
and, as from dislike of toil they left off one arm 
after another, like skirmishers and slingers half naked. 
Apart from scandals of this kind, they had been so 
cowed by unsuccessful battles as to turn their backs 
at the first sight of the Parthians and to listen for 
the trumpet as the signal for flight. 

13. This great decay in military discipline Lucius 
took in hand as the case demanded, setting up his 
own energy in the service as a pattern. 1 Marching 
in person at the head of his troops, he tired himself 
with trudging on foot quite as often as he rode on 
horseback; he made no more of the blazing sun 

1 Mai compares Livy's description of Hannibal (xxi. 24) 
and Pliny's Panegyric of Trajan, 13. 



facile quam diem serenum ferre; pulverem confer- 
tum pro nebulis pati, sudorem in armis ut in ludicris 
insuper habere, caput apertum soli et imbribus et 
grandini et nivibus neque vel x adversus tela muni- 
tum praebere ; spectandis in campo militibus operam 
dare et aegros intervisere ; non incuriose per militum 
contubernia transire, sed forte temere Syrorum mun- 
ditias Pannoniorum inscitias introspicere 2 ; de cultu 
cuiusque ingenium arbitrari. Sero ipse post decisa 
negotia lavatus 3 : mensa sobria, victu in castris 
plebeio : vinum loci, aquam temporis bibere : primam 
vigiliam facile vigilare, postremam iamdudum exper- 
gitus opperiri : labore magis quam otio laetari : otio 
ad laborem abuti : vacua militaribus tempora civili- 
bus negotiis occupare. In penuria subita ramis non- 
numquam et frondibus pro 4 supellectile usus est, 
caespitem interdum ut torum incubans. Somnum 
cepit labore paratum non silentio quaesitum. Graviora 
demum perverse facta severe animadvertit, leviora 
sciens dissimulavit : locum poenitendi reliquit. Nam 
|delicta sua plerique, dum ignorari putant, cor- 
rigunt : ubi manifesta sciunt, impudentia obfirmantur 
.... certaminis fuga .... necessitatis .... 
<vol>uisset providere : per tot pro\ incias, tot ob- 
sidionum proeliorum arcium stationum castellorum 
excidendorum aperta discrimina curas et consilia dis- 
pergere, non luxurias, ducenta tametsi profudit spolia 6 

1 m 1 adds se : so Mai . * In Cod. follows munditias. 
3 m 1 lavatu : Naber reads lavari. * For Cod. proprie. 

5 From here to the end of Ambr. 256 fourteen lines. 



than of a bright day ; the choking dust he put up with 
like a mist; sweating under arms he minded as little 
as sweating at athletics ; he left his head exposed to 
sun and shower and hail and snow, and unprotected 
even against missiles ; he was careful to inspect the 
soldiers in the field, and go the round of the sick ; 
he visited the soldiers' quarters with no unobservant 
eye ; cast a casual but keen glance at the Syrians' 
dandy ways and the gaucheries of the Pannonians ; 
from each man's manner of life he divined his 
character. After all his business done, 1 he took a 
belated bath himself: his table plain, his food the 
common camp-fare ; his drink the wine of the 
locality, the water of the season ; he keeps the first 
watch easily, for the last he is awake long before- 
hand and waiting ; work is more to his taste than 
leisure, and his leisure he misuses for work : time 
not required for military duties he devotes to civil 
business. In a sudden emergency he has utilized 
boughs on occasion or leaves by way of bedding, 
stretching himself at times on the turf as his couch. 
The sleep he took was earned by toil, not wooed 
with silence. The more serious misdemeanours only 
did he punish severely, the more trifling ones he 
knew how not to see : he left room for repentance. 
For many a man corrects his own faults, while he 
thinks them unperceived ; when he sees that they 

are known, he brazens them out 2 

through so many provinces, so many 

open dangers of sieges, battles, citadels, ports, and 
fortresses stormed, he lavished care and counsels, 
not luxuries, though he showered upon them a 

1 Hor. Ep l vii. 59. 

2 cp. Dio, lii. 34. 



.... Num consentirem . . . . de legi<on>ibus 

anxia fuit cura 1 | . . gnarus . . . . de 

legioni<bus> 2 .... portare .... longior mora 
# . . . imperator 3 .... quam ob rem .... 
etiam turn iunioris decere .... quo minus ad 
triumphum 4 .... habitus . . . . | spectes. 5 

14. Lucius consiliorum sollertia longe <praestan- 
tior> .... sciret catafractos similes esse beluis 
piscibus, eas eludere alto mari cernuantes .... 
in magnis persultare campestribus. 6 Equi lubrico 
instabiles, manus frigore inritae, arcus imbribus 
enerves .... Paucis ante diebus Lucius ad Volo- 
gaesum | litteras ultro dederat, bellum si vellet con- 
dicionibus poneret; dum oblatam pacem spernit, 
barbarus male mulcatus est. 

Ea re dilucide patet, quanta Lucio cura insita sit 
militum salutis, qui gloriae suae dispendio redimere 
cupiverit pacem incruentam. Traiano suam potiorem 
gloriam sanguine 7 militum futuram de ceteris eius 
studiis multi coniectant, nam saepe Parthorum 
legatos pacem precantes dimisisse inritos. 

15. Iustitiae et clementiae fama apud barbaros 
sancta de Lucio : Traianus non omnibus aeque pur- 
gatus. Regnum fortunasque suas in fidem Lucii con- 
tulisse neminem paenituit ; Traiano caedes Partham- 

1 These words from the margin. 2 ibid. 

■ A marginal note says : cuiusmodi sunt hoates Parthi, 

4 ibid, panegy icon Traiani. 

5 The margin has de Parthorum belli more, 


thousand spoils 

14. Lucius in the skilfulness of his measures far 
superior .... knew that the mail-clad troops were 
like finny monsters, that diving headlong in the deep 
sea they escape .... to prance about on the wide 
champaign. Horses without firm footing on the 
slippery ground, hands numbed with cold, bows 
limp with the rain .... A few days before Lucius 
of his own accord had sent a letter to Vologaesus to 
put an end to the war by agreement, if he would ; 
but the barbarian, while he spurned the offer of 
peace, paid dearly for it. 

This fact shews clearly how much Lucius had the 
lives of his soldiers at heart, ready as he was to pur- 
chase a bloodless peace at the price of his own glory. 
With Trajan, as many judge from the rest of his 
ambitions, his own glory was likely to have been 
dearer than the blood of his soldiers, for he often 
sent back disappointed the ambassadors of the Par- 
thian king when they prayed for peace. 

15. The reputation, too, of Lucius for justice and 
clemency 1 was unblemished among the barbarians. 
Trajan was not equally cleared in the eyes of all. No 
one had reason to repent having trusted his kingdom 
and fortunes to the good faith of Lucius : it is not 
easy to absolve Trajan from the murder of a suppliant 

1 The bonitas of Lucius is mentioned several times by the 

• These words are from Hauler. The margin has Laus 
Traiani. ' Cod. in sanguine. 



asiri<s> regis supplicis haud satis excusata. Nam etsi 
ultro vim coeptans tumultu orto merito interfectus 
est,, meliore tamen Romanorum fama impune supplex 
abiisset quam iure supplicium luisset, namque talium 
facinorum causa facti latet, factum spectatur, longe- 
que praestat secundo gentium rumore iniuriam 
neglegere quam adverso vindicare. 

16. Bello Parthico utroque consulares viri duo 
exercitum utrique ducentes obtruncati : Severianus 

Amba J60 quidem Lucio ab urbe | necdum etiam turn profecto ; 
Appius 1 vero quom praesens Traianus Euphrati et 
Tigridis portoria equorum et camelorum tribularet 
retro ab Arbace ' 2 caesus est 

17. Illud eti<am commune ut>ri<que est vitio> 3 
datum, histriones ex urbe in Suriam accisse. Sed 
profecto sicut arborum altissimas vehementius ventis 
quati videmus, ita virtutes maximas invidia crimi- 
nosius in<sect>atur. 4 Ceterum bello an pace clarior 
Traianus existimandus sit, in ambiguo equidem pono, 

1 m 8 for '.nim ; and over it Sanira, a cognomen of Maximus 

2 Co<L Arbacer, with r deleted. This and the two pre- 
ceding words are from Hauler. He says that m 1 apparentlv 
rea^s a/aiu or atatu. over the bi, meaning Arbalatu or 
Ark-laiuc*. He remarks that Arsaet would be an easy 
conjecture. Over retro is ad Balcia Tauri [i.e. the eastern 
continuation of Taurus range). 

3 The additions are by Mai and Naber. 

4 So Naber. The margin has incesrit. 



king Parthamasirius. 1 For though by being the first 
to appeal to violence, he brought his fate upon him- 
self in the outbreak that ensued, yet it would have 
been better for the good name of the Romans had a 
suppliant departed unharmed than been punished 
even justly; for in such deeds the reason of the act 
lies hid, the act itself is before the eyes, and it is 
far better to pass by an injury and have public 
opinion on your side than to avenge one and have 
it against you. 

16. In either Parthian war a man of consular 
rank, in either case commanding an armv, was put 
to the sword : Severianus 2 while Lucius had at the 
time not even left the city ; Appius, 3 however, 
while Trajan was present in the East making more 
stringent the ferry dues for camels and horses on the 
Euphrates and Tigris, was slain by Arbaces 4 in rear 
of the Emperor. 

17. This is also brought as a charge against both 
equally, that they sent for actors 5 from Rome into 
Syria. But assuredly as we see the tallest trees 
shaken the more violently by the winds, so envy 
attacks the greatest merits the more vindictively. 
For the rest, whether Trajan is to be accounted more 
illustrious in war or peace for my part I leave 

1 See Dio, lxviii. 17, Victor, xlviii. 10. But Pliny, Pancg. 
16, defends Trajan. 

* See Lucian, Pseudomant. 27, and Quom. Hist. Scrib. 21 
and 25. 

3 Appius Maximus Santra (see Hauler, Wien. Stud. 38, 
1916, p. 170). Fronto is blaming Trnjan for attending to 
unimportant matters while his troops are attacked in the 

4 According to Hauler's reading. 

6 See Capit. Vit. Veri, viii. §§ 10, 11, and for Trajan see 
Dio, lxviii. 24. 



nisi quod armis etiam Spartacus et Viriathus aliquan- 

tum potuere, pacis artibus vix quisquam Traiano ad 

populum, si qui adaeque, acceptior extitit. Ipsa haec 

cum pri . . . .* ae nonne illis optrectationibus faces 

sunt? Ex summa civilis scientiae ratione sumpta 

videntur, ne histrionum quidem ceterorumque scenae 

aut circi aut harenae artificum indiligentem princi- 

pem fuisse, ut qui sciret populum Romanum duabus 

praecipue rebus, annona et spectaculis, teneri ; impe- 

rium non minus ludicris quam seriis probari ; maiore 

damno seria, graviore invidia ludicra neglegi ; minus 

acribus stimulis congiaria quam spectacula expeti ; 

Ambr. 259 congiari|is frumentariam modo plebem singillatim 

placari ac nominatim, spectaculis universum <popu- 

lum conciliari>. Quod . . . . se oporteat .... 

namque ut famem .... plane .... Neptunum 

Martemque molestias illas sibi .... est arceant 

non .... magis aut .... avis vocem .... quam 

ludis spectaculorumque caerimoniis placari. Ei rei 

pompas et carpenta et tensas et exuvias a maioribus 

dicatas, elephantos, uros . . . . populus Romanus 

usus sit spectaculis deserti .... constrepi aut 

linguis pluribus ominari. Haec a me detrectationis 

refutandae causa memorata sunt. 

18. Ceterum .... Lucius autem ipse, quoquo in 

1 Four letters only are missing. Query cum praecipue 
Pearce suggests Comprobanda. 



undecided, only pointing out that even Spartacus and 
Viriathus had considerable ability in war, whereas 
for the arts of peace scarcely anyone has excelled 
if indeed anyone has equalled Trajan in popularity 
with the people. These very things .... are 
they not in the highest degree torches to these 
detractions? They seem to be based on the 
loftiest principles of political wisdom, that the 
Emperor did not neglect even actors and the 
other performers of the stage, the circus, or the 
amphitheatre, knowing as he did that the Roman 
People are held fast by two things above all, the 
corn-dole and the shows, 1 that the success of a 
government depends on amusements as much as 
more serious things ; neglect of serious matters en- 
tails the greater loss, neglect of amusements the 
greater discontent; food-largess is a weaker incen- 
tive than shows ; by largesses of food only the prole- 
tariat on the corn-register are conciliated singly and 
individually, whereas by the shows the whole popu- 
lace is kept in good humour 

than conciliated by 

games and the customary pageantry of the shows. 
Therefore processions and couches and sacred chariots 
and spoils dedicated by our ancestors, elephants, 
urochs 2 .... the Roman People has made use of 
shows .... the buzzing and predictions of many 
tongues. These things have been mentioned by me 
to relute detractors. 

18 Lucius, however, himself, wherever 

1 cp. Juvenal, Sat. x. 78, panem at circenses. 
8 Added by Brakman from the Codex. 




loco gestum quid foret, ad senatores scripsit litteris 

diserte ad significandum rerum 1 statum compositis, 

ut qui facundiam impenso studio restiurare (vellet) 

Ambr. 250; .... I ... . <com>|parata si quis leget, seu 

Ambr. 249 ' '*. . \ ?, . x 

. proavus seu pronepos virtute praestare videbitur, 
comparationis quidem discrimen in familiae nomine 
permanebit. 2 

Ad Antoninum Imp. ii. 7 (Naber, p. 111). 

Magistro meo. 

Orationes desiderat sibi Dominus frater a me 
vel a te quam primum mitti. Sed ego malo, mi 
magister, tu mittas ; easque ut in promptu haberes, 
exemplaria quae apud nos erant misi tibi. Ego mox 
Ambr. 72, alia conficiam | quae .... e<x> eo . . . . sine 
ow ng i n <g en ti> mora intercedente 3 alia mihi scripserit. 
Vale mi dulcissime magister. Nepotem saluta. 

Ad Antoninum Imp. ii. 9 (Naber, p. 112). 
Ambr. 72 I DoMINO meo. 

ad f ln > Has interea orationes mittito. In le<gendo> 

duas delig<am Domino fratri tuo mittendas>. 4 

1 This word, according to Hauler, is doubtful. Query 

2 In the Codex follow the words Legi emevdavi qui supra. 
Principia Historiae hrontonis. * Heindorf for i iterwdendc. 

4 Additions by Alan to supply the four words Mai says 
are missing (so Naber) ; but in his 1823 edition Mai says half 
a column is lost. 

After this letter follow two letters, Domino meo and Magis- 



anything had been done, wrote to the Senate de- 
spatches expressly composed to describe the state of 
affairs, as one who had the rehabilitation of eloquence 

deeply at heart If any one reads the 

accounts side by side, as to whether the great-grand- 
father or the great-grandson shall appear to be first 
in merit, however the question of superiority be 
decided, the difference will only be a family matter 

Marcus Antoninus to Fronto 

rr, 165 A.D. 

lo my master. 

The Lord my brother desires that the speeches 
should be sent to him as soon as possible by me or 
by you. I should prefer, my master, for you to send 
them, and that you might have them ready at hand I 
have sent you the copies I have by me. I shall soon 
get others made which .... without the inter- 
position of any great delay, will write me others. 
Farewell, my sweetest of masters. My love to your 

Fronto to Marcus Antoninus 

t, T j 165 A.D. 

lo my Lord. 

Meanwhile send me the speeches. In looking 

them through I will choose two to be sent to your 


tro meo salutem, illegible except for a word here and there. 
They are contained on Ambr. 71 (Naber, p 112). Moreover 
the words, given by Naber, p. 107, at the beginning of Ad 
Anton, ii. 6 lAmbr. 143, col. 2), do not appear to belong to 
that letter, and I give them here as read by Brakman Vel a 
<te> visum quanta sollicitudincm <.mihi adftrant> .... 
ita deo . ... id ago .... explora diligentius. They are 
from a letter of Fronto's and refer, perhaps, to his grief. 



Ad Antoninum Imp. ii. 8 (Naber, p. 111). 

Domino meo. 

Pro cetera erga me benivolentia tua fecisti, 
quod orationum, quas frater tuus Dominus noster 
desideraverat, inittendarum me gratiam inire voluisti. 
Adiunxi ultro ego tertiam orationem pro Demostrato 1 
Petiliano, de qua ilia scripsi : Adiunxi, inquam, oratio- 
nem pro Demostrato, quam quom primumfratri tuo opiuli, 
didici ex eo Asclepiodotum, qui oralione ista compelletur, 
a te non improbari. Quod ubi primum compeii, curavi 
equidem abolere orationem. Sed iam pervaserat in manus 
plurium quam ut aboleri posset. Sed quid Jiat postea ? 
Quid, inquam, Jiat ? nisi et Asclepiodotum, quia <tu> 
probasti, 2 mihi quoque fieri amicissimum, tarn hercle quam 
est H erodes summits nunc mens, quamquam extet oratio. 
Vale mi Domine dulcissime. 

De Nepote Amisso, i. (Naber, p. 231). 

| Magistro meo salutem. 

Modo cognovi de casu. Quom autem in singulis 
articulorum tuorum doloribus torqueri soleam, mi 
magister, quid opinaris me pati quom animum doles? 
Nihil conturbato mihi aliud in mentem venit quam 

1 So Cod., Hauler, who says there are other variations in 
the preceding lines, which he does not record. 
8 See Hauler, Witn. Mud. 28, Pt. 1, p. 169. 

1 Demostratus appears twice as an accuser of Herodes in the 
year 142 (for the trial see i. 60 ff.), and again in 170, as we learn 



Fronto to Marcus Antoninus 

rr, T j 165 A.D. 

lo my Lord. 

It is in keeping with all your other kindness 

towards me that you wish me to oblige my Lord 

your brother by sending him the speeches which he 

asked for. I have taken the liberty of adding a 

third speech, that for Demostratus Petilianus, 1 about 

which I have written to him as follows : / have added 

the speech for Demostratus, but on submitting this to your 

brother 2 / learnt from him that Asclepiodotus, though he 

is taken to task in that speech, is not thought ill of by you. 

As soon as I was aware of this I did my best to have the 

speech suppressed. But it had already been circulated 

too widely to be called in. What is to be done next ? 

What, I say, to be done, except that Asclepiodotus too 

since he has earned your appi obation, should become a 

veiy dear friend of mine also, just as by heaven H erodes 

and I are now on the lest of terms, in spite of the speech 

being extant. Farewell, my most sweet Lord. 

Marcus Antoninus to Fronto 

165 A.D 
To my master, greeting. 

I have just heard of your misfortune. Suffering 

anguish as I do when a single joint of yours aches, 

my master, what pain do you think I feel when it is 

your heart that aches? Under the shock of the 

news I could think of nothing else than to ask you 

from Philostratus, who also tells us that he wrote speeches 
against Herodes. The speech of Fronto here mentioned 
may also be the one against Herodes spoken of above (i. 65), 
but the allusion reads as if it were a recent one. 
* i.e. Marcus. 



rogare te ut conserves mihi dulcissimum magistrum, 
in quo plura solacia vitae huius habeo <quam> quae 
tibi tristitiae istius possunt ab ullo contingere. 

Mea manu non scripsi, quia vesperi 1 loto tremebat 
etiam manus. Vale mi iucundissime magister. 

De Nepote Amisso, ii. (Naber, p. 232). 

Antonino Augusto I Fronto. 

1. Multis huiusmodi maeroribus fortuna me per 
omnem vitam meam exercuit. Nam ut alia mea 
acerba omittam, quinque amisi liberos miserrima qui- 
dem condicione temporum meorum, nam quinque 
omnes unumquemque semper unicum amisi, has orbi. 
tatis vices perpessus, ut numquam mihi nisi orbato 
filius nasceretur. Ita semper sine ullo solacio resi- 
duo liberos amisi, cum recenti luctu procreavi. 

2. Verum illos ego luctus toleravi fortius, quibus 
egomet ipse solus cruciabar. Namque meus animus 
meomet 2 dolori obnixus, oppositus quasi solitario 
certamine, unus uni par pari resistebat. At no<n 
iam> ego <uni> vel soli <obsto>, dolor e<nim> e 
dolore acri multiplicatur et cumulum luctuum meo- 
rum diutius ferre nequeo; 3 Victorini mei lacrimis 
tabesco, conliquesco. Saepe etiam expostulo cum 
deis immortalibus et fata iurgio compello. 

1 Charisius, An Gram. ii. 223, 26 (Kiel), quotes from 
the fifth book of letters Ad Antoninum, at < nim vesperi in 
triduum mittam. Elsewhere Marcus always uses vespera. 

2 Haupt for Cod. mrm>t. 

3 In this passage I follow Brakman, filling up the gaps as 
best I can. 



to keep safe for me the sweetest of masters, in whom 
I find a greater solace for this life than you can find 
for your sorrow from any source. 

I have not written with my own hand because 
after my bath in the evening even my hand was 
shaky. Farewell, my most delightful of masters. 

On the loss of his Grandson 1 

165 A.D. 

Fronto to Antoninus Augustus. 

1. With many sorrows of this kind has Fortune 
afflicted me all my life long. For, not to mention 
my other calamities, I have lost five children under 
the most distressing circumstances possible to my- 
self. For I lost all five separately, in every case an 
only child, suffering this series of bereavements in 
such a way that I never had a child born to me 
except while bereaved of another. So I always lost 
children without any left to console me and with my 
grief fresh upon me 1 begat others. 

2. But I bore with more fortitude those woes by 
which I myself alone was racked. For my mind, 
struggling with my own grief, matched as in a single 
combat man to man, equal with equal, made a stout 
resistance. But no longer do I withstand a single or 
solitary opponent, for grief upon bitter grief is multi- 
plied and I can no longer bear the consummation of 
my woes, but as my Victorinus weeps, I waste away, 
I melt away along with him. Often I even find 
fault with the immortal Gods and upbraid the Fates 
with reproaches. 2 

1 This grandson may be the one who died, aged three, in 
Germany (see Ad Verum, ii. 9, 10, below). 

2 See Marcus, Thoughts, ii. 2, 3 ; 13, 16 ; iv. 3, 32 ; vi. 49, 



3. Victorinum pietate mansuetudine veritate inno- 
centia maxima, omnium denique optimarum artium 
praecipuum virum acerbissima morte filii adflictum, 
hoccine ullo modo aequum aut iustum fuit? Si 

Ambr. 155 providentia res gubernantur, hoc idem J | recte pro- 
visum est? Si fato cuncta humana decernuntur, 
hoccine fato decerni debuit? Nullum ergo inter 
bonos ac malos fortunarum discrimen erit? Nulla 
deis 2 nulla fatis diiudicatio est, quali viro Alius eripi- 
atur? Facinorosus aliqui<s> et scelestus mortalis, 
quem ipsum numquam nasci melius foret, incolumes 
liberos educit, in morte sua superstites relinquit. 
Victorinus vir sanctus, cuius similes quam plurimos 
gigni optimum publicum fuerit, carissimo filio pri- 
vatus est. Quae, malum, Providentia tam inique 
prospicit? Fata a fando appellata aiunt : hoccine 
est recte fari ? Poetae autem colus et fila fatis ad- 
signant : nulla profecto tam sit importuna et insciens 
lanifica, quae herili togae solidum et nodosum, ser- 
vili autem subtile et tenue subtemen neverit. Bonos 
virus luctu adfici, malos re familiari incolumi frui, 
neque mensum neque pensum fatorum lanificum 3 

4. Nisi forte alius quidem nos error iactat et 

1 m* hoccine. 

2 Nielmhr for Cod. dies. 
8 Ehrenthal lanificium. 



3. Victorinus, a man of entire affection, gentleness, 
sincerity, and blamelessness, 1 a man, further, con- 
spicuous for the noblest accomplishments to be thus 
afflicted by his son's most untimely death, was 
this in any sense just or fair? If Providence does 
govern the world, was this too rightly provided ? 
If all human things are determined by Destiny, 
ought this to have been determined by Destiny? 
Shall there, then, be no distinction of fortunes 
between the good and the bad? Have the Gods, 
have the Destinies no power of discrimination as 
to what sort of man shall be robbed of his son ? 
Some thoroughly vicious and abandoned wretch, 
who had far better himself never been born, rears 
his children safely and leaves them at his death 
to survive him. 2 Victorinus, a blameless man, is 
bereaved of his darling son, and yet it would have 
been in the highest interests of the state that as 
many as possible of his kind should be born. Why 
Providence — out upon it ! — if it provides unfairly ? 
The Destinies, they say, are called so from the word 
"to destine": is this to destine rightly? Now the 
poets assign to the Destinies distaris and threads. 
Surely no spinner would be so perverse and unskilful 
as to spin for her master's toga a heavy and knotty 
yarn, but for a slave's dress a fine and delicate one. 
For good men to be stricken with sorrow while the 
bad enjoy every domestic felicity — such a spinning 
performance by the Destinies I hold to be neither 
by weight nor rate. 3 

4. Unless maybe quite another error throws us 

1 See Dio, lxxii. II. » cp. Psalms, xvii. 14. 

3 Lit. task wri'ihed or measured. It would almost do to 
translate it " neither in rhyme nor reason." 



ignari rerum, quae mala sunt quasi prospera con- 
cupiscimus, contra quae bona sunt pro adversis 
aversamur, et mors ipsa, quae omnibus luctuosa 
videtur, pausam laborum adfert et sollicitudinum et 
Ambr. 156 calamitatum miser|rimisque corporis vinculis libera- 
tos ad tranquilla nos et amoena et omnibus bonis 
referta animarumque conciliabula travehit. Hoc ego 
ita esse facilius crediderim quam cuncta humana aut 
nulla aut iniqua providentia regi. 

5. Quodsi mors gratulanda potius est hominibus 
quam lamentanda, quanto quisque earn natu minor 
adeptus est, tanto beatior et dis acceptior existi- 
mandus est, ocius corporis malis exutus, ocius ad 
honores liberae animae usurpandos excitus. 1 Quod 
tamen verum sit licet, parvi nostra refert qui desidera- 
mus amissos : nee quicquam nos animarum immor- 
talitas consolatur, qui carissimis nostris dum vivimus 
caremus. Istum statum vocem formam auram 2 libe- 
ram quaerimus; faciem defunctorum miserandam 
maeremus, os obseratum, oculos eversos, colorem 
undique deletum. Si maxime esse animas immor- 
tales constet, erit hoc philosophis disserendi argu- 
mentum, non parentibus desiderandi remedium. 

6. Sed utcumque sunt ista divinitus ordinata, 

1 For Cod. exictiui. 

2 Or = anvmam (irvfv/ia). 



out, and through ignorance of the facts we are 
coveting what is evil, as though it were to our 
advantage, and, on the other hand, turning away 
from what is good, as though it were to our harm, 1 
whereas death itself, which seems grievous to all, 
brings rest from toil and care and trouble, and free- 
ing us from these most wretched fetters of the Lody 
transports us to those serine and delightful assem- 
blies of souls where all joys are to be found. I would 
more readily believe that this is so than that all 
human things are governed either by no Providence 
or by one that acts unfairly. 2 

5. But it death be rather a matter for welcome 
than for mourning, the younger each one attains to 
it the happier must he be accounted and the greater 
favourite of the Gods, 3 released as he will have been 
the sooner from the ills of the body, and the sooner 
called forth to inherit the privileges of an enfran- 
chised soul. Yet all this, true though it be, makes 
little difference to us who long for our lost ones, nor 
does the immortality of souls bring us the slightest 
consolation, seeing that in this life we are bereft of 
our best-beloved ones. We miss the well-known 
gait, the voice, the features, the free air; we 
mourn over the pitiable face of the dead, the lips 
sealed, the eyes turned, the hue of life all fled. Be 
the immortality of the soul ever so established, 
that will be a theme for the disputations of philo- 
sophers, it will never assuage the yearning of a 

6. But however these things have been ordained 

1 cp. Marcus, Thoughts, iv. 58 ; ix. 2 ; x. 36. 
- ibid. ii. 11; vi. 44. 

3 cp. the well-known fragment of Menander, %v oi Beol 
tyiXovaiv kiro6vi)GK*i vios. 



mihi quidem neutiquam diutinam adferent sollici- 
tudinem, cui tarn propinqua mors. Sive in aeternum 

Aiubr. 180 extinguimur, olim cupienti | rnihi, tandem . . . . tu 
acerbiora .... neque arborum neque .... 
eodem tempore .... heres tuus . . . . ad vin- 
demiam .... isto tempore .... asperius, nequi- 

Ambr. 179 vi prae fletu | ac dolore. Meus etiam hie mi x dul- 
cissimus nepos, quern ipse sinu meo educo, hie est 
profecto, qui me magis magisque lacerat et excruciat. 
Namque in huius facie ilium amissum contemplor, 
exemplum oris imaginor, sonum vocis eundem animo 
fingo. Hanc sibi dolor meus picturam commentatur. 
Verum defuncti vultum ignorans, dum verisimilem 
coniecto, maceror. 

7. Sapiet mea filia : viro omnium quantum est 
hominum optimo adquiescet : is earn consolabitur 
pariter lacrimando pariter suspirando <pariter> 2 
loquendo pariter conticiscendo. Senex ego parens 
indigne consolabor; dignius enim foret ipsum me 
ante obiisse. Neque ulla poetarum carmina aut 
sapientium praecepta tantum promoverint ad luctum 
filiae meae sedandum et dolorem leniendum, quan- 
tum mariti vox 3 <ex> ore carissimo et pectore 
iunctissimo profecta. 

8. Me autem consolatur aetas mea prope iam edita 
et morti proxima. Quae quom aderit, si noctis si 
lucis id tempus erit, caelum quidem consalutabo dis- 
cedens et quae mihi conscius sum protestabor : 

Ambr. 1S2 nihil in longo vitae meae spatio a me admissum | 

1 Heindorf for Cod. huic me. 2 Naber. 

8 Naber. Cod. has uxor e carissimo pectore. 



from heaven, to rne indeed, for whom death is so 
near, they can by no means bring any lasting per- 
plexity. Whether we are annihilated for ever, as 

I once desired, at last 

I was unable for grief 

and tears. Now it is even my darling grandson, 
whom I am bringing up myself in my own bosom, it 
is he, indeed, who more and more rends and racks 
my heart. For in his lineaments I behold the other 
whom I have lost, I seem to see a copy of his face 
and fancy that I hear the very echo of his voice. 
This is the picture that my grief conjures up of 
itself. But not knowing the dead child's face I fret 
myself away with imagining what he was like. 

7. My daughter will be reasonable, she will rest 
upon her husband's love, and he is the best of men. 
He will comfort her by mingling his tears and sighs 
with hers, by speaking when she speaks and being 
silent when she is silent. It will scarce befit me, 
her aged father, to comfort her; for it were more 
fitting had I myself been the first to die. Nor would 
any poet's songs or philosopher's precepts avail so 
much to assuage my daughter's grief and soothe her 
pain as her husband's voice issuing from lips so dear 
and a heart so near her own. 

8. My comfort, however, I find in my life being 
almost spent and death very near. When it comes, 
be its advent by night or by day, yet will I hail the 
heavens as I depart and wiat my conscience tells 
me I will testify, 1 that in my long span of life I have 
been guilty of nothing dishonourable, shameful, or 

1 Charisius, in his An Grammatica, quotes from Fronto's 
second book of letters to Antoninus j Male me, Marce, prae- 
teniae vitae meae paenitet. 



quod dedecori aut probro aut flagilio foret; nullum 
in aetate agunda avarum, nullum perfidum facinus 
meum extitisse ; contraque multa liberaliter multa 
amice multa fideliter multa constanter saepe etiam 
cum periculo capitis consulta Cum fratre optimo 
concordissime vixi, quern patris vestri bonitate 
summos honores adeptum gaudeo, vestra vero 
amicitia satis quietum et multum securum video. 
Honores quos ipse adeptus sum numquam improbis 
rationibus concupivi. Animo potius quam cor- 
pori curando operam dedi. Studia doctrinae rei 
familiari meae praetuli. Pauperem me quam ope 
cuiusquam adiutum, postremo egere quam poscere 

9. Sumptu numquam prodigo fui, quaestu l inter- 
dum necessario. Verum dixi sedulo, verum audivi 
libenter. Potius duxi negligi quam blandiri, tacere 
quam fingere, infrequens amicus esse quam frequens 
adsentator. Pauca petii, non pauca merui. Quod 
cuique potui pro copia commodavi. Merentibus 
promptius, immerentibus audacius opem tuli. Neque 
me parum gratus quispiam repertus segniorem effecit 
ad beneficia quaecumque possem prompte imperti- 

1 Both text and margin have quaeslui. 


criminal ; my whole life through there has not been 
on my side a single act of avarice or of treachery, 
but on the contrary many of generosity, many of 
friendship, many of good faith, many of loyalty, 
undertaken, too, often at the risk of my life. With 
the best of brothers I have lived in the utmost 
harmony, and I rejoice to see him raised by your 
father's kindness to the highest offices and resting 
in the friendship of both of you in all peace and 
security. The honours which I myself have attained 1 
I never coveted to gain by unworthy means. I have 
devoted myself to the cultivation of my mind rather 
than my body. I have held the pursuit of learning 
higher than the acquisition of wealth. I preferred 
to be poor 2 rather than indebted to another's 
help, at the worst to be in want rather than 
to beg. 

9. In expenditure I have never been extravagant, 
sometimes earned only enough to live upon. I have 
spoken the truth studiously, I have heard the truth 
gladly. I have held it better to be forgotten than 
to fawn, to be silent than insincere, to be a negligent 
friend than a diligent flatterer. It is little I have 
sought, not a little I have deserved. According to 
my means I have obliged every man. The deserv- 
ing have found in me a readier, the undeserving a 
more quixotic, helper. Nor if I found anyone 
ungrateful, did that make me less willing to bestow 
upon him betimes all the services in my power ; nor 

1 In a letter from the fourth book of letters Ad Anton. 
Imp., quoted by Charisius, Ars ' Grammatica, ii. 197, 3 (Kiel), 
Fronto says Satis abundeque honorum est quos mihi cotidiano 

* He could not have been very poor; see Aul. Gellius, 



Ambr. 181 enda. Neque ego umquam ingratis oflfensior | fui. 
Eas quid<em> . . . , x mihi nee ob aeratos in re 
. . . . 2 omnibus cum .... putavi .... cuperem 
equidem .... male. Finem .... teneo .... 
male .... quam .... Si nobis carere .... 
operam. Sentio .... me proderes .... quani 

Ambr. 196 leto colens et statu mentis | . . . . doleam .... 
aliud .... reperto .... apud .... sana 

Col. 1, line 7 mundum .... solvere . . . . | non est veritatis 
nostra cum ii se indigere solacio. Dis placeat 
filiam generum .... domo .... bis ... . 
hinc de . . . . quorum .... vastitatem .... 

Ajnbr. 195 10. | Multum et graviter male 3 valui, mi Marce 
carissime. Dein casibus miserrimis adflictus, turn 
uxorem amisi, nepotem in Germania amisi, miserum 
me ! Decimanum nostrum amisi. Ferreus si essem, 
plura scribere non possem isto in tempore. 
Librum 4 misi tibi quern pro omnibus haberes. 

Ad Veruin Imp. ii. 9 (Naber, p. 137). 

Domino meo Vero Augusto. 

Fatigatum me valetudine diutina et praeter 
solitum gravi ac gravissimis etiam luctibus paene 
continuis adflictum, nam in paucissimis mensibus et 
uxorem carissimam et nepotem trimulum amisi — sic 
Ambr. 428, his plerisque me malis perculsum, 5 recreatum | tamen 
429° W " g aliquantum fateor, quod te meminisse nostri et quae- 
dam nostra desiderasse cognovi. Misi igitur quae 

1 Six letters lost. 2 Five letters lost. 

s So Cod. Brakman. 4 Query = lib'U-m, a letter. 

5 Hauler, IVim. Stud. 24, Pt. 1, p. 232. I have pre- 
ferred sic to his sed. Brakman, Itafemim <.m>e malis per- 
mulsum recreatumque. 



have I ever been vexed by the ungrateful 

10. I have suffered from constant and serious ill- 
health, my dearest Marcus. Then afflicted by the 
most distressing calamities I have further lost my 
wife, I have lost my giandson in Germany — woe is 
me ! — I have lost my Decimanus. 1 If 1 were of iron 
I could write no more just now. 

I have sent you a book which you can take as 
representing all my thoughts. 

Fronto to Lucius Verus 

To my Lord Verus Augustus. 

Worn out as I am with long-continued and more 
than usually distressing ill-health, and afflicted be- 
sides with the most distressing and almost uninter- 
rupted sorrows, for in a very few months I have lost 
both the dearest of wives and a three-year-old grand- 
son 2 — though thus prostrated by these accumulated 
evils, I confess that I was nevertheless not a little 
cheered to learn that you had not forgotten me and 
wished for something of mine. I therefore send 

1 Some think this is the grandson's name. 
8 See the preceding letters Dt Nepote. 



Dominus meus frater tuus litteris tuis admonitus 
mittenda censuit. Adiunxi praeterea orationem pro 
Demostrato, quam quom fratri tuo primum optuli, 
didici ex eo Asclepiodotum, qui oratione ista com- 
pelletur, a te non improbari. Quod ego ubi comperi, 
cupivi x equidem abolere orationem : sed iam perva- 
serat in raanus plurium quam ut aboleri posset. 
Quid ig<itur f>ieri, quid, inquam, op<orte>t? 2 
Nisi Asclepiodotum, quom a te probetur, mi hi quo- 
que fieri amicissimum, tarn hercule quam est Herodes 
summus nunc meus, quamquam extet oratio. 

Egit praeterea mecum frater tuus impense, quod 
ego multo impensius adgredi cupio, et ubi primum 
commentarium miseris, adgrediar ex summis volun- 
tatis opibus: nam de facultate tute videbis, qui me 
idoneum censuisti. 

Ad Verum Imp. ii. 10 (Naber, p. 138). 

Magistro meo. 

Certum esse te, mi magister carissime, etiamsi 
reticeam, nihil dubito quantae mihi acerbitati 3 sit 
tua omnis vel minima tristitia. Enim|vero quom et 
A.mbr. 427 uxorem per tot annos caram et nepotem dulcissimum 
paene simul amiseris, miser<icordiam 4 .... maxi- 
mam pernostique graviora mala quam ut> magistrum 
doctis dictis consolari audeam, sed patris est pectus 

1 So Hauler for Naber's curari. 

2 So Brakman ; but Hauler reads Quid igitur ? quid igitur, 
inquam, probabis ? 3 Heindorf for Cod. cu-erbitdis. 

4 Six lines are lost. For this passage see Hauler, 
Wocheiisch. 41, Oct. 11, 1918. 



what my Lord your brother, acting upon your letter, 
has decided should be sent. 1 have added besides 
the speech for Demostratus, but on submitting this 
to your brother I learnt from him that Asclepiodotus, 
though he is taken to task in that speech, is not 
thought ill of by you. As soon as I was aware of this 
I was myself anxious to suppress the speech, but it 
had already been circulated too widely to be called 
in. What then ? What then, I say, is best so be done, 
except that Asclepiodotus, since he has earned your 
approbation, should become to me also a very dear 
friend, just as by heaven Herodes and I are now on the 
best of terms, in spite of the speech being published. 
Besides your brother earnestly discussed with me 
what I am still more earnestly anxious to take in 
hand and, as soon as you send me your memoranda, 1 
I will take the task in hand with the best will in the 
world : for as to my qualifications, you who have 
judged me capable of it must see to that yourself. 

Lucius Verus to Fronto 

To my Master. 

You are aware I am sure, my dearest master, 
even if I keep silence, how keenly I feel every 
trouble of yours however slight. But, indeed, since 
you have lost simultaneously both a wife beloved 
through so many years, and a most sweet grandson, 
.... and you have known greater woes than I 
can dare to console my master for with well-turned 
words, but it is a father's part to pour forth a 

1 Notes on the conduct of the war mentioned above, Ad 
Verum, ii. 3. See above, p. 194. 



amoris pietatisque plenum effundere 1 

.... delibera .... Nunc ad reliqua litterarum 
tuarum convertar. Delectatus <sum> .... veri 
.... Quid <or>as, mi magister? .... nisi qui 
.... a me munus aut .... defendisset, qua 
si deficis .... quid aliud ego doctior 2 quicquam 
aut expeto aut somnio .... 

Ad Verum Imp. ii. 4 (Naber, p. 132). 

| Domino meo Vero Augusto. 

Quamquam me diu 3 cum ista valetudine vivere 
iam pridem pigeat taedeatque, tamen ubi te tanta 
gloria per virtu tern parta reducem videro, neque in- 
cassum vixero neque invitus quantum vitae dabitur 
vivam. Vale, Domine desiderantissime. Socrum 4 
et liberos vestros saluta. 

Ad Verum Imp. ii. 5 (Naber, p 132). 

Magistro meo. 

Quidni ego gaudium tuum mihi repraesenta- 
verim, mi magister carissime ? Equidem videre te 5 
et arte complecti et multum exosculari videor mihi 
toto .... 

1 Hauler, Wien Stud. 24, Pt. 2, p. 293 (J 918). 

2 Query dortius. 

3 Heindorf diutiun, Naber medius fidiua. 

4 Possibly tirortm should be read. 
6 Heindorf for Cod. me. 



heart full of love and affection 

Now I will turn to the rest of your letter. I was 

delighted What do 

you ask, my master? 

what else at all do 1 more learned either ask or 
dream of 

Fronto to Lucius Verus 

To my Lord Verus Augustus. 

Although for a long while past with this ill- 
health of mine it has been pain and grief for me to 
live on, yet when I see you return with such great 
glory gained by your valour, I shall not have lived 
in vain, nor shall I be loth to live, whatever span of 
life remains for me. Farewell, my Lord, whom I 
miss so much. Greet your mother-in-law x and your 

Lucius Verus to Fronto 

^ \/t 4. 1do * a.d. 

To my Master. 

Why should I not picture to myself your joy, 

my master? Verily I seem to myself to see you 

hugging me tightly and kissing me many times 

affectionately .... 

1 Socrum cannot = socerum and mean Marcus. Faustina 
must therefore have been with Verus and her daughter 
Lucilla, but whether in Asia or in Italy is not clear. As 
Lucius married Lucilla in 164, he is not likely to have had 
more than one child yet, and in any case the children would 
have been too young to have a message sent them. Therefore 
Faustina's other children must be included in liberos. as 
vestros also seems to shew. 



Ad Verum Imp. ii. 8 (Naber, p. 136). 

Vero Augusto Domino meo. 

.... | desideretur is honor, quo pariter quis- 
que expetit si quid honoris aliis impertitum videat. 
Probasti me laudastique consilium, neque tamen 
triduo amplius vel quatriduo id a te optinere potuisti, 
ut mihi verbo salutem\ responderes ; sed ita excogi- 
tasti : primum me intromitti in cubiculum iubebas, 
ita sine cuiusquam invidia osculum dabas, credo ita 
cum animo tuo reputans, mihi cui curam cultumque 
tradidisses oris atque orationis tuae, ius quoque 
osculi habendum, omnesque eloquentiae magistros 
sui lege 1 fructum capere solitos 2 in vocis aditu 
locatum. Morem denique saviandi arbitror honori 
eloquentiae datum. Nam cur os potius salutantes 
ori admovemus quam oculos oculis aut frontes front- 
ibus aut, quibus plurimum valemus, manus manibus, 
nisi quod honorem orationi impertimus? Muta deni- 
que animalia oratione carentia osculis carent. Hunc 
ego honorem mihi a te habitum taxo 3 maximo et 
gravissimo pondere. Plurima praeterea tua erga me 
summo cum honore et dicta et facta sensi. Quotiens 

1 Niebuhr laboris. 

8 For Mai's saltern,. Novak prefers savium. 

8 Brakman for Cod axo (query faxo) ; but we should 
rather expect the genitive after it. But Klussmann cp. Ad 
M. Caen. iii. 20 (i. p. 17*2), and reads habitum maximo gravius 
amo pondere. 

1 The loss of the opening words makes it difficult to 
divine the meaning of the first two sentences. There had 


Fronto to Lucius Verus 

To my Lord Verus Augustus. 

. . . .* the honour would be missed, whereby 
equally everyone hankers after any honour bestowed 
on others. You gave me your approval and applauded 
my advice, and yet for more than three or four days 
you could not prevail on yourself to answer me with 
the word greeting^ ; but you thought out this plan : 
first you bid me be admitted into your chamber: so 
you were able to give me a kiss without exciting 
anyone's jealousy, with this thought I suppose in 
your mind, that the privilege also of a kiss should 
belong to me, to whom you had entrusted the care 
and cultivation of your voice and speech, and that 
all masters of eloquence by innate right are wont to 
reap the reward lodged in the portals of the voice. In 
fine, I think that the custom of kissing was intended 
as an honour to eloquence. For why in greeting do 
we touch lips with lips rather than eyes with eyes or 
foreheads with foreheads or hands 2 with hands — 
and yet these are more indispensable than anything 
else — if it be not as rendering an honour to speech ? 
In fact, dumb animals being without speech are 
without kisses also. This privilege kept for me by 
you outweighs everything in my estimation. Many 
a time besides have I been sensible of the special 
honour which you have shewn me in word and deed. 

apparently been some jealousy excited among the entourage 
of Verus at the favour shewn to Fronto. The latter seems to 
have suggested some plan for obviating this, which Verus 
had not fallen in with, but followed another course. 

