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THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 

THEIR ORIGIN AND EARLY HISTORY 



THE CROALL LECTURES FOR 1911-12 



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MACMILLAN AND CO.. Limited 

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BfBLBOUKNE 

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THE NEW TESTAMENT 
DOCUMENTS 

THEIR ORIGIN AND EARLY HISTORY 



BY 

GEORGE MILLIGAN, D.D. 

FROrESSOR OP On-tNITV AND BIBUCAL CBITICISM IN THK ONIVKRSITV Or GLASGOW 



Ixopnf 8i 'nr Siivaupir roCrop ir drrpeuctrMi enitaur 



WITH TWELVE FACSIMILES 



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ST. MARTIN'S STREET, LONDON 



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PREFACE 

The following Lectures were delivered in Edinburgh 
on the Croall Foundation in the end of the year 
191 1. And the time that has since elapsed has 
given me the opportunity of revising them carefully, 
and of adding a number of notes, which may prove 
useful to those who desire to carry the study further. 
In attempting to cover so wide a field in the 
course of six lectures, I have naturally been obliged 
to indicate, rather than to discuss, many of the 
problems that emerge, while not a few points to 
which I would gladly have drawn attention have 
been omitted altogether. I trust, however, that 
enough has been said to show how fascinating are 
the questions suggested by the making of our New 
Testament, and, above all, how impossible it is 
fully to understand the varied documents of which 
it is composed, unless they are studied in con- 
nexion with their origin and early history. The 
very outward form of the autographs, on which 
recent discoveries have thrown so much welcome 
light, has its value from this point of view. And 
the story of the gradual process, by which writings 
in themselves so occasional and fragmentary were 



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viii PREFACE 

at length brought together in one sacred volume, so 
far from obscuring, tends rather to emphasize the 
Divine power that has been operative in them all 
along. 

It remains only to record my grateful thanks 
to the Croall Trustees for the honour they did me 
in appointing me to the Lectureship, and to the 
many friends who have assisted me with valuable 
suggestions in the discharge of its duties. Nor can 
I forget the officials and readers of the Glasgow 
University Press, whose constant courtesy and care 
have materially lightened the work of revision. 

G. M. 

The University, 
Glasgow, /anuary 17, 1913. 



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CONTENTS 

LECTURE I 
THE ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPTS OF THE NEW TESTAMENT 

PACE 

Introductory 3 

I. The rise of Christian writings 4 

Disappearance of the New Testament autographs - 6 

II. Outward form of the original manuscripts - - - 7 

1. The material on which they were written - - 8 

2. History and manufacture of papyrus . - - g 

3. Other writing materials 16 

4. Sealing and addressing of rolls - - - - 17 

5. Preservation of rolls 20 

III. The manner in which the books of the New Testament 

were written 

1. Dictation 21 

Autographic conclusions 24 

Character of the handwriting - - • - 25 

The amount of liberty left to the scribes - - 26 

2. General results from the use of dictation 

(i) Vividness of language 27 

(2) Quotations embodied from correspondents' 

letters 27 

(3) Differences of style 30 

IV. Delivery of the New Testament writings - - - 30 

Use of private messengers 31 

The permanent value of the New Testament writings - 32 



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X CONTENTS 

LECTURE II 
THE LANGUAGE OF THE NEW TESTAMENT WRITINGS 

PAGE 

I. The linguistic conditions of Palestine - - - - 35 

Wide-spread use of Aramaic 36 

Use of Greek by the New Testament writers - ■ 37 

Reasons for their preference for Greek ■ - - 39 

II. The character of New Testament Greek 

1. Use of the common Greek of the day - - - 43 

New light on this Greek 44 

General uniformity of the Kotv^ ... - 48 

2. Influences affecting the Greek of the New Testament 

(i) Hebraisms 50 

(2) Certain literary tendencies - - - - 55 

(3) The transforming power of Christianity - - 58 

III. Recent Gains to our knowledge of the Greek New Testa- 
ment 

1. Direct additions to our New Testament texts- - 60 

2. Indirect gains as affecting 

(i) Orthography and Accidence - - - - 62 
Morphology 63 

(2) Syntax 

Examples of laxer usage in the case of pre- 
positions 65 

and in the construction of Iva - - - 67 
Grammatical niceties in the New Testament 