* Savages rub foreheads and noses. Shaking hands could 
not have been unknown, as clasped right hands were a com- 
mon symbol of amity and unity. 



tu manibus | tuis sustinuisti, adlevasti aegre adsur- 
gentem aut difficile progredientern per valetudinem 
corporis paene portasti ! Quam hilari voltu semper 
et placato tu 1 nos adfatus es ! Quam libenter con- 
seruisti sermonem, quam diu produxisti, quam invitus 
terminasti ! Quae ego pro maximis duco. Sicut in 
extis inspicienti diffissa plerumque minima et tenuis- 
sima maximas significant prosperitates deque 2 formi- 
carum et apicularum ostentis res maximae porten- 
duntur, item vel minimis et levissimis ab uno et vero 
Principe habitis officii et bonae volentiae signis signi- 
ficari arbitror ea quae amplissima inter homines et 
exoptatissima sunt, amor honorque. Igitur quae- 
cumque a Domino meo tuo fratre petenda fuerunt, 
per te petita et impetrata omnia malui. 

Ad Amicos, i. 9 (Naber, p. 180). 

| Fronto Caelio Optato salutem. 

Sardius Saturninus artissima mihi familiaritate 
coniunctus est per filios suos doctissimos iuvenes, 
quos in contubernio mecum adsiduos habeo. Magno 
opere eum tibi, frater, commendo et peto, si quid 
negotii eum ad te addu.xerit, 8 carissimum mihi virum 
omni honore dignum iudices et ope tua protegas. 

1 Naber for Cod placaiissvmo. 

2 See Hauler, Wien. Stud. 25, pt. 1, p. 331 and 24, pt. 1, 
p. 232, for this passage. The words are also found in the 
margin, but with ut for deque and benivolentiaeiov bonae vol. 

3 For Cod. eduxerit. 



How often have you supported me with your hands, 
lifted me up when scarcely able to rise, and well- 
nigh carried me when hardly able to walk from 
bodily weakness ! x With what a cheerful and 
friendly countenance have you always accosted me ' 
How readily engaged in conversation, how long con- 
tinued it, how reluctantly concluded it ! All which 
I value above measure. Just as in the inspection of 
entrails the smallest and most insignificant parts 
when laid open generally imply the greatest good- 
fortune, and by omens from ants and bees the 
greatest events are foretold, so by even the least 
and most trivial signs of deference and good-will, 
vouchsafed by the one and very Emperor, are signi- 
fied, as I think, those things that are the most 
estimable and the most coveted among men, love 
and honour. Therefore all the favours I have had 
to ask from my Lord your brother I have preferred 
to ask and obtain through you. 

? 166 A.D. 

Fronto to Caelius Optatus, 2 greeting. 

There is a bond of the closest intimacy between 
Sardius Saturninus and myself through his sons, 
young men of the highest culture, whom I have 
constantly under my roof. I recommend him to you 
most cordially, my brother, and ask that, if any 
business bring him to you, you shoull judge as 
worthy of all respect a man very dear to me, and 
should befriend him with all your power. 

1 Fronto suffered from rheumatism, but not, it appears, 
as his contemporary Folemo, from arthritis. 

2 Was legatus of Numidia in 166 j this letter may be 
to him in his province. 



Ad Amicos, i. 10 (Naber, p. 180). 

Fronto Petronio Mamertino 1 salutem. 

Sardius Saturninus filium habet Sardium Lupum, 
Ambr. 819 doctum et facundum | virum, de mea domo meoque 
contubernio in forum deductum, ad omnes bonas 
artes a me institutum, frequentissimum auditorem 
tuumque maximum laudatorem 2 <nec> minus .... 
habuit .... egregias .... gravissimum .... 
mihi .... cum Sardio Saturnino, qui .... nos- 
trae numeres ac diligas. 

Ad Amicos, i. 20 (Naber, p. 187). 

Ambr. 281, | Fronto Sardio Saturnino salutem. 

mi*. 1 ** Gravissimum casum tuum recenti malo consolari 

nequivi periculosa valetudine ipse et in hoc tempus 
conflictatus, quom quidem mihi languore fesso plu- 
rium aegritudinum venit nuntius amissi iuvenis nostri, 
quem tibi optimum filium fors iniqua abstulit, mihi 
iucundissimum contubernalem. Quam ob rem, quam- 
quam recuperata sit commoda valetudo, tristitia 
tamen inhaeret animo meo magisque in dies augetur 
maerore Lupi nostri fratrem optimum misere desi- 
derantis. Quom 3 praesentem ac loquentem 4 vix 
consolarer, 5 sentio quam difficile <sit> te absentem 

1 The Cons. Suff. in 150 was M. Petr. Mamertinus, the 
father, no doubt, of the Petr. Mamertinus who married a 
daughter of Marcus ; see Capit. Fit. Co/nm. vii. 5. 

* There are seventeen lines from here to the end of the 



? 166 A.D. 

Fronto to Petronius Mamertinus, greeting. 

Sardius Saturninus has a son Sardius Lupus, a 

learned and eloquent man, introduced to the Forum 

from my hearth and home, instructed by me in all 

the noble arts, a most assiduous hearer and a very 

great admirer of yours, nor the less 

with Sardius Saturninus, 

.... you should count and love (as a member of) 
our (family). 

? 166 A.D. 

Fronto to Sardius Saturninus, greeting. 

I have been unable to condole with you, while 
the wound was still fresh, in your most terrible 
affliction, being myself prostrated even up till now 
with a dangerous illness, at which very time, when 
I am worn out with the depression caused by many 
troubles, there has come the news of the loss of 
our young friend whom an unjust fate has torn 
away, from you the best of sons, from me the most 
delightful of housemates. Wherefore, though I am 
much better in health, yet sorrow cleaves to my 
heart and is intensified by the anguish of our Lupus, 
who feels dreadfully the loss of the best of brothers. 
Since it would not be easy to console you, even if 
you were present and talking with me, I feel how 

3 Heindorf <Qwm>- quom. 

4 Query adloquens te. 
8 For Mai's consoler. 



per litteras consolari. Neque postulo ut maerere 
desinas — id enim frustra postulabo — sed ut moder- 
<atius maereas> 1 . . . . 2 

Ad Amicos, i. 24 (Naber, p. 188). 

Iunio Maximo Fronto salutem. 
Ambr. 278, Per Ulpium nostrum 3 . . . . holnestatis gravi- 

after two ,. . l -,. , • j 

pages lost tatisque tuae praedicatorem, quern cupio ad me 
celeriter remittas. Neque enim cum alio ullo tanta 
mihi familiaritas est aut tantus usus studiorum 
bonarumque artium communicandi. Multo etiam 
mihi iucundior erit. quom sermones de te mutuo 
recolemus ac recensebimus. 

Ad Amicos, i. 25 (Naber, p. 188). 

Fronto Squillae Gallicano 4 salutem. 

Tibi, domine frater, commodius evenit qui pro 
filio nostro praesens trepidaveris, quam mihi, qui tre- 
pidaverim absens. Nam tua trepidatio pro eventu 
actionis facile sedata est ; ego quoad mihi ab omni- 
bus contubernalibus nuntiatum est, quo successu 
noster orator egisset, trepidare non destiti. Et tu 
quidem ad singulos orationis successus, prout quaeque 

» Alan. 

2 Two pages are missing between this and what we have 
of the next letter. These contained three letters, probably 
like this one, letters of consolation, for the margin has 
consolatoriae. See Index (Naber, p. 172 ; Ambr. 337) : 
(1) Iunio Maximo ; Human i casus humini. . . . (2) Praecilio 
Pompeiano : Labris eius labrafovi. . . . (3) Sardio Saturnino : 
ffortatvs sum constanter. . . . 

3 From the Index (Naber, p. 172 ; Ambr. 337). 

4 Consul in 150. 



difficult it is to console you when absent by letter. 
And I do not ask you to cease grieving — for it would 
be useless to ask that — but to grieve with some 
moderation .... 

? 166 A.D. 

Fronto to Junius Maximus, greeting. 

By our friend Ulpius l . . . . (this) eulogizer 
of your probity and dignity, whom I desire you to 
send back to me speedily. For there is no one with 
whom I am on such intimate terms, or with whom I 
am wont so much to share my pursuits and love ot 
the noble arts. He will be still more delightful to me 
when we exchange our mutual reminiscences and 
views of you. 

f 166 A.D. 

Fronto to Squilla Gallicanus, greeting. 

Yours has been a happier lot, 2 my lord brother, 
for you have felt nervous for your son on the spot, 
than mine, who have had to endure my nervousness 
at home. For your nervousness was easily allayed 
with the completion of the pleading, while I did not 
cease to be nervous until all my pupil housemates 
had brought me news of the success with which our 
orator had conducted the case. And you, indeed, 
at each separate triumph of the speech, as each 

1 Possibly the famous jurist Ulpius Marcellus, who was 
one of the Consilium of Marcus. 

2 Fronto writes to his friend Gallicanus on the success of 
his son at the bar. This son was evidently one of his pupils 
who lived in his house (comubcrnahs). The word dominies 
had come to be used as a complimentary title with films and 



sententia laudem meruerat, 1 gaudio fruebare ; at ego 
domi sedens perpetua sollicitudine angebar, ut qui 
periculum actoris recordarer, laudibus actionis non 
interessem. Turn praeterea multiplices tu fructus 
abstulisti : non enim audisti tantura sed et vidisti 
agentem ; nee eloquentia sola sed etiam vultu eius 
et gestu laetatus es. Ego tametsi quid dixerit scio, 
tamen ignoro quemadmodum | dixerit. Postremo 2 
.... cui Callistus 3 lacrimas .... patrem .... 
adeptus es . . . . quia .... gaudeo . . . . et 
.... hodie .... esse si hodie .... mens 
.... in forum descendit natalibus nobilis, de foro 
rediit eloquentia quam genere nobilior 4 . . . . 

1 Heindorf for Cod. meruerit. 

1 From here to the end of the letter are twenty-six lines. 
3 This word is not certain. 

♦ From the margin of the Codex. After head of the letter 
the margin has mire scripta epistola. 



sentence evoked applause, were filled with joy, while 
I, sitting at home, was tortured with continuous 
anxiety, conscious as I was of the difficulties before 
the pleader, yet unable to share in the praises of his 
pleading. Then you carried away manifold advan- 
tages besides, for you not only heard, but also saw 
the performer, and were delighted not by his elo- 
quence only, but by his look and gesture. For me, 
though I know what he said, yet I do not know how 
he said it 

He went down to the Forum noble by birth, he 
came back from it more noble by eloquence than by 
lineage .... 




Ex Dione Cassio, lxix. 18 

Kopv^Aios &povTO)V 6 tcl Trpwra t<oj/ tot« Pa>//,atW iv 
SiKais <t>€p6n€vos, €o-7re'pas 7tot€ fiaOeias oltto Suttvov 
OLKaBe iiraviuyv kcu p.a6<i)v lrapd tivos, w (rvvrjyoprjcrciv 

VTT€(TXr)TO, SlKa&lV dVTOV, tv T€ T7) CTToXrj TYj htLTTVLTlhl, 

uxTircp ctx ev » *** T ° SiKaor^piov auToO elarjXOc /ecu ^cr- 
TracraTO, oirri yc t<3 cu>#ij/u> irpoapy/xaTt, t<3 "^aipc," dAAa 
tu> €(T7r€piV(3 t<3 " vytcuvc \prf(Tdp,€vo<;. 

Ex Eumenii Panegyrico Constantii, 14 

Fronto, Romanae eloquentiae non secundum sed 
alterum decus, quom belli in Britannia confecti 
laudem Antonino principi daret, quamvis ille in 
ipso Urbis Palatio residens gerendi eius mandasset 
auspicium, veluti longae navis gubernaculis praesi- 
dentem totius velificationis et cursus gloriam meruisse 
testatus est. 

1 The point in this story, such as it is, seems to be that 
the court was still sitting in the early morning hours when 
Fronto came in from his banquet. It was a new day to the 
court, but the end of Fronto's day. Hence his use of the 
evening salutation. For the difference between x°»P e > "Good 



Fronto's Salutation to Hadrian 1 

? About 136 a.d. 
Cornelius Fronto, who held the first place at the 
bar among the Romans of that day, was returning 
home on one occasion very late in the evening from 
a banquet, anH learning from one for whom he had 
promised to plead that Hadrian was sitting in court, 
he went in as he was in his banqueting dress to the 
court and saluted him, not with the morning salu- 
tation x ai P € Du * w ^h the evening one uyiWc. 

From the Speech on the War in Britain 

140-1 A.D. 
Fronto, not the second but the alternative glory 
of Roman eloquence, when he was giving the 
emperor Antoninus 2 praise for the successful com- 
pletion of the war in Britain, 3 declared that although 
he had committed the conduct of the campaign to 
others, while sitting at home himself in the Palace 
at Rome, yet like the helmsman at the tiller of a 
ship of war, the glory of the whole navigation and 
voyage belonged to him. 

cheer" (our "Good morning," or "How do you do?"), and 
vyiawe, "Vale" (our "Good night," or "Good-bye"), see 
Lucian, Pro Lapsu in Salutandn, i. , where a mistake in the use 
of these expressions is illustrated at length. 
2 Pius. 3 140A.D. 

Ex Artemidori De Somniis, iv. 24 

'Q<% kou &p6vro)V 6 apOpiTLKO? 0€pa7T€tav aiTrjaas eSofcv 
iv rots 7rpoao-T€toi? TrepnraTtiv koX TrvpTroX-qarei yjp-qo-d- 
/xcvos iraprjyopyOr] tKavws* a>s tcrov elvai to XP^ia 


Ex Auli Gellii Noctibus Atticis, xix. 8 

^7* arena caelum tritieum pluralia inveniantur : atque 
inibi de quadrigis inimicitiis nonnullis praeterea voca- 
bulis, an singulari numero comperiantur. 

1. Adulescentulus Romae priusquam Athenas con- 
cederem, quando erat a magistris auditionibusque 
obeundis otium, ad Frontonem Cornelium visendi 
gratia pergebam, sermonibusque eius purissimis bon- 
arumque doctrinaruin plenis fruebar. Nee umquam 
factum est, quoties eum vidimus loquentemque audi- 
vimus, quin rediremus cultiores doctioresque : veluti 
fuit ilia quodam die sermocinatio illius, levi quidem 
de re, sed a Latinae tamen linguae studio non ab- 
hor r ens. 

2. Nam quom quispiam familiaris eius, bene 
eruditus homo, et turn poeta illustris, liberatum se 
esse aquae intercutis morbo diceret, quod arenis 
calentfbus esset usus, turn illudens Fronto: 



Fronto's Dream-cure 

? 140 A.D. 

Fronto, who suffered from rheumatism, having 
prayed for a cure, dreamt that he was walking in the 
suburbs of the city, and was not a little comforted 
by a close application of fire : so much was this so 
that the result was little short of a cure. 

The plural of arena, caelum, etc. 

About 137 A.n 

Whether arena, caelum, triticum are found in the 
plural, and incidentally of quadrigae, inimicitiae, and 
some other words, whether they are met with in the 
singular number. 

1. When I was a young man at Rome, before I 
migrated to Athens, and had a respite from attend- 
ance on masters and at lectures, 1 used to visit 
Cornelius Fronto for the pleasure of seeing him, 
and derived great advantage from his conversation, 
which was in the purest language and full of ex- 
cellent information. And it was invariably the case 
that, as often as we saw him and heard his talk, we 
came away with our taste improved and our minds 
informed : as, for instance, was the case with *ha* 
discussion by him on one occasion of a question 
trivial in itself indeed yet not unconnected with 
the study of the Latin language. 

2. For when a certain close acquaintance of his, a 
man of learning and a distinguished poet of the 
time, told us that he had been cured of a dropsy by 
the application of heated " sands," Fronto, bantering 
him, said : 



" Morbo quidem " inquit "cares sed verbi vitio 
non cares. Gaius enim Caesar ille perpetuus dic- 
tator, Cn. Pompeii socer, a quo familia et appellatio 
Caesarum deinceps propagata est, vir ingenii prae- 
oellentis, sermonis praeter alios suae aetatis castis- 
simi, in libris quos ad M. Ciceronem De Analogia 
conscripsit, arenas vitiose dici existimat : quod arena 
numquam multitudinis numero appellanda sit, sicuti 
neque caelum neque triticum. Contra autem quad- 
rigas, etiam si currus unus equorum quattuor iunct- 
orum agmen unum sit, plurativo semper numero 
dicendas putat, sicut arma et moenia et comitia et 
inimicitiae — ni quid contra ea dicis, poetarum pul- 
cherrime, quo et te purges et non esse id vitium 

3. "De caelo" inquit ille "et tritico non infitias eo, 
quin singulo semper numero dicenda sint, neque de 
armis et moenibus et comitiis, quin figura multitudinis 
perpetua censeantur: videbimus autem post de inimi- 
citiis et quadrigis. Ac fortasse an de quadrigis vete- 
rum auctoritati concessero ; inimicitiam tamen, sicut 
inscientiam et impotentiam et iniuriam, quae ratio 
est quam ob rem C. Caesar vel dictam esse a veter- 
ibus vel dicendam a nobis non putat ? quando Plautus, 
linguae Latinae decus, deliciam quoque kviKm dixerit 
pro deliciis : 

Mea inquit voluptas, mea delicia. 

1 De Bello Partkico, ad fin. 

* Verg. Eel. v. 36, Georg. i. 317, uses hordeum (barley) in 

2 54 


" You are quit indeed of the disease, but of defect 
in diction you are not quit. For Gaius Caesar, the 
father-in-law of Gnaeus Pompeius, he who was dictator 
for life, from whom the family and designation of the 
Caesars are derived and still continue, a man of pre- 
eminent genius and distinguished beyond all his con- 
temporaries for purity of style, in those books which 
he wrote to Cicero On Analogy, 1 holds that arenae is a 
faulty locution, in that arena is never used in the 
plural any more than caelum or Iriticum; 2 but his 
opinion is that quadrigae, on the other hand, although 
a single chariot is a single team of horses yoked 
together, should always be spoken of in the plural 
number, just as arma and moenia and comilia and 
inimicitiae: unless, my most brilliant of poets, you 
have anything to say to the contrary that shall clear 
you and prove that you were not in fault." 

3. "As to caelum," said the other, "and triticum, I 
do not deny that they should always be used in the 
singular number; nor as to arma and moenia and 
comitia that they should be regarded as invariably 
plural words : about inimicitiae and quadrigae, how- 
ever, we will consider later ; and possibly as to the 
latter I shall bow to the authority of the ancients. 
But what grounds has C. Caesar for supposing that 
inimicitia was not used by the ancients and cannot be 
used by us, just as much as scientia and impotentia and 
iniuria ? since Plautus, the glory of the Latin tongue, 
has used delicia also in the singular number for 
deliciae : 

My darling, says he, my delight. 8 

the plural, and is taken to task by Bavius, a rival poet, who 
says he might as well say tritica (wheats). 
3 Plautus, Poen. I. ii. 152. 



[nimicitiam autera Q. Ennius in illo memoratissimo 
libro dixit : 

Eo inquit mgenio natus sum ; 

Amicitiam et inimicitiam in f route promptam gero. 

Sed enira arenas parum Latine dici quis, oro te, alius 
aut scripsit aut dixit? Ac propterea peto ut, si 
C. Caesaris liber prae manibus est, promi iubeas, ut 
quam confidenter hoc dicat aestimari a te possit." 

4. Tunc prolato libro De Analogia primo, verba 
haec ex eo pauca memoriae mandavi. Nam quom 
supra dixisset neque caelum, iriticumve neque arenam 
multitudinis significationem pati : Num tu inquit 
harum rerum natura accidere arbitraris, quod unam 
terram et plures ten as, et urhem et urbes, et imperium et 
imperia dicamus, neque quadrigas in unam nominis figu- 
ram redigere, neque arenam in multitudinis appellalionem 
convertere possimus ? 

5. His deinde verbis lectis sibi, Fronto ad ilium 
poetam : 

"Videturne tibi" inquit " C. Caesarem de statu 
verbi contra te satis aperte satisque constanter pro- 
nun tiasse ? " 

Turn permotus auctoritate libri poeta: " Si a Caesare " 
inquit " ius provocandi foret, ego nunc ab hoc Caesaris 
libro provocarem. Sed quoniam ipse ration em sen- 
tentiae suae reddere supersedit, nos te nunc rogamua 
ut dicas, quam esse causam vitii putes et in quadriga 
dicenda et in arenis." 


(nimicitia Q. Ennius has, in fact, used in that con« 
Btantly-quoted book of his : 

With such a character did Nature me endow, 
Friendship and enmity I bear upon my brow. 1 

But indeed, I beseech you, who else has either 
written or said that arenae is bad Latin ? And 
therefore I beg that, if Caesar's book be in your 
possession, you should bid it be brought, that you 
may jadge how positively he says this." 

4. On the first book On Analogy being produced, 
I committed to memory these few words from it. For 
after remarking that neither caelum nor triticum nor 
arena admits of a plural meaning, he 2 goes on, Do 
you think that it results from the nature of these things, 
that we speak of one land and many lands, and of a city 
and cities, and of an empire and empires, but cannot 
reduce " quadrigae " to a noun of singular number nor 
convert " arena " into a term signifying plurality ? 

5. After reading these words Fronto said to the 

''Are you satisfied that C. Caesar has decided 
against you clearly and firmly enough as to the 
status of the word ? " 

Then the poet, impressed by the authoritative nature 
of the book, said: "If there were the right of 
appeal from Caesar, I would now appeal from this 
book of Caesar's. But since he has himself omitted 
to give any reason for his verdict, I ask you now to 
tell us what fault you think there is in saying either 
quadriga or arenae." 

1 Achilles is speaking. Said also of Essex by Cuffe. 

2 Caesar. 



6. Turn Fronto ita responcfit : 

"Quadrigae semper, etsi multiiugae non sunt, mul- 
titudinis tamen tenentur numero, quoniara quattuor 
simul equi iuncti quadrigae, quasi quadriiugae, vo- 
cantur. Neque debet prorsus appellatio equorum 
plurium includi in singularis numeri unitatem. Ean- 
dem quoque de arena rationem habendam, sed in 
specie dispari, nam quom arena singulari numero 
dicta multitudinem tamen et copiam significet mini- 
marum ex quibus constat partium, indocte et inscite 
arcnae dici videntur, tamquam id vocabulum indigeat 
numeri amplitudine, quom ei singulariter dici 1 in- 
genita sit naturalis sui multitudo. Sed haec ego" 
inquit "dixi non ut huius sententiae legisque fundus 
subscriptorque fierem, sed ut ne Caesaris, viri docti, 
opinionem a-n-apa/xvO^Tov destituerem. 

7. " Nam quom caelum semper cVikws dicatur, mare 
et terra non semper, et pulvis et ventus et fumus non 
semper, cur inducias et caerimonias scriptores veteres 
nonnumquam singulari numero appellaverunt, ferias 
et mindinas et ivferias et exsequias numquam ? Cur 
mel et vinum et id genus cetera multitudinis nume- 
rum capiunt, lac non capiat ? Quaeri, inquam, ista 
omnia et enucleari et excudi ab hominibus nego- 
tiosis in civitate tarn occupata non queunt. Quin his 

1 Read dicto with Madvig, or after dici add <proprium 

1 Fronto himself used arena some few years later in 
143 a.d. ; see i. p. 160. It is often used by Ovid, and also by 
Vergil, Horace, Seneca, etc. 



6. Then Fronto replied as follows : 

" Quadrigae, even though only one horse is yoked, 
always keeps the plural number, since four horses 
yoked together are called quadrigae, as if it were 
quadriiugae, and certainly that which denotes several 
horses should not be compressed into the oneness of 
the singular number. The same reasoning applies 
also to arena, but from a different point of view, for 
since arena, though used in the singular number, yet 
signifies a plurality and abundance of tiny particles 
of which it is composed, arenae would seem to be 
used ignorantly and improperly, as though that term 
required an enlargement of number, though the con- 
ception of multitude essential to it is naturally ex- 
pressed by the singular number. But I have said 
this," he added, "not as the ratifier and endorser 
of this verdict and rule, 1 but that I might not leave 
the opinion of Caesar, a learned man, without any- 
one to stand up for it. 

7. "For while caelum is always spoken of in the 
singular, mare and terra not always, and pulvis and 
ventus and fumus not always, why have the old writers 
occasionally used induciae (a truce) and caerimoniae 
in the singular, but never feriae (holidays) and 
nundinae (market-day) and inferiae (sacrifice to the 
dead) and exaequiae (obsequies) ? 2 Why do mel and 
vinum and all other words of that kind admit of 
a plural, and lac not admit of one? All these 
things, I say, cannot be investigated and unravelled 
and hammered out by citizens so fully occupied 
in so busy a state. Nay, I see that I have kept 

2 So funerals in Old English. We use obsequies, though 
Shakespeare has obsequy. 



quoque ipsis, quae iam dixi, demoratus vos esse video, 
alicui opinor negotio destinatos. Ite ergo nunc et, 
quando forte erit otium, quaerite an qvadrigam et 
arenas dixerit e cohorte ilia dumtaxat antiquiore vel 
oratorum aliquis vel poetarum, id est classicus ad- 
siduusque aliquis scriptor, non proletarius." 

8. Haec quidem Fronto requirere nos iussit voca- 
bula, non ea re opinor quod scripta esse in ullis 
veterum libris existimaret, sed ut nobis studium lecti- 
tandi in quaerendis rarioribus verbis exerceret. 

Quod unum ergo rarissimum videbatur invenimus, 
quadrigam numero singulari dictam, in libro Satirarum 
M. Varronis qui inscriptus est Exdemetricus. Arenas 
autem ttXtjOvvtik^ dictas minore studio quaerimus, 
quia praeter C. Caesarem, quod e quidem meminerim, 
nemo id doctorum hominum dedit. 1 

Ex Auli Gellii Noctibus Atlicis, ii. 26 

Sermones M. Frontonis et Favorini pkilosophi de 
generibus colorum vocabulisque eorum Graecis et Latinis ; 
atque inibi color spadix cuiusmodi sit. 

1. Favorinus philosophus quom ad Frontonem 
consularem pedibus aegrum visum iret, voluit me 
quoque ad eum secum ire. Ac deinde, quom ibi apud 

1 There is some confusion here. Caesar ruled arcnae out. 
Pearce suggests <vitio>- dedit or vetuit, 



you over time even by so much as I have already 
said, bound as j^ou are I suppose on some business. 
Go then now, and when you chance to have the 
time, search whether some orator or poet, belonging 
at least to the more ancient school, that is, some 
writer of classic rank and of substance, and not of 
the common sort, have not used quadriga and 

8. Fronto bade us indeed look out for these words, 
not, I take it, because he thought they were to be 
found in any writings of the ancients, but that he 
might through the search after uncommon words 
practise us in the habit of reading. 

The form, then, which seemed the most un- 
common of all we did find, quadriga spoken of in 
the singular, in the book of Satires by M. Varro 
entitled Exdemetricus. But for arenae in the plural 
we looked with less care, because besides Caesar, as 
far as I remember, no man of learning has banned it. 

Names for the Colours in Latin and Greek 

After 143 a.d. 

Conversation of M. Fronto and Favorinus the philo- 
sopher on the different kinds of colours and the terms for 
them in Greek and Latin ; and incidentally what sort oj 
colour is spadix. 

1. When Favorinus the philosopher was on his 
way to visit Fronto, formerly consul, who had gout, 
he wished me also to accompany him thither. 
And then, when there, at Fronto's house, many 



Frontonem plerisque viris doctis praesentibus ser- 
mones de coloribus vocabulisque eorum agitarentur, 
quod multiplex colorum facies, appellationes autem 
incertae et exiguae forent, "plura sunt," inquit 
Favorinus, "in sensibus oculorum quam in verbis 
vocibusque colorum discrimina. Nam ut alias eorum 
concinnitates omittamus, simplices isti rufus et viri- 
dis colores singula quidem vocabula, multas autem 
species differentes habent. Atque earn vocum in- 
opiam in lingua magis Latina video quam in Graeca. 
Quippe qui rufus color a rubore quidem appellatus 
est: sed quom aliter rubeat ignis, aliter sanguis, 
aliter ostrum, aliter crocum, 1 has singulas run varie- 
tates Latina oratio singulis propriisque vocabulis non 
demonstrat, omniaque ista significat una ruboris 
appellatione, quom tamen ex ipsis rebus vocabula 
colorum mutuetur ; et igneum aliquid dicit et flam- 
meum et sanguineum et croceum et ostrinum et 
aureum. Russus enim color et ruber nihil a voca- 
bulo run differunt, neque proprietates eius omnes 
declarant, £ai 06<s autem et ipvOpos et irvpp6% et <£otvi£ 
habere quasdam distantias coloris run videntur, vel 
augentes eum vel remittentes vel mixta quadam 
specie temperantes." 

1 < aliter aurwn\-> seems to have fallen out; see aureum 



learned men being present, a discussion took place 
about colours and their designations, since there 
were many varieties of colours, but their denomin- 
ations few and ambiguous, Favorinus remarked 
that "more varieties of colour are distinguished 
by the sense of sight than differentiated by words 
and terms of speech. For, to omit their other 
nice bl endings, the simple colours red and green 
have indeed separate names but include many dif- 
ferent varieties and the dearth of terms for these 1 
find to be greater in Latin than in Greek. For 
instance, the colour rufus is indeed called so from 
rubor (redness), but while there is one redness of 
fire, another of blood, another of the shell-fish dye, 
another of saffron, (another of gold), yet our Latin 
speech does not discriminate between these separate 
varieties of red by separate and distinctive terms, 
but designates them all by the single term redness, 
though at the same time it borrows names for the 
colours from the objects themselves, and calls a 
thing fiery-red and flame-red and blood-red and 
purple-red and saffron-red and gold-red, 1 for the 
colours russus and ruber do not differ at all from the 
colour called rufus, nor do they express its peculiar 
shades; but gavdos (chestnut) and ipvOpos (wine-red) 
and Trvppos (flame-red) 2 and <f>o~ivi£ (purple-red) 3 seem 
to distinguish certain differences in the colour red, 
either darkening it or making it lighter or giving 
it an intermediate shade." 

1 In our old ballads the " red gold" often occurs. 

2 Plato ( Tim. lxviii. 3) says it is a mixture of chestnut and 

3 From the Phoenician discoverers, or perhaps date-red 
from the palm-tree. See below. 



2. Turn Fronto ad Favorinum : 

" Non infitias," inquit, " imus quin lingua Graeca, 
quam tu videre legisse, prolixior fusiorque sit quam 
nostra : sed in his tamen coloribus, quibus modo 
dixisti, designandis non perinde inopcs sumus, ut 
tibi videmur. Non enim haec sunt sola vocabula 
rufum colorem demonstrantia, quae tu modo dixisti, 
rufus et ruber ; sed alia quoque habemus plura quam 
quae dicta abs te Graeca sunt : fulvus enim et jiavus 
et rubidus et rutilus et luteus et spadix appellationes 
sunt rufi coloris, aut acuentes eum quasi incen- 
dentes aut cum colore viridi miscentes aut nigro 
infuscantes aut virenti sensim albo illuminantes. 

3. " Nam phoeniceus, quern tu Graece <f>oiviKa 
dixisti, noster est, et rutilus et spadix phoenicei <rvv- 
ww/xos, qui factus Graece noster est, exuberantiam 
splendoremque significat ruboris ; quales sunt 
fructus palmae arboris non admodum sole incocti, 
unde spadicis et phoenicei nomen est. Spadica 
enim Dorici vocant avulsum e palma termitem 
cum fructu. 

4. "Fulvus autem videtur, de rufo atque viridi mix- 
tus, in aliis plus viridis, in aliis plus run habere : 
sicut poeta, verborum diligentissimus, fulvam aquilam 
dicit et iasptdem, fulvos galeros et Julvum aurum et 



2. Then Fronto said to Favorinus : 

" We do not go as far as to deny that the Greek 
language, in which you seem to be well-read, is 
more comprehensive and copious than our own : still 
in designating those colours which you have just 
mentioned, we are not so poorly off as you seem 
to suppose. For, in fact, those words which you 
lately mentioned, rufus and ruber, are not our only 
ones to denote the colour red; but we have others 
besides and more than the Greek ones mentioned 
by you. For fulvus and Jlavus and rubidus and phoe- 
niceus and rutilus and luteus and spadix 1 are desig- 
nations of the colour red, either intensifying it, as 
if firing it, or blending it with green, or deepening 
it with black, or softly brightening it with greenish 

3. " For phoeniceus, which you mentioned in its 
Greek form <£ou/i£, is a word of our own, and rulilus, 
and spadix, which is synonymous with phoeniceus — a 
word that, though Greek by origin, is naturalized 
with us — signifies the richness and brilliance of red, 
such as it appears in the fruit of the palm-tree when 
not very much burnt by the sun ; and hence come 
the words spadix and phoeniceus. For the Dorians 
call a branch with fruit broken off from the palm- 
tree a spadix. 

4. " Fulvus, however, seems to be a blend of red 
and green, in which sometimes the one colour, some- 
times the other, predominates: as a poet, the most 
careful in his choice of words, calls an eagle fulvus, 
and jasper and wolfskin caps and gold, and sand 

1 These words represent the shades of red : tawny, auburn, 
brick-red, purple-red, golden-red, orange-red, date-red. 



arenam fulvam etfulvum leonem ; sicque Q. Ennius in 
Annalibus aere fulvo dixit. Flavus contra videtur ex 
viridi et rufo et albo concretus : sic flaventes comae 
et, quod mirari quosdam video, frondes olearum a 
Vergilio dicuntur flavae. Sic multo ante Pacuvius 
aquam flavam dixit et flavum pulverem ; cuius versus, 
quoniam sunt iucundissimi, libens commemini : 

Cedo tamen pedem, x lymphis flavis flavum ut pulverem 
Manibus isdem, quibus Ulixi saepe permulsi, abluam, 
Lassitudinemque minuam manuum mollitudine. 

Rubidus autem est rufus atrior 2 et nigrore multo 
mixtus. Luteus contra rufus color est dilucidior : 
unde eius quoque nomen esse factum videtur. Non 
ergo," inquit, "mi Favorine, species rufi coloris 
plures apud Graecos quam apud nos nominantur. 
Sed ne viridis quidem color pluribus ab illis, quam a 
nobis, vocabulis dicitur. Neque non potuit Vergilius, 
colorem equi significare viridem volens, caeruleum 
magis dicere equum quam glaucum : sed maluit 
verbo uti notiore Graeco quam inusitato Latino. 
Nostris autem Latinis veteribus caesia dicta est, quae 
a Graecis yA.avKio7rts, ut Nigridius ait, de colore caeli 
quasi caelia." 

5. Postquam haec Fronto dixit, turn Favorinus 
scientiam rerum uberem verborumque eius elegan- 

1 Some editors read cedo tuum pedem mi. 2 MSS. atrore. 

1 See Verg. Aen. xi. 751 ; iv. 261 ; vii. 6S8 ; vii. 279 ; xii. 
741 ; iv. 159 {cp. Luer. v. 902) ; but he also says flavum 
aurum (i. 592). Servius on the passage vii. 688 mentions 
Fronto as speaking of galerum. 

2 Verg. Aen. iv. 590; cp. Hor. Od. \. v. 4. 

3 From the Niptra. 



and the lion aWfulvus; 1 and so Quintus in his Annals 
used it of bronze. F/avus, on the other hand, seems 
to be a combination of green and red and white ; 
thus tresses are called faventes, 2 and, what I find 
surprising to some, Vergil speaks of the leaves of 
olives asfavae : and so, long before, Pacuvius 3 talked 
of water 4 and dust being flavus ; and as his lines are 
most delightful, I willingly recall them : 

Reach me thy foot, that these same hands that bathed 

Ulysses oft, 
May with the yellow waters cleanse the yellow dust, 
And with the hand's soft stroking soothe thy weariness. 

Rubidus, however, is a darker red with a large pro- 
portion of black. Luteus, on the other hand, is a 
more transparent red, from which its name also 
seems to be derived. 5 So you see, my Favorinus, 
that more shades of red have not distinctive names 
among the Greeks than among us. Nor have they 
more terms than we have for expressing the colour 
green either. Vergil, having occasion to describe a 
horse as green, could have used the word caeruleus 
rather than glaucus, but preferred to use a better 
known Greek word than an unusual Latin one. 6 Our 
ancient Latin writers called that caesia, which in 
Greek is yAavKWTris, as Nigidius 7 says, from the colour 
of the sky, as if caelia." 

5. When Fronto had said this, Favorinus, compli- 
menting him warmly on his abundant knowledge of 

4 Vergil calls the Tiber flaw* {Aen. vii. 31) and Horace. 

6 The word seems to be taken from a weed lutum, which 
was rather yellow than red. It is used of the dawn by 
Verg. Aen. vii. 26. 

• i.e. caeruleim in the sense of green, for which see Pro- 
pertius, iv. ii. 43 ; Ovid, M<t. xi. 158. 

7 A Pythagorean philosopher and grammarian of Cicero's 



tiam exosculatus: "Absque te" inquit "uno forsitan 
lingua profecto Graeca longe anteisset : sed tu, mi 
Fronto, quod in versu Homerico est, id facis : 

KaL vv K€v r) TrapeXaaaas r) afx<f>r)pL(T70v tOrjKas. 

Sed quom omnia libens audivi, quae peritissime 
dixisti, turn maxime, quod varietatem flavi coloris 
enarrasti, fecistique, ut intelligerem verba ilia ex 
annali quarto decimo Ennii amoenissima quae minime 
intelligebam : 

Verrunt extemplo placide 1 mare marmore Jlavo : 
Caeruleum spumat mare conferia rate pulsum. 

Non enim videbatur, caeruleum mare cum marmore 
flavo convenire. Sed quom sit, ita ut dixisti, flavus 
color viridi et albo mixtus, pulcherrime prorsus 
spumas virentis maris Jlavo marmore appellavit." 

Ex Auli Gellii Noclibus Atticis, xiii. 28 

Quod Quadrigarius cum multis mortalibus dixit, an 
quid et quantum differret si diocisset cum multis homi- 

Verba sunt Claudii Quadrigarii ex Annalium eius 
tertio decimo : 

Condone dimissa Metellus in Capitolium venit cum 
multis mortalibus : inde quom domum proficisceretur tota 
civitas eum reduxil. 

1 Editors read plaeidum 


facts and his felicity of expression, remarked, "But 
for you alone perhaps the Greek language would 
have come in first by a long way. But you, my 
Fronto, exemplify Homer's verse : 

Now had you passed me by in the race or made it a 
dead heat. 1 

But while I listened with delight to all that you 
have so learnedly said, yet I was especially pleased 
with your analysis of the varieties of the colour 
flavus, and at your enabling me to understand those 
most charming lines from the fourteenth book of the 
Annals of Ennius, which I never understood : 

They sweep forthwith the tranquil water s yellow flow ; 
Churned by the close-packt fleet the dark-blue ocean foams. 

For the f dark-blue' sea did not seem to corre- 
spond with the ' yellow' flow. But since you have 
told us that the co\onr flavus is a blend of green and 
white, the foam of the green sea was assuredly most 
beautifully expressed by flavo marmore." 

"Many Men" and "Many Mortals" 

After 143 a.d. 

Inasmuch as Quadrigarius 2 uses the expression "with 
many mortals" what and how much difference it would 
make if he had said " with many men" 

The words from the thirteenth book of the Annals 
of Claudius Quadrigarius are : 

The assembly being dismissed, Metellus came into the 
Capitol with many mortals : on his return home from 
there he was escorted by the whole city. 

1 Horn. //. xxiii. 382. 

2 A historian at the beginning of the first century B.C. 
who wrote a history of Rome from its capture by the Gauls. 



Quom is liber eaque verba M. Frontoni, nobis ei 
ac plerisque aliis adsistentibus, legerentur, et cuidam 
haud sane viro indocto videretur multis mortalibus pro 
hominibus multis inepte frigideque in historia nimis- 
que id poetice dixisse, turn Fronto illi, cui hoc vide- 
batur : 

u Ain' tu" inquit "aliarum homo rerum iudicii 
elegantissimi mortalibus multis ineptum tibi videri et 
frigidum? Nil autem arbitrare causae fuisse quod 
vir modestus et puri et prope cotidiani sermonis 
mortalibus maluit quam hominibus dicere ? Eandem- 
que credis futuram fuisse multitudinis demonstra- 
tionem, si cum multis hominibus ac non cum multis 
mortalibus diceret ? Ego quidem sic existimo, nisi si 
me scriptoris istius omnisque antiquae orationis amor 
atque veneratio caeco esse iudicio facit, longe lateque 
esse amplius prolixius fusiusque in significanda totius 
prope civitatis multitudine mortales quam homines 
dixisse. Namque multorum hominum appellatio in- 
tra modicum quoque numerum cohiberi atque includi 
potest, multi autem mortales nescio quo pacto et 
quodam sensu enarrabili omne fere genus quod in 
civitate est et ordinum et aetatum et sexus compre- 
hendunt. Quod scilicet Quadrigarius, ita ut res erat, 
ingentem et promiscam multitudinem volens osten- 
dere, cum multis mortalibus Metellum in Capitolium 
venisse dixit, ifx.<f>a.TiKu>Tepov quam si cum multis 
hominibus dixisset." 


When that book and those words were read to 
Fronto, while I and many more were sitting with 
him, it was the opinion of a person present, and one 
by no means unlearned, that it was absurd and frigid 
in a historical work to say " with many mortals " in- 
stead of " with many men," and savoured too much 
of poetry : then said Fronto to him who had ex- 
pressed this view : 

" Do you, a man of the correctest taste in other 
things, affirm that you think 'many mortals' an 
absurd and frigid expression ? And do you suppose 
that a man so discreet and master of so pure and 
current a style had no motive for preferring ' mortals' 
to * men ' ? And do you believe that it would have 
given the same convincing picture of a multitude of 
men if he had substituted multis hominibus for multis 
mortalibus ? For my part, unless my love and rever- 
ence for that writer and for all the language of our 
old authors blinds my judgment, I hold that, in so 
describing the concourse of nearly a whole city, 
' mortals ' is an expression far and away more ample, 
more comprehensive, and more copious than simply 
'men.' For the phrase multi homines can be con- 
tracted and compressed to mean quite a moderate 
number, while multi mortales in some mysterious 
way and by some subtle nuance includes almost the 
whole body of citizens of every class and age and 
sex. And surely Quadrigarius, wishing to describe 
what was actually the fact, the presence of a huge 
and mixed multitude, said that Metellus went 
into the Capitol ' with many mortals ' more 
emphatically than if he had said 'with many 
men.' " 



Ea nos omnia quae Fronto dixit quom ita, ut par 
erat, non adprobantes tantum sed admirantes quoque 

"Videte tamen" inquit "ne existimetis semper 
atque omni loco mortales multos pro multis mor- 
talibus esse dicendum, ne plane fiat Graecum illud 
de Varronis Satira proverbium to irrl Trj cf>aKy ixvpov." 

Hoc iudicium Frontonis, etiam in parvis minu- 
tisque vocabulis, non praetermittendum putavi, ne 
nos forte fugeret lateretque subtilior huiuscemodi 
verborum consideratio. 

Ex Auli Gellii Noctibus Atticis, xix. 10 

Verba haec praeter propter in usu volgari prodita etiam 
Ennii fuisse. 

1. Memini me quondam et Celsinum Tulium Nu- 
midam ad Frontonem Cornelium, pedes tunc graviter 
aegrum, ire visere. Atque ibi qui introducti sumus 
offendimus eum cubantem in scimpodio Graeciensi, 
circum undique sedentibus multis doctrina aut genere 
aut fortuna nobilibus viris. Adsistebant fabri aedium 
complures balneis novis moliendis adhibiti ; ostende- 
bantque depictas in membranulis varias species bal- 
nearum. Ex quibus quom elegisset unam formam 



When we were thus listening to all this that 
Fronto said, as was natural, not only with approba- 
tion but with admiration, he added : 

" Take care, however, not to think that multi 
mortales should be used always and on every occasion 
for multi homines, that the Greek proverb from 
Varro's Satire, myrrh-oil on a dish of lentils, may not 
be actually exemplified." * 

This criticism of Fronto's, though concerned with 
trifling and unimportant locutions, I thought worthy 
to be recorded, that we should not fail, perchance, 
through neglect or inadvertence to apply a nice 
discrimination to words of this kind. 

On praeter propter 

That the expression praeter propter, which has come to 
be a vulgarism, is found in Ennius. 

After 143 a.d. 

1. I remember that Julius Celsinus Numida and I 
once went to call on Cornelius Fronto who was at 
the time suffering from gout. When we were 
admitted, we found him lying on a pallet-bed of 
Grecian pattern with many persons eminent for 
learning, birth or fortune sitting round him. Several 
architects, called in for the construction of a 
new bath, were in attendance, and they were ex- 
hibiting various sketches of baths drawn upon little 
scrolls of parchment. When he had chosen one 

1 A proverb for " wasting a good thing "; see .also Cic. Ad 
Att. i. 19. 



speciemque veri, 1 interrogavit quantus esset pecuniae 
conspectus ad id totum opus absolvendum ? Quom 
architectus dixisset necessario videri esse sestertia 
ferme trecenta, unus ex amicis Frontonis " et praeter 
propter" inquit "alia quinquaginta." 

2. Turn Fronto dilatis sermonibus, quos habere de 
balnearum sumptu instituerat, aspiciens ad eum 
amicum, qui dixerat " quinquaginta esse alia opus 
praeter propter" "Quid hoc verbi esset praeter 
propter ? " interrogavit. 

Atque ille amicus "non meum" inquit "hoc 
verbum est sed multorum hominum quos loquentes 
id audias. Quid autem id verbum significet non ex 
me sed ex grammatico quaerendum est," ac simul 
digito demonstrat grammaticum, haud incelebri no- 
mine Romae docentem, sedentem. 

3. Turn grammaticus usitati pervolgatique verbi 
obscuritate motus, "quaerimus" inquit "quod honore 
quaestionis minime dignum est: Nam nescio quid 
hoc praenimis plebeium est et in opificum sermon- 
ibus quam in hominum doctorum notius." 

At enim Fronto iam voce atque voltu intentiore : 

"Itane" inquit "magister, dehonestum tibi de- 
culpatumque hoc verbum videtur, quo et M. Cato et 
M. Varro et pleraque aetas superior ut necessario et 
Latino usi sunt? " 

4. Atque ibi Iulius Celsinus admonuit in tragoedia 
quoque Q. Ennii, quae lphigenia inscripta est, id 

1 MS. veris. Lipsius and J. W. E. Pearce suggest speciosi 



of these plans, and a sketch of the actual thing, he 
asked what was the estimate for completing the 
whole wo- k ; and on the architect saying that about 
300,000 sesterces 1 would seem to be required, one of 
Fronto's friends said " and another 50,000 2 there or 

2. Then Fronto postponing the discussion which 
he had begun, as to the cost of the bath, turned to 
the friend, who had said that another 50,000 there 
or thereabout was required, and asked him what he 
meant by the expression praeter propter. 

And the friend answered, " It is not my word ; you 
can hear numbers of people using it. But as to its 
meaning, you must not ask me but the grammarian 
yonder," indicating at the same time a person who 
was present of no small note as a teacher of grammar 
at Rome. 

3. Then the grammarian, influenced by the mean- 
ness of a word in very common use,said,"The question 
is quite unworthy of our discussion. For the word 
is somehow too vulgar and more often to be met 
with in the conversation of mechanics than of 
educated men." 

But Fronto at this point shewing more earnestness 
in his tone and looks said : 

" And so this word appears to you, master, im- 
proper and faulty, which M. Cato and M. Varro and 
many generations of our predecessors used as in- 
dispensable and good Latin ? " 

4. Here Julius Celsinus reminded us that the 
very word which we were enquiring about occurred 
also in the tragedy of Ennius called Iphigenia, and 

* About £3,000. 2 About £500. 



ipsum de quo quaereretur scriptum esse, et a gram- 
maticis contaminari magis solitum quam enarrari. 
Quocirca statim proferri Iphigeniam Q. Ennii iubet. 
In eius tragoediae choro inscriptos esse hos versus 
legimus : 

Otio qui nescit uti, plus negotii 

Habet quam quoin est negolium in negotio. 1 

Nam cut quod agat institution est, nulto negotio 

In agit, id studet, ibi mentem atque animum delectat suum. 

Otioso in otio animus nescit quid velit. 

Hoc idem est; neque 2 domi nunc nos nee militiae sumus ; 

Imus hue, hinc illuc ; quoin illuc ventumst ire illinc lubet ; 

Incerte errat animus, praeter propter vitam vivitur. 

5. Hoc ubi lectum est, turn deinde Fronto ad 
grammaticum iam labantem : 

" Audistine," inquit, " magister optime, Ennium 
tuum dixisse praeter propter, et cum sententia quidem 
tali, quali severissimae philosophorum esse obiur- 
gationes solent ? Petimus igitur dicas, quoniam de 
Enniano iam verbo quaeritur, qui sit notus huiusce 
versus sensus : 

Incerte errat animus, praeter propter vitam vivitur." 

Et grammaticus sudans multum ac rubens mul- 
tum, quom id plerique prolixius riderent, exsurgit, 
et abiens "Tibi," inquit, " Fronto, postea uni dicam, 
ne inscitiores audiant et discant." 

Atque ita omnes relicta ibi quaestione verbi con- 

1 Merry reads negotiosod utitur negotio. 
a Merry reads idem <hic> est neque. 



that the meaning was as a rule rather tangled than 
unravelled by the grammarians. So he desired the 
Iphigenia of Q. Ennius to be brought forthwith ; and 
in a chorus of that tragedy we read these lines : 

He who can use not ease more labour has 
Than when his labour in his labour lies. 
For he who does what he has planned makes it 
No labour ; heart and mind delight therein : 
In idle ease the heart knows not its wish. 
So we : at home we are not nor abroad ; 
This way we go, then that ; no sooner come, 
We wish to go elsewhere ; we vacillate, 
And live but there or thereabout our life. 

5. When this passage had been read, Fronto turn- 
ing to the grammarian, who was now feeling un- 
comfortable, said : 

" Do you hear, excellent master, that your friend 
Ennius has used praeter propter, and in a sentiment 
as dignified as the severest scolding by philosophers 
could be ? We beg you, therefore, since we are 
enquiring about a word used by Ennius, to tell us 
what is held to be the meaning of this verse : 

Incerte erral animus, praeter propter vitam vivitur" 

And the grammarian, sweating profusely and 
blushing profusely, as most of us were laughing 
heartily at his dilemma, got up and, as he went out, 
said, "I will give you an answer some time when you 
are alone, as I do not wish the more ignorant 
listeners to hear and profit by what I say." 

After this we all rose up, leaving the discussion of 
the word there. 



Ex Auli Gellii Noctihus Atticis, xix. 13 
Quos pumiliones dicimus Graece vavovs appellari. 

1. Stabant forte una in vestibulo Palatii fabulantes 
Fronto Cornelius et Festus Postumius et Ap^llinaris 
Sulpicius; atque ego adsistens cum quibusdam aliis 
sermones eorum, quos de litterarum disciplinis habe- 
bant, curiosius captabam. 

2. Turn Fronto Apollinari : 

"Fac me" inquit "oro, magister, ut sim certus, 
an recte supersederim nemos dicere parva nimis 
statura homines maluerimque eos pumiliones appel- 
lare, quoniam hoc scriptum esse in libris veterum 
memineram : nanos autem sordidum esse verbum et 
barbarum credebam." 

3. "Est quidem hoc" inquit Apollinaris "in con- 
suetudine imperiti volgi frequens, sed barbarum non 
est, censeturque linguae Graecae origine ; vdvovs 
enim Graeci vocaverunt brevi atque humili corpore 
homines, paulum supra terram extantes, idque ita 
dixerunt adhibita quadam ratione etymologiae, cum 
sententia vocabuli competente ; et si memoria " in- 
quit " mihi non labat, scriptum hoc est in comoedia 
Aristophanis, cui nomen est 'AKAarjq. 1 Fuissetque 
autem verbum hoc ab te civitate donatum aut in 
Latinam coloniam deductum, si tu eo uti dignatus 
fores, essetque id impendio probabilius, quam quae a 

1 MS. 'Afa\€j or 'AKAaee'y. Brunck thinks the word 
should be KwKaAoi (Dindorf, Fragm. 134). 



On the word for Dwarf 

That those whom we call pumiliones are named vavoi 

in Greek. Ar . -, . D 

After 143 a.d. 

1. It chanced that Cornelius Fronto and Postu- 
mius Festus and Sulpicius Apollinaris were standing 
together in the porch of the Palace talking. I was 
standing by at the same time with some others and 
eagerly listening to their conversation on the niceties 
of language. 

2. Then said Fronto to Apollinaris : 

"Certify me, I beseech you, master, whether I 
was right in giving up speaking of men of very small 
stature as nani and preferring to call them pumiliones, 
since I remembered to have seen the word in the 
old writers : l but nani I believed to be a mean and 
barbarous word." 

3. " This word," said Apollinaris in reply, " is in 
fact commonly used by the uneducated vulgar, but 
it is not barbarous, and is classified as Greek by 
origin ; for the Greeks styled vavot men of short and 
low stature, such as stood but little above the ground ; 
and they used it in this way from some reference to 
its etymology, which tallies with the meaning of the 
word. And if my memory," he added, "is not at 
fault, it is found in the comedy of Aristophanes 
which is called 'A^Xa^. But this word would at once 
have been granted the franchise or been naturalized 
as a Latin colonist, if you had deigned to use it, and 
would be ever so much more worthy of approval than 

1 Lucr. iv. 1162, parvula pumilio. 



Laberio ignobilia nimis et sordentia in usum linguae 
Latinae intromissa sunt." 

4. Turn Festus Postumius grammatico cuipiam 
Latino, Frontoni familiari, " Docuit " inquit "nos 
Apollinaris nanos verbum Graecum esse ; tu nos 
doce, in quo de mulis aut equuleis humilioribus 
volgo dicitur, anne Latinum sit, et apud quem scrip- 
turn reperiatur? " 

5. Atqui ille grammaticus, homo sane perquam in 
noscendis veteribus scriptis exercitus, " Si piaculum" 
inquit "non committitur, praesente Apollinari, quid 
de voce ulla Graeca Latinave sentiam dicere, audeo 
tibi, Feste, quaerenti respondere, esse hoc verbum 
Latinum, scriptumque inveniri in poematis Helvii 
Cinnae, non ignobilis neque indocti poetae " ; ver- 
susque eius ipsos dixit quos, quoniam memoriae mihi 
forte aderant, adscripsi : 

At nunc me Cenumana per salicta 
Binis rheda rapit citata nanis. 

Gratiarum Actio in Senatu pro 
Carthaginienribus 1 

Sicut Rhodum condidisti. Ceteros omnium popu- 

1 Found by Mai in a palimpsest (Cod. Paint, xxiv. ff. 53 
and 46). Only the last 400 or so letters from the end of the 
speech are consecutively decipherable out of ahout 2,600. 
The scattere'l words legible from the rest of the speech 
contained a reference to the Carthaginian sea-power and 



the much too mean and vulgar expressions brought 
by Laberius into use in Latin." 

4. Then Postumius Festus, turning to a Latin 
grammarian, a friend of Fronto's, said, " Apollinaris 
has told us that nani is a Greek word. Will you 
inform us whether, as commonly used of mules and 
small horses, it is a Latin word, and in what author 
it is found? " 

5. And the grammarian, a man without a doubt 
exceptionally versed in the writings of the ancients, 
said, "If I am not guilty of criminal presumption in 
saying, with Apollinaris present, what I think of 
any Greek or Latin word, I venture, Festus, in 
answer to your question to say that this word is 
Latin and is found written in the poems of Helvius 
Cinna, 1 no mean or unlearned poet," and he recited 
his actual verses, which, as they happened to stick in 
my memory, I have added : 

Now swiftly past Cisalpine willow-thickets 
My phaeton and pair of jennets whirled me. 

Speech of Thanks in the Senate on behalf of the 
Carthaginians. Address to Antoninus Pius 

About 153 a.d. 

Just as you rebuilt Rhodes. Whatever Gods there 

1 The poet slain by mistake for the conspirator Cinna at 
the murder of Caesar. 

empire, to se.ditiones orbi, to a shrine, and possibly, as Mai 
thinks, to the elder Faustina. The dots in the last lines 
represent the actual letters lost. 


VOL. II. * 


lorum atque omnium urbium deos precor quaesoque 
ut salutem tuam, qua imperium populi Romani nos- 
traque salus et provinciarum et omnium gentium ac 
nationum libertas dignitas securitas nititur, in longa 
tempora protegant et diuturnius te salvom sistant, 
atque urbes ita ut incolumes sint in . . inium 
. . restituas . . atque praecipuas virtutes con- 
servent <ut> Latini nominis . . ornamentum . . 
causa tern .... nostrarum variarum fortunarunc 

Ex Octavio Minucii Felicis, ix. 8 

Et de convivio notum est : passim omnes loquuntur • 
id etiam Cirtensis nostri 1 testatur oratio : — 

"Ad epulas solemni die coeunt cum omnibus 
liberis sororibus matribus sexus omnis homines et 
omnis aetatis. Illic post multas epulas, ubi convi- 
vium caluit 2 et incestae libidinis, ebrietatis 3 fervor 
exarsit, canis qui candelabro nexus est, iactu offulae 
ultra spatium lineae, qua vinctus est, ad impetum et 
saltum provocatur : sic everso et extincto conscio 
lumine impudentibus tenebris nexus infandae cupi- 
ditatis involvunt per incertum sortis, et si non 

1 cp. Min. Fel. xxxi. 1. Sic de isto (convivio) ft tuus Fronto non 
ut nfirmcUor testimonium feci' sed canricium ut orator aspcrsit. 
* Or inca/uit. Naber reads cnalnit. 
1 Hildebrand would read vbriolcfis. 

1 Nothing more is knowno of this speech or the attitude of 
Fronto towards the Christians Some of these were put to 
death under Lollius Utbicus, the praef. urbi at Rome in 152, 
and again under Rusticus in 163. Had Fronto gone to Asia 



be of all peoples and of all cities I pray and beseech 
to guard for long years to come your health, on 
which is based the empire of the Roman People and 
our safety and the liberty, dignity, and security of 
the provinces and of all races and nations, and to 
keep you safe far into the future, and the cities so 
that they be unharmed .... may you restore 
.... and may they keep their conspicuous virtues 
(to be) .... an ornament of the Latin name .... 
the mainstay of our changing fortunes. 

The " Incestuous Banquets" of the Christians 

And about their banquet the facts are known : 
they are common talk everywhere : the speech x of 
our fellow citizen from Cirta also bears witness to 
them : — 

u On a regular day they come together for a feast 
with all their children and sisters and mothers, per- 
sons of both sexes and of every age. Then after 
much feasting, when the banquet has waxed hot 
and the passion of impure lust and drunkenness has 
been kindled in the company, a dog which has been 
tied to the standing lamp is incited to jump and 
bound up by a little cake thrown to it beyond its 
tether. The tell-tale light being by this means cast 
down and extinguished, the guests under cover of 
the shameless darkness embrace one another in 
their unspeakable concupiscence, as chance brings 

as proconsul in 154 (see i. p. 237), he would have had to 
deal with the incident of Polycarp's martyrdom. The 
accusation of Bveo-rra Senrva against the Christians was com- 
mon : see Tert. Apvl. vii.j Justin, Apol. i. 26, etc. 

*8 3 


omnes opera, conscientia tamen pariter incesti, quo- 
niam voto universorum adpetitur quidquid accidere 
potest in actu singulorura." 1 

Ex M. Antonini libro Pro Rebus Suis, L 11 

Ylapa. $pdi'T(ovos to iTno-Trjcrai, ota 17 rvpawiKT) (3a- 
crKavia kcu 7rotKiXta kou viroKpio-is kclI otl cos kTrinav 01 


1 The paragraph immediately preceding this in Min. Felix, 
giving an equally unveracious description of the ''Thyestean 
banquets" attributed to the Christians, is similar in style to 
this extract, and probably came from the same source. 
Another quotation from Fronto's speech against the Chris- 
tians may I e possibly found in a sentence Ex isidori Ori- 
ginibus, xv. 2, 46 {De caicerc a coerccndo dido) : Hi pergrarcari 
potius amorvis Incis quam coerceri videretur. The words cer- 
tainly road like Fronto's. 



them together, and, if not in fact yet in guilt, all are 
alike incestuous, since whatever can result by the 
act of individuals is potentially desired by the wish 
of all." 

What Marcus learnt from Fronto 

About 176 A.D. 

From Fronto : x to note the envy, the subtlety, 
and the dissimulation which are habitual to a tyrant; 
and that, as a general rule, those amongst us who 
rank as Patricians are somewhat wanting in natural 
affection. 2 

1 He learnt other and even better things from him ; see 
See Ad Vcrum, ii. 7, and Just. Instit. ii. 18 fr. 

i. f . 17 

»8 5 



Marcus as Letter-writer 

Perhaps the more interesting part of the Fronto 
correspondence is that which contains the letters of 
Marcus and Pius. But we cannot fairly judge of 
their epistolary style from these alone. Philostratus 
says l that " in his opinion the best letter writers for 
style were .... of kings the deified Marcus in the 
letters he wrote himself, for the firmness (to eopaiov) 
of his character was reflected in his writing by his 
choice of language ; and of orators Herodes the 
Athenian, though by his over-atticism and prolixity 2 
he often oversteps the bounds proper to the epistolary 

Marcus was a prolific letter- writer. According 
to Capitolinus 3 he defended himself against calumny 
by letters. To his friends he sometimes, as we see 
below, wrote three times in one day. On one occasion 
he tells us that he had dictated thirty letters, 4 but 
these were probably official correspondence. Nearly 
200 of his imperial rescripts are extant, which though 
interesting would be out of place here. Many are in 

1 Epwtlrs, p. 364, Kayser. 

8 We have only one letter of his, and it certainly is not 
prolix, for it consists of but one word, ifuLvris, addressed to 
Avidius Cassius when he revolted. 

8 Vit. Mar. xxii. 6 ; xxix. 6 ; cp. xxiii. 7, 9. 

* See i. p. 185. 



he form of letters. 1 They contain characteristic 
sayings such as " No one has a right to let his own 
negligence prejudice others " ; 2 " Let those who have 
charge of our interests know that the cause of liberty 
is to be set before any pecuniary advantage to our- 
selves"; 3 " It would not be consistent with humanity 
to delay the enfranchisement of a slave for the sake 
of pecuniary gain"; 4 "It would seem beyond 
measure unfair that a husband should insist upon a 
chastity from his wife which he does not practise 
himself" ; 6 "Nothing must be done contrary to local 

In answer to Ulpius Eurycles, 6 curator of Ephesus, 
asking what should be done with old decayed statues 
of preceding emperors in the Ephesian senate house, 
we find the interesting pronouncement, "There must 
be no re-working of the material into likenesses of us. 
For as we are not in other respects solicitous ot 
honours for ourselves, much less should we permit 
those of others to be transferred to us. As many of 
the statues as are in good preservation should be 
kept under their original names, but with respect to 
those that are too battered to be identified, perhaps 
their titles can be recovered from inscriptions on 
their bases or from records that may exist in the 
possession of the Council, so that our progenitors 
may rather receive a renewal of their honour than 

1 e.g those which are addressed to " My dearest Piso," 
"My dearest Saxa," etc. Digest, xlviii. 18, 1, §27; ibid. 
xxix. 5, 3, etc. 

* Digest, ii. 16, 3. 5 Just. Inst. iii. 11. 

* Digest, xl. 5, 37. 

6 Augustine, de Adult, ii. 8. 

t An inscription found at Ephesus dated 164 a.d. See 
Oesterr. Archdol. Insiit. 1913, ii. 121. Dittenb. 508 ; Enc. Epk. 
II. 131. 



its extinction through the melting down of their 

There are, besides, two or three inscriptions and 
one papyrus, all much mutilated, 1 recording letters 
or rescripts of Marcus, one in 163 to Pontius Laelianus, 
consul of that year. It contains a rare word ykuxrcro- 
Ko/xoVf rejected by Phrynichus. 2 

Besides the above there are extant only two letters 
or parts of letters that are certainly genuine. Follow- 
ing these are two letters from Christian sources, the 
letter to Euxenianus Publio with respect to Abercius, 
bishop of Hieropolis, and the letter to the Senate 
purporting to give a report of the " Miraculous 
Victory " over the Quadi. The fact of the victory 
with the unexpected salvation of the Roman army is 
certain, but the heathen writers attribute it to the 
prayers of the emperor or the incantations of an 
Egyptian magus. 

After these two letters come ten short epistles, or 
parts of such, which would be of considerable in- 
terest if their authenticity were established. Till 
comparatively lately they were accepted unquestion- 
ingly, and afforded material for charges against 
Marcus. They are all found in the Scriptores 
Historiae Auguslae, a late compilation of the fourth 
Century, intended as a supplement to Suetonius's 
Lives of the Caesars, and attributed to various 

But in spite of Renan and Waddington and Naber 
and others, who have quoted them as evidence, they 
cannot be regarded as genuine. They contain several 

1 Boeckh, Tnser. Orate, i. 1319; Kaibel, ibid. Hi. 39a; 
iv. 363; v. 446. Aegopt. Urkunden. i. 74 ; Griech. Urkunden 
(Fayum) i. 74. 

" Kaibel, Greek Insc. iv. 1534, Phrynichus 98, AB 32. 



later words, and their style is rhetorical and unworthy 
of the subjects treated. The puerile playing upon 
words, Avidius . . . avidus, etc. betrays their artificial 
character. Writing of Cassius, the general who 
conducted the Parthian war to a successful conclusion 
and afterwards in 175 rebelled against Marcus, the 
latter is represented as quoting yvuyiai from Suetonius 
instead of giving his own opinions. Moreover facts 
mentioned in the letters are at variance with what is 
known from other sources. For instance, Marcus was 
not in or near Rome in 175, as required by the 
Faustina correspondence ; nor was Pompeianus, his 
son-law, consul in 176 ; nor was Lucius ever spoken 
of as grandson of Pius, but always as his son and 
the brother of Marcus; nor could Fadilla in 175 be 
alluded to as puella virgo, for by that time she would 
have been twenty-five and almost certainly married. 
It is also incredible that Avidius Cassius should 
have contemplated revolt, and so openly as to arouse 
definite suspicions in the mind of Verus, so long 
before the actual outbreak. We know from Fronto's 
letters l that Verus and Cassius were on excellent 
terms as late as 165, and Fronto's own letter 2 to 
him shews the estimation in which he was then held. 
When Cassius revolted, Marcus felt it deeply as 
the defection of a friend. 3 Equally rhetorical and 
fictitious is a letter said to be from Cassius to his 
son-in-law : 4 " Marcus is assuredly an excellent man, 
but while he covets a reputation for clemency, he 
lets those live whose lives he does not approve. 
Where is Lucius Cassius, whose name I bear in vain ? 

1 Ad Ver. ii. 3. a Ad Amicos, i. 6. 

8 Dio, lxxi. 24. 

* Vuloatius Gallicanus, ViU Avid. Cass. 14. 



Where the great Marcus Cato the Censor ? Where 
all the discipline of our ancestors ? Marcus Antoninus 
philosophizes and enquires about first principles and 
about the soul and about what is honourable and 

just, and has no thought for the State 1 You 

have heard of the praefectus praetorio 2 of our philo- 
sopher, who was a beggarly pauper three days before 
he was appointed, but has suddenly become rich — 
whence, pray, if not from the vitals of the State and 
the property of the provincials ? 3 Well, let them be 
rich, let them be opulent : they will serve to fill the 
public treasury." By a commonplace of the rhetorical 
schools Cassius in another passage is made to liken 
himself to Catiline and Marcus to the dialogista 
(Cicero). 4 

However there are some touches in the corres- 
pondence which are true to character, such as the 
words attributed to Lucius, " I do not hate the man," 
which are in keeping with his well-known bonitas, 
and the " Perish my children " of Marcus, which he 
might well have said. But he is not likely to have 
quoted Suetonius or Horace, to the latter of whom he 
took a dislike 5 in his younger days. The fabricator 
of the letters was perhaps Aemilius Parthenianus, 
a writer of the third or fourth century. 

1 Contrary to fact ; see Herodian, i. 4, § 2, and Dio, quoted 


2 Bassaeus Rufus is meant. He was pracf. praet. 168-177. 
8 But see Dio, lxxi. 3. 3. 

4 For the whole question of the authenticity of these 
letters see Czwalina, Dp Epistularum quae a scriptoribus 
historiae Aug us' ae prof eruntur fide* 

* See i. p. 139. 



Boeckh, Inscr. Graec. 3176 

Map/cos kvp-qXt.0% Kaurap avroKparopos Kcucrapos 
Titov AlKiov 'ABpuvov 'AvTcovctvov 2e/^ao-roG_7raTpos 
7raTpi'8os mos, $r}/xapx<-Kr}s e^oucrias, vVaTOS to /?, owo- 
8u> T(3 7T€pt t6v Bptcrca Atovvcrov yaipuv 

EuVoia v(JLU)V rjv eycSci&xo-fle <Tvvr)<r9€VT€<s fxoi ytvvrjOevros 

VIOV, €L KCLt €T€pW? TOVTO aTTif^T], Ovhlv fjTTOV (f>av(pa 


To xprjcpKr/xa iir£ypa\]/cv T. 'AreiAios Ma£ip;o? 6 Kpa- 
TiaTog avdviraTOS koli <£iAos t]p.u)V. 

'F,ppu)a6ai v/xas (3ov\ofJLai. Hpb 2 KaA.. AirpaX. arro 

Tr)v €Tnypa(f)r]v iroLiq(Tavro<i M. 'Avtwmou *Apr€jxa, 
Swpcav Ta/nicvorTOS 2ovA7tikiov Pou^ctVov. 

Ex Philostrati Vitis Sophistarum, p. 242 (Kayser) 

Mcra to. Iv rfi Tlawoivta SojTaro pXv 6 'HpuiSns ev tq 
'Attlkt} 7rcpi tou9 <ptATaTOvs cauT<3 St^hous Mapa#<ova kcu 

1 This inscription is on a stone, found at Smyrna, recording 
the minutes of a guild- meeting of the mystae (initiated), who 
met in the temple of Dionysus Bri>eus at Smyrna. 

* Titus Aelius Antoninus, to whom there is an inscription 
in the Exhedra of Her odes at Olympia ; see Dessau, ii. 8803. 



Marcus to the Guild of Dionysus Briseus at 
Smyrna 1 

March 28, 147 a.d. 

Marcus Aurelius Caesar, son of the Emperor 
Caesar Titus Aelius Adrianus Augustus, Father of 
his country, invested with Tribunitian Power, Consul 
for the second time, to the Synod of the Guild of 
Dionysus Briseus, greeting : 

Your good will which you shewed in congratu- 
lating me on the birth of a son, 2 even though the 
issue belied our hopes, was none the less manifest. 

T. Atilius Maximus, the most honourable proconsul 
and our friend, inscribed the decree. 

1 wish you farewell: from Lorium, the 28th March. 

The inscription was made by M. Antonius Artemas, 
Sulpicius Rufinus being honorary treasurer. 

Marcus and H erodes Atticus 

176 a.d. 
After the events in Pannonia 3 Herodes lived in 
Attica in his favourite denies of Marathon and 

There is a difficulty about the birth of this son, as Capit. 
Fit. Marciy vi. 6, says that Marcus received the Trib. Pot. 
od the birth of a daughter, and yet we know he received it 
in 147 The daughter was born in 146. 

8 For these see Marcus Antoninus in the Loeb series, pp. 
366 ff. 



K>7<£iow, ifyprrjiACvris avrov t^s iravraxoOsv veoTrjros, ot 
Kar cparra rutv CKetVov Xoywv i<poiTQ)V 'AOrjva^e. 

Ueipav 8c 7rotov'p.evos, fxr) ^a^Tros avT( ? £ "7 ^"* Ta cv 
t<3 SiKao-Trjpiu, TrifJiirct irpbs avrov cino-ToXrjv ovk airo- 
Xoytav exovo-av dXX' cyKX^ua, " Oavp.d&iv " yap, tyrj, 

" TOV X"/° lV OVK€Tt a ^ T< 5 «riOTfc'AAoi KCUTOl TOV 7TpO TOV 

Xpovov 0a/Aa ovYa> ypdcpwv, ws Kal Tpets ypa/A/xaro<popovs 
a<pLK€<r6at ttoT€ Trap' avTOV €*v T7/xcpa /xia KaTa, TroSas 

Kal 6 avTOKpdrwp Sta irXetovwv p.*v Kat V7rcp ttXciovwv, 
Oavfido-iov Sc rj6o<; iyKardpu&s roU ypdp.fxa(n.v, cTreWctXe 
Trpos tov 'Hpuhrfi', a>v cyw Ta £vv7€tvovTa cs tov 7rap6Vra 
p,ot Xoyov c£cXav ttJs €7rto-ToX^? Sr/Xwcra). to or) 
Trpoot/xiov twv €TT€(TTa\/x4v(i)v " Xatpe p.ot, <ptXe Hpaior;. 
SiaXcx^S Sc V7rcp tojv tou iroXe/xov x^aSttov, cv ots r/v 
totc, Kat tt)v yvvatxa 6Xo<pvpdp.€vo<s dpn avr<3 Te#veuxrav, 
6i7T(ov T€ ti Kat 7rept t^s tov cTco/iaTO? dcr#ev€ias c<£e£>}s 
ypdcpcr " 2ot Se vytatvciv T€ cvxoftat Kat 7rcpt ep.ov <u? 
cvvov cot 8iavoeio"0ai, p-^Se ^ycto-flat d8iK€to-0at, el Kara.- 
^>(opdo*a9 Ttva? twv <rwv 7rA>7p;p,eXovvTas KoXaact 67T- 
avTOV? ixPW^M v <*<> °^ v T€ htiukcZ 8ta p,€v 877 TavVa 
p,?) opyt£ov, €t Se n XcXv^kci c~€ t] Xv7rw, aTratrqo-oi' 7rap* 
cp,ov StKas cv T(3 up<3 tt)<; «v dcTTCt 'AA^i/ds cV p,vo-r>7ptoi9. 

» See Aul. Gellius. i. 2 ; xviii. 10. 


Cephisia, 1 attended by young men from every quar- 
ter, who travelled to Athens from a desire to hear 
his oratory. 

Wishing to make trial whether Marcus was 
angry with him owing to what had occurred at 
the trial, 2 he sent him a letter not containing 
excuses but a complaint, for he said that "he 
wondered for what reason Marcus no longer wrote 
to him, though in times past he wrote so often 
that on one occasion three letter-carriers reached 
him on a single day, one treading on the heels of 

And the Emperor at greater length and on greater 
subjects, and putting a wonderful amount of charac- 
ter into the letter, sent an answer to H erodes, from 
which I will extract what bears upon my present 
subject and quote it. The letter opened with the 
words "Hail, my dear Herodes"; and after speaking 
of his winter quarters after the war, in which he was 
at the time, and lamenting the wife whom he had 
lately lost, 3 and saying something also about his 
bodily weakness, he went on as follows : " But for 
you I pray that you may have good health, and may 
think of me as your well-wisher and not consider 
yourself wronged because, detecting some of your 
household in wrong-doings, I punished them in the 
mildest way possible. Be not angry with me on this 
account, but, if I have done you, or am doing you, 
any injury, ask satisfaction of me in the temple of 
Athena-in-the-City 4 during the Mysteries. For I 

8 See reference in note 3, p. 295. 

9 At Halalae in Asia Minor, during the winter of 

4 At Athens. 



rji^dprjv yap, Snore 6 irokepos ftaAiora tykeypaive, Kai 
uvqOrjvai, elt) he Kai <rov fxvo-TayuiyovvTOs" 

TotaSc fj dnokoyia rov MapKOV Kai ovroi <pikdv6puTros 
k<u cppwftcVn. 

MapKOS irpos tov Ev£«viavov UmrXLwva. — (Migne's 
Patrol. Grace, cxv. p. 1211) 

'AvTtovtvo? AvroKpdVwp 2c/?ao-Tos Ev^cviava) EIo7r\ia)vi 

'Eya> cis impav Tiy? ot)s dyxivoias cpyois avrois 
Karao-ras, Kai uaAiora ois eVayxo? Trpoo~rd£ei rov rj^erepov 
Kpdrovs 8uTrpd$(ti Kara, rqv %p.vpvav, €7riKOv<p<.'cras 2/xvp- 
vaioi? t^v €K tov kAovov tt}<» y^s emyevop.e\-qv avrois 
avp.<popdv, rjcr6f]v re, warrfp ciko?, Kai o*€ ttJs twv irpay- 
p.druiv e-mp.eke[a<i cVflvco-a* ep\a6ov yap diravra /xctoi 
aKpi/?6ias, w&irep av el irapwv. rj re yap napa aov 
irep-^Oiio-a dia<popd, o t« a7ro8iSous TavV^v, Kai KaiKiAios 
6 €7rirpo7ros ^/xwv aVavTa /xoi cra^uis Sir/y^craTo. €7ri oc 
tov 7rapovTos yva>o-#€v tu r)p.eripta Kpdrei Afieptaov nva 
tt)s 'IcpaTToXiTiuv 1 enCcTKOTrov irapa. o*oi 8iaTpi/3civ, avSpa 
1 sc. ir<jA«a>y. 

1 With Cassius, or more likely perhaps the Marcomannic 
war He may be referring to the so-called "miraculous 
victory " in 174. 

1 The great earthquake, when Marcus practically rebuilt 
the city, was probably in 178 A.D. See Aristides, Mova>8ta 4w\ 
Ifivpp-p and UaKivwSla iirl 2. 

8 The Acta of Abercius (Migne's Patrol Grace, cxv. p. 1211) 
state that the bishop reached Rome while Marcus was away 



vowed, when the war 1 was at its hottest, that I 
would be initiated, and I hope you will be my spon- 
sor on the occasion." 

Such was Marcus's plea for himself, at once so 
kindly and so manly. 

Marcus to Euxenianus Publio 

? 163-164 a.d. 

The Emperor Antoninus Augustus to Euxenianus 
Publio, greeting : 

Having had experience of your sagacity in your 
works themselves, and especially in those which you 
carried out by order of our authority in respect to 
Smyrna in alleviating the calamity that befell the 
Smyrniotes owing to the earthquake 2 there, I have 
been pleased, as was natural, and praise you for your 
diligence in carrying out these duties. For I have 
been apprized of everything exactly as if I had been 
present. For everything has been clearly recounted 
to me by the report sent from you, and by him who 
presented it, and by Caecilius the procurator. But 
with respect to the present matter, it has come to 
the knowledge of our power that a certain Abercius, 3 
bishop of Hieropolis, is living in your jurisdiction, a 

fighting the barbarians. He was taken to the Praefectus 
Cornelianus and to Faustina, and cured Lucilla, who was 
then sixteen (which would be in 162/3 a.d.), by casting out a 
devil from her. As a reward he asked for a bath to be made 
for the hot-springs at Hieropolis, and that 3,000 bushels 
of corn should be given yearly to that his native city. The 
epitaph of the bishop has been recovered, and states that he 
visited Rome and saw &aai\rja[v] ko\ BaaiXiooav. He is said 
to have cured Publio's mother of blindness. 



evcreftf} ovroy tol tu>v Xpurriavvv, ws haifxovwvTa^ T€ iaaBat 
koX vocrovs txXXas evKokwrara Ocpairtvetv, tovtov Kara to 
avay kcuov rj/Aeis xprj^ovrcs, OvaXipiov kcu Bao-eriavov 
/zayiOTpiayous rwv Otiuiv rjuwv 6<fxf>LKio)V iirejxif/afiev rov 
avSpa fAcr cutSovs /cat rifxrj<s a.7rdarj<; a>9 17/^619 dyayeZv. 

K€\€VO/A€V OVV TT) 0"j] (TTeppOTrjTL 7T€tCTai TOV dVopa 0~VV 

7rpo6v/Mia 7rdayj irpos rj/xas a<f>iK€<r$ai, ev ciSoti a>9 ov 
fierpios trot kcictctcu 7rap' T^/xtv /ecu V7rcp tovtov 6 iTratro?. 

MdpKOV Bao-tXcws eVio-ToX^ 7rpo9 tt)v o-vyKX^TOv, «V 7; 
fiaprvpu Xpiariavovs aiTiov? y€yev>)cT#ai 1-179 vtK>79 

1. AvTOKpdroyp Katcrap Map*09 Avp^Xios 'AvtioviVos 
TepfiaviKos UapOtKoq 2ap/xariKos S?7/Att> 'FayxcuW xat T77 
Upa o-vyxXryTa) xaCptar 

<£ai>€pa v/xtv €Troir]0~a ra rov i/xov (tkottov fxeyiOt], ottoZo. 
iv rjj Tep/xaviq. «/c TrcptcTacrcws 81a 7^1^80X779 €7raKoXov- 
Orjfiara iiroi-qo-a. ev 177 fxeOopiq. Kafiwv kox Trafltov, 1 ev 

1 Sylburg has suggested that these words should be 
KoudSwv Kal 2ap/iaT«j'. The MSS. have o-TraOwv. 

1 Marcus in his Thoughts professes disbelief in exorcism 
(i. 6). This is only one proof out of many that this letter is 
a Christian forgery. Christian tradition was strongly in 
favour of Marcus. Baronius early in the seventeenth century 
had in his possession a letter purporting to be from Aberoius 
to M. Aurelius, which he intended to publish, but lost. 

1 Found at the end of Justin's second Apology. 

8 This title does not seem to have been assumed till 175. 
The " miraculous victory " took place, as generally held, 
in 174. 



man of such sanctity among the Christians as both 
to cure those who are possessed by demons 1 and 
easily heal all other diseases. Having imperative 
need of him we have sent Valerius and Bassianus 
representatives of our officials for sacred things, to 
bring the man to us with all reverence and honour. 
Accordingly we bid you with your usual firmness to 
persuade him to come to us with all speed, and you 
know that this, too, will gain for you no little praise 
from us. Farewell. 

The Letter 2 of the Emperor Marcus to the 
Senate in which he testifies that the Chris- 
tians were the Cause of the Victory of the 

Romans •* iha 

? 174 A.D. 

1. The Emperor Caesar Marcus Aurelius Antoninus 
Germanicus Parthicus Sarmaticus 3 to the People of 
the Romans and the Sacred Senate, greeting: 

I made known 4 to you the greatness of my enter- 
prize, and what things I did in Germany after the 
critical occasion of my being hemmed in on the 
frontier, in dire distress and suffering, when I was 

4 Though this letter is certainly spurious, yet there must 
have been a report to the senate by Marcus on the remark- 
able victory gained over the Quadi, of which both Christian 
and heathen writers make mention. The latter attributed 
the victory to the prayers or merits of the emperor, the 
Christians to the intercessions of the soldiers of their religion 
in the Legio fulminafa, called from their success fuhninatrix. 
It is curious, however, that this legion (twelfth) is not 
mentioned here. The commander was probably Pertinax 
(see Chronrcon Paschale), not Pompeianus, the son-in-law of 
Marcus. The word tpdKovTcs (serpents, i.e. standards of 
cohorts) is also used by Lucian, Qitom. Hist. 29. It here 
stands for the name of the barbarian regiments or divisions 
(Drungi). For the victory see Claudian Be tert. Consulatu 93. 



KotiVu) 1 KaraAafxpavofjiCvov pov virb SpaKovTwv «/3So/xtJ- 
Kovra T€o-craptov anb /uXtW cWa. ycvouc'vwv 8c avTtov 
iyyvq rjfxwv £^7rXa)paT(op6S cfA.rjw<rav, Kal U.op.7rrjLav6<; 
6 rjfi€T€pos 7roA.c/iapxos iSrjXoxrev r) y ariva «8opcv — 
KaTa\afx(3av6fievos Bk r)p.r}\' Iv /xcyc'foi ttA^ovs ap-iKTOV, 
Kal a-TpaT€Vfxa.To)v Acyccovos 7rpi/xas, Sckcit^s ycp^vas, 
<£p€VT?70-tas, 2 fxiy pa KaTrjpi9p.rjp.cvov — ir\.r)6r) irapdval 
Tra/xp.LKTOv ox^ov ^tXtaSwv cVaKocriwv €^hop,r)KOvra lirra. 

2. 'E^cTao-as ovv ffxavrov kcu to ir\r)6o<i to c/aov irpos 
to p.£yc$os t<3v f3ap(3dpu>v koX ttoAc/miW, Kcrre'Spa/nov cis 
to 0cois evxe<rOai iraTpwois. ducAov/ACvos 8c vtt' avraiv 
Kal ttJ/v o-TCvo^tuptav tiov Otwprjcras ttjs &vvdp.€m irapt- 
KaXeaa tovs 7rap' ^/xiv Acyo/xe'vovs Xpio-riavouV Kal 
cVcpwrqo-as cvpov TrXfjdos kol ticyctfos avru>v, Kal cu/?pi- 
p.r)o~dp.€vo<; cis avrovs, oVcp ovk €7rp«rc 8ia to vo-Ttpov 
cVcyvwKcVai tic t^v 8uVap.iv avTcov. 

3. "06tv ap£dp,€voi ov /?eAa>i> irapaprrjcnv ovt€ 07rAu>i/ 
ovrc o-aXTTLyyuv . . 8ia to l\6pbv ctvai to toiovto 
avTot? 8ia. tov Otov, ov fpopovai Kara <rvv€i$r)cnv.3 ci'kos 
ovk cVtiv, ous vTTo\afxftdvop,€v a#covs cTvai, oti ^cov 

€^OVO-lV aVTO/XaTOV CV Tfl O-UVCtS^O-et T€T€L\ICT^€V0V. pi- 

\}/avT€<s yap eavTOVs cVl rrjv yrjv ovx vrrep c/xov p.6vov 
co'crjOrjo-av dAAa Kal virlp tov irapovros OTpaTcv/iaTOS, 
irapr)yopov yevicrdat 8ti//^5 Kal Attiot) t>)s irapovo-qs. 
irep.irraloL yap vS<np ovk eiA?7<£citiev 8ta to p.r) 7rapcivai" 
rjfxfv yap iv tu> p.€o*o ti<£aAu> tt)s Tcpp-avta? Kai tois opois 
avTwv. a//a 8c t<3 tovtovs ptyai cVl T^r yr)v cavrovs Kal 

1 Emended to Kapvovpry. The Cotini were south of the 

*.MSS. have ye/tiivo^pcvnjat'a?. The tenth legion consisted 
of two legions, decima yemina and Freten&is. 

8 cf. Thoughts, in. 16. 



surprised in Cotinum by seventy-four regiments 
from nine miles away. Our scouts informed us 
when they had come near us, and Pompeianus, 
our commander, shewed us what we also saw for 
ourselves — for I had been suddenly surrounded by 
a huge and savage multitude while having with me 
a composite and moderate force drawn from the 
First legion and the Tenth (both the Twin and the 
Fretensian) — that there were masses of men in a 
miscellaneous host numbering 977,000. 

2. When, therefore, I compared myself and my 
numbers with the immense hordes of the barbarian 
enemy, I took refuge in prayer to the Gods of our 
fathers. But being disregarded by them, and look- 
ing at the straits to which my force was reduced, I 
called upon those whom we name Christians — and 
by enquiry I found out the greatness of their numbers 
— going so far as to inveigh against them, which I 
ought not to have done, for I afterwards learnt their 

3. They then starting with this (bethought them 
of) no equipment of missiles or arms or trumpets, 
since this is hateful to them by reason of the God that 
they bear in their conscience. It is likely, then, that 
they whom we suppose to be godless have a self- 
acting God entrenched in their conscience. For cast- 
ing themselves on the ground they prayed, not for 
me alone, but also for the whole army, that He would 
relieve our present drought and famine. For we had 
taken no water for five days, as there was none to be 
had, for we were in the very heart of Germany and 
far within their frontiers. As soon as they had cast 
themselves on the ground, and prayed to a God 



cv^«7#(u 0c<3, <5 eya) rjyvoovVy cvflcws vBiop r)xo\ov$ei 
ovpavoOev, cVi p,cv 77p.a$ xf/vxporaTov, cVi 8c tovs c P<o/AaiW 
cVi/?ovA.ovs xa\a£a TrvptoSrjs. dAAa *ai ev#v ^eoC Trap- 
over tav cv cv)(r} yLvop.cvr)V 7rapavrtKa a>s awirepfiXrJTOv *cai 
dKcrraAvVov . . . - 1 

4. AvroOev ovv ap£dp.evoL o'vyxuip^o'iop.ev tois toiovtois 
eTvai Xpiariavots, aa pvq kolO' rjfxdv tl tolovtov alrrja- 
dpuvoL o7r\ov €7riTv^ajcri. rbv 8c tolovtov crvp./3ov\€vw, 
8ta to tolovtov dvoLL, XpLo-TLavbv fxrj iyKaXiladau ci 8c 
evpedeCrj tis eyKuAwv to) XpioTiavw on XpioTiavos eWi, 
t6v /hcv 7rpoo~a.y6p.evov XpLo~TLav6v TrpoSrjkov (Tvoll /?ov- 
Xo/xat . . 2 ytvcaOaL 6p.okoyqo-avTa tovto, dAAa ercpov 
p.7]B€v lyKa.Xovp.ivov r) otl Xpioriavos eori p.6vov, TOV 
Trpoo-dyovTa hk tovtov tfivTO. KauaOaL' tov 8* XpioTiavov 
op.okoyrjo'avTa ko.1 avvaa cf>a\Lad/jLtvov ?rcpl to J; tolovtov 
tov -T€-TLO~Ttvp.tvov tttjv cVap^tav cis p-tTavoLav KoX dvcAcv- 
Oepiav tov tolovtov p.r] /ACTayctr. 

5. Tavra 8c *ai ttJs 0-vy/cAr?TOv 8dy/iaTt KvptoOrjvaL 
povXopai, Kal kcAcvco tovto /xov to 8idVayp,a cv T<j> $opa> 
tov Tpatavov rrpoTtOrjvaL 7rpos to 8vVao-#ai dvaywtoo-KCO"#ai. 

(^pOVTlVci 6 7rp<XL<fiCKT0<i BlTpClO-lOS IIoAAlW CIS TO.S 7T€pi£ 

cVapxias Trcp.<p6fjva.L- TrdvTa 8c tov fiov\6p.cvov )(pr)o-dai 
kol ?x €lv /^ ku)Av'co-0cu \ap.fidv€iv Ik twv -rporeOevTcov 
-rap' rjp.Qiv. 

1 A verb is Wanted such as KaTc/So/iey, which might 
perhaps be read for Kal evdv. 

1 Some participle meaning "acquitted " must have dropped 



whom I knew not, straightway there came water 
from heaven, the coolest of rain upon us, but upon 
the enemies of Rome fiery hail. So straightway 
was revealed to us at once, as they prayed, the 
presence of their God, as of one omnipotent and 

4. From this moment, therefore, let us allow such 
persons to be Christians, lest by praying they obtain 
such weapons against us. And I propose that no 
such person be accused on the ground of his being 
a Christian. But, if anyone be found accusing the 
Christian for being a Christian, I wish it to be made 
clear that the Christian who is brought to trial should 
be (acquitted), if he confesses himself to be a Chris- 
tian, and no other charge is brought against him 
except that he is a Christian, but that his accuser 
shall be burnt alive ; 1 and the Governor who is set 
over the province must not force to recant or deprive 
of his liberty the Christian who confesses that he is 
one, and is credited. 

5. My will is that this should be ratified by a 
decree of the Senate, and I direct that this my edict 
be published in Trajan's Forum, that it-may be o^pen 
to all to read it. The prefect Vitrasius Pollio 2 will 
see to it that it is sent throughout the provinces. 
Anyone who wishes to appeal to it and to have it by 
him must not be prevented from obtaining a copy 
from the official gazette of our decrees. 

1 An impossible, because illegal, enactment for Marcus. 

2 He married Annia Faustina, a cousin of Marcus, and 
was Consul n. in 176. If prasf. pra>t. at all, he must have 
succeeded Macrinus Vindex, who fell in battle in 172. 



Ex Vulcatii Gallicani Vita Avidii Cassii, v. 5. — 
Epistula Marci ad Praefectum Suum 

Avidio Cassio legiones Syriacas dedi diffluentes 
luxuria et Daphnitis moribus agentes, quas totas 
excaldantes 1 se repperisse Caesonius Vectilianus 
scripsit. Et puto me non errasse, si quidem et tu 
notum habeas Cassium, hominem Cassianae severi- 
tatis et disciplinae. Neque enim milites regi possunt 
nisi vetere disciplina. Scis enim versum a bono 
poeta dictum et omnibus frequentatum : 

Moribus antiquis res stat Romano, virisque. 

Tu tantum fac adsint legionibus abunde commeatus, 
quos, si bene Avidium novi, scio non perituros. 

Ibid. v. 9. — Rescriptum Praefecti ad Marcum 

Recte consuluisti, mi Domine, quod Cassium prae- 
fecisti Syriacis legionibus. Nihil enim tam expedit 
quam homo severior Graecanicis militibus. Ille sane 
omnes excaldationes, 2 omnes flores de capite collo et 

1 A later word than the time of Marcus. 

2 A late word. 

1 Furius Viotorinug must be meant. He was praef. praet. 



Letter or Marcus to his Praefectus 1 (praetorio) 

? 162-163 a.d. 

I have put Avidius Cassius in command of the 
Syrian army which is dissolved in luxury and living 
in the moral atmosphere of Daphne. 2 Caesonius Vec- 
tilianus described them as indulging wholesale in hot 
baths. And I think I have done right, for you too 
must have noted Cassius, a man of the old Cassian 
severity and discipline. Nor indeed can soldiers be 
ruled except by the ancient discipline. For you 
know that line of an excellent poet, which is in the 
mouths of all : 

Rome on her ancient ways and men unshakably standeth? 

You have only to see that the troops are plentifully 
provided . with supplies. If I know anything of 
Cassius 4 I am certain they will not be wasted. 

Answer of the Praefect 

? 162-163 a.d. 

You have taken a wise step, my Lord, in setting 
Cassius over the Syrian army. There is nothing so 
salutary for grecianized soldiers as a man of un- 
usual strictness. Be sure that he will "knock ofF" 
all these hot baths for the soldiers, these flowers 

8 A suburb of Antioch, the resort of the idle and 

3 From the Annals of Ennius. 

4 He was not governor of Syria before the end of 164. 



sinu militi excutiet. Annona militaris oinnis parata 
est, neque quisquam deest sub bono duce: 1 non eiiim 
multum aut quaeritur aut expenditur. 

Ibid. i. 6. — Ex Epistula Veri ad Marcum 

Avidius Cassius avidus est, quantum et mihi vide- 
tur et iam inde sub avo meo, patre tuo, innotuit, 
imperii : quem velim observari iubeas. Omnia enim 
nostra ei displicent, opes non mediocres parat, litte- 
ras nostras ridet, te philosopham aniculam, me luxu- 
riosum morionem vocat. Vide quid agendum sit. 
Ego hominem non odi, sed vide ne tibi et liberis 
tuis non bene consulas, quom talem inter praecinctos 
habeas, qualem milites libenter audiunt, libenter 

Ibid. ii. 1. — Rescriptum Marci de Avidio Cassio 

Epistulam tuam legi sollieitam potius quam im- 
peratoriam et non nostri temporis. Nam si ei divi- 
nitus debetur imperium, non poterimus interficere, 
etiamsi velimus. Scis enim proavi tui dictum : Suc- 
cessorem suum nullus occidil. Sin minus, ipse sponte 

1 A late word for legahis. 


from their heads and necks and breasts. The sol- 
diers' corn-supply is all provided, and nothing is 
wanting with a good general in command, for his 
requirements and his expenses are equally moderate. 

From a Letter of Verus to Marcus 

? 166 A.D. 

Avidius Cassius, if my judgment counts for any- 
thing, is avid for empire, as was already patent under 
my grandfather, 1 your father. I would have you 
keep a watchful eye upon him. He dislikes our 
whole regime ; he is gathering great wealth ; he 
ridicules our letters ; he calls you a philosophizing 
old woman, me a profligate simpleton. See what 
had better be done. Personally I do not dislike the 
man ; but you must consider whether you are acting 
fairly by yourself and your children in keeping ready 
equipped for action such a leader as the soldiers 
gladly listen to, gladly see. 

Answer of Marcus about Avidius Cassius 

? 166 A.D. 

I have read your letter, which savours more of the 
alarmist than the Imperator, and is out of keeping 
with the times. For if the empire is destined by 
heaven for Cassius we shall not be able to put him 
to death, however much we may desire it. You know 
your great-grandfather's saying, No one ever killed his 
own successor. 2 But if the empire is not so destined, 

1 Lucius, like Marcus, was officially and by adoption son, 
not grandson, of Pius, though he was also son-in-law of 
Marcus. ■ See Suet. Tic. 92. 



sine nostra crudelitate fatales laqueos incident 
Adde quod non possumus reum facere quem et nullus 
accusat et, ut ipse dicis, milites amant. Deinde in 
causis maiestatis haec natura est, ut videantur vim 
pati etiam quibus probatur. Scis enim ipse quid 
avus tuus [Hadrianus] dixerit : Misera conditio im- 
peratorum, quibus de adfecta tyrannide nisi occisis non 
potest credl Eius autem exemplum ponere malui 
quam Doraitiani, qui hoc primus dixisse fertur. 
Tyrannorum enim etiam bona dicta non habent tan- 
tum auctoritatis, quantum debent. 

Sibi ergo habeat suos mores, maxime quom bonus 
dux sit et severus et fortis et reipublicae necessarius. 
Nam quod dicis liberis meis cavendum esse morte 
illius, plane liberi mei pereant, si magis amari mere- 
bitur Avidius quam illi, et si reipublicae expediet 
Cassium vivere quam liberos Marci. 

Ex Iulii Capitoi.ini Vita Albini, x. 6. — Marcus 
Aurelius Antoninus praefectis suis salutem 

Albino ex familia Ceioniorum, Afro quidem homini 
sed non multa ex Afris habenti, Plautilli genero, 
duas cohortes alares regendas dedi. Est homo exer- 

1 Suet. Dom. 20. 

2 Marcus had two praef. pract. at once only between 169 
and 172, viz. M. Bassaeua Rufus and Macriniua Vindex. 



he will himself of his own accord, without any harsh 
measures on our part, be caught in the toils of Fate, 
let alone the fact that we cannot treat as a criminal 
a man whom no one impeaches and, as you say, the 
soldiers love. Besides, in cases of high treason, it 
is inevitable that even those who are proved guilty 
should seem to be victims of oppression. For you 
know yourself what your grandfather Hadrian said : 
Wretched indeed is the lot of princes, who only by being 
slain can persuade the world that they have been conspired 
against Z 1 I have preferred to father the remark on 
him rather than Domitian, who is said to have made 
it first, for in the mouths of tyrants even fine sayings 
do not carry as much weight as they ought. 

Let Cassius then go his own way, more especially 
as he is an excellent general, strict and brave and 
indispensable to the State. For as to what you say 
that the interests of my children should be safe- 
guarded by his death, frankly, may my children 
perish, if Avidius deserves to be loved more than 
they, and if it be better for the State that Cassius 
should survive than the children of Marcus. 

Marcus Aurelius Antoninus to his Praefects,* 
Greeting 169 _ m ^ 

To Albinus, 3 of the family of the Ceionii, an Afri- 
can indeed but with not much of the African in him, 
the son-in-law of Plautillus, I have given the com- 
mand of two cavalry cohorts. He is a man who has 

8 After the death of Commodus in 193, Albinus, then 
governor of Britain, became a competitor for the empire, 
but was defeated by Severus and slain. 



citatus, vita tristis, gravis moribus. Puto eum rebus 
eastrensibus profuturum, certe obfuturum non esse 
satis novi. Huic salarium duplex decrevi, vestem 
militarem simplicem, sed loci sui stipendium quad- 
ruplum. Hunc vos adhortamini, ut se reipublicae 
ostentet habiturus praemium quod merebitur. 

Ibid. x. 9.— Ex Epistula qua idem Marcus Avidii 
Cassii temporibus de hoc eodem Schipsit 

Laudanda est Albini constantia, qui graviter defi- 
cientes exercitus tenuity quom ad Avidiurn Cassium 
confugerent. Et nisi hie fuisset, omnes fecissent. 
Habemus igittir virum dignum consulatu, quern suffi- 
ciam in locum Cassii Papirii, qui mihi exanimis prope 
iam nuntiatus est. Quod interim a te publicari nolo, 
ne aut ad ipsum Papirium aut ad eius adfectus per- 
veniat, nosque videamur in locum viventis consulem 

Ex Aelii Spartiani Vita Pescennii, iv. 1. — Marcus 
Antoninus ad Cornelium Balbum 

Pescennium mihi laudas. Agnosco : nam et de- 
cessor tuus eum manu strenuum, vita gravem, et iam 



seen service, is of austere life and serious character. 
I think that his appointment will be of advantage 
to the army ; that it will not be disadvantageous, I 
am sure. I have granted him double allowances, a 
simple military robe, but four times the pay of his 
rank. Exhort him to shew himself a pattern to the 
State for he is assured a reward equal to his tleserts. 

From a Letter about Albinus written by Marcus 


? 175-176 a.d. 

The loyalty of Albinus is worthy of all praise in 
that he kept to their allegiance troops that were 
seriously disaffected, when they were ready to go 
over to Cassius. And had he not been on the spot, 
the defection would have been general. In him then 
we have a man worthy of the consulship, and I will 
appoint him in the room of Cassius Papirius, who, as 
I have just been told, is dying. But I would rather 
not have this appointment made public at present, 
that it may not get to the ears of Papirius himself or 
his relations, lest we seem to have elected a consul 
to take the place of one who is still alive. 

Marcus Antoninus to Cornelius Balbus 

Circa 178 (?) a.d. 

You praise Pescennius 1 to me. I am not sur- 
prised, for your predecessor also spoke of him as 
energetic in action, serious in character, and even 

1 Pescennius Niger, like Albinus, became a claimant for 
empire, but was defeated and slain by Severus. 



turn plus quam militem dixit. Itaque misi litteras 
recitandas ad signa, quibus eum trecentis Armenicis 1 
et centum Sarmatis et mille nostris praeesse iussi. 
Tuum est ostendere hominem non ambitione, quod 
nostris non convenit moribus, sed virtute venisse 
ad eum locum, quern avus meus Hadrianus, quern 
Traianus non nisi exploratissimis dabat. 

Ex Vulcatii Gallic ani Vita Avidil Cassii, ix. 7. — 
Epistula Marci ad Faustinam 

Verus mihi de Avidio verum scripserit, quod cu- 
peret imperare. Audisse enim te arbitror, quod 
heri 2 statores de eo nuntiarent. Veni igitur in 
Albanum, ut tractemus omnia dis volentibus, nil 

Ibid. ix. 11. — Epistula Faustinae ad Marcum 

Ipsa in Albanum eras, ut iubes, veniam. Tamen 
iam hortor ut, si amas liberos tuos, istos rebelliones 
acerrime persequaris. Male enim adsueverunt duces 
et milites qui, nisi opprimuntur, oppriment. 

1 A late form not recognised in the dictionary. 
- Editors read Vcri. For this Martins Verus see Dio, 
lxxi. 23, § 3. 



then more than a mere soldier. And so I have sent 
a letter to be read to the troops, in which I have 
given him the command of three hundred Armenians 
and a hundred Sarmatians and a thousand regulars. 
It is your part to shew that the man has reached 
this rank, which my grandfather Hadrian and my 
great-grandfather Trajan reserved for the most tried 
soldiers, not by partiality, which is abhorrent to our 
principles, but by merit. 

Marcus to Faustina , „_ 

l/o A.D. 

Verus was verity itself when he wrote to me of 
Cassius that he coveted the empire. For I suppose 
you have heard w T hat news messengers brought of 
him yesterday. So come to Albanum l that by the 
Gods' goodwill we may deal with the situation, and 
do not be alarmed. 

Faustina to Marcus 

175 A.D. 

I will come myself as you suggest to Albanum 
to-morrow. But in the meantime I urge you, as 
you love your children, take the severest measures 
against these rebels. For the morale of generals 
and soldiers is thoroughly bad, and unless you crush 
them they will crush us. 

1 The villa of Domitian on the Alban hills. This after- 
wards became the town of Albanum. 

L 2 


Ibid. x. 1. — Epistula Faustinas ad Marcum 

Mater mea Faustina patrem tuum Pium [eiusdem] 
in defectione Celsi cohortata est ut pietatem primum 
circa suos servaret, sic circa alienos. Non enim pius 
est imperator, qui non cogitat uxorem et filios. Com- 
niodus noster vides in qua aetate sit; Pompeianus 
gener et senior est et peregrinus. Vide quid agas 
de Avidio Cassio et de eius consciis. Noli parcere 
hominibus qui tibi non pepercerunt, et nee mihi nee 
filiis nostris parcerent, si vicissent. Ipsa iter tuum 
mox consequar. Quia Fadilla nostra aegrotabat, in 
Formianura venire non potui. Sed si te Formiis in- 
venire non potuero, adsequar Capuam, quae civitas 
et meam et filiorum nostrorum aegritudinem poterit 
adiuvare. Soteridam medicum in Formianum ut 
dimittas rogo. Ego autem Pisitheo nihil credo, qui 
puellae virgini curationem nescit adhibere. Signatas 
mihi litteras Calpurnius dedit, ad quas rescribam, si 
tardavero, per Caecilium senem spadonem, hominem 
ut scis fideiem. Cui verbo mandabo quid uxor Avidii 
Cassii et filii et gener de te iactare dicantur. 

Ibid. xi. 2. — Rescriptum Marci ad F Austin am 

Tu quidem, mea Faustina, religiose pro marito et 
pro nostris liberis agis. Nam relegi epistulam tuam 

1 He married Lucilla, the daughter of Marcus and widow 
of Lucius Verus. He was Consul II. in 173. 

8 Born about 150. She married Claud. Se verus. 


Faustina to Marcus 

175 A.D. 

My mother Faustina exhorted your father Pius, on 
the revolt of [the same] Celsus, that he should shew 
loyalty in the first place to his own family and then 
to others. For an Emperor cannot be called Pius who 
does not think of wife and children. You see how 
young our Commodus is : Pompeianus, our son-in-law, 1 
is both aged and a provincial. See how you deal with 
Avidius Cassius and his accomplices. Spare not men 
who have not spared you, and would have spared 
neither me nor your children, had they succeeded. I 
will myself soon follow you on your journey. As our 
Fadilla 2 was ill, I could not come to the Formian 
Villa. 3 But if I cannot find you at Formiae, I will 
go on to Capua, a place which is likely to benefit 
my health and our childrens'. I beseech you send 
Soteridas the physician to the Formian Villa. I 
have no faith in Pisitheus, who does not know how 
to cure our little maid. 4 Calpurnius gave me the 
sealed letter to which I will send an answer. If 
I fail to get it off at once, by Caecilius the old 
eunuch, a man, as you know, to be relied on, I will 
entrust him with an oral message of what the wife 
of Avidius Cassius and his children and son-in-law 
are reported to say about you. 

Answer of Marcus to Faustina 

175 A.D. 
The anxiety which you shew for your husband and 
our children, my Faustina, is natural. For I have 

3 We know of no imperial villa here. 

* An inscription (Corp. Inscr. Gra<c. 1124 b) found at Tibur 
was dedicated to Artemis vrrep ffwrriplas MdpKov ko.\ $a$l\\as. 

3 r 7 


in Formiano, qua me hortaris ut in Avidii conscios 
vindicem. Ego vero et eius liberis parcam et genero 
et uxori, et ad senatum scribam, ne aut proscriptio 
gravior sit aut poena crudelior. Non enim quic- 
quam est quod imperatorem melius commendet gen- 
tibus quam dementia. Haec Caesarem deum fecit, 
haec Augustum consecravit, haec patrem tuum spe- 
cialiter Pii nomine ornavit. Denique, si ex mea 
sententia de bello iudicatum esset, nee Avidius esset 
occisus. Esto igitur secura : 

Di me tuentur, dis pietas mea cordi est. 

Pompeianum nostrum in annum sequentem consulem 

1 See Fit. Avid. Cass. 12. 

* The name Pius was given him either because of his 
benevolent and gracious disposition (as here and Capit. Vit. 
Hadr. ii. 7) or because of his dutiful loyalty to Hadrian. Pietas 



read your letter again in the Formian Villa, in which 
you urge me to take vengeance on the accomplices 
of Cassius. But 1 intend to spare his children and 
son-in-law and wife, 1 and I shall write to the Senate 
not to permit any severer persecution or harsher 
penalty being inflicted on them. For there is nothing 
that can commend an emperor to the world more 
than clemency. It was clemency that made Caesar 
into a God, that deified Augustus, that honoured 
your father with the distinctive title of Pius. 2 Finally, 
if my wishes had been followed in respect to the 
war, not even Cassius would have been slain. So do 
not be troubled : 

The Gods protect me, to the Gods my loyalty is dear. 3 

I have named our Pompeianus 4 consul for the en- 
suing year. 

meant a conscientious sense of duty or loyalty to the Gods 
or country or relations or mankind in general. 

8 Hor. Od.i. 17, 13. 

4 Claud. Pompeianus Quintianus, not the son-in-law of 
Marcus, was consul suffectus in 176. 



A rescript of some length and not without interest, 
though much mutilated in the last half, has been 
omitted as not being strictly a letter. It was sent 
in 162 or 163 from Marcus and Verus conjointly 
to the logister or " curator " of the Senate of 
Ephesus in answer to three questions which he had 
put. After being reproved for applying direct to 
the Emperor instead of through the proper channels, 
he was told about the obsolete statues of the 
emperors in the Senate house of Ephesus, as to 
which he had asked, whether they, if unidentified, 
should be altered to represent the reigning Emperor 
and re-dedicated, that this should of course on no 
account be done, since the Emperors had not in 
other cases shown any hankering for honours, much 
less a wish to take honours from others. 

The other matter referred to by Eurycles con- 
cerned a certain Saturninus, a slave or servant of 
the Senate, and the management of the public 




Abercius, bishop of Hieropolis, an 
apocryphal letter of M., II. 299 

Accius (Attius) L., born 170 B.C., 
a Roman tragic poet : chooses 
out his words, I. 5 ; Marcus to 
fill himself with, II. 5 ; bracketed 
with Plautus and Sallust as 
using a certain kind of word 
(passage mutilated), n. 115 ; 
Niebuhr, Actio for Titio, I. 167 ; 
called inaequalis, n. 49 

Acheruns, the Lower World, 
" walled in " with rivers, etc., 
II. 14 ; herb of death sought in 
its meadows, n. 17 

Achilles, his armour-bearer Patro- 
clus (Patricoles, Cod), I. 167, 
n. 175 ; fleetness of, n. 61 ; 
exploits of, II. 199 ; shield of, 
II. 109 

Acilius, censor, " marks " M. 
Lucilius a tribune for illegal con- 
duct, I. 215 

Acilius Glabrio slays a lion in the 
amphitheatre at Albanura, I. 211 

Adherbal, King of Kumidia, his 
character (from Sallust), II. 163 ; 
his letter to the Senate while 
besieged in Cirta, II. 143 

Adurselius ( ? ), mi Cod. Ambr. 02, 
I. 168n. 

Aedon, a vowel in, dwelt on by 
harpers, n. 107 

Aegrilius Plarianus, tee Plarianus 

Aelius Stilo, copyist of the works 
of Cicero and other writers, 
I. 167 

Aemilius Pius, apparently a pupil 
of Fronto, recommended to 
Passieaus Rufus, II. 191 

Aenaria, an island off Naples with 
inland lake, I. 85, 39 

Aeschines, the philosopher and 
disciple of Socrates, mentioned 
in mutilated passage, II. 50 

Aesculapius, specially worshipped 
by Pius and Marcus, I. 50n. ; 
God of Pergamum, I. 51 

Aesopus, a great tragic actor of 
Cicero's time, I. 165 ; how he 
practised acting with a mask, 
II. 69 

Africa, taxes of, farmed by Saenius 
Pompeianus, I. 233 ; Africans 
taken captive by Scipio, II. 29 ; 
tres triumphi de Africanis . . ., 
II. 151 

Africanus, see Scipio 

Agamemnon, Homer's description 
of, I. 94, 99 

Agrigentines, inventors (?) of 
ploughs (Cato), II. 201 

Ajax, the bull's-hide shield of, n. 

Albanum, Domitian's villa in the 
Alban Hills, I. 211 ; Marcus at 
(?), n. 315 

Albinus, Aulus Postumius, defeated 
at Cirta (? Suthul), II. 21 ; 
Sallust's description of Spurius 
Albinus' army, II. 163 

Albinus, Clodius, proclaimed em- 
peror in Britain and slain by 
Severus, promoted by Marcus, 
311, 13; loyal to M. ibid. 

Albucius, an old Roman poet 
called by Fr. aridus, n. 49 ; 
where M in ton Warren suggests 
Abuccius from Varro, R. R. ill. 6, 6 

Alcibiades, as pupil of Socrates, 
I. 103 ; II. 11, 61 

Alexander, council at his death, 
from a Gallic rhetorician, n. 
Ill ; his empire divided into 
satrapies {praefecturae), U. 203 ; 
and Apelles, II. 59 

3 2 3 


Alexandria, friends of Fronto at, 
I. 237 

Alexlnus, a dialectic philosopher of 
the third century B.C., who de- 
lighted in sophistic puzzles, n. 
67 ; called sycophanta, II. 68 

Allia, defeat at, 16 July, 390. n. 21 

Algidum, a town on Mons Algidus, 
near Tusculum in Latium, cold 
before dawn, I. 143 

Alsium, a seaside resort in Etruria, 
24 miles from Rome, holiday at 
and letters to and from Marcus 
there, II. 3, 5, 7 ff. 19 

Amasis, king of Egypt 569-525 
B.C., a friend of Polycrates, 
tyrant of Samos, II. 25 

Amphiaraus, a tragedy on this 
warrior and prophet of Argos 
mentioned in connexion with the 
earthquake that swallowed him 
up. It was possibly by Sopho- 
cles, II. 69 

Anacharsls, a Scythian traveller 
and sage spoken of as no master 
of Greek, I. 137 

Anagnia, a Hernican town of 
Latium, 40 miles from Rome, 
visited by Pius and Marcus, 1. 175 

Anaxagoras, the philosopher of 
Clazomenae, born about 500 B.C., 
contrasted with Alexin us, n. 69 

Andromache, Hector's wife, refer- 
ence to Homer, II. vi. 491, I. 49 

Anicetus, the librarius of Marcus in 
143 A.D., II. 139 

Antias, Q. Valerius, a Roman 
historian of 100 B.C., wrote 
invenuste, n. 49 

Antioch, devoted to actors, n. 
149 ; groves of Daphne, II. 307 

Antipater, see Caelius 

Antisthenes, the Cynic philosopher 
mentioned in a mutilated pas- 
sage, II. 50 ; contrasted with the 
dialecticians Diodorus and Alex- 
lnus, II. 67 

Antium, the Fortune of (see Hor. 
Od. i. 35), II. 105 

Antoninus Aquila, see Aquila 

Antoninus, Arrius, relative of Pius 
and intimate friend of Fronto, 
iuridicus per Italiam regionis 
Transpadanae, II. 176n.; letters 
of Fronto to, IL 174, 17S. 18S 


Antoninus, Marcus, se-e Marcus 
Antoninus (Geminus), twin son of 
M. born 161 a.d., has a cough, 
II. 33 ; his description as a baby, 
n. 121 
Antoninus Pius, emperor 138-161 
a.d., letters from, to F. 1. 126, 
228; from F. to Pius, I. 126 
(about speech), 226 (congratu- 
lations on accession, July 10), 
236 (declining the proconsul- 
ship), 254 (on the will of Niger 
Censorius), 262 (soliciting office 
for the historian Appian) ; as 
emperor, I. 37 ; anniversary of 
accession, 1. 227 ; beloved by F. 
I. Ill ; the most fortunate (or 
perhaps peaceful) of emperors, 
n. 23 ; speeches of F. in praise 
of, I. Ill, 118, 127, 129, 134, 
303 ; n. 251, 283 ; praise of, 
I. 37 ; kiss of salutation to, I. 
227 ; message to, that he la ill, 
I. 227 ; that he has had an 
accident, I. 247 ; speech of Pius, 
I. 241 ; praises F., I. 127 ; his 
indulgentia, I. 234 ; character 
and habits of, n. 9 ; gives 
Sextius Calpurnius a procurator- 
ship at F.'s request, I. 263 ; 
pays fees of Gavlus Clarus for 

Eraetorshlp, 11. 155 ; pittas of 
larcus towards, n. 127 ; coins 
of, n. 115 ; war In Britain, 11. 
251 ; rebuilt Rhodes, II. 261 ; 
thanks of Carthage for bene- 
factions, II. 283 ; a divine man, 
n. 9 ; death of, alluded to ?, 

I. 299 ; revolt of Celsus against, 

II. 317 ; why called Pius, n. 
318n. ; disasters in reign of, 
11. 22; called the great King, 

I. 130 

Antonlus (?), L., the cognomen . . . 
utus (? Cornutus) Is mutilated, 

II. 160 

Antonius, M., the famous Mark 
Antony, retreats before the 
Parthians, n. 203 

Antonius, Valerius, a friend of F. 
has a petition to present to 
Lucius Verus, 1. 305 

Apelles, the greatest Greek painter 
and friend of Alexander, story 
of Alexander in his studio, u. 


59 ; contrasted with Parrhasius 
as not painting unicolora, II. 49 ; 
Invested the humblest of subjects 
with distinction, I. 169 ; type of 
supreme excellence, I, 129 ; 
Appelles, I. 169 

Aphrodite, see Venus 

Apolaustus, an actor namedAgrippa 
Memphis, whom Lucius brought 
from Syria and named Apo- 
laustus (Capit. Vit. Ver. 8), but 
the actor mentioned under this 
name may be a second one of the 
same name (see Mommsen, 
Hermes viii, p. 213), I. 305 

Apollinaris, Sulpicius, conversation 
with Fronto in Aul. Gellius, II. 

Apollo, deflects Teucer's arrow 
(Horn. 11. viii, 311), I. 133; 
libraries of his temple on the 
Palatine, I. 179 ; author of 
paeans, n. 67 ; in a doubtful 
passage as inventor of oars (?), 
II. 200 

Apollonides, Appius, Greek letter to, 
in favour of Cornelianus, I. 287 

Apollonius, a philosopher of Chal- 
cedon and teacher of Marcus, 
I. 235 ; his son Apollonius, ibid. 

Apollonius Rhodius, opening lines 
of his Argonautica, II. 106 

Appianus, the historian and friend 
of F, letter from F. with a gift 
of two slaves, I. 265 f. ; Fronto 's 
answer refusing them, I. 269 ; 
F. asks Pius to give Appian an 
office, I. 263 

Appius Maximus, see Maximus 

Aquila, Antoninus, apiaro? prjrdpwv, 
wants a place as instructor of 
youth in Victorinus's province, 
n. 171 

Aquilinus, Julius, recommended to 
Aegrilius Plarianus in his pro- 
vince, I. 289 

Arbaces (?), a Parthian General who 
routed and slew Maximus, one of 
Trajan's commanders — possibly 
should be read Arsaces (m* 
Arbalatuce), II. 214 

Argo, the ship of the Argonauts, 
n. 106 

Aricia, a town of Latium, 16 miles 
from Rome, holus aricinum,l. 117 

Arldelus, a freedman of M. and L., 

recommended to M. for a pro- 

curatorship, I. 239 
Arion, of Lesbos, a famous musician, 

whose story is told, I. 55 f. 
Ariston, a Stoic philosopher of Chios 

(about 260 B.C.) with Platonic 

tendencies, Marcus in 146 A.D. 

captivated by his writings, I. 217 
Aristophanes, the comic poet, the 

word vivos quoted from a lost 

comedy (? 'A/cAaifr) in Aul. 

Gellius, II. 278 
Armenia, subjugation of, n. 137 ; 

title Armeniacus refused by M.. 

II. 133 ; Sohaemus, king of, 

restored by Lucius, II. 145 
Arpinum, birthplace of Marius, 

II. 205 
Arsaces, a Parthian king, letter of 

Mithridates asking his help 

(Sallust, Hist, iv), II. 143; a 

possible reading for Arbaces, 

II. 214 
Artaxata, capital of Armenia, 

taken by Statius Priscus (Capit. 

Vit. Mar. 9, § 1), a success 

attributed to Lucius, II. 133 
Artemas, M. Antonius, at Smyrna, 

II. 295 
Artemidorus Daldianus refers to 

Fronto in his 'Oyeipo/cpmKa, n. 

Asclepiodotus, a persona grata with 

Lucius, found fault with by F. 

in a speech, II. 221, 235 
Asellio, Sempronius, a historical 

authority followed by Nepos in 

his account of the Numantine 

war (Hauler), II. 145 
Asia, voyage from, I. 159 ; F. 

proconsul designate of, I. 235, 

Aspasia, a teacher of Socrates, 

ii. 11 
Athena, see Minerva 
Athenodotus, a philosopher and 

teacher of Fronto, I. 171 ; II. 

50 ; taught F. the use of el/coves 

or similes, I. 205 ; perhaps 

alluded to, II. 57 
Athens, city of Minerva, I. 50 ; 

friends of F. summoned thither 

from Alexandria, I. 237 ; ex- 
actions of, I. 273 



Atrides, see Agamemnon 

Atta, a writer of Roman comedies, 

notable for knowledge of women's 

language, I. 5 
Attica, men of Attica and their 

thyme of Hymettus, I. 305 ; 

Marathon and Cephisia, demes of, 

II. 295, 7 
Atticus, a transcriber of Cicero's 

works, I. 169 
Aundius Victorinus, Gaius, see 

Augustus (Octavianus), nephew and 

successor of Julius Caesar and 

husband of Livia, II. 11, 137 ; 

his eloquence (residua elegantia 

saecuJi), n. 137 f. ; his clemency, 

II. 319 
Aulus Gellius, see Gellius 
Aurelia (regio), F. bound for, I. 177 
Aurelius Opellius, see Opellius 
Autrico (m2 for aut Tiro), copyist 

of Cicero's works, I. 167, 168 
Avernus, mentioned in margin of 

Cod. Ambr. 86, I. 98n. 
Avidius Cassius, see Cassius 


Baburiana, letter of F. to Arrius 

Antoninus about her, II. 189 
Babylon, its destruction mooted by 

Alexander's successors, II. Ill 
Bacchus, defender (cognitor) of 

dithyrambs, II. 66; vine-bound 

thyrsus of, II. 85 ; (Liber) in 

favour of night, II. 15 ; called 

Brisaeus at Smyrna, n. 295 
Baecola, a town in Spain m a Cod. 

Ambr. 62, I. 168n. 
Baiae, a resort on the coast of 

Campania, Marcus there, I. 93 ; 

steaming grottoes of, I. 87 ; 

mentioned in the margin of 

Cod. Ambr. 86 
Balbus, Cornelius, apocryphal letter 

to, II. 313 
Balcia Tauri, eastern part of range, 

words added by ma in Cod. 

Ambr. 260, II. 214n. 
Barbus (?), mi Cod. Ambr. 62, for 

Balbus, i. 168n. 
Bassaeus Rufus, praef. praet. (168- 

177) under Marcus, referred to 

by Cassius ? n. 293 ; apocryphal 
letter of M. to, II. 3ll_ 

BassianuS, fiayi(TTpiavb<; Ttov fleitof o</>- 

4>iKia>i>, in apocryphal letter of 

Marcus, II. 301 
Bithynians, speech of F. for, II. 

89, 91, 99 
Britanni, defeat of Hadrian's 

troops by, II. 23 ; war in Britain 

under Pius, II. 251 
Brutus, M. Junius, the murderer 

of Caesar, his book (De Virtute ?) 

sent to Cicero for correction, 

delights M., I. 101 

Caecilius, a eunuch, II. 317 

Caccilius, procurator in Asia, in 
apocrvphal letter of Marcus. 
II. 299 

Caecilius, the corrector of the 
Codex, I., 174n. 

Caecilius Statius, predecessor of 
Terence in Comedy, quoted 
by M. (incolumi inscientia), I. 
142 ; chooses out his words, I. 
5 ; commemoramentum, I. 56 ; 
incursim, n. 86 

Caelius (or Coelius) Antipater, L., 
a jurist and historian contem- 
porary with Gracchus, preferred 
by Hadrian to Sallust (Spart. 
Vit. Hadr. 16, § 6), wrote verbis 
singulis, II. 48 ; ? M. reads 
<ex Coolio, I. 300 ; extract from, 
(or the poet Coelius), I. 19 

Caelius Rufus, M., an orator, 
defended by Cicero pro Caelio, 
II. 158 ; see also, possibly, I. 19 

Caelius Optatus, letter of F. to, 
recommending Saturninus, n. 

Caesar, a title of the Emperor 
designate (e.g. Marcus Caesar) 
but also used of the reigning 
emperor (e.g., I. 126), n. 255 ; 
the duties of a Caesar, n. 58 

Caesar, Gaius Julius, foe and lover 
of Cleopatra, u. 11 ; wrote 
military works and two careful 
books De Analogia (see note I. 
29) in Gaul during his campaigns, 
II. 29, 265, 257 ; his eloquence 



imperatorial, n. 136 ; his pre- 
eminent genius and purity of 
style, II. 255 ; discusses the use 
in singular and plural of caelum, 
triticum, quadrigae, arena, II. 
257 ; Fronto puts Caesar's case 
for latter word, II. 259 ; the 
first emperor, II. 137 

Caieta, on the sea coast of Latium, 
M. going to it, I. 193 ; Fronto 
at, I. 191 

Calamis, a Greek statuary, his 
statues " softer " than those of 
Canachus (Cic. Brut. 70) ; Fronto, 
II. 49, implies, according to 
Hauler's reading lepturga (m* 
for Turena, which must surely 
be wrong as a contrast to 
Etrusca in the vis-a-vis), that 
Calamis did not do delicate work, 
but Dion Halicarn. de Isocr. 3 
attributes to him XeirTorrjs and 
xapi? and says > he worked ev 

tois iKarroiTi. Ktu ai^pwirivois. Yet 

Calamis made colossal statues of 

Calliope, the Muse, instructress of 
Homer, n. 67 

Callistus, a doubtful reading in a 
mutilated passage, II. 246 

Calpurnius, a friend of Lucius, I. 

Calpurnius, a messenger of Faus- 
tina, n. 317 

Calpurnius Julianus, see Julianus 

Calvisius, Publius, M.'s grandfather, 

I. 61 

Calvus, C. Licinius Macer, orator 
and poet, born 82 B.C., his style 
at the bar quarrelsome (rixatur). 
H. 48 

Camillus, type of military leader, 

II. 151 
Campania, I. 175 

Canachus, a Sicyonian statuary of 
the fifth century B.C., Fr. implies 
that he did not make statues 
of the gods, n. 49 ; but there 
are certainly such attributed to 

Cannae, defeat of the Romans by 
the Gauls, 2 Aug. 216, II. 21, 29 

Canusium, a town in Apulia, where 
Lucius was taken ill with 
apoplexy, II. 85 

Capitolinus, M, Manlius, Baviour 
of the Capitol from the Gauls, 
II. 151 

Capitolinus, Julius, in his life of 
Marcus seems to draw from Fr., 

I. 207n. ; n. 133n. ; [II. 289] ; 

II. 208n. 

Capreolus, a pleader in the case 
against Herodes, I. 67 

Carrhae in Mesopotamia, defeat 
of Crassus at in 52 B.C., II. 21 

Carthage, speech of thanks for 
restoration of, II. 281 ; Roman 
rings sent to, n. 29 ; Gracchus 
colonises, n. 141 

Cassius, Avidius, the conqueror of 
the Parthians, took Dausara and 
Nicephorium (and Seleucia and 
Ctesiphon), II. 133 ; letter of F. 
to, II. 191 ; his discipline, vigour, 
and military instinct, II. 193 ; 
commissioned by Lucius to draw 
up memoranda of the war, II. 
195 ; letters in the life of, by 
Vulc. Gallicanus, II. 292 ; revolt 
of, n. 292 ; in command of 
Syrian army (apocryphal letter), 
n. 307 : plans revolt before death 
of Lucius (?), II. 309 ; his char- 
acter as general, n. 311 ; his 
wife and children mentioned in 
apocryphal letter, n. 319 

Catiline, Sallust's and Cicero's 
description of, II. 159 f. ; Cassius 
in apocryphal letter likens him- 
self to, II. 293 

Cato, M. Porcius, called the Censor, 
on Galba's acquittal, I. 173 ; 
speech on The Property of 
Pulchra (Cod. m« Dulcha); 
speech impeaching a tribune, 

I. 179 *, his Agriculture, I. 181 ; 
his Origins, n. 201 ; attributed 
ploughs to Agrigentines, ibid. ; 
speech De Sumptu Suo quoted, 
n. 45 ; Against Lepidus quoted, 

II. 3 ; unknown work on his 
campaigns quoted, II. 151 ; 
sayings (?) of his in a mutilated 
passage, I. 169, n. 81 ; in- 
tempesta nox praecipitat, I. 144 ; 
uses praeter-propter, n. 275 ; 
favourite use of atque, imitated 
by M., I. 152 ; wrote verbis 
muUiiugis, n. 48 ; harangued 

3 2 7 


infest*, at the bar saevit, n. 48 ; 

Use Of figure jrapaAen/u?, II. 

45 ; in Spain, II. 141 (Sallu$t) ; 
speeches from the rostrum, n. 
65 ; his trumpet note, I. 107, 
II. 75 ; style compared to pine- 
nuts, H. 103 ; his tusculan style 
(untainted and chaste), I. 43 ; 
chooses out his words, I. 5 ; 
good at invective, I. 129 ; 
consummate orator and com- 
mander, II. 151, 201 ; called 
catus, ii. 201 ; statues of, n. 3, 
201 ; busts carried from Senate, 
n. 151 ; M. devoted to him, 
called his patron, 1. 152 ; M. 
asks for something especially 
eloquent by, I. 301 ; Fronto has 
been reading him, I. 153 ; 
mentioned, I. 167; read by M. 
1. 117 ; imitations : tela volantia, 
n. 23 ; sanguinera demittere, 
II. 84 ; consiliosus, n. 146 ; 
impraesentiarum M. I. 184 ; 
felix arbor, n. 180 ; profanare = 
dedicare, n. 10 

Catulus, Lutatius, despatch on his 
own exploits (De Consulate) to 
the Senate, II. 143 

Carthage, Fronto 's speech of thanks 
for, to Pius, II. 281 ; Cannae, 
n. 29 

Cavius (Gavius) Maximus, see 

Caudium, Roman disaster at, II. 21 

Censorius, Niger, a friend of F. and 
letters about his will, I. 255 flf. 

Centumcellae, a seaside resort In 
Etruria, called Portus (now 
Civita Vecchia), I. 55 ; Marcus 
going to, I. 173 

Cenumanus (Gallia Cisalpina), 
quoted from Helvius Cinna (in 
Gellius), II. 281 

Cephalus, or Kephalus, I. 21 

Charila?, freedman of Lucius, I. 301 

Charisius, a grammarian about 400 
A.D. quotes Fronto, I. 97n., 138n.; 
n. 8, 228n, 231n. ; Ruhnus Be 
Comp. et de metr. orat. quotes 
from Charisius as bacchiacs. 
laetare (cp. I. 80), Frontone 

Chrysippus, the great Stoic, got 
" mellow " every day, II. 11 ; 
as rhetorician, II. 67 


Cicero, M. Tullius (sometimes called 
Tullius and his epistolary style 
Tullianus) ; speech for P. (Cod. 
L.) Sulla. II. 100 ; speech praising 
Pompey (? Pro Lege Manilla) sent 
to M., 11. 31 ; letter to Brutus 
about B.'s book de Virtute (?), 

I. 101 ; list of orators in the 
Brutus, n. 147 ; books ad 
Brutum and Ad Axivm to be 
copied by M.'s copyist, II. 159 ; 
extract from his Pro Caelio, 11. 
160 ; treatises of, read to M., 
n. 5 ; speeches of, from Rostrum, 
n. 65 ; M. asks for some eloquent 
speech of, 1. 301 ; certain words 
(passage mutilated) occasionally 
used by, 11. 114; Ciceronian 
turn of sentence, n. 43 ; the 
modus Ciceronis, I. 68 ; writes 
copiose, at the bar triumphat, 

II. 48 ; his definition of supreme 
eloquence, 11. 145 ; Fr.'s extracts 
from, on eloquence, philosophy, 
or politics, II. 157 ; I. 80n. ; 
M. reads a speech of his, I. 301 ; 
he asks for some selected letters 
of C, 11. 157 ; nothing more 
perfect than his letters, to be 
read even more than his speeches, 
n. 154 ; style of them, 1. 123 
(see also Intr. p. xlin.); summum 
supremumque os Romanae linguae, 
n. 142 ; I. 7 ; his trumpet note, 
n. 75 ; rhythmical, II. 143 ; 
master of beautiful language, 
but not a searcher out of un- 
expected words, 1. 7 ; but cp. 
n. 157 f. ; copious and opulent, 

I. 7 ; quoted, II. 144 ; con- 
trasted with Sallust in use of 
figures, n. 159 ; mentioned, I. 
167 ; far superior to Fr., II. 101 ; 

Tiro, copyist of his works, 1. 167 ; 
for criticism of his style by 
Titianus, see Intr. p. xlin. ; 
the Tullian or easy epistolary 
style of C.'s letters, I. 123 (bis); 
tulliana conclusio. I. Ill ; II. 42 
Imitations of Cic. : fomentum 
solarium, etc., I. 176 (Cic. Tusc. 

II. 24) ; and see Priebe, de Fron- 
tone imitationem prisci sermonis 
adfectante, p. 9, and Schwier- 
czina, Frontoniana, p. 30 


Cillcia, friends of Fr. in, I. 237 
Cinna, Helvius, poet torn in pieces 
at Caesar's murder, quoted in Aul. 
Gellius, H. 281 
Cirta, in Numidia (F.'s birthplace), 
native place of Montanus, its 
climate, I. 281 ; letter of F. to 
Triumvirs and Senators of, 

I. 293 ; Victorinus, Silanus, 
Post. Festus patrons of, I. 293 f . ; 
defeat of Romans at, II. 21 

Clitianus, Valerianus, letter to, lost, 

H. 190m. 
Clarus, Erucius, praef. urbi under 

Pius, friend of Censorius, I. 257 
Clarus, Gavius, friend of Fr., II. 

151 ; goes to Syria and Fr. 

recommends him to Lucius, II. 

Claudius Quadrigarius, a Roman 
. historian about 100 B.C., writes 

lepide, II. 49 ; uses mortales for 

homines, II. 269 ; his style and 

F.'s love and reverence for him, 

II. 271 

Cleanthes, Stoic philosopher, his 
wisdom, II. 63 ; earned his living 
by drawing water, n. 65 

Cleopatra, H. 84 ; and Caesar, n. 

Clitomachus, a Carthaginian philo- 
sopher, disciple of Carneades, 
second century B.C., called 
ancep8 by Fr., n. 48 

Coelius (or Caelius) L., a little- 
known poet, rival of Ennius, 
uses chosen words, I. 5 ; extract 
from, sent (Caelius), possibly the 
historian (q.v.), I. 19 ; or (see 
Priebe, de Frontone etc.), from 
the orator M. Caelius Rufu3 of 
Cicero's time 

Commodus, succesor of M., as a 
baby, n. 119 f. ; as a boy 
(apocryphal letter), II. 317 ; 
coin of, n. 115 

Concordia, a city of Venetia, N. 
Italy, II. 175n., 177 

Consentius, P., fifth century A.D. 
quotes Fronto, II. 175 

Contuccius, tee Repentinus 

Corinth, mentioned in story of 
Arion, I. 57 

Cornelianus, praef. praet. in apocry- 
phal letter, II. 299n. 

Cornelianus Sulpicius, overseer of 

Greek affairs, and amanuensis 

under M., recommended by Fr. 

to CI. Severus, I. 285, and note 
Cornelius, M., mentioned by Cato 

in a speech quoted II. 45 (see 

Festus, s.v. repulsior) 
Cornificia, sister of M„ I. 197 
Cornificia, daughter of M., her 

birthday, II. 33 ; possibly al- 
luded to, H. 19 
Cornutus (?), Annaeus (Cod. L. 

Antoni . . . utus), quotation 

from, u. 161 
Cotinum ; the Cotini were south of 

the Vistula, in apocryphal letter 

II. 303 
Crassus, the triumvir, defeated at 

Carrhae, II. 303 
Crassus Frugi, lucifugax, n. 77 
Crassus, Licinius, tristis (iye'Aaoros) 

II. 77 
Crispus, Gaius, see Sallustius 
Croesus, and Solon, n. 61 
Cupid, or Love, with wings at his 

shoulders, II. 17 
Curius Dentatus, as type of general, 

II. 151 
Cyrus the younger, Xenophon 

served under, as volunteer, II 

Cyzicus, on the Propontis, speech 

by M. on behalf of, n. 41, 43 ; 

earthquake at, II. 41, 69n. 

Dacians, Trajan's war against, II. 

21, 207 ; used scythes in war, 

n. 205 
Danube, province beyond, annexed 

by Trajan, II. 207 
Daphne, see Syria 
Dausara, a city near Edessa in 

Mesopotamia^ II. 133 
Decimanus, friend (or possibly 

grandson) of Fr., his death, n. 

Demosthenes, as type of supreme 

excellence, I. 129 ; saying of 

his (?) that the laws sometimes 

sleep, I. 217 



Demostratus Petilianus, advocate 
against Herodes, Fr.'s speech 
Pro Demostrato, n. 220n., 221, 

Dio Cassius, the historian, anecdote 
of Fronto, II. 250 

Dio Chrysostom, the orator and 
philosopher, a contemporary of 
Fr., n. 51 

Diodorus Cronus, a captious dia- 
lectic philosopher, fourth century 
B.C., II. 67 

Diogenes, the Cynic Philosopher, 
his brutality, I. 102 ; fond of 
denunciation, n. 48, 50 ; regard- 
less of money, n. 65 

Dionysius (Tenuior), a rhetor and 
Fr.'s teacher, I. 171 ; II. 83 ; his 
fable of the Vine and Holm-Oak, 
II. 85 

Dionysius, a painter of Colophon 
about 430 B.C., did not paint 
inlustria, II. 49 

Dlonysodorus, a cook honoured 
with a statue, mentioned by Cato, 
n. 3 

Dionysus, see Bacchus 

Dis Pater, Hadrian compared to 
I. Ill; refuses to preside over 
Sleep, n. 15; ruler of the 
Lower Regions, ibid. ; no power 
to thunder, II. 135 

Domitian, the Emperor, his villa at 
Albanum, I. 211 ; saying attri- 
buted to him in apocryphal letter 
of M., II. 311 

Domitius Balbus, transcriber of 
Cicero's works, I. 168 

Dorocorthoro, Rheims, the Athens 
of Gaul, n. 175n. 

Egatheus, a freedman of Pius, In 
charge of codicilli (petitions) 
under M., n. 95 

Elegeia, in Armenia on the Upper 
Euphrates, Severianus defeated 
and slain there, 162 A.D., n. 21n. 

Eleusis, priests or torchbearers of, 
H. 135 

Ennius, Quintus, born 239, the 
father of Roman literature, 
called Quintus .«, I. 77 ; his Sota, 

a new copy, I. 79 ; Annals 
quoted, tomno leni placidoque 
rennctus, I. 205 f. ; Annals xlv 
quoted by Favorinus (in Gellius), 
n. 268 : uses/w/pus of bronze in 
the Annals, II. 267 ; his tragedy, 
Telamon, quoted, II. 20 ; from an 
unknown play on flatterers, I. 
137 ; quotation in Gellius from 
unknown play, n. 257 ; used 
praeter propter in passage from 
Jphigenia (in Gellius), n. 275 f. ; 
Annals quoted in apocryphal 
letter of M., n. 307 ; a Gaulish 
rhetor quotes him in reference to 
the Tiber, n. 110 f. ; maxim 
from, that an orator should be 
bold, I. 11 ; called multiformis 
n. 49 ; uses chosen words, I. 5 ; 
led to write by a dream, I. 95, 
99; mugitu personam, n. 75 i 
M. asks for extracts from, I. 
303 ; what has he done for M., 

I. 107 ; M. fires himself with, 

II. 5 ; mentioned, I. 167 ; see 
Schwierczina, Frontoniana, p. 21, 
who instances jus et aequom, 
secundo rumore populi, si noctis 
si lucis tempus erit 

Ephesus, letter of M. to Curator 
of, H. 290 

Epictetus, the philosopher, called 
incuriosus, n. 50 ; lame and a 
slave, used chosen words, II. 
52 ; mentioned in mutilated 
passage, n. 69 ; epitaph, II. 69n. 

Erucius Clarus, see Clarus 

Euphranor, a famous painter and 
sculptor of Corinth, his work 
chaste and restrained, n. 49 

Euphrates, Stoic philosopher of 
Tyre, mentioned as a con- 
temporary, II. 51 

Euphrates, river crossed by Trajan, 
II. 201 ; province reduced by 
Trajan beyond, n. 207 ; ferry 
dues on, n. 215 

Euripides, his Ion quoted by M., 

I. 184 
Eurycles, see Ulpius 
Euxenianus Publio, ? proconsul of 

Asia, mentioned as helping 
Smyrna after an earthquake, in 
an apocryphal letter from M., 

II. 299 



Fabianus, a friend of Fr. befriended 
by Corn. Repentinus, praef. 
praef.. under Pius, I 283 

Fabii, the 300 slain at the Cremera, 
n. 147 

Fadilla, daughter of M., lodging 
with Matidia, as a baby, at 
Minturnae (?), I. 301 ; her 
father-in-law Claud. Severus, I. 
283n. ; referred to as virgo and 
as being ill, in an apocryphal 
letter of Faustina, n. 292 

Falco, Pompeius, his estate visited 
by M., I. 141 

Fauna, inspirers of prophecy, n. 67 

Faustina maior, wife of Pius, 
perhaps mentioned by Fr. and 
Pins, I. 127 f. ; n. 281n. ; query 
referred to as domina, see note, 
I. 15 

Faustina minor, wife of M , probably 
mentioned by Pius, I. 129; 
alluded to in a lost letter, 1. 191 ; 
called Aug-.tsta, I. 193; H. 98; 
ill, I. 193 ; a good patient, I. 
195; message to, on birthday 
of one of her children, I. 245 ; 
her lying-in near, I. 247 ; legatee 
under Matidla's will, II. 97 ; 
in Syria with Lucius, n. 237 ; 
apocryphal letters to M., n. 315, 
317 ; death at Halalae, II. 297n. 

Faustina, Annia Galeria, daughter 
of M„ has diarrhoea, I. 203 ; 
Fr.'s devotion to her, MM. ; is 
better, I. 205 ; mentioned (?) 
by M., I. 225 

Faustina, Domitia, daughter of M. 
just born, I. 251 ; recovering her 
health, H 33 

Faustinianus, son of Statianus, a 
friend of Fr., recommended to 
CI. Julianus, I. 291 

Faustus, a varia lectio in Cod., n. 

Faustus Sulla, called Felix; Fronto 
calls " Faustian " wines from the 
Ager Faustianus (a part of the 
Falernian district) felicia vina, 
n. 7 

Favorinus, a contemporary phil- 
osopher of Aries, oratorical (?) 
pigments from, I. 49 ; well 

versed in Greek, n. 263 ; con- 
versation with Fr. in Gellius, n. 

Felix, Minucius in his Odavius 
quotes F., Intr. xvii, II. 283-4 

Festus, Postumius, a contemporary 
grammarian, to be patron of 
Cirta, I. 295 ; conversation with 
Fronto in Gellius, II. 279 

Formian villa, mentioned by Faus- 
tina and M. in apocryphal 
letters, n. 317 f. 

Fortuna, the goddess, I. 89 ; wor- 
shipped under various forms and 
names, n. 105 ; Fors Fortuna, 
n. 35 

Fronto, M. Cornelius, orator huius 
saeculi, I. 32 ; use of maxims, 
I. 3, 130 ff. ; a foreigner but 
sagacious, I. 21 ; a Libyan of the 
Libyans, I. 137 ; n. 135 ; writes 
in Greek, I. 19, 125 (? I. 94); 
letters in Greek to mother of 
M., 130, 146 ; influence as 
orator, I. 18, 77; his? De 
Differentia Vocabulorum, I. 6n. ; 
against philosophy, I. 289 ; II. 
67 ; a treatise pro Somno, I. 
9n. ; glory of Roman eloquence, 
I. 131 ; II. 251 ; <*>iX6(rropyo9, 
n. 18 ; uses ordinary common 
words, n. 87 ; mediocre talent 
compared to Cicero's, n. 101 ; 
alone talks Latin, I. 129 ; n. 
123 ; a bad correspondent, n. 
193 ; is to write a history of 
Parthian war, n. 193 ff. ; words 
used by him given franchise, 
n. 279 ; his view of tyrants, n. 
285 ; pre-eminent at bar, II. 
257, cp. 199 ; compared to 
Cicero, II. 251 ; his language and 
learning (in Gellius), II. 253 ; 
praise by Favorinus (in Gellius), 
n. 261, 267-9 ; careful in dis- 
tinguishing words, n. 273 ; 
always up in the clouds, I. 105 

Birthday, I. 15 ; n. 31 ; his 
" gardens " at Rome, I. 123 ; 
vintage at his Eorti, I. 213 ; 
from Eorti to Rome, I. 299 ; 
new bath for his "villa," II. 
273; his villas, I. 177, 213, 
299 ; n. 87, 193 ; fond of birds, 
esp. partridges, n. 173 ; addicted 



to the circus, I. 809; has no 
secrets, n. 173 ; refuses to help 
the unworthy, II. 189 ; devoted 
attentions of Gav. Claru3 to, II.. 
153 ; daughter betrothed to 
Victorinus, I. 293; his ludus, 

I. 130 ; his secta, II. 36 ; his 
salon, n. 253, 261, 273 ; apolo- 
gies for absence from levee, I. 173; 
consul, see under date 143, office 
ends Sept. 1, I. 145 ; proconsul 
designate of Asia and refusal of 
office, I. 235, 237; friends in 
Alexandria and Cilicia, I. 237 ; 
Jul. Senex called from Maure- 
tania, ibid. ; at Caieta, I. 191 ; 
his quaestor, I. 114 ; took no 
obscure part in civil affairs, I. 
294; refers to \m past life, 
n. 101, 231 ; cp. II. 228w. ; 
death of grandson and wife, 

II. 223, 233; no sons, I. 29 L ; 
loss of 5 children, II. 223 ; 
grandson alive, II. 229 ; ideals 
of friendship, I. 257 ; upbraids 
the gods, II. 223 ; death near, 
II. 229 ; wishes as to last rites, 
n. 153 ; descendants of, II. 172n., 
cp. Intr. xl ; pupils, I. 180, 
280, 387 ; II. 240, 212, 245 

Speech Pro Demostrato, n. 
219, 221, 255 ; wish to suppress 
It. II. 235 ; speech Pro BUhynis, 
n. 89 ; disowned, II. 91 ; altered, 
n. 101 ; possibly referred to, I. 
81 ; speech against Herodes, 
I. 81 ; II. 221, 235 ; Pro Car- 
thaginiensibus, II. 281 ; against 
the Christians, II. 285 ff. ; speech 
with reference to war in Britain, 
n. 251 ; speech as consul 
designate, I. 303 ; speech of 
thanks to Pius, and proclamation 
at Games, I. Ill, 118, 113 f., 
127, 129, 303 ; encomium on 
Pius, I. 120, 125 ; with reply ol 
Pius, I. 127 ; speech on oversea 
wills, I. 155 ff. speeches in 
favour of Hadrian, I. Ill ; 
speeches on behalf of Saenius 
Pompeianus, I. 233 ; speech in 
Senate, I. 197 ; two speeches on 
behalf of friends, I. 239 

Letters to Pius, Marcus, and 
Gav. Maximus about Censorius. 

I. 258 ff. ; to Pius on behalf of 
Appian, I. 263 ; to Appian and 
answer, I. 261 ff. ; to Loll. 
Avitus for Montanus, I. 279 ; 
to Corn. Repentinus for Fabi- 
anus, I. 283 ; to CI. Severus for 
Cornel ianus, I. 286 ; to Apol- 
lonides for same, I. 287 ; to 
Plarianus for Aquilinus, I. 289^ 
to CI. Julianus for Faustinianus, 

I. 291 ; to Avidius Cassius for 
Jun. Maximus, n. 191 ; to CI. 
Julianus, n. 93; to Praecilius 
Pompeianus, II. 89, 91 ; to 
Velius Rufus Senex on oratory, 

II. 87 ; to his son-in-law Vic- 
torinus, II. 99, 169, 171, 174, 
to Arrius Antoninus, II. 175, 177, 
189 ; to the Triumvirs and 
Senators of Cirta, I. 293 and note ; 
to Passienus Rufus for Aemilius 
Pius, II. 191 ; to Fulvianus, II. 
193 ; to Caelius Optatus, II. 241 ; 
to Petr. Mamertinus for Sardius 
Lupus, II. 243 ; to Sardius 
Saturninus, II. 243 ; to Junius 
Maximus, II. 245 ; to Squilla 
Gallicanus, II. 245 ; to Volumniu3 
Quadratus, I. 307, 309 

On Cicero, I. 7 ; dictum on 
Plato, I. 33 ; imitates Sallust, 
n. 101 ; devoted to him, I. 153 ; 
and see under Sallust; 
annotates Cicero, I. 309; 
on Agamemnon's dream, I. 
95 ; adds a line to Lucan, n. 
107 ; Lais, I. 33 ; on arena and 
quadrigae, II. 259 ff. ; on colours, 
II. 259 ff. ; on mortales for 
homines, II. 261 ; on praeter- 
propter, II. 273 ; on word for 
dwarf, II. 279 ; love and rever- 
ence for old writers, II. 271 ; 
had not studied ancient authors 
when young, I. 123 ; extracts 
from Lucretius and Ennius, I. 
303 ; Cicero, II. 157 ; Gracchus ? 
I. 81 ; Terence, Vergil, Sallust 
(?), I. 80n. 

Kiss of salutation to M., I. 
221 ; encomium on M., I. 131, 
135: teaches M. to speak the 
truth, I. 17 ; loth to worry him 
with letters, I. 223 ; kisses his 
babies' feet, I. 245 ; flatters him, 

33 2 


L 131 ; n. 29 ; advises Herodea 
to attach himself to M., I. 171 ; 

asked by M. to befriend Theml- 
stocles, I. 235 ; hi? opinion valued 
by M., I. 97; take3 up r61e of 
master again, n. 105, 131 ; 
urged by M. to write to Lucius, 
n. 129 ; apostrophe to M., II. 133 
Pains in arm, I. 35 ; elbow, I. 
39, 187, 219; foot. I. 81, 199, 
213, 249 (toes of 1. foot), 245, 
(sole) 73; has gout, il. 261, 273 ; 
shoulder, I. 277, 189 ; pain in 
elbow, knee and ankle, I. 187 ; 
knee, I. 193, 247, 249, 253 ; knee 
bruised, I. 247 ; hand, I. 307, 
309; n. 19, 31, 45, 73; neck, 

I. 199 (bis), 201, 227, 219; II. 
157 ; eyes, n. 174 ; every 
limb, n. 157 ; groin, I. 225 (bis) ; 

II. 1 57 : has neuritis, II. 89 ; rheu- 
matism, not arthritis, II. 241 ; 
sore, I. 215, 247; sore throat 
and fever, IT. 253 ; cough and 
insomnia, I. 309 ; II. 45 ; cold, 
I. 195 ; serious illness, I. 239 ; 
gastric attack, I. 251 ; cholera (?) 

I. 243 ; long ill-health, n. 92, 
132, 233, 237, 241, 243 ; carried 
when ill by Lucius, n. 241 ; 
his fortitude, I. 81, 83 ; pain in 
back and loin, I. 225 ; side and 
spine, II. 175; see also I. 173, 
227, 229, 233 

Fronto, infant son of Victorinus, 
prattles Da, eats grapes, etc., 

II. 173 

Fronto's brother (Quadratus ?), 

mentioned, I. 79. 145, 185; 

n. 153 ; raised to high office by 

Pius, II. 131 
Fulvianus, friend of Lucius, n. 

193, 195 
Furies, scourge of, n. 105 


Galba, Ser. Sulpicius, the first great 
Roman orator, his speeches taken 
by M. to Centumcpllae, I. 173 ; 
liia acquittal by bribery and 
appeal to pity, ibid. 

Gallicanus (rhetor) pompous writing 

on Alexander, and on the Tiber, 
n. Ill 

Gaul, Caesar's war in, n. 29 

Gauran Mount, wine of, 1. 177 

Gavins Clarus, see Clarus 

Gavius Maximus, see Maximus 

Gellius, Aulus, contemporary refer- 
ences to Fronto, II. 252-261 

Germany, II. 232 ; scene of miracu- 
lous victory, II. 303 

Geryon, the three-headed giant, I. 

Glaucus, the Lycian chief, ex- 
changes his armour with Diomede 
(Horn. II. vi. 236), I. 279 

Gnaeus (Cod. Gneus), II. 182 

Gracchus, Gaius, tribune, re- 
former, and orator, farmed out 
Asia and parcelled out Carthage, 
n. 141 ; speeches from Rostrum, 
n. 65 ; speeches read by, M., 
I. 79 ; M. asks for some specially 
eloquent speech of, I. 301 ; his 
style, I. 79n. ; his trumpet note 
(cp. Cato), I. 107; harangued 
turbulente, II. 48 ; at the bar 
tumultuatur, ibid. ; mentioned, 
I. 167 ; ? extracts from, I. 81 

Gratia maior (Kparrta, i. 146), 
Fronto's wife, I. 13, 113, 183, 
191 (bis) ; goes to Naples to 
keep the birthday of M.'s 
mother, I. 145 f. ; greeting to 
from M., I. 231 

Gratia minor, Fr.'s daughter, men- 
tioned (?), I. 153; I. 183, 193, 
207, 231, 251; betrothed to 
Victorinus, I. 293 ; grief at 
death of her son, II. 229 

Gyara, an Aegean island to which 
criminals were sent, I. 129 

Hadrian, the Emperor, praised but 
not loved by F., I. Ill ; char- 
acter of, II. 9 ; reverses in Judaea 
and Britain, II. 23 ; a great 
traveller, fond of music, and a 
gourmand, n. 9 ; eloquent, n. 
207 ; lowered efficiency of army, 
n. 207 ; his progresses, ibid. ; 
gave up provinces won by Trajan, 
ibid. : his monuments, ibid. ; 



like Numa a peace-lover, II. 
209 ; spurious archaism of, II. 
139* saying attributed to him 
by M. in apocryphal letter, II. 
311 ; also mentioned in apocry- 
phal letter by M., II. 315; a 
writing of his found, beginning 
Faustis ominibns, beneath the 
Fronto script on Ambr. p. 251 
(Hauler Versam. 41 d. deut. Phil. 
etc., 1895), n. 209; sitting in 
court, n. 250 
Hannibal, his duritia, n. 149 ; 

Cannae, n. 21, 29 
Helios, from Homer, I. 92 
Heno. Codex for Ino (Peerlkamp) 
Hephaestus (Homer), child of Hera, 

I. 1 35 ; lame, ibid. 
Heraclltus, the philosopher of 

Ephesus, his obscurity, II. 49 f. 

Hercules, Ms armour-bearer, Philoc- 

tetes, I. 167 ; labours of, n. 107 

Hernicans, the word samentum 

from their dialect, I. 175 
Hera, mother or Hephaestus 

(Homer), I. 135 
Hero (and Leander), I. 223 
Herodes Atticus, the famous 
Athenian rhetor, brought up with 
P. Calvisius, M.'s grandfather, 
I. 61 ; friend of M., I. 65 ; trial 
of and speech of F. against, I. 
61-71 ; II. 221 ; on friendly 
terms with F., n. 221, 235 ; 
M. writes three letters a day to 
him, II. 297 ; second trial of, 
n. 295*. ; as letter-writer, n. 
289 ; death of his infant son, 
I. 163 ; letter of M. to, II. 297 ; 
letter of F., to, I. 168 
Herodotus, his Ionian Ftyle, I. 43 
Hesiod, became a poet in sleep, 
I. 94 ; elegiac quotation re- 
ferring to, ibid. ; quoted (Theog. 
22 f.), I. 95; reference to intro- 
duced by emendation (Jacobs), 

I. 278 (Naber) 

Hiberi, type of barbarians, I. 303 
Homer, Calliope instructress of, 

II. 67 ; instructor of Ennius, 
ibid. ; historian of Achilles, n. 
199 ; quoted, Iliad, i. 24, ii. 223, 
I. 94; iii. 112 (eloquence of 
Menelaus and Ulysses), u. 59 ; 
vi. 236 (Glaucus;, I. 279 ; vi. 


408 (Menelaua at the banquet), 
II 50; viii. 311 (Apollo deflects 
Teucer's arrow), I. 133; ix. 203; 
(Patroclus and the banquet), II. 
175 ; Lx. 312 (sincerity in word), 

I. 149 ; xiv. 350 Uove and Juno 
couching), I. 45; xxiii. 282 
quoted by Favorinus (in Gellius), 

II. 269 ; Patroclus, armour- 
bearer to Achilles, I. 167 

Odyssey, i. 58 (smoke of one's 
fatherland) I. 94, 192; vi. 106, 
ytyy)9e Se re tftpeva Aijto>, n. 36 ; 
iii 117, x. 29, 31. 46, xi. 108, xii. 
338, 359, 364, 370, 372 (the 
wanderings of Ulysses), I. 92 f. ; 
called Graius (emend, for Caius) 
poeta, I. 192 

Horace memorabilia poela, I. 122; 
Sat. ii. 3. 254 If. (Polemo). I. 123 ; 
dead for M„ I. 139 ; Od. ii. 10, 
20 (no bow for ever strung), 
II. 8 ; Od. i. 2, 31 (Gods clothed 
in clouds), i. 44; Ep i. 7, 59 
(decisa negotia), n. 211; Od. 
i. 17, 32 ; quoted by M. in 
apocryphal letter, II. 319, see 
II. 293 ; imitated (?), I. 8n. ; 
see also Hertz, Renaissance und 
Rococo, pp. 44, 47 and especially 
note 77 ; cp. I. 198, quid me face- 
re oportet and passage with Hor. 
Ep. I. 6, 17 ; crassa Minerva, 
I. 206 (Hor. Sat. II. 2. 3) 

Hymettus and its thyme, I. 305 


Ialysus, picture by Protogenes, 

I. 135 
Iberians, see Tliberi 
Ilissus, a stream in Attica, flower 

on banks of, I. 31 
Ino (Cod. Heno), name of a harper's 

song, II. 107 
Isidorus Lysias, case of. decided by 

the Imperial Brethren, II. 181 
Isidore of Seville, quotes (?), 

Fronto, n. 284n. 

Jews, fast of atonement, I. 145 
Jugurtha, from Sallust, II. 161 ff. 


JulianuB (? the famous jurist 
Salvius J. ? ), visited by Fr., 
when ill, I. 75 

Julianus, Sextius Calpurnius, piven 
two procuratorships by Pius, 
I. 263 

Julianus Naucellius, Claudius, letter 
of F. to, in favour of Faustinianus, 
I. 291 ; letters to, II. 91, 93 

Jupiter, tricked by Juno (Horn. II. 
xiv. 350), I. 45 ; listens to the 
Muses, I. 167 ; Feretrius, II. 11 ; 
creator of men, n. 13 ; on ques- 
tion of sleep, n 15 ; begets 
Somnus, II. 16; Poly crates 
washed by Jove's hands, II. 26 ; 
the thunderer, n. 71 ; Jupiter 
Ammon, II. 134 

Juno (or Hera), I. 45 ; goddess of 
birth? (Lucina), II. 15 

Juvenal, imitated (?), II. 216 

Kephalus, see Cephalus 

Laberius, Decimus, writer of mimes, 
first century B.C., uses chosen 
words, I. 5 ; on love, quoted by 
M., I. 142 ; his dirtobolaria or 
rather dicta, II. 102 ; intro- 
duced mean and vulgar expres- 
sions into Latin (Apollinaris in 
Gellius), II. 281 ; delenimenta 
(Cod. deJiberamenta) delira- 
menta — beneficia veneficia, I. 166 

Laelianus, Pontius, a Roman 
general In Syria, a strict dis- 
ciplinarian, II. 149 ; rescript to, 
as consul in 163 A.D., n. 291 

Laertius=Ulysses, q.v. 

Laevius, a little known poet 
probably of first century B.C., 
quoted (decipula insidiosa), I. 

Lais, the celebrated courtezan of 
Corinth, I. 33 ; II. 85 

Lampadio, a copyist of Cicero's 
works, I. 167 

Lanuvium, chilly at night, I. 143 

Laurentuin, warm at night, I. 143 

Leander, story of Hero and L., a 
favourite with actors, I. 223 

Led a on the stage (as swan), n. 104 

Lesbos, birthplace of Arion, I. 55 

Leto (Latona), from Homer, II. 36 

Liber, see Bacchus 

Libya, oasis of Jupiter- Ammon, 
n. 133; Fronto a Libyan. I. 

Livia, wife of Augustus, II. 11 

Livv, XXI. 4, perhaps imitated 
by Fr. H. 208; see also Schwi- 
erczina, Frontoniana, p. 36 f., 
who attributes to Livyauctibus 
augere, II. 8; litterae laureatae, 
II. 90; bella bellare, II. 202; 
desuetudo bellandi, n. 208. 

Lollianus Avitus, proc. of Africa, 
letter of Fr. to, recommending 
Montanus, I. 279 

Lollius Urblcus, praef. urbi, tried 
the case of Volumnius, n. 181 

Longlnus, a consular taken prisoner 
in Dacian war under Trajan, 
n. 21 f. 

Lorium, in Etruria, 12 miles from 
Rome, where Pius had a villa, 
hilly road to, n. 121 ; M. visits, 

I. 173 ; letters of M. from, I. 195 ; 

II. 295 ; return to, from Alsium, 
n. 2, 7 ; Fronto goes to, n. 33 

Love, see Cupid 

Lucan, his Pharsalia criticised, 
II. 105/. 

Lucilius, the first great satirist of 
Rome, born 148 B.C., noted for 
technical terms, I. 5 ; called 
gracilis, II. 49 

Lucilius, M., a tribune " marked " 
by Censor for high-handed 
conduct, I. 215 

Lucilla, Domitia, mother of M., 
constantly alluded to as domina, 
I. 15, 29, 155, 173, 189, 193, 219, 
247, etc. ; Greek letters of Fr. 
to, I. 125, 131, 146 ; mentioned 
in speech on Pius, I. 135 ; birth- 
day at Naples, I. 1 45 ; her 
character, I. 149 ; chat with M., 
I. 183 ; to bring Gratia to Caieta, 
I. 193 ; hurts herself, I. 197 ; 
illness of, I. 247 

Lucilla, Annia, daughter of M., 
I. 225 ; lodging with Matidia, 
I. 301 ; marriage to Lucius in 



Syria. II. 237n. ; second marriage 

to Pompeianus, II. 31 6n. ; pos- 

Bessed with a devil, In apocryphal 

letter, n. 299 
Lucius see Verus 
Lucretius, uses chosen words, I. 5 ; 

M. asks for extracts from, I. 

303 ; M. to soothe himself with, 

n. 5 ; called " sublime," II. 119 ; 

quoted (templa in f era), II. 14 ; 

(nullius ante trita solo, i. 925), 

II. 71 ; personans mugitu, II. 74. 

See also Hertz, Renaissance und 

Rococo, note 77 
Lucrinus lacus, I. 98n. 
Lucullus, adj. from, in mutilated 

passage, I. 49 
Lupus, see Sardius 
Lycurgus, a Thracian king who cut 

down all vines, II. 65 
Lvsias, son of Kephaltis, the orator 

(in Plato's Phaedrus), I. 21, 33». , 

Lysias, see Isidorus 

Macedon, empire of, II. 203 

Macrinus Vindex, praef. praet, 
apocryphal letter of M. to, II. 

Maecenas, prime minister of Augus- 
tus, his Horti Maetenatiani, I. 
123 and note 

Maecianus, I. 78 and note 

Mamertinus, see Petronius 

Marcianus, to plead against Herodes, 
I. 67 

Marcus Aurelius Antoninus (called 
Antoninus by himself, II. 33, and 
Verus, I. 118; name possibly 
punned on by Fr.'s quid verius, I. 
62) ; character. I. 73, 171, 233 ; II ; 
35, 127 ; in his letters, n. 297 ; 
as peace maker, I. 61, 73 ; 
abstemiousness, I. 183 ; II. 19 ; 
always up in the clouds, I. 185 ; 
philosophy, I. 197 ; II. 75, 99 ; 
knows men better than Fr., I. 
205 ; as puerulus, I. 61 ; dis- 
likes conventional fibs, I. 101 ; 
praised in F.'s speech on Pius, 
I. 135, 305; tristior, durus, 
intempestivus, odiosua, I. 206 

cannot take both sides of a 
question, I. 217 ; reputation with 
all classes, I. 233, 245 i as able as 
Caesar (Fr.), II. 29 ; trilies to 
please Fr., I. 97 ; love of Fr., 
I. 31, 77, 85 ; II. 285, etc. ; 
shuns eloquence because it 
gratifies him, n. 63 ; his genius, 

I. 14, 39, 81, 305; II. 37. 47, 
75, 125 ; his pietas, II. 63, 127, 
138 ; keeps his friends loyal to 
philosophy, II. 71 ; nobility of 
mind, dignity of thoughts, II. 
75, 79; his virtus, I. 73, 305; 

II. 125 ; fulei parendum est, I. 
71 ; benignitas ingenila towards 
all, I. 235 ; bonitas, II. 92 ; a 
righteous judge, II. 97 ; fixity of 
resolve, n. 133 ; decus patriae, 
I. 144; decus morum, I. 90; in 
apocryphal letter compared to 
the dialogista Cicero, II. 293; 
and to a philosophising old 
woman, by Cassius, n. 309 ; 
loyalty to Lucius, II. 97, 123, 
133, 232 ; obseguens, II. 134 ; 
verecundia of, I. 82 

Philosophy, I. 197 ; II. 71, 75 ; 
born on M. Caelius, I. 143 ; his 
grandfather, I. 61 ; takes toga 
virilis, I. 73n. ; at Baiae, I. 93 ; 
his mother, I. 1 15, 183 ; aged 
22, I. 123; aged 24, I. 217; 
at Naples, I. 143 ; connexion 
with Herodes, I. 171 ; II. 297 ; 
sacrifices with Pius, I. 181 ; 
grape gathering, I. 183 ; dictates 
thirty letters, I. 185; at Lorium, 
I. 195 ; II. 203 ; reads at ban- 
quets and theatres, I. 207 ; 
busts and pictures of, I. 207 ; 
writes more than once in a day 
to F., I. 221, cp. II. 297 ; re- 
commends Themistocles to F., 
I. 237 : birthday, I. 125, 253 ; at 
Alsium, n. 2 ; his holiday there, 
n. 5 ; eschews pleasure, II. 7 ; 
at Centumcellae, I. 55 ; at 
Signia (?), I. 177 ; at Caieta, I. 
193 ; learns wrestling, I. 151 ; 
hunting, I. 172, 179 ; riding, I. 
150, 181 ; sweet tone of voice, 
n. 40, 121 ; coin of, II. 115; 
children like him, II. 119, 121 
(see also under Cornincia, Lucilla, 



Fadllla, Antoninus, Commodus); 
title Armeniacus, n. 133 ; 
troubled by Parthian war, II. 
29 ; letter to Eurycles, II. 285 ; 
letter to Guild of Bacchus, II. 
295 ; Initiated at Athens, II. 
297; apocryphal letters, to 
Abercius, u. 298n. ; to Fur. 
Victorinus, n. 306 ; to Bassaeus 
Rufus, II., 313, to Corn. Balbus, 
II. 313 ; to and from Faustina, 
II. 315, 317 ; to Euxenianus, 
II. 299 ; to the Senate, II. 301 ; 
of Lucius to, and answer, II. 309 ; 
letter about Albinus, II. 313; 
assessor and coadjutor to 
Pius, I. 37, 215 ; called Im- 
perator while Caesar, I. 80 ; 
loves Rome, I. 181 ; dislike of 
law-courts, I. 55, 153, 181; 
cp. I. 13n. ; writes with his own 
hand, I. 67, 183 ; II. 223 ; his hand- 
writing, I. 66,167 ; surrounded by 
flatterers, I. 137 ; subject to 
cold, I. 180; health (bad), I. 
183, 185, 199, 201 ; II. 127, 
223 (good), I. 123, 233; as a 
sleeper, I. 54, 189 ; II. 19 ; 
defence of sleep, I. 91 ; room 
cold, I. 55 ; scorpion in bed, I. 
197 ; wishes to write history, 
I. 13 

Must dig deep for words, I. 7 ; 
chooses with care, II. 3 ; not to 
mind correction, I. 11 ; makes a 
good maxim, I. 13 ; scolded 
by F., I. 15, 109 ; taught to 
speak truth, I. 17 ; writing in 
Greek, I. 19, 125, 143 ; letter 
full of Greek, I. 126 ; forgets 
what he learns, I. 19 ; n. 39 ; 
similes, I. 37 ; eyes opened by 
F., I. 81 ; extracts from sixty 
books, L 139 ; reads F.'s 
speech on wills, I. 155 ; wants 
a rich subject for declamation, 

I. 209 ; compared to Saliust, 
n. 71 : values F.'s judgment, 

II. 97 ; owes to F all his know- 
ledge of literature, I. 79 ; hexa- 
meters, I. 15, 125, 139 

Eloquence, advance in, I. 105, 
167, 305 ; II. 35, 37 ; given up 
for a time, II. 75 ; in what 
respect limps, n. 79, 111; M. 

anxious about, II. 110 ; "Caesar" 
speech, I. 19 ; thanks to Pius, 

I. 37 ; language in, I. 53 (? II. 
39) ; epideictic oration, I. 105 ; 
speech in Senate, I. 107 ; elo- 
quence of, I. 121, 133 ; coming 
3peech in Senate (a.d. 145 or 
147), I. 189 ; bottle-simile, II. 
39 ; listened to eagerly, II. 41 ; 
uses figures of speech, n. 41 ; 
speech on Cyzicenes, II. 43 ; 
speech (a.d. 162), II. 81 ; its 
fine thoughts, ibid. ; Lucius and 
himself the eyes of the State (?), 

II. 109 ; faulty edict of, H. 113 ; 
speech on Lucius, II. 135 ; on 
Parthian affairs, 1. 11 (? 107, 108) 

Reading in old literature, I. 
107 ; Cato, I. 117, 153, 181 ; 
Ennius, I. 107 ; Coelius (?), I. 
301 ; Cicero, ibid. ; something 
especially eloquent of F.'s, I. 
301 : can only read by stealth, 

I. 301 ; n. 29 ; wants letters of 
Cicero to improve his style, 
n. 157 ; Ennius quoted in 
apocryphal letter, II. 307 ; see 
also under Gracchus, Cato, 
Plautus, Horace, Lucretius, etc., 
writes a hendecasyllable, I. 118 

Marius, Gaius, born at Arpinum, 
ii. 205; sketch of, by Saliust, 

II. 165 ff. 

Mars Gradivus, I. Ill ; God of 
war, II. 15 ; begetter of the 
Roman pace, II. 21 ; mentioned In 
mutilated passage, n. 216 

Marsians, power over snakes, n. 
23 ; Marsic (? Massic) wine, I. 

Martius Verus, general in Parthian 
war, to draw up memoranda of 
the war, II. 195 ; sends news to 
M. of revolt of Cassius (?), n. 
31 In. 

Massic Mount (?), I. 177 ; He 

Matidia, great aunt of Marcus, M.'s 
daughters lodging with her (at 
Minturnae ?), I. 301 ; will of, 
II. 94n. and ff. 

Mauretania, friends of F. in, I. 237 

Maximus, Gavius (or Cavius), letter 
to, about Censorius, II. 259, 261 

Maximus, Appius (? called Santra), 



a general under Trajan, slain 

by the Parthians, II. 23, 203, 215 
Maximum, Junius, letter of F. to, 

II. 245 ; a tribune who brought 

laurelled dispatches from Cassius, 

II. 191 
Maximu.s, T. Atilius, n. 295 
Menelaus, at the banquet (in 

Homer II. vi. 408), II. 50; 

eloquence of (//. iii. 112), II. 59 
Menoetiades, see Patroclus 
Mercury, with winged ankles, II. 

17 ; controller of messages, II. 

Mesopotamia, reverse in, under 

Trajan, II. 23 (see under Maxi- 
mu.s) ; ii. 201 
Metellus, L. Caecilius, pont. max. 

243-223 B.C., mentioned by CI. 

Quadrigarius, H. 268 ; II. 165 
Metellus, Q. Caecilius, Numidicus, 

mentioned (109 B.O.), I. 167 ; 

his exempla, n. 149 
Minerva, Goddess of Athens, I. 

51 ; temple at, II. 297 ; foils the 

suitors (Homer's Od.), I. 133 ; 

child of Zeus, I. 135 ; mistress 

of every art, I. 149 ; n. 15 ; of 

eloquence, II. 65 ; feast of, on 

19 March, I. 211 
Minturnae, a city of Latium, n. 

Mithridates, letter of, to Arsaces, 

II. 143 
Montanus, Licinius, recommended 

to Lollianus Avitus, I. 279 
Muses, meet Hesiod, I. 44 ; sing 

to Jove in Heaven, I. 167 ; the 

fifth hour appropriate to them, 

n. 4 ; presided each over an 

art, I. 148 
Musonius, Stoic philosopher under 

Nero, II. 60 

Naevius, writer of plays and 
satires in the old Saturn ian 
metre, and an epic on the Punic 
War, in which he served, uses 
chosen words, I. 5 : amor 
capVatis, I. 114; on flatterers, 
I. 139 
Naples. I. 141, 146 ; climate, I. 143 
Naucelllus, see Claudius Julianus 

Nazarius (circa 320 A.D.) imitates 

Fronto, II. 117n. 
Nealces, a late Greek painter 

(circa 245 B.C.), painter of small 

canvasses, II. 49 
Nepos, Cornelius, the historian 

and friend of Cicero, reference 

to Numantine War quoted, II. 

Nepos, transcriber of Cicero's works, 

I. 169 
Neptune, cannot thunder. II. 135 : 

refuses to preside over Sleep, 

n. 15; mentioned in mutilated 

passagp, II. 216 
Ncrva, the emperor, plagiarized a 

speech, II 137 
Nicephorium (MS. Nicephorus), on 

the Euphrates, taken, II. 133 
Nicias, an Athenian painter about 

310 B.C., did not paint sombre 

subjects, II. 49 
Nicias, the Athenian general, n. 143 
Niger, see Censorius 
Niger, reader or secretary to Marcus 

at Alsium, II. 5 
Nigidius Figulus, a Pythagorean 

pliilosopher about 60 B.C., II. 267 
Nile, fountains of, I. 91 
Novius, a writer of Atellane farces 

about 100 B.C., notable for rustic 

and comic words, I. 5 ; passages 

from, extracted by M., I. 139 ; 

possible quotation from his 

Vindemiatores, I. 183 
Numa, a gourmand and holiday 

maker, I. 11 ; Hadrian com- 
pared to, II. 209 ; Pius compared 

to him in margin of Cod. ibid. 

(see Capitolinus) 
Numantia, defeat of Romans 

before, n. 21 ; Nepos's account 

of war with, n. 145 
Numida, Julius Celsinus, visits 

Fronto, II. 273 
Numidicus, see Metellus 
Nursia, a Sabine city, birthplace 

of Vespasian, II. 205 

Ocha, a cook mentioned by Cato, 

ii. 3 
Olympia, crowns at, L 271 



Opellius or OpiKDius, D. Aurelius, 
author of Musae, a grammarian 
and copyist of the works of old 
writers, I. 167 

Optatus, see Caelius 

Oroetes, a Persian Satrap who 
crucified Polycrates, II. 27 

Orpheus, his eloquence, I. 71 ; and 
Eurydice, I. 132 

Osiris, altars of, II. 85 ; in mutilated 
passage, II. 138 

Pacorus, Aurelius, made King of 

Armenia by Vologaesus, and 

deprived by Lucius, n. 145 
Pacuvius, a tragic poet born about 

220 B.C., called mediocris, II. 

49 ; uses flavus of water and 

dust, II. 267 
Pannonia, soldiers of, II. 209 ; trial 

of Herodes in, II. 295 
Papirius Cassius. consul, his death 

imminent (apocryphal letter), II. 

Parrhasius, the celebrated painter 

about 400 B.C. contrasted with 

Apelles as not working in many 

colours, II. 49 
Parthamasiris, King of Armenia, 

slain at Rome in a tumult, II. 215 
Parthians, wore loose wide sleeves, 

I. 11 ; as type of barbarians, I. 
303 ; alone worthy foes of 
Rome, II. 203 ; defeat the 
Romans, ibid. ; arrows of, II. 
205 ; mail-clad troops of, n. 
213 ; Lucius's memoranda, etc., 
of the war, n. 193, 199 ; pre- 
amble to history of war, II. 
198 ; anxiety as to, for Marcus, 
n. 29 ; for Lucius, n. 117 ; 

II. 23n. 

Passienus Rufus, letter from Fr. to, 
II. 191 

Paterculus, mistaken reading by 
Mai in Ad Verum, II. 1, p. 126, 
1. 13 ; I. 142 

Patroclus (Patricoles.Cod.) armour- 
hearer to Achilles, I. 167 ; called 
Menoetiades, II. 175 

Pausias. painter contemporary with 
Apelles, painted licentious can- 

vases, n. 49: see Athen. xiii, 
3676., where Pausanias is 
emended by some to Pausias 
Penelope, wife of Llysses, her web, 

I. 49 ; her suitors, I. 133 
Periander, king of Corinth, and 

Arion, I. 57 ; coupled with Poly- 
crates, II. 61 

Pergamum, citadel of, with temple 
to Aesculapius, I. 51 

Pericles, a disciple of Anaxagoras, 

II. 69 

Perperna, probably consul in 130 
B.C., coins of, ii. 113 

Persians, their training, I. 107 ; 
the great King, I. 271 ; their 
kings elected by the neighing of 
a horse, II. 141 ; II. 26?j. 

Pescennius Niger, claimant to the 
empire against Severus, given a 
military post (apocryphal letter) 
by Marcus, II. 315 

Petilianus, see Demostratus 

Petronius Mamertinus, father of M ,'s 
son-in-law, letter of F. to, II. 242 

Phalaris and his brazen bull, II. 88 

Phidias, the famous sculptor, as 
type of supreme excellence, I. 
129 ; serious work of, II. 49 

Philoctetes, lameness of, n. 61 

Pictor, Q. Fabius, earliest Roman 
annalist, wrote incondite, II. 49 

Pisitheus, a doctor to M.'s children 
(apocryphal letter), II. 317 

Piso, letter of M. to II. 290n. 

Pius, see Aemilrus Pius 

Phaedrus (Phaeder, Cod.), in 
Plato's dialogue I. 33, 43 

Plarianus, Aegrilius, legatus of 
Africa, letter to, in favour of 
Aquilinus, I. 289 

Plato, reference to his Phaedrus, I. 
21, 33, 43 ; Socrates in the 
Phaedo, I. 187 ; Aquilinus versed 
in his doctrines, I. 289 ; Symposia, 
Dialogues, and Letters of the 
Socratics, ii. 11 ; mentioned in 
mutilated passage, ii. 50 ; on 
ambition, II. 63 ; contrasted 
with dialecticians, n. 67 ; elo- 
quence of, II. 69 ; phonemata of, 
II. 74 

Plautius (Plotius) Gallus, L., 
copyist of old writers, I. 167 

Plautus, the comic poet, used 



choice words, I. 5 ; Plautlne 
word elavere, I. 7 ; amoris imber, 
etc., I. 112; his Colax quoted, 
I. 137 ; for polish of style, II. 5 ; 
■piscatus hamatilis, II. 7 ; locus 
lubricus, II. 7 ; exradicitus, II. 
102 ; certain word3 used by him 
(mutilated passage), II. 115 ; his 
Miles Gloriosus, II. 193 ; a 
Plautine expression preserved 
in the margin, ll. 24n. Fronto 
imitates him throughout, see 
passages collected by Studemund, 
letter to Klussmann (whom also 
see p. 78) at the end of his 
Emendationes Frontonianae, pp. 
xxx, xxxi ; also Ehrenthal, 
Quaestiones Frontonianae, p. 36, 
37, and Schwierczina, Frontoniana 
pp. 19-21. He quotes servi- 
tutem servire, pipulus, propinque, 
superfio, robiginosus, interpolis, 
impos, recte provenire, frustra 
esse, precator, impiare, apiculus, 

Plautillus (in apocryphal letter), II. 

Polemo or Polemon, a famous 
rhetorician heard by M. at 
Naples, I. 117; cp. n. 241n. 
See also Philostratus Vit. Soph. 
p. 231 Kayser 

Polemo, the reformed rake and 
philosopher, (from Horace), I. 123 

Pollio, Asinius, " dead " for Mar- 
cus, I. 139 ; his Consilia, II. 142 

Polus, a Sophist of Sicily (Plato's 
Qorgias), I. 103 

Polycletus, sculptor of fourth 
century B.C., famous for his 
study of human figure, less rough 
than Calamis, II. 49 

Polycrates, tyrant of Samos, cruci- 
fied 522 B.o. ; daughter's dream, 
n. 27 ; story of his ring, II. 23 f. ; 
coupled with Periander, n. 61 

Pompeius Magnus, Gnaeus, Cicero's 
praise of and his title of Magnus, 
n. 31 ; his letter to the Senate 
from Spain, II. 143 

Pompeius Falco, friend of Pliny 
the Younger, his estate visited 
by P. and M., I. 141 

Pompeianus, M.'s son-in-law, com- 
mander in the " miraculous 


Victory " (apocryphal letter), n. 
303 ; mentioned In apocryphal 
letter (possibly Pomp. Quin- 
tianus is meant), II. 317 

Pompeianus, Praecilius, letters to, 
II. 89, 91 

Pompeianus, Saenius, farms taxes 
of Africa, letter recommending 
him to M., I. 233 

Pompeii, fig tree of, I. 117 

Pomponius, a writer of Atellane 
farces about 90 B.C., notable for 
rustic and comic words, I. 5 

Pomptine plain, II. 76 

Pontius, see Laelianus 

Porcius, M., see Cato 

Postumius, see Festus 

Praeneste, a city of Latium, Fortune 
of, II. 105 see Ovid, Fasti, vi., 61. 
Cic. de Div. n. 41, etc. 

Proculus, of doubtful identity, 
character as judge and as man, 
n. 187 

Prometheus alluded to, n. 13 

Protagoras, an early sophist (Plato's 
Theaetetus) entrapped by Socrates, 
I. 103 

Protogenes, painter contemporary 
with Apelles, took eleven years to 
paint his Ialysus I. 135 ; painter 
of large canvasses, n 49 

Puteoli, sea town of Campania, 
hot noons at, I. 143 

Pylades, a pantomimus who took 
his name from the famous P. of 
Augustus' time, 1. 305 ; there 
were two of the name at this 
period, one a freedman of Pius 
and the other of Marcus and L. 
{see Inscr. Oruter. 33 U) 

Pythagoras, his esoteric symbols 
and signs, II. 48 

Pyrallus (?), n. 94 

Pyrrhaeans, proverb for averting 
ill referring to them, 1. 125 

Quadi, " miraculous " victory over, 

II 301n. 
Quadratus, see Fronto — brother of 
Quadrigarius, see CI. Quadr. 
Quintus, a poet, probably =Ennius, 



Qulntillan, Imitated by F., I lOOn. ; 
his Inst, vi, Pref. is perhaps imi- 
tated in the De Nepote Amis so, 
H. 222 f. : obsolota et volgaria 
verba, n. 80 (Quint. 18, 56) 

Remus, auguries of, H. 141 

Repentinus Contuccius, Cornelius, 
praef. praet. under Pius, letter to, 
as " brother," thanking him for 
good offices to Fabianus, I. 283 

Rhodes, rebuilt by Pius, II. 281 

Rome, loved by M. I. 181 ; Mons 
Caelius, I. 143; the Portunium 
or Flower Market, I. 164 (margin 
of Cod.); the Capitol and grove, 
I. 51 ; the Ovilia and the Tiber, 
n. 112; no accepter of gifts, 
I. 271 ; empire of, enlarged, n. 
9 ; vicissitudes of, II. 27 ; in- 
habitants of old Palatine hill at 
Rome ? m2 Cod., II. 112 ; 
Trajan's Forum, n. 304 

Romulus, won the Spolia Opima, 
EL 11 ; the Sabine women, II. 
11 ; took auguries, n. 141 

Roscius, the great comedian, I. 
65, II. 67 

Rufinus, Sulpicius, honorary treas- 
urer of Guild of Bacchus at 
Smyrna, n. 295 

Rufus Passienus, q.v. 

Rufus Senex, Velius, letter of F. 
to, II. 87 

Rusticus, the Stoic philosopher and 
preceptor of Marcus, the Roman 
R., n 7 ; I. 218n. 

Saenius, see Pompeianus 

Sallustius Crispus, Gaius, imitator 
of Cato, I. 5 ; his maxims, I. 
13 ; Jugurtha and Catiline of, 
I. 15 ; long extracts from these, 
n. 159 ff. ; new readings in, 
n. 164n. ; Sallust and Cicero 
contrasted in use of figures, II. 
159; antithesis of, ibid. ; ad- 
mired by F., I. 153 ; M. asks for 
something especially eloquent 

by, I. 301 ; his style (structe), II 
49 ; extracts from (?), I. 80 ; 
M. praised for following in his 
steps, II. 71 ; his trumpet note, 
n. 75 ; manu ventre pene, n. 83 ; 
imitated, n. 101 ; might is 
right, II. 110; use of antiquitas 
by, II. 114 ; certain words (pas- 
sage mutilated) used by, n. 
115 ; speech plagiarised by 
Ventidius, n. 137 ; quotation 
about Cato and Gracchus, n. 
141 ; letter of Mithridates to 
Arsaces quoted, II. 143 ; letter 
of Pompeius to Senate quoted 
from, II. 143 ; letter of Adherbal 
to Senate from Cirta, n. 143 ; 
quotation from lost works, H. 
198 ; constantly imitated by 
Fronto, e.g., faucibus urgebat, 
I. 150 ; tametsi . . . tamen, a 
common usage in Sallust, i. 
202 f. ; n. 130 ; II. 214, 246 ; 
also globus, II. 182 ; in tutus, 
I. 46 ; vagi palantes, I. 202 ; 
consultor M., I. 60 ; nullum inter 
bonos et malos fortunarum 
discrimen, n. 224 ; see Schwier- 
czina, Frontoniana, p. 17; simile 
about a fire (see Suidas under 
Athenodorus), II. 96 

Sallustius, alias Fulvianus, n. 195 

Santra, see Maximus, Appius 

Sardius Lupus pupil of F., II. 243 ; 
grief at brother's death, ibid. 

SardiU3 Saturninus, father of F.'s 
pupils, II. 241 ; his son Lupus, 
n. 243 ; letter to, on loss of his 
son, II. 243 

Saxa, letter of M. to, II. 290n. 

Scipio Africanus, extracts from his 
Oratiuncxdae by M., I. 139; 
mentioned, I. 167 ; Carthaginian 
prisoners, n. 29 

Scipio, Publius, general against 
Jugurtha (Sallust), n. 163 

Scythians, Anacharsis a Scythian 
I. 137 ; alluded to as nomad ? 
n. 203 

Sempronia, mentioned in Sallust's 
Catiline, n. 167 

Seneca, L. Annaeus, F. a disciple 
of (ironical), II. 7 ; mollia et 
febriculosa prunula of, n. 102; 
his style in general, n. 102 ; 



Rupposed reference by F. to, 
Intr. p. xviii 

Senex, Julius, friend of F. sum- 
moned from Mauretania, I. 237 

Senex, Velius Rufus, see Rufus 

Serenus, Volumnius. see Volumnius 

Sergius Flavius [? Plautus, Quint. 
x. i, 124 ; Pliny N.H. ind. auct. 
b. 2-18 (also Paulus) : cp. also 
(Apuleius) irepl tpwv., p. 262 
Hild.l contrasted with Seneca 
for sobriety of language, II. 103 

Sertorius, see II. 143n. 

Servilius Silanus, an orator and 
patron of Cirta, I. 293 

Servius, the Vergilian grammarian, 
refers to Fr. on Aen. vii. 688 
(galerum), II. 266n. ; on Aen. I. 
409 ; he says Fr. objected to; 
amicitiae mutuae, cp. I. 11, 236; 
on Aen. vii. 30 ; that he used inter 
for per as Terence, cp. Exempla 
Elocutionum (? Fronto) s.v. ; on 
Aen. vii. 445; ardeo in rem 
given as Cornelii elocutio, but in 
Erempl. Eloc. (? Fronto) only 
Aen vii. 628 is quoted 

Severianus destroyed with his 
legion by the Parthians at 
Elegeia. 162 A.D., II. 21n. 214 

Sever us, Claudius, probably the 
Peripatetic philosopher, whose 
son married Fadilla, M.'s 
daughter; letter to him 
recommending Sulp. Cornelianus, 

I. 285 

Sextus Empiricus, n. 83n. 

Sextu3 Calpurnius, given two 

procuratorships by Pius, I. 263 
Sibylla, oracles of, I. 91 ; Sibylline 

books, II. 135 
Sicily, in the story of Arion, I. 57 ; 

Trinacria, I. 92 
Signia. unpalatable wine of, I. 177 
Silenus, garlands of, made of vine, 

II. 85 

Sisenua, a historian born about 

118 B.O., wrote longinque, n. 

49 ; noted for erotics (Milesian 

Fables ?). I. 5 
Smyrna, earthquake at, II. 299 ; 

letter of M. to Guild of Bacchus 

at, II. 295 
Socrates, In Plato's Phaedrus, I. 

33 ; in the Phaedo (pleasures and 


pains linked together), I. 187 : 
his irony, I. 101 ; sapped error 
by mines, I. 101 ; in the Sym- 
posia and Dialogues and Letters 
of the Socratics, II. 11 ; pupil of 
Aspasia, teacher of Alcibiades, 
II. 11, 61 ; captious in argument, 

I. 48 ; in mutilated passage, n. 
10 (margin, De Socrate), 50, 64 

Sohaemus, made king of Armenia 
by Lucius, II. 145 

Solon and Croesus, II. 61 

Soteridas, a physician to M. and 
Faustina (in apocryphal letter). 
n. 317 

Spain, letter of Pompey from, n. 
143 ; see also Hiberi 

Spartacus, a gladiator who organ- 
ized a revolt in Italy in 73 B.C., 

II. 147 ; an able general, n. 217 
Squilla Gallicanus, letter to, n. 245 ; 

his son F.'s pupil pleads at the 
bar, II. 245 ; see also emendation 
by Dr. Hauler, I. 90 

Staberius, copyist of ancient 
writers, I. 167 

Statianus, friend of F. and father of 
Faustinianus, his pupil, I. 291 

Stratonabia (?), n. 92 

Styx, II. 14 

Suetonius Tranquillus, speaks of 
iephv Ixttovv, ii. 174 ; quoted in 
apocryphal letter, II. 293 

Sulla, Faustus, see Faustus 

Sulla, Publius (Cod. Lucius), 
Cicero's speech for, n. 101 

Syria, Syrian soldiers, n. 208, 210 ; 
morals of Daphne (in apocryphal 
letter), II. 307 ; Syrian door- 
keeper (so Cod), I. 270n. 

Tacitus, phrase from (?), II. 62 ; see 
also Schwierczina, Frontoniana, 
p. 36 f. ; ne Iiveant neque in- 
videant, I. 72 ; exemplares, II. 

Taenarus (or Taenarum) in story 
of Arion, I. 57, 59 

Tarentum. in story of Arion, I. 57. 
59 ; roses of, 1. 117 


Tasurcus, an Inferior actor, con- 
trasted with Roscius, n. 67 

Taurus range, see Balcia, n. 214n. 

Telamon, father of Ajax, words to 
his sons going out to the Trojan 
war (Ennius), n. 21 

Terence, extracts from (? Fronto's), 
I. 80n. ; copied, I. 298 ; see also 
Ehrenthal, Quaestiones Fronto- 
nianae, pp. 36 f. ; Klussmann, 
Emendationes Frontonianae, p. 
78 ; Schwierczina, Frontoniana, 
p. 22 f. ; and Hertz, Renaissance 
und Rococo, note 77 ; rem 
omnem dilapidare, I. 158; con- 
viciis proteiare, I. 62; ubique 
phaleris utendum, I. 106 ; sura- 
mus = intimus, II. 220, 234; fac 
periculum, I. 286, 290 

Tereus, a Thracian king, type of 
criminality, II. 65 

Teucer, arrow deflected by Apollo, 
I. 133 

Themistocles, F. asked by M. to 
befriend him in Asia, I. 235 

Theodorus, a rhetorician of Gadara, 
his emxtipyv-v-Ta, i. 39 ; n. 
lOln. ; II. 109n. 

Theophrastus (MS. Thucydides), 
Aristotle's successor, quotation 
as to lovers being blind, I. 109 

Theopompus, rhetorician and his- 
torian (circa 333 B.C.), reputed 
the most eloquent of the Greeks, 

I. 143 
Thersites, n. 59 
Thrasymachus, a sophist, entrapped 

by Socrates (Plato's Republic and 

Phaedrus), I. 103 
Thucydides, the memorable letter 

of Nicias, n. 143 ; his fifty years 

war (I. 89 ff.)„ II. 197 ; see also 

under Theophrastus 
Thurselius, reading of m 1 Cod. 

Ambr. 62, I. 168 
Tiber, canalised by an Etruscan (?), 

II. Ill 

Tiberius, his library at Rome in the 

Palatium, i. 179 ; the notorious, 

II. 139 
Tibur (Tivoli), temperature at 

nightfall moderate, I. 143 
Tigris, crossed by Trajan, II. 201 ; 

ferry dues on, fixed by Trajan, 

n. 215 

Timocrates, mentioned as a philo- 
sopher, II. 50 
Tiro, reviser of Ciceronian MSS., 

I. 167 
Titius, a poet, probably the Septi- 
mius Titius of Hor. Ep. i. 3, 
9-14 (cp. Od. II. 6), I. 167 

Titianus, on the Frontonians, Intr. 

Trajan, delighted in actors, n. 9 ; 
war in Dacia, n. 121 ; hard 
drinker, II. 9 ; his general de- 
feated by Parthians, II. 203 ; 
campaigns against Parthia, II. 
205 ; knew his soldiers by name, 
ibid. ; grudged his generals 
honours, n. 207 ; murder of 
Parthian King Parthamasiris at 
Rome, n. 213 ; provinces an- 
nexed by him surrendered by 
Hadrian, n. 207 ; ambitious of 
glory, n. 213 ; popularity in 
peace, n. 217 ; equally illus- 
trious in peace and war, II. 215 ; 
mentioned in apocryphal letter, 
II. 315 ; fond of actors, II. 215 

Tranquillus, not Suetonius, I. 307 

Trebanius, coin of Gens Trebania 
(see Eckhel, v. 326), II. 113 

Trinacria (Sicily), I. 92 

Tullius, see Cicero 

Turbo, Marcius, praef. praet. under 
Hadrian, friend of Censorius, 
I. 257 

Tusculum, Cato's birthplace, I. 43 ; 
sunny mornings at, I. 143 

Tuscus (?), n. 110 

Ulpius Eurycles, curator of Ephesus, 

letter of M. to, n. 290 
Ulpius, mentioned in a letter to 

Junius Maximus as friend of F., 

possibly Ulpius Marcellus, the 

jurist, n. 245 
Ulysses, the " labyrinth " of, I. 93 ; 

eloquence of (Homer, II. in. 112) ; 

II. 59 ; in Pacuvius (Gellius), H. 

Umbria, home of Victorinus, i. 




Urblcu3, LolIlu3, praef. urbi, U, 

180n. and 181 
Utica, in Sallust, II. 164 

Valerianus, mentioned in letter to 
CI. Julianus, II. 93 

Valerius, official for "sacred 
things," in apocryphal letter, II. 

Valerius, Antonius, to hand a 
petition in to Lucius, I. 305 

Valerius Clitianus, letter to, lost, 
n. 190n. 

Variani alumni, of Matidia, n. 99 

Varro, Marcus, the Roman poly- 
math, book of Satires called 
Exdemetricus (Gellius), II. 261 ; 
proverb from satire, II. 273 ; 
used expression praeter-propter, 
n. 275 

Vectilianus, Caesonius, officer at 
Antioch (in apocryphal letters), 
n. 307 

Velius Rufus Senex, see Rufus 

Venetus, a Venetian, or for Vene- 
tianus, a partisan of the " Blues " 
In the Circus, n. 91 

Ventidius, triumphed over Par- 
thians, II. 137 ; plagiarised a 
speech from Sallust, ibid. 

Venus, mother of Deceit, I. 151 ; 
favours the night, n. 15 ; her 
tresses, II. 105 

Vergil, most careful in the choice of 
words, II. 265 ; calls the olive leaf 
flatus (? where), II. 267 ; his use 
of glaucus, II. 267 ; extracts 
from (?), I. 80n. For imitations 
of see Hertz, Renaissance und 
Rococo, note 76 ; Schwierczina, 
Frontoniana, p. 31 

Verus, Lucius, adopted son of Pius 
and co-Emperor with M., calls 
himself Verus, I. 296, 306 ; first 
mention and speech of thanks 
(? for consulship), I. 241 ; illness 
at Canusium. II. 85 ; urged to be 
abstinent, II. 87 ; eloquent 
dispatch to Senate, n. 133, 1-45 ; 

a good letter to F. excusing 
himself for not writing, II. 117; 
bonitas of, n. 92 ; letter, speeches, 
parleys with enemy, n. 196 f. ; 
asks F. to make the most of his 
exploits, ibid. : troops enlisted 
by, II. 207 ; military virtues of, 
n. 131, 209 f. ; justice and 
clemency, II. 213 ; compared 
with Trajan, I. 207 ; fond of 
actors, I. 305 ; II. 215 ; com- 
pared to Marius and Vespasian, 
II. 205 ; answer to Parthian 
king, n. 133 ; discipline of the 
army in Syria, n. 149 ; learnt 
lessons of warfare from Cato, 
II. 151 ; scolds F., I. 295 ; 
Faustina and her children with 
him in Syria, II. 237 ; F. sends 
him some speeches to Syria, II. 
235 ; frightened by the cata- 
fracti of the Parthians, n. 117n. ; 
carries Fronto when ill, n. 241 

Vespasian, born at Nursia, II. 205 ; 
mentioned, II. 139 

Victorinus, Aufidius, F's son-in-law, 
I. 125 ; brings news of Faustina, 

I. 195 ; opinion of himself as 
judge, II. 215 ; F.'s daughter 
betrothed to him, I. 293 ; not so 
eloquent as M., II. 37 ; men- 
tioned in connexion with F.'s 
possible death, II. 153 ; F.'s 
letters to, II. 169 ff. ; see also II. 
175n. ; asked to befriend Aquila 
in his province, II. 171 

Victorinus, infant son of above, 

II. 173 and \72n. 
Victorinus, Furius praef. praet. 

159-167, mentioned in apocry- 
phal letter, II. 306 

Villianus (?) to plead against 
Herodes, I. 67 

Viriathus, a Spanish insurgent 
leader (about 150 B.C.), able in 
war, II. 147, 217 

Vitrasius Polllo, praef. praet. about 
172 a.d., mentioned in apocry- 
phal letter of M., II. 305 

Vologaesus, the Parthian king who 
declared war on the Romans, 
dethroned by Lucius, II. 143 ; 
letter of Verus to, II. 213 ; made 
Pacorus king of Armenia, II. 



Volumnlua Serenus of Concordia in 
Venetia, his case for restitution 
as decurio, II. 177 ff. 

Volumnius Quadratus, letters of 
F. to, I. 307 ; works of Cicero with 
annotations by F., I. 309 

philosophers, II. 50 ; contrasted 
with dialecticians, n. 67 ; served 
as volunteer under Cyrus, il 
201 ; fond of hunting, ibid. 


Xenocrates, I. 122n. 
Xenophon mentioned in a mutilated 
passage with Socrates and other 

Zeno, founder of Stoic philosophy, 
his power of exposition, II. 49, 
51 ; mentioned after Cleanthes, 
II. 63 



Words apparently not found elsewhere are given in Itidtes ; doubtful words 

are obelized. For complete lists of words in Fronto drawn from ancient 

writers or of a poetical cast, or used in a different sense, see Priebe, fi* 

Frontone etc., pp. 10-18. 

a cubito inflrmus, F. I. 218 
abludof for MS. abluo, n. 100 
abs te (absque), F. I. 232 ; II. 130 ; 

n. 264 (Gellius) ; absque te, 

I 232 
accusative of respect, quae con- 

scius sim, F. II. 228 
accipio = treaty well, M. I. 216 

acclamatio (e7ri<f>wi'7}/aaTa. M.), I. 

acentetus (Greek), II. 6 
acta cognitionum, II. 92 
actus, a holding of land, F. n. 112 
ad = apud(Cod.),l. 180 
adaeque (Plaut.) F. II. 217 
ad aliquem modum (iuvare), M. 

I. 140 
adcensusf (MS.), F. I. 8 
addubito with dat., F. I. 56, 

with ace, F. I. 64 
adflixint (sacerdotal), I. 64 
admurmuror, dep., F. I. 118 
adorea, F. II. 20 
adparatus verborum, F. I. 288 
adpiciscor, F. I. 226 
adpropinquatio (Cicero), M. I. 246 
adquiesco, M. II. 18; M. 128, F. 

228 ; see also Exempla Elocut- 

ionum, Mai, p. 336 
i5p6?, F. of style, I. 104 
adseveratio, F. I. 40 
adsiduus, F., a man of substance, 

n. 260 ; adsidue diei, I. 90, cp. 

I. 122 
aerumna, F. n. 20, 40 ; of Hercules' 

labours, F. n. 100, 200 
agere satis pro, M. I. 202 


alcedonia, F. 11. 6 
alienus mini, F. I. 122 
alipta, M. I. 151 
aliquo=aliquanto, M. II. 32 
altercator (QuintUian only), F. 11. 

altipendulus (? Novius), I. 182 
amici = consilium, M. n. 96 
amplificus, F. I. 74 
animans opicus, M. I. 142 
animadverto with ace, F. n. 210 
annona= corn -supply, F. n. 216 
avTlSoais, of property, F. I. 276 
antiqui veteres, F. II. 92 
antiquiUS (cp. npeafivrepov), F. II. 

antiquitas (Sallust), II. 114 
anucellaf, F. II. 90 
anxius = laboured, F. I. 100 
apopsis, F. II. 6 
a7roTi/xTj(ns, F. I. 276 
arcana amicitiae, I. 258 
arena (harena)= amphitheatre, F. 

n. 216 ; arena or arenae, n. 253; 

cp. I. 160 
arma, plural only, 255, 257, 261 
upju6£eiv, F. II. 108 
ip0piTi<c6s, II. 252 
ipnjpi'a, M. I. 184 
asa, Umbrian for ara, in law of 

Numa, see Gellius, iv. 3. 3, F.I. 

44 ; Assa nutrix — dry nurse, 124 
aspergor paululum pluviae (Cod), 

M. I. 174 
astus, I. 46 ; II. 143 
Atellaniola, F. I. 138 
atque as used by Cato, M. I. 152 ; 

M. I. 76 ; F. I. 6 
attat (Cato), n. 44 


aveo (?), M. I. 82 
auctibus augere, F. II. 8 (Livy) 
augustius dicere (Cicero only), F. II. 


balba virgo, F. n. 72 

balbutio, F. n. 71, 108 

baluceisf, M. (?), I. 210 

barbarismus, F. I. 124 

battuo (or ? batto), F. I. 106 

bibliothecarius, M. I. 178 

bona volentia, F. II., but in margin 

bonus et optimus, I. 16 ; n. 98 

caedes mandata, F. n. 88 

caelum, '* Heaven/' n. G4 ; ad- 
dressed at death, F. n. 229 

caelum = heaven, F. II. 16 

caelum, always sing. n. 253 f., 259 

caerimoniae, n. 258 

caeruleus= green, n. 267,8 

caesia (for caelia), II. 267 

calvo, marg. of Cod. Anibr. 58, I. 

canalis, ma Cod. Anibr. 349, II. 

canto, F. n. 2 

catachanna, M. i. 140 ; F. II. 103 

catafracti, F. II. 213 

catus, F. II. 200 

careo, with ace, II. 182 

causidiecUis, M. I. 180 

causidicatio, F. II. 176 

caveo a (the latter deleted by m*), 
M. I. 230 

cellae filii, F. II. 94 

celox, ace. celocas (Cod. Vat. 91), 
F. n. 38 

cenobator or cenobatus = fewSwnjs 
Cod. Ambr. 333 (Hauler), I. 282n 

ceratina, F. II. 66 

cernuare, F. n. 212 (Varro) 

ceteri alii, F. I. 220 

X«rpe, F. U. 250 

chamaetortusj, F. II. 70 

chirurga (m s Etrusca), II. 48 

cholera, I. 241 

circa, in respect of, F. I. 236 

circumitio, F. II. 112 

civilis. Pius, I. 126 

classicus, F. II. 260 

claudo = claudico, F. I. 104, 186; 

II. 38 
cluet, F. I. 4 
codicilli, II. 98 
colon (k£>\ov), II. 76 
collus in plural, II. 96 
comitia always plur., II. 255 
commemoramsntum (Caec. Statius), 

F. I. 56 
commentaria concilii, F. I. 286 
commodatius, F. II. 114 
commotissimus, F. II. 158 
comparative repeated, verior quatn 

disertior, F. I. 125 
comperendino, only Cicero, F. II. 15 
concastigo, M. I. 18 
concesso (Plaut.), II. 36 
conchimf, M. I. 18n. 
conclamor, F. I. 212 
conciliabulum verborum, F. n. 54, 

animarum, F. n. 226 
concinnitas colorum (Gellius), H. 

concitus-f= con citatus, F. II. 102 
concordissime cum (Cicero and 

Inscr.), F. II. 230 
confusaneusf, emend, by Haupt, II. 

congarrio, F. II. 172 
consiliosus (Cato), F. II. 146 
Consilia of Pollio, II. 142 
consilium, F. I. 287 
consternor, a favourite word with 

F. ; also M. I. 242 
constrepo, F. (first), n. 216 
consucidus (marg. Cod. Ambr. 400), 

II. 64 
contuberaalis, F. I. 280 ; n. 240, 

conticinium (not conticinnum as 

Naber, and wrongly in text), 

M. I. 142 (Varro) 
conus, F. II. 106 
convenientes oculi, M. n. 108 
conventum est illudf (Cod.), F. 

II. 54 
converto, intr. F. I. 304 ; n. 18 ; 

trans. I. 208 
cordatus, F. I. 240 
cordaxf, adj. F. II. 102 
corniculus, F. II. 204 (Livy) 
corpusculum, M. I. 248 



crispulus, of style, M. II. 110 

euro with dat., F. II 14 

currulis (Apuleius also), F. II. 16 

da, baby's cry, II. 172 

daduchus, F. II. 134 

dare verba alicui, F. I. 3n. 

datavi (Cato), II. 46 

dative of purpose, obtentui, F. II. 
186 ; despicatui, n. 204 ; oneri 
(Cod. oneris), I. 220 ; by emenda- 
tion, II. 234 ; of agent, II. 206 ; ei 
rei = ideo. II. 216 

decern tanta, F. I. 260 

decern partibus malo, M. I. 176 

decurio. II. 177 ff. 

defero (Cod. desero), n. 4 

defervescere, M. I. 78 

degluttire (iirst used), F. II. 172 

delatcria nota, F. II. 6 

deliberamentum^ (Cod.) from 
Laberius, I. 166 

delicia, sing. (Plaut.), n. 255 

delicias facio, M. I. 192 

delere ad lignum (Cato), II. 46 

delenimentum (emend.), I. 166 

demeare, F., first, I. 12 

demissus sanguis, F. II. 84 

desiderantius, desidtrantissimus, F. 
1.298; M.I. 118, 162; F. 1.242; 
II. 237 

desinirej Cod. for desinere, F. I. 

Staoxeva^eiv, I. 210 ; II. 68 ; 
SiaaKtvr), II. 82 

dicis ? (5iWs, emend.), I. 104 
dictabolarium (Laberius), I. 102 
dicteria, sarcasms, SeacTtipiov (La- 
berius), II. 102 
dictio for oratio, M. I. 188 ? used 
by Cicero, Tusc. It is used also 
perhaps in the ordinary sense, by 
M. I. 60 ; II. 3-9 
dies : in 9 cases the Cod. gives the 
feminine gender to this word 
in the sense of day, but in 3 of 
the cases words in agreement are 
masc. ; in all other cases it 
appears correctly as masc. 
differo, F. I. 162 ; M. I. 192 
diiudicatio (Cic. only), II. 224 
diluceo, a favourite word, F. I. 2, 
6 etc. 

diploma, F. I. 158 

disamo, F. I. 66 

disdidi (Cato), II. 46 

disconcinnus, F. n. 110 

dispositius ex conj. Kluss for dis- 
positus, M. I. 82 

dogma, mi has dogniam (as Laberi- 
us), ace. M. I. 32 

dogmate, M. I. 30 

dogmatis, dat. pi., F. II. 62 

dolere with ace. of resp., F. II. 174 ; 
M. II. 220 

domina, who meant by ?, I. 17 

domine, as term of respect, II. 171n.: 
with f rater, II. 171, 204, 245 ; 
with fili, II. 176 ; with magister, 
so Cod. Ambr. 240— but ? I. 300 

domnnla, M. I. 212 ; n. 2 

donicum for donee, F. II. 182 

SpaKaiv of a standard or body of 
men, II 301n 

duos ambos, F. II. 134 

duint, M. (sacerdotal), I. 176 

duum = duorum, see I. 8n. 

durus, of Marcus, F. I. 206 

Sv(T7rapatTTjTOS, II. IS 

dux = legatus in spurious letter, II. 

Suptdv, II. 294 

eadem (.c. opera), F. I. 194 
eductor (Cod. Ambr. 324) = educa- 

tor, II. 172 
effectum opus, a finished work 

(Quintilian), M. I. 128 
tiKitiv, see simile, el/cove abl. I. 38 
t (Quint. I. 4, 164, Naber) 

elpmveia, I. 102 

eiurare, F., I. 144, 146 
elavere (Plautus), F. I. 8 
elevatio (or relevatio), F. I. 104 
elinguis (Cic. Tac), F. II. 136 
fp.$<; rj6ovs, I. 302 
evcurtov, anb tov, II. 108 

encomiographus (misprinted in 

text), M. I. 142 
ei/Kcd)?, II. 258 )( irkn9vvTiKo>s, II. 260 
enodatus, M. it. 108 

ivOvfJ.rjna.Toiv rrapdSo^a, F. II. 75 
eVixeip>?M a , M. I. 90 (noiKiXa), ®«o- 

StLpov, I. 38 ; Niebuhr for epigram- 
mala, n. 90 



epidicticus, F. I. 104 

*Ki<}>uvr)na., I. 208 

epulones, n. lOn. 

equitatio (Pliny only), M. I. 180 

erastes, M. I. 30 

epvflpds, n. 263 

esor, F. n. 8 

esse ad, M. I. 74 

etiam atque etiam, F. I. 12 

etiam . . . etiam with plural verb, 
F. II. 146 

Etrusca, Cod., m*, F. II. 48n. 

Eunhrati, gen. F., II. 214 

evectio (Cato), II. 44 

eventilare, F. I. 12 

eversus oculus, F. n. 226 

exadvoreum, F. n. 120 

excaldare, excaldatio, late words 
in spurious letter, n. 306 

exempla Metelli, F. II. 148 

exemplar (?) masc. (exemplares), 
F. II. 138 (Tacitus) 

cfopx«<r0ai, F. I. 26 

expergitus (from expergo), M. I. 92 ; 
F. II. 210 

e£jrA<<>paTwpe$, II. 302 

exradicitus (Plaut.), F. n. 102 

ex summis opibus, F. I. 64 ; n. 12, 

exsequiae, never sing., F. n. 239 

extremus (worst), F. I. 168 (emen- 
dation), F. n. 130 (conjecture) 

Alius, as term of respect and 

affection, F. I. 308 
filius terrae, F. II. 94 
fine ea (juridical), to thatextent= 

eateius, used by Gellius and 

flavus, F. n. 267, 269 
focilo, F. I. 241 
forma, a sketch, F. n. 164 ; ox 

forma, F. I. 235 
fors fortuna, F. II. 34 
forte temere (Livy), F. n. 210 : but 

forte aut temere, I. 254 
fraglo, Cod. for fiagro (I. 194 ; n. 

40); I. 84, 114, 130, 220 
frater, complimentary title, II. 190 ; 

see also under domine 
frigeo, to have a cold, F. I. 306 
friguttire, F. II. 66 
frugaliter dicere (Cicero), F. n. 145 
frumentarius, F. II. 216 
frustra esse, F. I. 238 (ex conject.) ; 

n. 98 
fuat, F. n. 61 ; abfuat (Nab. for 

Cod. abluat), F. II. 100 
fumus not always sing., (<*/>. crooked 

smokes, Shaks.), F. II. 259 
fungor witli ace. (?), F. I. 290 ; II. 

178, perfungor and fruor, II. 4, 

154. See utor 
futurum=the future (Sallust), n. 


facio delicias, M. I. 192 
facultas, facilitas, I. 290n. 
fallor quin, F. I. 88 
fauces miseras habere, I. 232 
faveo, with abl., F. II. 170n. 
faxo (? for taxo Br. Cod. axo), F. 

n. 238, (legal) II. 100 
faxit (legal), II. 176 
febricito, M. II. 2 
febriculae (pi.), M. I. 202; febri- 

culosus, F. II. 102 
feliciter, I. 278n. 
felix arbor, F. (legal), n. 180; 

felicia vina, F. II. 7 
feriae occurs in sing., F. n. 259 ; 

feriae feriatae (pi), M. II. 2 
fidicularius, of dialectical subtleties, 

F. II. 66 

galerum, neut., F. (Servius ad Aen. 
vii. 688), cp. II. 264 

ganea, F. n. 148 

gargarisso, M. I. 188 

gaudeo with ace, F. I. 222 

gelosus, F. II. 206 

geminata verba, F. I. 40 

gemmula, F. (first), I. 10 

genio bene habere, F. II. 6 

genitive, of quality (or sc. causa), 
I. 40 (without epithet), I. 220 
(MS.); n. 234 (MS.); of respect : 
certlor consilii, F. I. 64 ; peritus 
militiae, F. I. 290 ; frugi rerum, 
I. 254 ; omnium sanus, I. 124 ; 
parcus and modestus, I. 220 ; ad 
hoc locorum, u. 178 ; quid loci, 
I. 260 ; interdum loci (?), I., 84 ; 
horae quid, n. 96 




plural in urn not ium, mensum 
(MS.), 1. 158; Atheniensum (Cod. 
Vat. 137), I. 216; pare turn in 
speech Pro I'tolemaeensibus, see 
Charisius Ars Gram. I. 138 

Greek, Achilli, Alcibiadi, Eu- 
phrati, Herculi, Polycrati, Alixi, 
Socrati, but Achillis, n. 109 cp. 
Parthaniasiri, II. 215 

gerundive use : res laetundae, 
P. I. 130, usus communicandi 
artium, F. II. 244 ; fovendi 
infantum faucibus (?), F. II. 42 

genum, neut. F. I. 246 

gibberosos, only here figuratively, 
F. II. 70 

glaucus in Vergil, n. 264, 266 

y\avK<i>ins, H. 267 

glisco, M. I. 142 

yXoxTaoKQuov, (rejected by Phry- 
nichus), M. II. 291 

gnome (or gnoma), I. 12, 14 

yvtofxi;, I. 16, 54 

Graecia terra, M. I. 142 

Graecieasis (Gellius), n. 272 

gratia sententiae fiat, I. 304 

gravatius, F. I. 208 

gravedo, a cold, F. I. 194 

gravius magno pondere amo {cp. 
Cic. Be Officiis, iii. 8), F. I. 172 

gustum, neut., F. II. 198 

hamatalis (Plautus), I. 6 

hastatus miles, added to extract 

from Sallust, n. 164n. 
hastula, II. 107 
hora decimam tangit (decimum in 

text is a misprint), F. I. 90 
horae quid for qua hora, II. 96 
hordeum, no plur., II. 254n. 
horribiliter, " awfully," M. I. 130 
Horti Maecenatiani, F. I. 122 
humanitas (Ennius and Cicero), II. 

189n. ; I. 298 ; II. 188 ; humanis- 

sime, I. 296 
humanitus, F. II. 152 
hyaenae (m» for leones Cod. Ambr. 

349), II. 110 ; I. 133 


lepbv barovv (Suetonius), II. 175 

imago = simile, I. 36 

illatenus (Apuleius), M. ii. 18 
imperanduin, ad, for ordering, i.e., 

being ordered, II. 54 
ignominia, II. 181, 187 
implicisco (noted in marg.), F. I. 

impoene (Cato), n. 46 
imposivi (Cato), II. 44 
impotentia, also plur., n. 255 
impraesentiarum (colloquial), M. i. 

impressio, only here in this sense, 

F. I. 230 
incido with ace. (late), n. 310 
incitator (first used), F. II. 67 
incubare, "to sit tight upon," I. 

158 ; with ace, F. II. 210 
incuria, also in plur., II. 255 
hiconstantius, M. I. 60 
indecorius, F. II. 38 
induciae, sometimes sing., II. 259 
industriosius, F. I. 4 
infamia, F. II. 180 f. 
infercire verba (Cicero), I. 40 
inferiae, never sing., II. 259 
infinitive with adj., obscurus in- 

volvere, etc., F. II. 48 ; dignus 

laudari, I. 108 ; historic, F. I 56 
inirequens a, F. I. 44 ; infrequens 

amicus, F. II. 230 
inguem, marg. Cod. Vat. 65, for 

inguen (perh. from Lucilius, tee 

Klussmann, p. 78), I. 246 
inlibatus, M. I. 82, 196 ; II. 112 
inluculasco, F. II. 126 
inornatius, F. II. 144 
inridentius, false reading (Mai), 

Nab. p. 142 see II. 58, §6 
insupra (?), Nepos ? II. 174 
insuper habere (Fronto first), F. I. 

10; II. 210 
intenditus, error for intenditur, F. 

II. 8 
intensius, F. II. 10 
interim, n. 184 

internatium, F. n. 174 (emendation) 
intro, legal expression, M. I. 154 
introferre pedem (Marcus only), I. 

invio, adv., F. II. 54 
invocatus, subst. F. n. 50 
ipsus, Cod. according to Brakman, 

F. I. 214 
irascort used passively with subj. 

in no in., M. I. 210 



i<r\v6<, of style, F. I. 104 
iubilatus, F. II. 142 
iubilo, M. I. 182 
iubilum, M. I. 180 
iugare (Naevius), n. 74 
iurgiosus (Apuleius), F. I. 206 
iussum (abl. iusso), marg. Cod. 

Ambr, 317 ; I. 284 
iuxta interim, n. 184 ; mecum, n. 

172 ; quam, n. 176 

#caXo« of boy athletes, I. 24 
K«P<iipt (or icepcue) Homer II. ix. 
203, II. 175 

labo = labor, F. n. 6 

labrum and labium, I. 2 ; n. 102 ; 

for difference see Studernund in 

Fleckeisen, Ann. phil. 1868, p. 553 
Lai, abl. M. I. 32; cp. Theti 

Plaut. Epid. 5 
Latinius, more Latin, M. I. 128 
lavare, lavere, F. I. 8 
lectiones, authors, F. I. 122; 

readings or quotations, F. II. 112 
lege sui, II. 238 

lepturgus or lepturgatus (Cod. accord- 
ing to Hauler). F. II. 48 
levigare, F. n. 74 
libellus, a letter, F. I. 214 ; M. I, 

libator, F. II. 10 
libentissime (Cicero), M. I. 178 ; 

F. II. 118 
librarius, I. 212 ; II. 139 
lino, compounds of, F. I. 8 
litterator, a teacher, F. II. 124 
lac, no plur. II. 259 
locupletius, meaning of, II. 120n. 
locus communis, I. 54 
longe longeque, II. 62 
longinque, see Brock, Studies in 

Fronto, p. 119, II. 49 
longiusculus, F. II. 38 
lucubratiuneula (Gellius in another 

sense), M. I. 90 
lucus eloqueutiae (marg. Cod. Ambr. 

373), II. 72 
ludiosus (m2 Cod. Vat. 112, Hauler), 

M. i. 16n. 

luo, compounds of, F. I. 8 
lustrati ? = Quirites (Hauler) II. 110 
luteus (colour ?), I. 99n. ; 120, n. 
265, 267 


maculosior, F n. 114 

magira, F. II. 4 

male mulcare, F. II. 92, 212 

malitiosissimus, I. 3 

malum F. II. 50, 224 

manu culta, marg. Cod. Ambr. 76 

has "puto dualem" as note on 

manu, I. 88 
mansito, F. I. 90 
manubiae (Cato), distinct from 

praeda, II. 44 
margaritum, marg. Cod. Ambr. 104 

says margaritum and margarita 

are found, and quotes Cic. in 

Verr, IV. 1, F. II. 96 
mare abl. (Cod.) F. I. 222 
Masurianus, M. I. 144 
matercella, marg. of Cod. Vat. 185, 

M. I. 182 
materia = vn-o^eo-i?, I. 210 ; cla- 

mosa, M. I. 208 ; uber, ibid. ; 

anieavos, I. 210 ; cruenta, I. 18 
matronae, children, F. I. 244 
mediushdius, M. I. 216 ; F. II. 170 
mel, has plural, II. 259 
meliuscule, quoted from M. I. 204 
meusurae nostrae, of our calibre, 

F. II. 195 
merenda, M. I. 182 
merendus^ lauro, F. II. 142 
meridionalist, first here, F. II. 206 
/AeVos, of style, I. 104 
meteoria, M. I. 184 
meus, for mi, voc. M. I. 18, 174 ; 

Marcus also uses mi for mihi, 

possibly Fr. does also, see 

Klussmann, Excursus to his 

Emend. Fronton, pp. 73, 74 
minus multus, F. II. 134 
miserere, pardon me, F. I. 82, 188 
nmsito, F. I. 58 
misti, marg. Cod. Ambr. 385, 

Hauler, for mire, Mai, II. 78 
mittere = daro, F. I. 146 
modificoi, Cod. Vat. 152, F. I. 8 ; 

modificor, F. first, II. 86 
moenia, always plural, II. 255 
mole for molestiae, F. II. 6 



ruorsus ventris, F. I. 250 
mortales, different from homines, 

II. 260 fT. 
HOvVtf un-b ISia, M. I. 142 
mucculentior, M. I. 180 
mugio, of persons, F. I. 106 ; mugi- 

tus, II. 74 
multifariam (Cod. multifaria), F. 

I. 104 
mutuo cams, I. 236 ; II. 152. See 

under Servius 


naevolus (Apuleius), F. (first), I. 

namquis (Plaut.), M. I. 8 
nanus (vivos), a dwarf, II. 79 ; 

used of mules and small horses, 

navi abl. (also nave), F. I. 56 
neque . . . neque . . . neque, F. I. 88 
nimis quam saepe, M. I. 216 
no3 ceteri (nous autres), M. II. 122 
nota delatoria, F. II. 6 
novella vinea, F. II. 2 
novella elocutio, F. II. 8 
nox quae sequitur, <eam> 

quiescas, M. II. 32 
noxsit, F. I. 222 
nudiustertianus, M. (first), I. 54 
nugalia, II. 12 ; and first by F. 
nundinae, always plur., F. n. 259 
nullum = nil (?word omitted), F. 

n. 190 

oboedire with ace. of cogn. mean- 
ing, F. u. 152 

obruza, F. II. 98 

obsecro, of prayer to gods. M. I. 
50 ; II. 42 

obtensusf, subst. Cod. Ambr. 299; 
for obtentus, n. 186 

occupare in, M. I. 116 

obtemperanter, M. (first), I. 194 

oetavidus, for octavo idus, F. I. 172 

odeum, me Cod. Ambr. 109 ; II. 140 

officia, munera, negotia, n. 54 f. 

olfactorius (?), F. n. 104; olfactoria 
means a bouquet, olfactorium, 
the same or a smelling bottle 

omnes univerei, F. n. 146 

ovofiaTOTToitiv, i. 218. Ft. 

opera lusa (Plaut.), I. 38 
opicus, M. I. 70, 71n. ; F. I. 124 

M. I. 142 
opistkodomus, F. I. 160 
oppidatim (Suetonius), F. II. 200 
osculatio, I. 220 
os linguae, n. 142 

palliolatim, F. II. 104 

pannychius-f, M. I. 68 

napd\^ts, II. 40, 44 f. 

irapdirreiv, II. 68 

passercula, M. I. 182 

patritus, F. II. 186 

pauculus, almost always for paucus, 

pedetemptius, M. I. 60 
pelluo = perluo, F. I. 8 
wtvrqKOVTaeria, L. II. 196 

perautiquus (Cod. peranticus), F. 

I. 122 
percensio, F. II. 72 
perfrictiuncvla, M. I. 180 
perfungor with ace. F. II. 154 
pergraecari, F. II. 284n. 
periculum lac (Terence), F. I. 286. 

perpauculus (only Cicero). M. i. 90 
perpetua oratio, F. I. 70 ; II. 40 
pertenuisf, M. I. 202 
pervigilatio, only Cicero, F. II. 58 
philostorgus, </>iA6o-Topyo?, first use, 

F. I. 280 ; M. II. 18 ; F. 154 : 

ioTopyoTepo?, M. II. 285 
4>t\OT7J<Tia, M. I. 112 

phoeniceus, tfxuvtf, a colour, II. 

263, 265 
phonema, F. II. 74 
pinguicuhts, F. 1.208; Solinus has 

phrenitis (Greek), II. 138 
pipulus, II. 120 

pituitosus (Cicero only), M. i. 180 
pius, meaning of, II. 317, 319 
plautinotatus (?), F. n. 102n. 
pleno plenius, F. n. 182 ; cp. I. 

pleraque, adv. (first used), F. II. 10, 

plerique omnes, F. n. 98 
ph/sculus, M. 1. 150 
poeto (Cod. for poetor), M. I. 118 



noXntta (iroXirfa), F. I. 102 ; M. II. 

156 _ 
iroXXa^w? \4ye<rdai, II. 108 
polluere ieiunium, F. I. 144 
pompa, of style, I. lOGn. 
pompaticus (Apul.), F. I. 100 
portendier (Cod. Ambr. 222), n. 26 
portisculus, F. II. 4 
portimium, F. I. 64 
possiet (Cod. Ambr. 166), I. 56 
potest for potest fieri, F. I. 14 
praecipito, intr. F. I. 2 
praeditus with dat., M. I. 50; F. II. 

praegnas, F. I. 182 
praeoleo, F. I. 96 
praequam (Cod. Ambr. 22), II. 26 
praeter-propter, II. 273 f. 
praevaricor, M. I. 90, 96 
Kpayixa neya, "a great gun," M. I. 

precibus precari, F. II. 34 
profanare = dedicare, II. 10 
primoribus labris, or labiis, F. I. 2; 

II. 102; digitis prim. n. 148; 

the nom. primor is not known 
prodormio} ? error for perdormio, 

I. 98, 180, 210 
promarinus, so Cod. M. I. 50 
promulgator, F. II. 10 
promiscus (Gellius), II. 270 
propelli (marg. differs), n. 184 
propriust, adv. (emend, to potius), 

II. 98, 1. 9 

prothymia (Plautus), M. I. 112 

(marg. delectatio) 
protelari, F. I. 62 
prunulum, F. II. 102 
pseudomenus, F. II. 66 
publicum Africae, F. I. 232 
pugno, of style, F. II. 102 
pullulus, F. II. 120 
pulvis not always sing. II. 259 
pumilio, F. 1.279 
7rvp7rdXrjcrts (Artemidorus), II. 252 
Trvppo?, II. 263 
pyrrhicha, a dance, F. I. 98 

quadrupedo (Cod. quadripedo) cursu 
(first used) F. II. 102; and 
quadrupedo alone as adv. I. 122 

quadrigae, II. 255; Caesar on, 257; 
Fronto on, 259 ; in sing. II. 261 

querella, a "complaint" of the 

body, M. I. 252 
qui, for quis (Cod. Ambr. 3 56), I. 

quinquatrus, F. I. 210n. 
quis, for si quis ? II. 138 
quis . . . quisquam (Plautus), F. I. 

quod for quo and quod for quoin 

frequent in the Codex 
quod for ex quo (?), I. 250 
quoiquoi, locative, L. II. 196 
quoius (cuius), quoiusque, I. 50 

rapinatio, M. (peasant speech), M. 

I. 150 

raptim et furtim, M. n. 28 
rebellio, late Latin in spurious 

letter = rebel, II. 314 
recipio, intr. F. I. 58 ; M. I. 178 
regressio (Apuleius), a retreat, F. 

II. 202 

relatio (Cod. emend, to delatio), F. 
II. 122 

relevatio (margin for elevatio), F. 
I. 204 

relictissimu8 a laudibus, F. I. 44 

respicien3 fortuna, F. II. 105 

replico (Apul.), F. II. 104 

reprehensibilis (vulgar), M. I. 68 

reteiaclan, M. I. 32 ; Hauler in 
Wien Stud. 34 (1912), p. 256 
discusses this word, derived from 
rete iaculum (Plaut.) Servius 
on Verg. Oeorg. I. 141 shows 
that the retiaculum was a cast- 
net. The verb is equivalent to 

reoimentum, F. I. 40 

rhetor icotatus, Cod. mi, corrected by 
m2 to rhetorico tota, F. I. 308 

rictus osculi (?), F. I. 206 

ridiculariu8, adj (Gellius), F. I. 4 

rixatorius, F. I. 206 

rogaticius, F. n. 136, in margin of 
Cod. rogatarius 

ruber ^ 

™*.^ U3 I Fronto and Favorinus 
f II. 263-267 






sales, F. II. 206 

sam-entum. Hernican word, I. 175 

satin saivae (res), F. I. 298 

saxatl)is(Plaut.). II. 6 

schemata (<rxvi* aTa )- n. 40, 77, 86, 
158 ; see also tiguratio 

scriptus publicus, F. II. 178 

Becta (Fronto's), II. 36 

tecundum=ouT "after," i.e. to 
get at, F. I. 56 

semiperitus. F. I. 

sellula (Tacitus). F. I. 246 

servitutem servire, F. I. 8 

siet, F. II. 54 ; cp. possiet 

silex, pavement, I. 242 

simili 8imilius, F. II. Ill 

8ipharum or sipparum (us), F. II. 38 

siphunculus, F. II. 108 

slnceris (Cod. Ambr. 385, Hauler), 
II. 78 

tirbena, F. II. 72 

8irint = 8iverint, F. II. 64 

sodes, a vulgarism, F. II. 50 

solifundium-f, read by Mai, Ambr. 
275. Naber, p. 202, is an error, 
II. 198 

solitatimt ? Cod. Ambr. 406 

solox lana, F. II. 64 

sorites, F. I. 66 

spadix (Dorian word), n. 265, 269 

spector used eleven times, see Kluss- 
mann, Emend. Fronton, p. 26 

spero. in parenthesis, F. I. 88 

spina sacra, see Upbv baroiiv, II. 174 

stagnumt, F. II. 86 

sternutatfo (also Apuleius), M. I. 180 

stragula sculpta (?), n. 94 

strepo with ace. (?) M. I. 50 

strola, M. I. 106 

structe (first used), F. II. 49 

studeo with ace. F. II. 102 

studio impenso, a favourite phrase 

studiolum, M. I. 178 

studiosus with rtat.. F. II. 66 

studivi, M. I. 178 

mblimitw, F. II. 148 

subpingo, M. I. 150 

subsentator (Plaut.), I. 136 

substri'igo, F. II. 8 

subvenire, come into the mind F. 

(first), II. 202 
sucina, P. II. 144 
succidaneum, F. I. 86, 306 


super — concerning, with abl. F. I. 

8Upervacaneo, F. 1. 10 
Bu&censeo, constantly 
suspenrfo, in this sense, M. I. 10 
symbolus masc. F. II. 44 
sunoni/mum, F. II. 76, 82 
o-wfeo, n. 72 

tabellarius, " postman," I. 90, etc. 

talarius ludus, F. II. 110 

tam for tamen (Cod.) II. 130 

tardiuscule, M. I. 196 

taxo, Rrakman for Cod. axo, II. 238 

rt\voi<ri^, F. I. 134 

tecum quaeso (Plaut.), F. I. 260 

ted, for te ad, Miiller, F. I. 222 

tegora, Cod. Ambr. 396, for tergora. 

II. 58 
templa infera (Lucr.), n. 16 
r*jfaXXw?, I. 26 

teneo, to grasp in the mind, F. n. 20 
teneo = tendo, F. I. 102 
tenuior, I. 171 
tinnulus, F. n. 102 
tolutaris, F. II. 102 
tolutim, F. I. 122 
torculus, M. I. 179 
tornare or etornare, to turn out, 

M. I. 18 
trigemino, F. n 52 
trigeminus, of Geryon, F. I. 11 
tristiculus, Cicero only, M. i. 108 
triticum, no plural, II. 253 f. 
tristis, Mith dat.= angry, I. 220; 

II. 36, cp. I. 216 
triumviri, I. 253n 
trunca vox, F. II. 72 
tutor, passive, F. I. 46 
tyrannus= usurper, late use in spur 

ious letter, n. 310 

uber, of style or a theme, M. I. 208 
ubiubi, M. I 182 
vyiWe, F. II. 250 
ulcusculum, F. I. 214 
unicolorus, F., first, II. 48 
ungui for ungi, F. II. 26, 56 
wroxpiveaOai, to declaim, I. 154, 

cp. I. 167 
usque istuc (Cato), I. 


usquequaque ublque, F. I. 206 
ut . . . uti. repeated, F. I. 290 
ut, when, F. II. 4 (Kluss. ubi), M. 

I. 178 
utor and fungor with ace. object 

in gerundive, I. 164, see fungor 
utriculus, M. II. 38 

vadus (Varro) masc. F. I. 222 
variatio (with Livy only), I. 42 
velle quamfor maile, M. I. 214, 216 
venor verba (Turpilius), M. I. 19 
ventio, Plaut. only, M. I. 154 
vera res, for Veritas, F. II. 176 
verecundia officii imperiosa, II. 18 
verba dare alicui, F. I. 2 
verbal forms : 2nd pers. sing., 
Pres. Ind. Conj. ; Imp. lnd.. Imp. 
Conj., Fut. Indie, in re only 
Marcus, 3rd pers. plur. Perf. 
Indie, in ere never used by 
Marcus : see Klussmann, Emend. 
Fronton., pp. 76, 77 
veriloquus (first used), M. 1. 16 
versicolor, F. (first), II. 45 

veeperl M. II. 222, elsewhere always 
vespera except In Antoninum, v, 
at enim vesperi in triduum mit- 
tam, Charisius, Ars Gramm. II. 223 
vetusculus (first tued), F. II. 76 
vexo, of one who is carried in a 
carriage and hurried and worried 
(see Gell. II. 6, 5), II. 32 
viduum, ? for biduum, M. I. 192 
vietus, I. II. 138 

vigil, curtailed for vigiliae, F. II. 6 
vigil iam vigilare, F. II. 210 
vir bonus dicendi per tus (Cato 

and Quint.), II. 134 
vocula, F. I. 76 
volentia, bona (Apul.) for beni 

volentia, F. (first), II. 240 
volup, for voluptas, F. II. 6 
rolupUUivus, marg. Cod. Ambr. 89, 
II. 166 

xeuia, F. I. 267, 275 
xencdalor t I. 282n. 
£<u>e6<; (Favorinus), II. 261 

£lj\0TV7TU>, M. I. 216 



accession, anniversary of P'a. I. 

Acta Senatus, I. 110 
actors, II. 8, 17, 67, 69, 105, 108, 

216 ; mantles used by, I. 105 ; 

Hero and Leander, I. 222 ; mask 

of, ll. 69 ; gestures of, II. 139 ; at 

Antioch, II. 149 ; sent for to 

Syria by Trajan and Lucius, II. 

215. See also under stage 
affection, want of family, in Rome, 

II. 154 ; cp. II. 18 
adjournment in law cases, I, 159 
age of exemption from duties 55, 

II. 185 
alder, I. 89 

alimentary institutions, II. 99 
alliteration (see also Ehrenthal, 

Frontonianae Quaest. pp. 35ff and 

Brock, Studies in Fronto, 144- 

146) ; barbarism and bleating, F. 

I. 136 ; bleating and fleeting, M. 

I. 151 ; acidos acinos, passas 

puberes, M. I. 177 ; aerumnae 

adoreae, terrores triumphi, F. n. 

20 ; cadendo caedendo, F. n. 26 ; 

cycnum coges cantione cornicum, 

F. II. 46 ; amburens in aheno, F. 

n. 90 ; amor iugis et iucundus, F. 

I. 86 ; peragrare pervenire, F. n. 

188 ; verbi vitium, F. II. 255 ; 

impenso et propenso, F. I. 110; 

neque penaum neque mensum, F. 

n. 224 ; intentum et infestum et 

Instructum, n. 204 ; profectus 

provectus, I. 151 ; allit. of s, II. 

120, U. 9, 10 ; of p, I. 50, line 5 ; 

of i, I. 118 ; of v, II. 236 ; fortia 

facinora fecimus, M. I. 178 ; 

puri perpetui, grati gratuiti, F. 

I. 86 ; hioerati lacessiti, F. I. 102 ; 

funduntur fupantur, M. I. 94 F. 

n. 136 ; opimus optimus, F. II. 


8 ; vis verbi ac venustas, F. I. 6 ; 
dedicavi dcspondi delegavi, M. 
I. 153 ; odoris roboris, F. I. 89 ; 
rraplovres napappiovres, F. I. 22 ; 
ttoXAo iroXXaKi? napa jrXeCaTtov 
71 ep.ir6(Jieva ov vpocrrJKaro, F. I. 
272 ; also from Laberius, I. 166 ; 
Plautus, II. 6, 24, Caecilius, I. 
142, Pacuvius, II. 266, Ennius, 

I. 76 ; aspiration ibus rationibus, 
F. II. 28 ; tubae tibiarum, F. I. 
52 ; impudens impudica, F. ibid. ; 
pensis parem propositis, II. 204 ; 
te tutum intus in tranquillo sinu 
tutatur, F. I. 36 

alumni Variani, II. 98 
amanuensis, II. 73 
amber, rubbing of, n. 105 
ambition, the last infirmity of noble 

mind, II. 62 
anagnostes, I. 223 ; n. 5n. 
anger, I. 259 
analogy, Caesar's books on, n. 29, 

annihilation at death, II. 229 
annuity, II. 99 
antithesis, Sallust, n. 158. For 

Fronto's antitheses see Schwier- 

czina, Frontoniana, p. 16w. 
ants, I. 49 
apoplexy, 11. 83 
appeal, right of (poet, in Gellius), 

II. 257 

archaism, n. 77, 79 ; Hadrian's 

spurious, n. 139 
Argonauts, n. 106 
arguing pro and con, Marcus objects 

to, I. 2l7f. 
argumentum ad hominem, I. 173 
armour of inferior make, 11. 149 
arrows of Parthians, 11. 205 
arts, superficial knowledge of, I. 3 ; 

noble, II. 183, 191, 224, 243, 244, 

245 ; works of art by various 

artists, 11. 49 ; I. 135 


assemblies of souls, II. 227 
asyndeton, inepta Iniqua, P. II. 

100 ; funduntur fugantur, M. I. 

95 ; ordinatior perfectior, F. I. 

112; scabies porrigo, F. I. 226; 

irascor, tristis sum, ^tjXotvttw 

cibo careo, M. I. 216 ; ostendere, 

definire, explanare, F. II. 67 
Atellane farces, I. 40, 106, 139, 304 ; 

see also Ebert, de Syntaxi Fron~ 

ton. p. 41 
Atticists, I. 31 
audit of accounts by emperor, I. 

auguries, I. 141 
Augusta, title of Faustina minor, I. 

Aurelia regio, I. 175 ; Aurella via, I. 


backbone, lepbv ixrrovv, n. 174 
ball-play, I. 99 ; I. 277 
bamboo and reed, II. 180 
banquets, public, II. 178 ; dress for, 

n. 250 
baths, I. 90, 221, 243, 246, 250, II. 4, 

5, 57, 127 
beauty, how valued by lovers and 

non-lovers, I. 29 
begging the question, I. 271 
birds, song of, n. 73 ; young birds, 

II. 173 
birthdays, I. 51 
blood-letting, n. 85 
boar-hunting, I. 179 
bows rendered useless by wet, n. 

box tree, I. 249 

bread, black and white, n. 121 
brigands in Asia Minor, I. 237 
brother, a complimentary title, n. 

191, 241 
buffoons, proverb of, I. 98 ; Pius 

amused by, II. 8 
bulletin, false, II. 139 
burial in carnivorous animals, I. 

busts of patricians In old days, I. 

119 ; Cato's, n. 151 ; of Marcus, 

I. 207 

Caelian hill, i. 143 

Campus (Martius), II. 1 25 

canal of Tiber, m» in Cod., U. 110 

Capitol, I. 51 

capons, II. 7 

Caesar-speech, I. 19 

cedars, l. 89 

Censor, shuts up gaming houses, n 

Cerberus, n. 14 

changeling, II. 139 

charioteer and spectators, II. 17 

children (ius liberorum), I. 237 

choice (irpoaipeai?) of wise man, 
II. 61 

Christians, II. 283 f, 204n ; apocry- 
phal letters, II 299 ff. 302 ff. 

Ciceronian style, I. Ill, 123, II. 

Circus, I. Ill, 309, II. 147, 217; 
annona et circenses, II. 216 

clemency, II. 319 

clouds a» goddesses, I. 44. 

codex, third writing on, I. 72n. 

codicils to will, II. 95 ; a codicillis, 
II. 95 

coining words, II. 115 

coins of lead and adulterated, II. 54, 

cold in M.'s bedroom, I. 55 

colours, II. 263 ff, red and green, 
ibid. ; terms for, in Greek and 
Latin, ibid. 

comedies, I. 107 

comitium, n. 43, 65 

commonplaces, I. 29, 55 ; see also 
Schwierczina, Frontoniana for 
F.'s use of fables and mythologi- 
cal stories as oratorical common- 
places, p. 19 

comparative degrees, when admis- 
sible, II. 183 

concord among friends promoted 
by M. I. 73 

congiarium, n. 47 ; = the corn-dole, 
II. 216 

consilium, I. 287 

constitution, i.e. legal enactment or 
decision, n. 181 

conspicuous by absence, II. 3n. 

Consul, unidentified, I. 189 ; Acilius 
Glabrio slew a lion in the amphi- 
theatre, I. 21 In. 



consumption, air of Cirta good for, 

I. 281 

conventions in speech, I. 101 
cooks honoured with statues, n. 6 
copyists of MSS. I. 167 
corn supply, II. 179, 216 
corrector of Codex, I. 131, 174n., 

II. 218n. 

country house or villa, I. 176. See 

crucifixion, II. 27 
curriculum for oratory, II. 82 

dancing, n. 105; Pyrrhic, I. 99; 

with cymbals, II. Ill ; not 

reputable for women (Sallust), 

II. 169 
day and night, fable of, n. 13 ff. 
dead, look of the, n. 227 
death, II. 227 ; early death, ibid. 
Deceit, a goddess, I. 151 
decurions, see Municipal Senators 
deputation of Municipal Senate, II. 

destiny, II. 225 

dialecticians, II. 67, 71, 79, 83 
diarrhoea, I. 203 

dictating letters, I. 185, 248, II. 44 
dilemmas, II. 67 
dithyrambs, II. 67 
diminutives (46 F, 26 M.) See for 

list Schwierczina, Frontoniana, 

p. 157 
divorce, II. 183 
docked words, n. 7 
dog in Christian banquets, II. 283 
dole (annona), n. 216. See con- 

dolphin, I. 27, 57, 59 ; as swimmer, 

II. 67 
door-keeper, P. 271 
Dorian word (spadix), II. 265 
dreams, I. 51, II. 17 ; Agamemnon's, 

I. 95 ; Ennius', ibid. ; daughter 

of Polycratea', II. 27 
dropsy, heated sand as cure, II. 253 
drunghi, barbarian word it ] stan- 
dards or troops, II. 301n. 
dust, praise of, I. 44 

eagles, flight of, n. 67 

ears tingle when others speak of us, 
I. 114 

earthquake, II. 41, 69 

eating varies with different pro- 
fessions, II. 59 ; lawyers' wives 
great eaters, I. 145 ; Hadrian as 
gourmand, n. 8 ; Numa, II. 11 

elephants, I. 163, H. 217 

eloquence, oratory, rhetoric, the 
art of words : words, their choice 
and arrangement, I. 3 ; common 
ones preferable to unusual, if 
equally significant, I. 7 ; common 
and old words, n. 80 ; to be 
hunted out, I. 5, 7, II. 27, 261 ; 
choiceness of, in special authors, 

I. 5 ; Cicero's use of, I. 7 ; un- 
expected words, I. 7 ; unusual 
when to be used, I. 7 ; difference 
in, by alteration of one letter, I. 
7 ; order important, I. 11 ; far- 
fetched ones never used by 
Marcus, I. 53 ; kinds of words, I. 
105 ; choice words, n. 51 ; 
doubled, trebled, etc., II. 53 ; 
mean and slovenly, II. 107, 281 ; 
rhythmical and fluent, n. 105, 
107 ; jingling, II. 103 ; absurd to 
coin words, I. 219, II. 115 ; old, 
often discoloured like coins, n. 
115; adparatus verborum, I. 
288; verba suo suco imbuta, II. 
112 ; current words to be used, 
n. 113 : orators, supreme excel- 
lence of,. I. 121 ; must not speak 
down to their audience, I. 121 ; 
boldness required, I. 11, 15, 119, 

II. 39 ; first rate and second rate, 
II. 43 ; oratorical art of Chrysip- 
pus, II. 69 

Eloquence, ruler of the human 
race, II. 137, 139; delight of 
gods, II. 65 ; art of, I. 40 ff. 
II. 75, 83 ; powers of, II. 77, 
137, 139 ; of Orpheus, I. 71 ; 
Caesar's eloquence, I. 53> II. 136 : 
diiferent purposes of, in a Caesar, 
II. 59 ; the highest (ace. to Cicero), 
n. 144 ; praise of, n. 67 ; par- 
titiones orationum, II. 88 ; exor- 
dium, ii. 91 ; technical terms of 
in Greek, n. 69, cp. 75; holds 



the most honoured place In 
F.'s eyes, I. 281 ; cannot, like a passed on, Jl. 141; 
the most eloquent speech of all, 
n. 31 ; tragedies useful in, I. 107 ; 
difference of style in forensic and 
other speeches, I. 41 ; various 
styles of, I. 103 ; oratory a help to 
verse writing, I. 107 ; oratorical 
insincerit-ies, I. 101; U3e of 
maxims in, I. 101 ; moderatio of 
oratory compared to facilitasC!) 
of history, H. 158 ; kissing 
connected with oratory, II. 239 ; 
a letter called an " oratio," II. 
98 ; eloquence and philosophy, I. 
288, II. 55 f., 75, 79 (dialectics), 
83, philosophy supplies the 
thoughts and eloquence clothes 
them, II. 39, 71, 79; the nova 
elocutio, II. 81 

Figures of speech {<rxnv- ara >, n - 
40, 77, 86, 159; required to 
qualify and soften down thoughts, 
n. 79 ; epanaphora, II. 40, 86 ; 
paraleipsi3, II. 41, 77 ; parono- 
masia, II. 158 
emancipation of slaves in the arena, 

n- 119 

Emperors, attendance on, I. 87 ; 
decisions of, I. 157 ; penalty of 
position, I. 297 ; purple cloak of, 
n. 65 ; attend to wishes and 
comfort of the people, n. 65, 216 

empires before Rome, n. 20 In. ; 
her empire won by disaster as well 
as success, II. 26 

entrails, inspection of, n. 241 

envy, among M.'s entourage, I. 73, 
II. 229 ; of the living, II. 205 ; 
Trajan's envy of his generals, n. 

epanaphora (Cicero), n. 159 

epigram, I. 41, II. 90 

erotics, I. 5, 27 

exercise, n. 41 

extracts from writers, I. 14, 16, 81, 
139 ; Ennius, I. 303 ; Gracchus (?) 
I. 81 ; Lucretius, I. 303 ; Caelius, 
I. 19; Cicero, I. 80n., II. 157; 
Cicero annotated. I. 309 : Sallust, 
I. 80n. ; Vergil, ibid. ; Terence, I. 
80n. ; Novhia, M. I. 139 ; 
Scipio's speeches, M. I. 139 

eyes, harmonizing, II. 109 

fable of day and night, II. 3 ; of 

vine and holm-oak, II. 85 
Falcidian law, n. 94n. 
Falernian wine, II. 7, 51 
fallacies, II. 07 
fame, love of, II. 62 
farces, I. 107 

fasting as a cure, I. 235, II. 85 
fatalism, II. 309 
Fates, I. 137, n. 223 ; as spinners, 

II. 225 
fighting with beasts in arena, 1. 119, 

figures (<Txw ara > schemata, q.v.), 

II. 87 
fines, law as to, II. 125 
fir tree, I. 49, 89 

fish, strength of, in their tails, II. 23 
fishing, II. 9 
flattery, I. 137 
flower market, I. 64 
flower that turns to sun, I. 29 
flute players, II. 9, 17 
fly, pertinacity of, I. 25 
forehead, touching, as sign of 

amity, n. 239 
forgiveness, see pardon 
Fortune, I. 169 ; temples to, I. 89 ; 

of Antium, Praeneste and of all 

sorts and kinds, II. 105 ; fortune, 

I. 69 ; things in power of, not to be 
valued, II. 61 ; pinguis fortuna, 

II. 26 

forum, n. 42, 125, 153 ; of Trajan, 
n. 305 

fox, II. 6 

friends, promoting unity among, I. 
73 ; true friendship, I. 257, 259, 
n. 76 ; a sharing of joys and 
sorrows, II. 93 

frogs in Alsian marshes, II. 5 ; as 
swimmers, II. 67 

fullness does not admit of compari- 
son, II. 182 

funeral, a public, for Matidia, U. 97 

fury's scourge, n. 105 

gambling in camp, II. 149 

games of the Circus, I. Ill, 309, 

n. (?) 146, 178, 217, and see 




gargling, I. 180 

Gardens of Maecenas, L 125 ; 

Fronto's, I. 299 
generosity, I. 297 
geometers, I. 135 
gifts, exchange of, I. 279 
glory, love of, II. 62 
Gods everywhere, I. 53, we must 

have faith in, I. 247 ; of dreams, 

mysteries and oracles, I. 51 ; of 

the roads and seas, I. 51 
golden age, the, I. 47 
gong (discus), for dinner, I. 183 
goodness, II. 183 
gnome (yv^^r)), nee maxim 
Graecianized soldiers, II. 307 
grammarian, friend of F. II. 281 ; 

unnamed, II. 275 
grapes, Marsian or Massic, of 

Gauran mount, of Signia, I. 177; 

eaten by babies, n. 173 
Greek, Marcus' writing in, I. 19; 

Fronto, I. 128 ; Greek letters, I. 

20, 130, 146, 160, 261, 268, 286 
greeting (salutem), II. 239, and of 

course passim 
grove on Capitol, I. 51 ; sacred 

groves, II. 87 
guild of Bacchus at Smyrna, n. 295 
gutter, children of, n. 94 
gymnasium, I. 23, 76 

horn -dilemma, n. 67 

horses, neighing of, decided Persian 

empire, II. 141 
horti Maecenatiani, I. 122 ; F.'s 

horti and villas, I. 177, 213, 299, 

II. 87, 193 
hot springs and grottoes of Baiae, 

hyenas, 1. 133 : m2 Cod. for lions, n. 

hunting in vivarium, I. 173 ; boars, 

I. 179 

Ionian Sea, I. 34 

immortality, no consolation, II. 

227 ; doubtful, II. 229 
mperator, when Marcus first given 

the title, I. 81 
incest attributed to Christians, II. 

infamy and ignominy, II. 181, 187 
informer's brand, n. 7, 181 
injuries to be passed over, I. 69, 

II. 215 
insincerity, Homer's testimony 

against, I. 149 ; Marcus dislikes 

conventional insincerities, I. 101 
irony of Socrates, I. 103 
Italian origins, Cato's, II. 201 

halcyon, II. 7 

hair plucked from their bodies by 
soldiers, II. 149 

hand -shaking, n. 239 

harpers on one note, II. 107 

healing, gods of, I. 51 

heap -fallacy, II. 67 

heat, suspended, I. 13 

hendecasyllable by Marcus, I. 118 

hexameters by M. I. 125, 129 

Hernican word, I. 175 

Hero and Leander, I. 223 

herring-roe, I. 182 

history, Marcus writing, »I. 1 ; his- 
torians* lies last, n. 201 ; how 
to be written, II. 142 

holidays at Alsium, II. 3 

holm-oak, II. 81 

honour (fides) the first considera- 
tion, I. 71 


Jews, I. 144 

judges and assessors, I. 215 f. 

kissing, I. 146, 204, 208, 221, 229, 

230, 232, 244, 299, II. 239 
knight's census, I. 8 
knowledge, superficial, I. 3 

labyrinth of Ulysses, I. 93 

last infirmity of noble mind, II. 63 

laughter, I. 151 ; hiding the lips in 

Lares and Penates, II. 228 


laws, sometimes sleep, I. 217 ; old 
law of fines, II. 125 ; law courts, 
whole days in, I. 55, 153, 181 ; 
testimonials to character iu, I. 
285 ; severity on the bench, II. 
187 ; judges, I. 215, n. 97 ; acta 
cognitionum, n. 92 ; Hadrian in 
Court, II. 250 ; trial, n. 13 ; legal 
business, n. 153 

lawyers' wives great eaters, I. 147 

laying down office, etiquette of, I. 
147 ; an old law, n. 180, n. 24 

legal terms, testimonium denun- 
tiare, F. I. 100 ; in indicio pareas, 
F. I. 208 ; in integrum redigi, I. 
244; parum cavisse, II. 12; intro., 

I. 154 ; ne fraudi sit, II. 88 ; dela- 
torius, I. 208, II. 6 ; demonstrate, 

II. 12 ; in solutum dependere, I. 
244 ; see also Schwierczina, Fron- 
ton iana, App. II. 

legions, deciwa fulminatrix, II. 
30 In. ; prima and decima, II. 302 

letters dictated, I. 185 ; took long to 
reach Syria, n. 117 ; agreement 
of Lucius with Fronto as to, II. 
117, cp. I. 184 

levees at court, I. 87 

liar syllogism, n. 67 

libraries at Rome, in Apollo's 
temple, in Tiberius' palace, I. 179 

likenesses of Marcus, I. 207 

linen books, I. 175 

lions, I. 48, 119, 163, 211 ; to do 
work for men, n. Ill 

logic of dialectics, n. 83 

love, charms, I. 23, 166 ; different 
sorts of, I. 29 f. ; cause of cessa- 
tion, n. 195 ; love rational and 
fortuitous, I. 89 ; love and silence 
(?), n. 201 ; love and fame, n. 

lovers and their darlings, I. 21 ff. 
II. 43 ; disgrace of thi3 relation- 
ship, I. 25, 27 

lyre, n. 141 


maenads, chaplets of vine, n. 85 
magistracy, how to lay down, I. 147 
mail-clad troops of Parthia, IT. 213 
manuscripts of Ennius, I. 89 ; of old 

writers, I. 167 ; of Cicero, I. 309 
marigold, turns to sun, I. 29 

masters, vana et stolida turba, II. 

materia (vn60e<ns), I. 104. See also 
under theme 

maxims, I. 13 ; for each day, I. 55 ; 
by Fronto, II. 2L4, 11. 6, 7 : I 2, 
I. 5; I. 42, 1. 21,1. 164,11. 20,21; 
I. 260, 11. 13, 14 ; Intr. xxxvi. ; 
and see Brock, Studies in Fronto, 
p. 119. Fr. says he was largely 
taught by the method of maxims, 

I. 14 

memoranda of war, n. 194, 198, 234 
metaphor (see also under simile), 

II. 87 ; bend to oars, I. 107 ; 
torches, n. 217 ; military, n. 54 ; 
naval, II. 38 ; lora, I. 16 ; n. 82 
(Sallust) ; crowbars to words, I. 
11 ; midwife, II. 70 ; and passim 

might and right, n. 110 

military career, books a training for, 
n. 147 

milk, a remedy for children, II. 43 

mimes, I. 305 ; represent various 
characters with the same mantle 
II. 105 ; Pylades, I. 305 

mind against body, I. 187 

miraculous victory, the, II. 303 

mists as goddesses, I. 44 

mole on cheek, II. 43 

mourning at funerals, I. 160 

mule of eloquence, II. 141 

municipal senators (decuriones), 
law as to, n. 177 ff. ; payments 
by, II. 179, 183, 187 ; privileges 
of, ibid. ; duties of, II. 183 

myrt'es and bays, I. 49, 89 

mysteries, I. 51, n. 297 f. 

nature the mother of invention, n. 

natura affection, I. 281. See also 
under philostorgus 

necklace of pearls, II. 94 

negligence, praise of, I. 47 

neighing of horses decided succes- 
sion to Persian monarchy, II. 141 

neuritis, n. 89. See also under 

new year celebration, I. 229, 231 



Nile fountains, I. 91 

nomads, I. 237 (Libyans); n. 203 

(? Scythians) 
notary, public, II. 177 
nugalia, and rules for writing, I. 

41 ff. 
nurse, II. 43, 115, 125 
nymphs, chaplets of vine for, n. 85 

oak tree, I. 89 ; holm-oak, n. 84 

oil, anointing with, H. 57 

old age, II. 185, 187 ; a twilight, II. 

olives, how eaten, II. 103 ; leaf 
called flavus by Vergil, II. 267 

Olympia, I. 27 

onion (Laberius), 1. 142 

oracles, ambiguous, I. 17, 51 ; of 
the Sibyl, I. 91 

orators of old, I. 107 ; scarcely 300 
since foundation of Rome, n. 147 

oratory, styles of, I. 1 05 

orthography: 1 have not thought 
it necessary to alter the incon- 
sistent spelling of the Codex 
(repraesentavi, i. 228, and caenae 
for cenae. I. 306). Naber has 
treated the matter fully in his 
edition, pp. 277-282, and see 
Weissbrodt in the Braunsberg Ind. 
led. 1872, 18. The interchange 
of 6 and v, which occurs very 
often, was a peculiarity of 
African Latin, see Brock, Studies 
in Fronto, p. 178, and so possibly 
the Codex in this respect may be 
faithful to Fronto's original 
spelling. We find velua for 
belua, brebis for brevis, valneo for 
balneo, benia for venia, viduo for 
biduo, civi for cibi, vibo for vivo, 
and many others. The aspirate 
Is most capriciously used : Ora- 
tins occurs and harena, umor 
and Hamrno (Ammon), aduc and 
even hii 

ovilia, the voting pens in the Cam- 
pus Martius, II. 113 
oxymoron ; esuriales feriae, n. 10 ; 
velocia stativa, I. 158 

paean, II. 67 

palaestra, I. 22, see also alipta 

Palatini (m2 Cod. Anibr. 349) 
inhabitants of old M. Palatinus 
at Rome ; Palatium, I. 129, 294, 
II. 279 

palladium, II. 54 

palm (Laberius), I. 42 

painter of a horse, u. 161 ; painting. 

I. 135, II. 49, 59 
pan-pipes, II. 73 
paraleipsis, II. 40, 45 

pardon is man's peculiar privilege, 

II. 117. See also under wrongs 
paronomasia, II. 158 (Sallust) 
patricians, want of natural affec- 
tion in, II. 285 

partridges, I. 239, II. 172 
patrons of states, I. 293 
pearl necklace, II. 95 
people, influence in State, I. 121, 
II. 217 

philosophy, discipline of, I. 2 ; 
where suitable, I. 33 ; Marcus 
turns to, I. 217 ; precepts of, II. 
28 ; philosophy and eloquence, I. 
288, II. 55 ff. ; Irony of philoso- 
phers, I. 101 ; they do not always 
agree, n. 62 ; difference of style 
among, n. 49 ; must not covet 
things out of their power, II. 61 ; 
do not always practise what they 
preach, I. 63 ; mantle of, II. 65 ; 
philosophy supplies thoughts, 
eloquence words, II. 71 ; may lead 
to a perverse decision, n. 99 ; a 
hit at philosophers, II. 277 ; 
mirifici homines, n. 88 ; experi- 
ence set above plulosophy, I. 
168 f. 

pictures of tha Parthian war, II. 

pine tree, I. 49, 89 

pirates, I. 57 

pitch, contact with, denies, I. 65 

plains, horror of, II. 77 

pleasures linked to pains, I. 187 

ploughs and the Agrigentines, II. 
20 1 

poems, old, I. 6 ; poet unnamed, n. 

pomp of F.'s style, I. 106, Intr. x. 

Poniptine plain, u. 77 



post, the imperial, I. 159 
pot-herb, iu a golden dish, I. 

presents between friends, I. 267 
private and public usages compared, 

I. 269 
processions, n. 217 
proclamation at the Games, I. Ill 
procurators, I. 203, 239 
property valuation, I. 277 
prophecies, n. 67, 165 ; children of 

prophets, I. 23 
prosperity too great, II. 23 ff. 
proverbs, see I. 43, axe of Tenedos, 

I. 19 ; with tips of lips, I. 2, II. 

102 ; open the eyes, I. 80 ; a 

man we can play odd and even 

with in the dark (Cicero too), 

I. 99 ; against the stream, u. 47 ; 
domestica testimonia, I. 100 ; 

€i« Uvppaluiv Ke<t>a\i)v, I. 124 ; 

amici mores noveris non oderis 
(scurrarum proverbium), I. 131 ; 
ti enl rfj <t>aiefj /xvpov (Varro and 

Cicero), II. 273 ; tov avTov ircu^eiv 
$ca\ cmovSd^etv, n. 92 ; ante 
gestum post relatum (Cicero too), 

II. 122 ; rostro supino, n. 122, 
touching pitch, I. 64 ; neque 
arae neque foci nee viae, quod 
volgo aiunt, . . . usurpantur, F. 

I. 114; facilis ad lubrica lapsus, 

II. 112 ; ef otKov «5 oIkov (Appian), 
I. 268 

Providence, n. 225 

provinces, lots for, I. 2S7 

Prytaneum, I. 270 

puns and assonance (see also alliter- 
ation), on name Verus ? F. I. 62, 
241 ; iugum, F. n. 26 ; Venetus 
venierit, F. II. 90 ; legere, M. I. 
76 ; caput capita, M. I. 130 ; 
valeo, Si. I. 54 ; providence, II. 
225 ; volpem. . . voluptatem, F. 
n. 6 ; gravatius . . . gratius, F. 
n. 204 ; suavis . . . saviata, F. 
I. 232 ; oris atque orationis, F. II. 
238 ; videri, F. II. 12 ; adversis 
avertamur, F. II. 226 ; virum 
. . . verum, F. I. 62 ; decessero 
. . . defecero, M. I. 112; in 
spurious letters, Avidius . . . 
avidus, Verus . . . verum, n. 
303, 314, see also p. 292 

pyrrhio reel, I. 99 

quaestor of Fronto (? his brother), 

I. 115 
quails, their flight, II. 67 
Quindecimvirs and sacred books, 

n. 135 

races in the stadium, i. 149 

reason, no temple to, I. 89 ; com- 
pared with Fortune, ibid. ; reason 
and intuition (impetus), i. 89 

recommendations and testimonials 
to friends, I. 285 

redness of fire, blood, shell fish 
saffron, gold, n. 263 

reeds, n. 181 

relegatio, n. 181 

religious town (Anagnia), I. 175 

rescripts, I. 220, ? l. 304 

revolution welcome to poor and 
needy (Sallust), II. 169 

rheumatism, Fronto's, II. 153, and 
see under Fronto. 

rhythm (prose) in Fronto's sen- 
tences, I 102, last two lines ; 
164, 11. 20, 21 ; 222, 11. 19, 20 ; 
302, 11. 8, 9, ; n. 134, last line ; 
136, first line, n. 62, lines 15, 
16. See also Brock, Studies in 
Fronto, p. 143 

ring of Polycrates, n. 25 

rings of knights at Cannae, n. 29 

Roman defeats, n. 21, 23 

rostrum, II. 43, 65 

rowers, time given to, n. 5, II. 39 

rowing(?), taken from Nature, II. 201 

rudders, Fortunes represented with, 
II. 105 ; the helm of State, II. 250 

rustic chaff, I. 163 ; talk, I. 151 

rusticatio M eT » voKiTelas, II. 156 


Sabine women, rape of, n. 11 
sacrificing, I. 27, 45, 181, n. 165 

(Sallust) ; thank offering and 

sin offering, I. 23 
salutation, morning and evening, n. 

saffron water sprinkled In theatre, 

II. 65 
schemata, n. 40, 86, n. 77, 158 



school, Fronto's, I. 130 ; his secta, 
n. 36 

scorpion in bed, I. 197 

scythes of Dacians, II. 204 

sea, I. 27 

seaside resort, II. 7 

Senate, decision in, I. 173 ; sitting 
of, I. 133, 189, II. 123 ; M. asked 
his opinion in, I. 8 ; journals of, 
I. Ill ; his3peech in, I. 189 

sewer, coins in, II. 105 

shepherds, adventure with, I. 151 

shrine, deserted, I. 45 ; township full 
of shrines, I. 175 

shell-fish, II. 7 

Sibyl, I. 91 

siesta, II. 5 

Smiles and their use, I. 35, 37, 39, 
130 ff., 205 ; fever and exercise, 
I. 23 ; fountains and rivers, 
I. 23 ; flies and gnats, I. 25 ; 
robes, I. 40, 121 ; n. 53 ; priest 
and farmer, I. 45 ; growth of 
trees, I. 49 ; clarion and pipes, 
I. 53 ; ants and spiders, I. 48 ; 
hot springs, I. 87 ; saffron scents 
from a distance, I. 97 ; Pyrrhic 
reel, I. 99 ; a farmer, M. I. 117 ; 
speed of horses, I. 123 ; II. 103 ; 
hyena, snakes, spears and 
arrows, ships, lines, I. 133 ; 
fowls, n. 141 ; midwife, n. 141 ; 
painting, n. 161 ; 6vos Xvpas, 
n. 141n. ; Orpheus, II. 145 ; 
Ialysus picture, I. 135 ; lame 
Hephaestus, I. 135 ; bleating, 

I. 137 ; race in stadium, i. 149 ; 
flowers and garlands, I. 165 ; 

II. 125, 185 : pot herbs in golden 
dish, I. 165; dreams, I. 205; 
animals and their young, I. 259 ; 
bow, ii. 9 ; winking, n. 9 ; 
gardens and manure, n. 9 ; bulls, 
n. 27 ; parents and children, 
n. 37 ; leather bottle, M. ii. 39 ; 
rowing and sailing, n. 39 ; 
hospitality, n. 51 ; banquet, 
n. 50, 53 ; recruiting, n. 55 ; 
coinage, II. 55, 113; women's 
hair, II. 61 ; poultice, n. 63 ; 
swimming and flying, n. 67 ; 
swords, II. 69 ; light (? Sallust), 
n. 97 ; wind and sun, II. 123, 
127; helmets, ii. 137; pipes, 
II. 139; lightning, n. 183; 

3 6 4 

journey, II. 185; harvest and 
vintage, II. 185 ; torches, II 
185 ; cavalry and warships, I 
181 ; fire fanned by breeze, II 
199 ; tall trees and wind, n 
215 ; spinning, II. 225 ; in 
spection of victims, n. 241 
helmsman, II. 251 ; island 
Aenaria, I. 35, 39 ; see also 
Beltrami, La tenderize letterarie 
. . . del Frontone, p. 39 

slang," horribiliter," M. X. 130 ; 
? pinguis, F. (a " fat " fortune), 
n. 227 

slave, fugitive, I. Ill ; emanci- 
pated in arena, I. 119 ; present 
of two slaves, I. 264 

sleep, argument against, I. 91 ; iu 
quarrel of day and night, II. 13 ; 
begotten by Jove, ii. i7 ; death's 
counterfeit, I. 97 ; instructor of 
Ennius, n. 67 ; Marcus and 
sleep, see under Marcus. 

smoke, praise of, I. 44 ; of one's 
fatherland, I. 95, 192; and 
watery eyes, I. 87 

snakes, I. 133 ; and lizards and the 
Marsi, n. 23 

soldiers, demoralised in Syria, 
II. 149, 207 (Trajan), 209; in 
Jugurthine war (Sallust), II. 165 : 
could not vault on horses, II. 149 
spears feebly thrown by, n. 149 
seasoned by small battles, II 
149 ; sloth fatal to, II. 209 . 
dandy ways of Syrian soldiers of 
gaucherie of Pannonians, n. 
211 ; discipline and duty of 
general, n. 211 

son, a complimentary title, I. 308 

sovranty, dependent on eloquence, 
n. 119 

soporific juice, n. 17 

speech, insincerities of, I. 101 ; 
forensic, etc., I. 41 ; useful for 
generals in the field, II. 31 

spiders, I. 48 

spolia opima, II. 10 

stage, sham lances of, n. 109 ; see 
also under actonj 

stammering, II. 73, 109 

statues of Arion at Taenarus, I. 69 ; 
of Cato, II. 3, 201 

style, different in art and philosophy 
U. 49 


suovetaurilia, II. 10 

superstition, I. 144 

swan-song, II. 47 ; swan, H. 105 

syllogisms, n. 28, 82 

synonyms, n. 76, 82 ; see also 
Schwierczina, Frontoniana, p. 
151 ff. ; and Brock, Studies in F. 
p. 110 f. ; method from, u. 109 ; 
collecting, II. 77 ; several for 
meaning ' ask," I. 208 ; ^iro/aeva 
<cat irapaKoXovBovvTo, I. 38 ; 
Fronto has 125, Marcus 19 ; 
cp. in English, traps and snares, 
wrath and indignation, leaps and 
bounds, shape and form, many 
a time and oft, tied and bound, 
aches and pains, null and void, 
lamentation and mourning and 

tautology, paratis . . . parabat, I. 

56 ; tutum tutatur, I. 36 
tax farming in Africa, I. 233 
tears of dissemblers, H. 17 
technical language of the arts, I. 5 
Tenedos, axe of, I. 18 
testimonials to friends, I. 285, and 

see Fr.'s various commendatory 

letters under Fronto 
theatre, dislike of, by M. 1. 139, 141 ; 

M. reads in, I. 207 ; seats in, 

I. 275 ; saffron water in, II. 65 
themes (materia, g.v.), I. 19 ; 

209, 210 
thunderbolt, n. 69, 135 ; Jove the 

thunderer, n. 68, 71 
Thyestean banquets of Christians, 

II. 284n. 

thyme of Hymettus, I. 305 

Tiber canalised, II. Ill 

town-hall banquets, I. 271 

trees, that can be lopped, I. 49 ; 
consecrated, II. 87 ; catachanna, 
I. 140 ; n. 103 ; their growth 
(oak, fir, alder, cedar, pine, box, 
myrtle, etc.), I. 89 ff. ; " happy " 
trees, H. 181 ; tree twisters, I. 71 

tribune, action of, I. 215 ; tri- 
bunitia potestas, I. 221n. 

trireme, I. 11 

tropes, n. 87 

truth, M. taught to tell the, I. 17 

tyrant, Fronto on, II. 285 

Tyrrhenian Sea, I. 34 

Umbrian word, L 44 
urochs, II. 217 

utterance, various words for per- 
fect, II. 74 

verse, of use in oratory (especially 

tragic verse, I. 107 
verses in Fronto, see Ehrenthal, 
Quaest. Frontonianae 
facti causa latet factum specta- 

tur o-w, II. 215 
sponte dei iuvisse volunt et 

dignum ope - - II. 32 
modulatae I Vocis amatores primas 

audisse feruntur | aves, II. 72 
cuius spes opesque omnes io 

vobis solis sunt sitae, I. 298 
ut quisque a more quempiam 
deperit, eius etiam naevolos 
saviatur, II. 42 
ager neglectus fructus uberes 

ferret, I. 46 
trepidant et pavent, fugam 
frustra meditantur, n. 74 

tantum profundi patiar, ne 

luna occidat 
ventus lucernam ne interimat, ne 

quid fibi 
e frigore impliciscaJ, ne fluctus 

(ne) vadus, 
ne piscis aliqua noxsit - u - o - 

I. 222 

neve motus venti cuncta funditus 

percellerent, n. 15 
salvu' sator sit, salva si(e)nt sata, 

salva seges sit, II. 120 
Atticis propinque thymum ser- 

pyllumque Hymettium, I. 304 
verses by Fronto, II. 106, a 

line added to Lucan, and 

perhaps 2 Greek elegiacs ? 

on verse in prose see Brock, 

Studies in Fronto, 124 
Verus, pun on name, I. 62 
Vestal virgins, disqualification for. 



Vines, a curse to men, II. 65 ; under 
divine patronage, II. 65, usefulness 
oi, II. 85 ; fable of vine and 
holm oak, n. 85 (cp. Jotham's 
parable, Judges, ix. 8) 

vintage, I. 175, 183, 213, 249; 
II. 185 ; catches of vintagers, 
I. 181 

virtue, II. 183 

vivarium, I. 172 

voyage in winter, I. 169 

Vnlcan-flre, I. 178 

wakefulness, praise of, I. 91 
waters for rheumatism, I. 83, 90 ; 

hot at Baiae, I. 87, 245 
will power over body, I. 187 ; 
oversea wills, I. 156 ff. ; will of 
Niger Censorius, I. 255 ff. ; gifts 
under, I. 267 ; codicils to, II. 95 ; 

tied and sealed, II. 99 ; where 

kept, I. 60 
wines, new, I. 79 ; kinds of, I. 177 ; 

II. 50 ; Saguntine Cretan, Faler- 

nian, II. 71, 51 ; Faust ian, n. 7 ; 

" happy " wines, n. 7 ; mixed 

with water, I. 277 
wings of Mercury and Love, II. 17 
winds as Gods, I. 44 
wise men, how distinguished. II. 61 ; 

do not practise what they preach, 

II. 63 ; II. 88 
women at Rome during war 

(Sallust), n. 169; virtuous. I. 

149 ; their looks, I. 19 ; their 

talk, I. 5 
wrestling master of M. I. 151 ; see 

afro under palaestra and I. 

151 ; II. 8 
writing with stilus, I. 138 ; with 

calamuSj I. 117 ; erasures, n. 45 
wrongs, private, to be passed over, 

I. 69 ; II. 117 




Ad M. Caes. i. 1, F 3 . 

/Ad M. Caes. i. 2, M 3 . 

Ud M. Caes. i. 3, F 5 . 

/Ad M. Caes. i. 4, M 9 . 

Ud M. Caes. i. 5, F 11 .. 

/Ad M. Caes. i. 6, M 13 . 

\Ad M. Caes. i. 7 F 17 . 

Ad M. Caes. i. 8, F 20 . 

/Ad M. Caes. ii. 1, F 25 . 

\Ad M. Caes. ii. 2, M 20 ., 

Ad M. Caes. ii. 3, M 28 ., 

Ad M. Caes. ii. 4, M 29 .. 

Ad M. Caes. ii. 5, M 29 .. 

Ad M. Caes. ii. 6, M 30 .. 

Ad M. Caes. ii. 7, F 32 ., 

/Ad M. Caes. ii. 8, F 32 .. 

\Ad M. Caes. ii. 9, M 33 .. 

Ad M. Caes ii. 10, M 33 .. 

Ad M. Caes. ii. 11, M 35 .. 

Ad M. Caes. ii. 12, M 35 .. 

Ad M. Caes. ii. 13, M 36 .. 

Ad. M. Caes. ii. 14, M 36 .. 

Ad M. Caes. ii. 15, M 37 .. 

/Ad M. Caes. ii. 16, F 37 .. 

Ud M. Caes. ii. 17, M 38 .. 

Ad M. Caes. iii. 1, F 40 .. 

/Ad M. Caes. iii. 2, M .-* ... 40 .. 

{Ad M. Caes. iii. 3, F 41 .. 

/«AdM. Caes. iii. 4, F 43 .. 

l/Ad M. Cae3. iii. 5, M 43 .. 

Ud M. Caes. iii. 6, F 44 .. 

/Ad M. Caes. iii. 7, M 44 .. 

Ud. M. Caes. iii. 8, F 45 .. 

/Ad M. Caes. iii. 9, M 47 .. 

Ud M. Caes, Hi. 10, F 48 .. 

/Ad. M. Caes. iii. 11, F 4S .. 

Ud M. Caes. iii. 12, M 49 .. 

Ad M. Caes. iii. 13, F 50 .. 

Ad M. Caes. iii. 14, M 52 .. 

Ad M. Caes. iii. 15, F 52 .. 


No. of 

vol. p. 


I. 80 


„ 80 


„ 82 


„ 90 


„ 96 


„ 154 


,, 162 


„ 118 


» 108 


„ 112 


„ 128 


„ 116 


„ 116 


„ 140 


„ 144 


•i 144 


„ 146 


„ 136 


» 140 


„ 150 


„ 152 


„ 152 


„ 154 


II. 94 (186) 

„ 96 (187) 

I. 52 


„ 58 


„ 62 


» 66 


„ 66 

„ 68 


„ 32 


„ 34 


„ 50 


„ 52 


„ 12 


» 14 


„ 218 (110) 

h 100 


h 100 




/AdM. Caes. iii. 16, F. .. 
\AdM. Caes. iii. 17, M. .. 

Ad. M. Caes. iii. 18, M. 

AdM. Caes. iii. 19, M. .. 

Ad M. Caes. iii. 20, F. .. 

AdM. Caes. iii. 21. M. .. 
/Ad M. Caes. iv. 1, F. .. 
Ud M. Caes. iv. 2, M. .. 

Ad M. Caes. iv. 3, F. .. 

Ad M. Caes. iv. 4, M. .. 

Ad M. Caes. iv. 5, M. ... 

Ad M. Caes. iv. 6 ,M. .. 

Ad M. Caes. iv. 7, M. .. 

Ad M. Caes. iv. 8, M. .. 

Ad M. Caes. iv. 9, F. .. 

AdM. Caes. iv. 10, M. .. 

AdM. Caes. iv. 11, M. .. 

AdM. Caes. iv. 12, F. .. 

AdM. Caes. iv. 13, M. .. 

Ad M. Caes. v. Index (3 letters F 

7 letters, M.) 
/Ad M. Caes. v. 1, F. ... 
Ud M. Caes, v. 2, M. ... 
/Ad M. Caes. v. 3, F. 
Ud M. Caes. v. 4, M. ... 

Ad M. Caes. v. 5, (20), M. 

Ad M. Caes. v. 6 (2i), F. 

Ad M. Caes. v. 7 (22), M. 
/Ad M. Caes. v. 8 (23), M. 
Ud M. Caes. v. 9 (24), F. 
/Ad M. Caes. v. 10 (25), F. 
Ud M. Caes. v. 11, (26), M. 
/Ad M. Caes. v. 12 (27), F. 
Ud M. Caes. v. 13 (28), M. 
/Ad M. Caes. v. 14 (29), F. 
(Ud M. Caes. v. 15 (30) M. 
iiAd M. Caes. v. 16(31), M. 
|Ud M. Caes. v. 17 (32), F. 
I/Ad M. Caes. v. 18 (33), F. 
Ud M. Caes. v. 19 (34), M. 
/Ad M. Caes. v. 20 (35), F. 
Ud M. Caes. v. 21 (36), M. 
/Ad M. Caes. v. 22 (37), F. 
Ud M. Caes. v. 23 (38), M. 
/Ad M. Caes. v. 24 (39), M. 
Ud M. Caes. v. 25 (40), F. 
(Ad M. Caes. v. 26(41), M. 
\Ad M. Caes. v. 27 (42), F. 

Ad M. Caes. v. 28 (43), M. 

Ad M. Caes. v. 29 (44), F. 
/Ad M. Caes. v. 30 (45), F. 
Ud M. Caes. v. 31 (46), M. 



















No. oj 

raZ. p. 


I. 104 


,, 106 


„ 78 


„ 170 


„ 172 


., 172 


„ 70 


„ 74 


» 2 


„ 174 


„ 178 


„ 180 


„ 184 


„ 184 


„ 186 


„ 188 


„ 202 


„ 202 


„ 214 (108) 

I. 190 (71-85) 

I. 188 


„ 188 


„ 188 


„ 190 


„ 192 


„ 192 


„ 194 


„ 196 


„ 196 


„ 194 


„ 194 


„ 198 


„ 198 


„ 198 


„ 200 


„ 200 


„ 200 


„ 224 (111) 

„ 224 (112) 

„ 226 (115) 

„ 226 (116) 

„ 210 (102) 

„ 210 (103) 

„ 212 (104) 

„ 212 (105) 

„ 212 (106) 

„ 214 (107) 

„ 208 (101) 

„ 218 (109) 

„ 228 (119) 

„ 230 (120) 



/Ad M. Caes. v. 32 (47), M. ... 
Ud M. Caes v. 33 (48), F. ... 
/Ad M. Caes. v. 34 (49), F. ... 
\Ad M. Caes. v. 35 (50) M. ... 

Ad M. Caes. v. 36 (51), M. ... 

Ad M. Caes. v. 37 (52), F. ... 
(Ad M. Caes. v. 38 (53), F. ... 
Ud. M. Caes v. 39 (54) M. ... 
/Ad M. Caes. v. 40 (55), F. ... 
Ud. M. Caes. v. 41 (56), M. ... 
jAd. M. Caes. v. 42 (57), F. ... 
Ud. M. Caes. v. 43 (58), M. ... 
/Ad M. Caes. v. 44 (59), F. ... 
Ud M. Caes. v. 45 (60), M. ... 
/Ad M. Caes. v. 46 (61), F. ... 
Ud M. Caes. v. 47 (62), M. ... 
/Ad M. Caes. v. 48 (63), F. ... 
Ud M. Caes. v. 49 (64), M. ... 
/Ad M. Caes. v. 50 (65), F. ... 
Ud M. Caes. v. 51 (66), M. ... 
/Ad M. Caes. v. 52 (67), F. ... 
Ud M. Caes. v. 53 (68), M. ... 
/Ad M. Caes. v. 54 (69), F. ... 
Ud M. Caes. v. 55 (70), M. ... 
/Ad M. Caes. v. 56 (71), F. ... 
Ud. M. Caes. v. 57 (72) M. ... 

Ad M. Caes. v. 58 (73), F. ... 

AdM. Caes. v. 59 (74), M. ... 
/Ad Antoninum Imp. i. 1, M. 
Ud Antoninum Imp. i. 2, F. 
/Ad Antoninum Imp. i. 3, F. 
AAd Antoninum Imp, i. 4, M. 
\ Ad Antoninum Imp. i. 5, F. 

Ad Antoninum Imp. i. 6, M. ") 

Ad Antoninum Imp. i. 7 F. I 

Ad Antoninum Imp. i. 8, M. 

Ad Antoninum Imp. i. 9, F. 

Ad Antoninum Imp. i. 10, M., 
fAd Antoninum Imp. ii. 1, M. 
Ud Antoninum Imp. ii. 2, F. 

Ad Antoninum Imp. ii. 3, F. 

{Ad Antoninum Imp. ii. 4, M. 
Ad Antoninum Imp. ii. 5, F. 

Ad Antoninum Imp. ii. 6, F. 
/Ad Antoninum Imp. ii. 7, M. 
{Ad Antoninum Imp. ii. 8, F. 
Ud Antoninum Imp. ii. 9, F. 

Ad Antoninum Imp. ii. 10, F. 

Ad Antoninum Imp. ii. 11, M. 

Ad Verum (?) Imp. i. 1, F. ... 

Ad Verum Imp. i. 2, V. 


fjoeb. No. of 


vol. p. Letter 


.. I. 230 (126) 


.. „ 232 (122) 


.. „ 232 (123) 


.. „ 234 (124) 


.. „ 234 (125) 


.. „ 238 (127) 


.. „ 240 (128) 


.. „ 240 (129) 


.. „ 240 (130) 


.. „ 242 (131) 


.. „ 244 (132) 


... „ 244 (133) 


.. „ 246 (134) 


... „ 246 (135) 


.. „ 248 (136) 


.. „ 248 (137) 


.. „ 248 (138) 


... „ 248 (139) 


... „ 224 (113) 


... „ 226 (114) 


... „ 250 (140) 


... „ 250 (141) 


... „ 252 (142.) 


... „ 252 (143) 

. 92 

252 (144) 

, 92 

252 (145) 

. 92 

... „ 186 (64) 

, 92 

... „ 52 (14) 

, 94 

... II. 30 (173) 

. 94 

32 (174) 

. 101 

... „ 118 (191) 

. 101 

120 (192) 

. 102 

... „ 122 (193) 

( (194) 

93 (Index) 

126 (195) 

■J 128 (196) 


I (198) 

. 104 

... I. 300 (161) 

. 105 

... „ 302 (162) 

. 106 

... n. 128 (199) 

. 106 

156 (202) 

, 107 

... „ 156 (203) 

. 107 

"•"• lo8 H219n) 

. Ill 

... n. 218 (217) 

. Ill 

... „ 220 (219) 

. 112 

... „ 218 (218) 

. 112 

... n 219n (218) 

. 112 

... „ 219n (218) 

. 113 

... H. 46 (175) 

. 115 

... I. 304 (163) 

3 6 9 


. 116 
. 117 
. 118 
. 119 
. 129 
. 131 
. 132 
. 132 
. 133 
. 133 
. 136 
. 137 
. 138 

/Ad Verum Imp. I. 3, V. 

(Ad Verum Imp. i. 4i F. 

Ad Verum Imp. i. 5, ? 

Ad Verum Imp. it. 1, F. 
Ad Verum imp. ii. 2, V. 
Ad Verum Imp. ii. 3, V. 

/Ad Verum Imp. ii. 4, F. 

(Ad Verum Imp. ii. 5, V. 
Ad Verum Imp. ii. 6, F. 
Ad Verum Imp. ii. 7. F. 
Ad Verum Imp. ii. 8, F. 

/Ad Verum Imp. ii. 9, F. 

(Ad Verum Imp ii. 10, V. . 
Ad Anton. De Eloquentia, 1, F. ... 139 

Ad Anton. De. Eloqu. 2, F 148 

Ad Anton. De Eloqu. 3, F 149 

Ad Anton. De Eloq-i. 4, F 153 

Ad Anton. De Orationibus, F. ... 155 

/Ad Pium, 1, F 163 

\Ad Pium, 2, P 163 

Ad Pium, 3, F 164 

Ad Pium, 4 (really ad Marcum) ... 167 

/Ad Pium, 5, F 167 

\Ad Pium. 6, P 167 

Ad Pium, 7 (really ad Garium\ 1fta 
Maximum) F. / 1W 

Ad Pium, 8, F 169 

Ad Pium, 9, F 170 

Ad Amicos, i. 1, F 172 

Ad Amicos, i. 2, F. (Greek) 173 

Ad Amicos, i. 3, F 175 

Ad Amicos, i. 4, F 176 

Ad Amicos, i. 5, F 177 

Ad Amicos, i. 6, F 178 

Ad Amicos, i. 7, F 179 

Ad Amicos, i. 8, F 179 

Ad Amicos, i. 9, F 180 

Ad Amicos, i. 10, F 180 

Ad Amicos, i. 11, F 181 

Ad Amicos, i. 12, F 181 

Ad Amicos, i. 13, F 182 

Ad Amicos, i. 14, F 183 

Ad Amicos, i. 15, F 184 

Ad Amicos, i. 16, F 185 

Ad Amicos, i. 17, F 185 

Ad Amicos, i. 18, F 185 

Ad Amicos. i. 19, F 187 

Ad Amicos, i. 20, F 187 

Ad Amicos. i. 21, 22, 23, F. (Index) 172 

Ad Amicos, i. 24, F 188 

Ad Amicos, i. 25, F 188 

Ad Amicos ii. 1, F 190 

Ad Amicos ii. 2, F 190 

Loeb. No. of 

vol. p. Letter 

.. I. 294 (159) 

.. „ 296 (160) 

.. ., 306 (164) 

.. II. 128 (200) 

.. „ 116 (190) 

.. „ 194 (214) 

.. „ 236 (224) 

.. „ 236 (225) 

.. „ 84 (180) 

.. „ 150 (201) 

.. „ 238 (226) 

.. „ 232 (222) 

.. „ 234 (223) 

.. „ 52 (176) 

.. „ 70 (177) 

.. „ 72 (178) 

.. „ 80 (179) 

.. „ 100 (189) 

.. I. 126 (38) 

.. ,,126 (39) 

.. „ 254 (146) 

.. „ 260 (148) 

.. „ 226 (117) 

... „ 228 (118) 

... „ 258 (147) 

.. „ 236 (126) 

.. „ 262 (149) 

,.. „ 282 (154) 

... „ 286 (155) 

... „ 278 (152) 

.. „ 288 (156) 

.. „ 290 (157) 

... II. 190 (212) 

.. „ 168 (205) 

.. „ 190 (211) 

... „ 240 (227) 

,.. „ 242 (228) 

,.. „ 86 (181) 

170 (205) 

... „ 174 (207) 

... „ 98 (188) 

... „ 88 (182) 

... „ 90 (183) 

,.. „ 00 (184) 

... „ 92 (185) 

,.. „ 192 (213) 

... „ 242 (229) 

II. 244n (232-4) 

... n. 244 (230) 

... „ 244 (231) 

... I. 306 (165) 

... „ 308 (166) 




Loeb. No. of 


vol. p. Letter 

Ad Amicos ii. 8, F 

... 191 

... I. 308 (167) 

Ad Amicos ii. 4, F 

... 191 

... „ 282 (153) 

Ad Amicos ii. 5, F. = ad Pium 7 

... 168 

... „ 258 (147) 

Ad Amicos, ii. 6, F 

.... 191 

... II. 174 (208) 

Ad Amicos, ii. 7, F 

... 192 

... „ 176 (209) 

Ad Amicos, ii. 8, F 

... 199 

... „ 188 (210) 

Ad Amicos, ii. 9, F. (Index only) 189 

II. 190n (210f) 

Ad Amicos, ii. 10, F. (Index on 

ly) 189 

...I. 292n (158f) 

Ad Amicos, ii. 11, F 

... 200 

... I. 292 (158) 

Principia Historiae (letter 
Marcum) F. 

ad | 202 

... H. 196 (215) 

Principia Historiae (letter 
Marcum) F. 

ad }202 

... ,,(198) (216) 

Laudes Fumi et Pulve s, F. 

... 211 

... I. 38 (9) 

Laudes Neglegentiae, F 

... 214 

44 (10) 

De Bello Parthico, F 

... 217 

... „ 20 (172) 

IDe Feriis Alsiensibus, 1, M. ... 
IDe Feriis Alsiensibus, 2, F. ... 

... 223 

... II. 2 (168) 

... 223 

... „ 2 (169) 

IDe Feriis Alsiensibus, 3, F. ... 

... 224 

... „ 4 (170) 

IDe Feriis Alsiensibus, 4, M. ... 

... 230 

... „ 18 (171) 

/De Nepote Amiss, 1, M. 

... 231 

220 (220) 

(De Nepote Amiss, 2, F. 

... 232 

... „ 222 (221) 

Arion, F 

... 237 

... I. 54 (15) 

Epistulae Graecae, 1, F. 

... 239 

... „ 130 (41) 

Epistulae Graecae, 2, F. 

... 242 

146 (47) 

Epistulae Graecae, 3, F. 

... 243 

... „ 168 (55) 

/Epistulae Graecae, 4, Appian 

... 244 

264 (150) 

(Epistulae Graecae, 5, F. 

... 246 

268 (151) 

Epist. Graecae (Latin), 6, M. 

... 252 

... „ 18 (4) 

Epist. Graecae (Latin), 7, M. 

... 253 

... „ 30 (6) 

Epist. Graecae, 8, F 

... 255 

20 (5) 

Pro Carthaginieusibus, F. ... 

... 260 

... II. 280 — 




Latin Authors 

Ammianus Marcellinus. Translated by J. C. Rolfe. 3 Vols. 
Apuleius: The Golden Ass (Metamorphoses). \V. Adling- 

ton (1566). Revised by S. Gaselee. 
St. Augustine: City of God. 7 Vols. Vol. I. G. E. 

McCracken. Vols. II and VII. W. M. Green. Vol. III. 

D. Wiesen. Vol. IV. P. Levine. Vol. V. E. M. Sanford 

and \V. M. Green. V T ol. VI. W. C. Greene. 
St. Augustine, Confessions of. \V. Watts (1631). 2 Vols. 
St. Augustine, Select Letters. J. H. Baxter. 
Ausonius. H. G. Evelyn White. 2 Vols. 
Bede. J. E. King. 2 Vols. 
Boethius: Tracts and De Consolatione Philosophiae. 

Rev. H. F. Stewart and E. K. Rand. Revised by S. J. Tester. 
Caesar: Alexandrian, African and Spanish Wars. A. G. 

Caesar: Civil Wars. A. G. Peskett. 
Caesar: Gallic War. H. J. Edwards. 
Cato: De Re Rustica. Varro: De Re Rustica. H. B. Ash 

and W. D. Hooper. 
Catullus. F. W. Cornish. Tibullus. J. B. Postgate. 

Pervigilium Veneris. J. \V. Mackail. 
Celsus: De Medicina. W. G. Spencer. 3 Vols. 
Cicero : Brutus and Orator. G. L. Hendrickson and H. M. 

[Cicero]: Ad Herennium. H. Caplan. 
Cicero : De Oratore, etc. 2 Vols. Vol. I. De Oratore, 

Books I and II. E. W. Sutton and H. Rackham. Vol. II. 

De Oratore, Book III. De Fato; Paradox a Stoicorum; 

De Partitione Oratoria. H. Rackham. 
Cicero : De Finibus. H. Rackham. 
Cicero : De Inventione, etc. H. M. Hubbell. 
Cicero: De Natura Deorum and Academica. H. Rackham. 
Cicero : De Officiis. Walter Miller. 

Cicero : De Republica and De Legibus. Clinton \V. Keyes. 


Cicero: De Senectute, De Amicitia, De Divinatione. 

W. A. Falconer. 
Ciceko: In Catilinam, Pro Flacco, Pro Murena, Pro Sulla. 

New version by C. Macdonald. 
Cicero: Letters to Atticus. E. O. Winstedt. 3 Vols. 
Cicero: Letters to His Friends. \Y. Glynn Williams, 

M. Cary, M. Henderson. 4 Vols. 
Cicero: Philippics. \V. C. A. Ker. 
Cicero: Pro Archia, Post Reditum, De Domo, De Harus- 

picum Responsis, Pro Plancio. N. H. Watts. 
Cicero: Pro Caecina, Pro Lege Manilia, Pro Cluentio, 

Pro Rabirio. H. Grose Hodge. 
Cicero : Pro Caelio, De Provinciis Consularibus, Pro 

Balbo. R. Gardner. 
Cicero: Pro Milone, In Pisonem, Pro Scauro, Pro Fonteio, 

Pro Rabirio Postumo, Pro Marcello, Pro Lioario, Pro 

Reoe Deiotaro. N. H. Watts. 
Cicero: Pro Quinctio, Pro Roscio Amerino, Pro Roscio 

Comoedo, Contra Rullum. J. H. Freese. 
Cicero: Pro Sestio, In Vatinium. R. Gardner. 
Cicero: Tusculan Disputations. J. E. King. 
Cicero: Verrine Orations. L. H. G. Greenwood. 2 Vols. 
Claudian. M. Platnauer. 2 Vols. 
Columella: De Re Rustica. De Arboribus. H. B. Ash, 

E. S. Forster and E. Heffner. 3 Vols. 
Curtius, Q.: History of Alexander. J. C. Rolfe. 2 Vols. 
Florus. E. S. Forster. 
Frontinus: Stratagems and Aqueducts. C. E. Bennett and 

M. B. McElwain. 
Fronto: Correspondence. C. R. Haines. 2 Vols. 
Gellius. J. C. Rolfe. 3 Vols. 
Horace: Odes and Epodes. C. E. Bennett. 
Horace: Satires, Epistles, Ars Poetica. H. R. Fairclough. 
Jerome: Selected Letters. F. A. Wright. 
Juvenal and Persius. G. G. Ramsay. 
Livy. B. O. Foster, F. G. Moore, Evan T. Sage, and A. C. 

Schlesinger and R. M. Geer (General Index). 14 Vols. 
Lucan. J. D. Duff. 

Lucretius. \V. H. D. Rouse. Revised by M. F. Smith. 
Manilius. G. P. Goold. 

Martial. W.C.A.Ker. 2 Vols. Revised by E.H. Warmington. 
Minor Latin poets: from Publilius Syrus to Rutilius 

Namatianus, including Grattius, Calpurnius Siculus, 

Nemesianus, Avianus and others, with " Aetna " and the 

" Phoenix." J. Wight Duff and Arnold M. Duff. 2 /ols. 
Minucius Felix. Cf. Tertullian. 

Nepos Cornelius. J. C. Rolfe. 

Ovid: The Art of Love and Other Poems. J. H. Mosley. 

Revised by G. P. Goold. 
Ovid: Fasti. Sir James G. Frazer 
Ovid: 1»eroides and Amores. Grant Showerman. Revised 

by G. P. Goold 
Ovid: Metamorphoses. F. J. Miller. 2 Vols. Revised by G. P. 

Ovid: Tristia and Ex Ponto. A. L. Wheeler. Revised by G. P. 

Persius. Cf. Juvenal. 
Pervigilium Veneris. Cf. Catullus. 
Petronius. M. Heseltine. Seneca: Apocolocyntosis. 

\V. H. D. Rouse. Revised by E. H. Warmington. 
Phaedrus and Babrius (Greek). B. E. Perry. 
Plautus. Paul Nixon. 5 Vols. 

Pliny: Letters, Paneoyricus. Betty Radice. 2 Vols. 
Pliny: Natural History. 10 Vols. Vols. I-V and IX. H. 

Rackham. VI.-VIII. W. H. S. Jones. X. D. E. Eichholz. 
Propertius. H. E. Butler. 
Prudentius. H. J. Thomson. 2 Vols. 
Quintilian. H. E. Butler. 4 Vols. 
Remains of Old Latin. E. H. Warmington. 4 Vols. Vol. I. 

(Ennius and Caecilius) Vol. II. (Livius, Naevius 

Pacuvius, Accius) Vol. III. (Lucilius and Laws of XII 

Tables) Vol. IV. (Archaic Inscriptions) 
Res Gestae Divi Augusti. Cf. Velleius Paterculus. 
Sallust. J. C. Rolfe. 

Scriptores Historiae Auoustae. D. Magie. 3 Vols. 
Seneca, The Elder: Controversiae, Suasoriae. M. 

Winterbottom. 2 Vols. 
Seneca: Apocolocyntosis. Cf. Petronius. 
Seneca: Epistulae Morales. R. M. Gummere. 3 Vols. 
Seneca: Moral Essays. J. W. Basore. 3 Vols. 
Seneca: Tragedies. F. J. Miller. 2 Vols. 
Seneca: Naturales Quaestiones. T. H. Corcoran. 2 Vols. 
Sidonius: Poems and Letters. W. B. Anderson. 2 Vols. 
Silius Italicus. J. D. Duff. 2 Vols. 
Statius. J. H. Mozley. 2 Vols. 
Suetonius. J. C. Rolfe. 2 Vols. 
Tacitus: Dialogus. Sir \Vm. Peterson. Aoricola and 

Germania. Maurice Hutton. Revised by M. W'interbof torn, 

R. M. Ogilvie, E. H. Warmington. 
Tacitus : Histories and Annals. C. H. Moore and J. Jackson. 

4 Vols. 


Terence. John Sargeaunt. 2 Vols. 

Tertullian: Apologia and De Spectaculis. T. K. Clover. 

Minucius Felix. G. H. Kendall. 
Tibullus. Cf. Catullus. 
Valerius Flaccus. J. H. Mozley. 
Varro: De Linoua Latina. R. G. Kent. 2 Vole. 
V'elleius Paterculu9 and Res Gestae Divi Augusti. F. VV. 

Virgil. H. R. Fairclough. 2 Vols. 
Vitruvius: De Architectura. F. Granger. 2 Vols. 

Greek Authors 

Achilles Tatius. S. Gaselee. 

Aelian: On the Nature of Animals. A. F. Scholfield. 3 

Aeneas Tacticus. Asclepiodotus and Onasander. The 

Illinois Greek Club. 
Aeschines. C. D. Adams. 
Aeschylus. H. Weir Smyth. 2 Vols. 
Alciphron, Aelian, Philostratus : Letters. A. R. Benner 

and F. H. Fobes. 
Andocides, Antiphon. Cf. Minor Attic Orators. 
Apollodorus. Sir James G. Frazer. 2 Vols. 
Apollonius Rhodius. R. C. Seaton. 
Apostolic Fathers. Kirsopp Lake. 2 Vols. 
Appian: Roman History. Horace White. 4 Vols. 
Aratus. Cf. Callimachus. 
Aristides: Orations. C. A. Behr. V T ol. I. 
Aristophanes. Benjamin Bickley Rogers. 3 Vols. Verse 

Aristotle: Art of Rhetoric. J. H. Freese. 
Aristotle: Athenian Constitution, Eudemian Ethics, 

Vices and Virtues. H. Rackham. 
Aristotle: Generation of Animals. A. L. Peck. 
Aristotle: Historia Animalium. A. L. Peck. Vols. I.-II. 
Aristotle: Metaphysics. H. Tredennick. 2 Vols. 
Aristotle: Meteorolooica. H. D. P. Lee. 
Aristotle: Minor Works. W*. S. Hett. On Colours, On 

Things Heard, On Physiognomies, On Plants, On Marvellous 

Things Heard, Mechanical Problems, On Indivisible Lines, 

On Situations and Names of W inds, On Mehssus, Xenophanes, 

and Gorgias. 
Aristotle: Nicomachean Ethics. H. Rackham. 

Aristotle: Oeconomica and Magna Moralia. G. C. Arm- 
strong (with Metaphysics, Vol. II). 
Aristotle: On the Heavens. VY. K. C. Guthrie. 
Aristotle: On the Soul, Parva Natcralt.a, On Breath. 

W. S. Hett. 
Aristotle: Categories, On Interpretation, Prior 

Analytics. H. P. Cooke and H. Tredennick. 
Aristotle: Posterior Analytics, Topics. H. Tredennick 

and E. S. Forster. 
Aristotle: On Sophistical Refutations. 

On Coming to be and Passing Away, On the Cosmos. E. S. 

Forster and D. J. Furley. 
Aristotle: Parts of Animals. A. L. Peck; Motion and 

Progression of Animals. E. S. Forster. 
Aristotle: Physics. Rev. P. Wicksteed and F. M. Cornford. 

2 Vols. 
Aristotle: Poetics and Longinus. VY. Hamilton Fyfe; 

Demetrius on Style. VY. Rhys Roberts. 
Aristotle: Politics. H. Rackham. 
Aristotle: Problems. \V. S. Hett. 2 Vols. 
Aristotle: Rhetorica An Alexandrum (with Problems. 

Vol. II). H. Rackham. 
Arrian: History of Alexander and Indica. Rev. E. Iliffe 

Robson. 2 Vols. New version P. Brunt. 
Athenaeus: Deipnosophistae. C. B. Gulick. 7 Vols. 
Babrius and Phaedrus (Latin). B. E. Perry. 
St. Basil: Letters. R. J. Deferrari. 4 Vols. 
Callimachus: Fragments. C. A.Trypanis. Musaeus: Hero 

and Leander. T. Gelzer and C. Whitman. 
Callimachus, Hymns and Epigrams, and Lycophron. A. \V. 

Mair; Aratus. G. R. Mair. 
Clement of Alexandria. Rev. G. W. Butterworth. 


Daphnis and Chloe. Thornley's Translation revised by 
J. M. Edmonds: and Parthenius. S. Gaselee. 

Demosthenes I.: Olynthiacs, Philippics and Minor Ora- 
tions I.-XVII. and XX. J. H. Vince. 

Demosthenes II.: De Corona and De Falsa Leoatione. 
C. A. Vince and J. H. Vince. 

Demosthenes III.: Meidias, Androtion, Aristocrates, 
Timocrates and Aristogeiton I. and II. J. H. Vince. 

Demosthenes IV .-VI: Private Orations and In Neaeram. 
A. T. Murray. 

Demosthenes VII: Funeral Speech, Erotic Essay, Exordia 
and Letters. N. W. and N.J. DeVVitt. 

DioCassius: Roman History. E. Cary. 9 Vols. 

Dio Chrysostom. J. W. Cohoon and H. Lamar Crosby. 5 

Diodorus Siculus. 12 Vols. Vols. I.-VI. C. H. Oldfather. 

Vol. VII. C. L. Sherman. Vol. VIII. C. B. Welles. Vols. 

IX. and X. R. M. Geer. Vol. XI. F. Walton. Vol. XII. 

F. Walton. General Index. R. M. Geer. 
Diooenes Laertius. R. D. Hicks. 2 Vols. New Introduc- 
tion by H. S. Long. 
Dionysius of Halicarnassus: Roman Antiquities. Spel- 

man's translation revised by E. Cary. 7 Vols. 
Dionysiu9 of Halicarnassus: Critical Essays. S. Usher. 

2 Vols. 
Epictetu9. W. A. Oldfather. 2 Vols. 
Euripides. A. S. Way. 4 Vols. Verse trans. 
Eusebius: Ecclesiastical History. Kirsopp Lake and 

J. E. L. Oulton. 2 Vols. 
Galen: On the Natural Faculties. A, J. Brock. 
Greek Anthology. W. R. Paton. 5 Vols. 
Greek Bucolic Poets (Theocritus, Bion, Moschus). J. M. 

Greek Eleoy and Iambus with the Anacreontea. J. M. 

Edmonds. 2 Vols. 
Greek Lyric. D. A. Campbell. 4 Vols. Vols. I and II. 
Greek Mathematical Works. Ivor Thomas. 2 Vols. 
Herodes. Cf. Theophrastus : Characters. 
Herodian. C. R. Whittaker. 2 Vols. 
Herodotus. A. D. Godley. 4 Vols. 

Hesiod and The Homeric Hymns. H. G. Evelyn White. 
Hippocrates and the Fragments of Heracleitus. W. H. S. 

Jones and E. T. Withington. 5 Vols. Vols. I.— IV. 
Homer: Iliad. A. T. Murray. 2 Vols. 
Homer: Odyssey. A. T. Murray. 2 Vols. 
Isaeus. E. W. Forster. 

Isocrates. George Norlin and LaRue Van Hook. 3 Vols. 
[St. John Damascene]: Barlaam and Ioasaph. Rev. G. R. 

Woodward, Harold Mattingly and D. M. Lang. 
Josephus. 10 Vols. Vols. I. -IV. H. Thackeray. Vol. V. 

H. Thackeray and R. Marcus. Vols. VI. -VII. R. Marcus. 

Vol. VIII. R. Marcus and Allen Wikgren. Vols. IX.-X. 

L. H. Feldman. 
Julian. Wilmer Cave Wright. 3 Vols. 
Libanius. A. F. Norman. 3 Vols. Vols. I. -II. 
Lucian. 8 Vols. Vols. I.-V. A. M. Harmon. Vol. VI. K. 

Kilburn. Vols. VII.-VIII. M. D. Macleod. 
Lycophron. Cf. Callimachus. 

Lyra Graeca, III J. M. Edmonds. (Vols. I, and II. have been 

replaced by Greek Lyric I. and II. 
Lysias. VV. R. M. Lamb. 
Manetho. VV. G. Waddell. 
Marcus Aurelius. C. R. Haines. 
Menander. \V. G. Arnott. 3 Vols. Vol. I. 
Minor Attic Orators (Antiphon, Andocides, Lvcvrgus, 

Demades, Dinarchus, Hyperides). K. J. Maidment and 

J. O. Burtt. 2 Vols. 
Musaeus: Hero and Leander. Cf. Callimachus. 
Nonnos: Dionysiaca. VV. H. D. Rouse. 3 Vols. 
Oppian, Colluthus, Tryphiodorus. A. VV. Mair. 
Papyri. Non-Literary Selections. A. S. Hunt and C. C. 

Edgar. 2 Vols. Literary Selections (Poetry). D. L. 

Parthenius. Cf. Daphnis and Chloe. 
Pausanias: Description of Greece. \V. H. S. Jones. 4 

Vols, and Companion Vol. arranged by R. E. Wycherley. 
Philo. 10 Vols. Vols. I.-V. F. H. Colson and Rev. G. H. 

Whitaker. Vols. VI.-1X. F. H. Colson. Vol. X. F. H. 

Colson and the Rev. J. VV. Earp. 
Philo : two supplementary Vols. (Translation only.) Ralph 

Philostratus : The Life of Apollonils of Tyana. F. C. 

Conybeare. 2 Vols. 
Philostratus: Imagines; Callistratus: Descriptions. A. 

Philostratus and Eunapius : Lives of the Sophists. Wilmer 

Cave Wright. 
Pindar. Sir J. E. Sandys. 
Plato: Charmides, Alcibiades, Hipparchus, The Lovers, 

Theaoes, Minos and Epinomis. VV. R. M. Lamb. 
Plato: Cratylus, Parmenides, Greater Hippias, Lesser 

Hippias. H. N. Fowler. 
Plato: Euthyphro, Apology, Crito, Phaedo, Phaedrus, 

H. N. Fowler. 
Plato: Laches, Protagoras, Meno, Euthydemus. VV. R. M. 

Plato: Laws. Rev. R. G. Bury. 2 Vols. 
Plato: Lysis, Symposium, Gorgias. VV. R. M. Lamb. 
Plato: Republic. Paul Shorey. 2 Vols. 
Plato: Statesman, Philebus. H.N. Fowler; Ion. VV. R. M. 

Plato: Theaetetus and Sophist. H. N. Fowler. 
Plato: Timaeus, Critias, Clitopho, Menexenus, Epistulae. 

Rev. R. G. Bury. 


Plotinus: A. H. Armstrong. 7 Vols. 

Plutarch: Moralia. 16 Vols. Vols I.-V. F. C. Babbitt. 
Vol. VI. VV. C. Helmbold. Vols. VII. and XIV. P. H. De 
Lacy and B. Einarson. Vol. VIII. P. A. Clement and H. B. 
Hoffleit. Vol. IX. E. L. Minar, Jr., F. H. Sandbach. W. C. 
Helmbold. Vol. X. H. N. Fowler. Vol. XI. L. Pearson 
and F. H. Sandbach. Vol. XII. H. Cherniss and \V. C. 
Helmbold. Vol. XIII 1-2. H. Cherniss. Vol. XV. F. H. 

Plutarch: The Parallel Lives. B. Perrin. 11 Vols. 

Polybius. \V. R. Paton. 6 Vols. 

Procopius. H. B. Dewing. 7 Vols. 

Ptolemy: Tetrabiblos. F. E. Bobbins. 

Qlintus Smyrnaeus. A. S. Way. Verse trans. 

Sextus Empiricus. Rev. R. G. Bury. 4 Vols. 

Sophocles. F. Storr. 2 Vols. Verse trans. 

Strabo: Geography. Horace L. Jones. 8 Vols. 

Theocritus. Cf. Greek Bucolic Poets. 

Theophrastus: Characters. J. M. Edmonds. Herodes, 
etc. A. D. Knox. 

Theophrastus: Enquiry into Plants. Sir Arthur Hort, 
Bart. 2 Vols. 

Theophrastus: De Causis Plantarum. G. K. K. Link and 
B. Einarson. 3 Vols. Vol. I. 

Thucydides. C. F. Smith. 4 Vols. 

Tryphiodorus. Cf. Oppian. 

Xenophon: Cyropaedia. Walter Miller. 2 Vols. 

Xenophon: Hellencia. C. L. Brownson. 2 Vols. 

Xenophon: Anabasis. C. L. Brownson. 

Xenophon: Memorabilia and Oeconomicus. E. C. Marchant. 
Symposium and Apology. O. J. Todd. 

Xenophon: Scripta Minora. E. C. Marchant. Constitu- 
tion of the Athenians. G. W. Bowersock.