Tense construction 68 

Case construction 68 

(3) Vocabulary 

{a) Reduction in the number of * Biblical' 

words 70 

{b) Confirmation of traditional meanings ■ 72 

{c) Choice of meanings 74 

{d) Suggestion of new meanings - - - 75 
{e) Fresh life and reality imparted to familiar 

phraseology yj 

The ultimate aim of New Testament study - - - 80 



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CONTENTS 



XI 



LECTURE 111 

THE LITERARY CHARACTER OF THE NEW TESTAMENT 
WRITINGS—THE EPISTLES AND THE APOCALYPSE 

PAGB 

The earliest books of the New Testament were epistles - 83 

I. The Pauline Epistles 

Their authenticity 84 

1. The epistolary form 

Antiquity of letters 85 

Classical collections of letters - - - - 86 

Letters in the Old Testament and the Apocrypha 86 

2. The adoption of the epistolary form by St. Paul - 87 

(i) The personal side of the PauHne Epistles 

illustrated from contemporary papyrus letters 88 

(2) The literary side of the Pauline Epistles - 94 

3. The style of the Pauline Epistles - - - - 95 

4. Some general points regarding the Pauline Epistles 

(1) Their speech character 103 

(2) Their artistic and rhetorical structure - - 104 

(3) Their relation to Jewish literature - - - 104 

II. The other Epistles of the New Testament - - - 107 

Their general and yet personal character - - - 108 

The Epistle to the Hebrews 109 

The Epistle of St. James 1 1 1 

The First Epistle of St. Peter 112 

The pseudonymous character of 2 Peter - - - 113 

The Johannine Epistles 115 

III. The Apocalypse 117 

Its Hebraic and its Hellenic sides - - - - 118 

Its barbarous Greek 119 

Its structure 121 

Bearing of language and date on the question of 

authorship 123 

The religious significance of the Apocalypse - - 126 



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xii CONTENTS 

LECTURE IV 

THE LITERARY CHARACTER OF THE NEW TESTAMENT 
WRITINGS— THE GOSPELS AND ACTS 

PAGB 

Oral teaching 129 

The earliest Christian records - - - - - 130 

The * Gospel' name and form 130 

I. The Synoptic Gospels 

(i) The character and complexity of the Synoptic 

Problem 132 

The Two-Document Hypothesis- - - - 133 

The Original Mark 134 

Reconstruction of Q 136 

Special Lucan Source 138 

(2) The literary evolution of the Synoptic Gospels - 139 

(3) The conditions under which the Evangelists wrote 141 

General aim of the Evangelists - - - - 142 

(4) Characteristics of the individual Gospels 

(a) St. Mark 143 

(b) St Matthew 146 

{c) St. Luke 149 

General unity of the Synoptists 152 

II. The Fourth Gospel 153 

Language and style 154 

(i) Its relation to the Synoptic Gospels - - - i55 

(2) Its unity 157 

(3) Its authorship 158 

III. The Acts of the Apostles 

Relation to the Third Gospel 161 

The sources of Acts 162 

The writer's literary skill and historical accuracy - 165 

The double-texts of Acts 166 

General conclusion 167 



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CONTENTS xiii 

LECTURE V 

THE CIRCULATION OF THE NEW TESTAMENT 
WRITINGS 

PACB 

Summary of previous lectures 171 

The dates of the New Testament autographs - - - 172 

I. The circulation of the New Testament writings in roll- 
forfn 

1. The multiplication of copies due to practical needs 173 

and the facilities for intercoiu-se amongst the first 
Christian communities i75 

2. The danger of textual corruption arising from 

(i) the material on which the autographs were 

written 176 

(2) the employment of non-professional scribes - 177 

(3) the literary ideas of the time - - - - 178 

3. Bearing of the roll-form on questions of structure 

connected with 

(1) the Epistle to the Hebrews - - - - 181 

<2) the end of St. Mark's Gospel - - - - 182 

(3) the closing chapters of Romans - • - 182 

(4) the composition of 2 Corinthians - - - 184 

(5) the arrangement of the Fourth Gospel - 186 

4. Marginal additions 187 

II. Change Jrom the papyrus roll to the papyrus codex 188 

1. Early use of papyrus codices 189 

(1) Fragmentary New Testament texts- - - 189 

(2) The 'Sayings of Jesus' 190 

2. Handwriting of the papyrus codices- - - 190 

*Poor Men's Bibles' 191 

III. Parchment Codices 

1. Manufacture of parchment 191 

2. Use of parchment in connexion with Christian 

literature 192 



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xiv CONTENTS 



PACE 



3. Construction of a parchment codex - - - - 194 

Character of the handwriting - * - - - 195 

4. Suitability of the codex-form for collection of writings 195 

Pocket Bibles 196 

General trustworthiness of the New Testament text - 197 



LECTURE VI 

THE COLLECTION OF THE NEW TESTAMENT 
WRITINGS 

The circulation of the New Testament writings - - - 203 
Light in which these writings were at first regarded - - 204 
Supremacy of the Old Testament 205 

I, Influences leading to the collection of the New Testament 
writings 

1. The existence of the Old Testament Canon - - 206 

The Greek Old Testament 206 

Collections of Testimonia 207 

2. The contents and character of the New Testament 

writings 

The words of Jesus 208 

The Apostolic teaching 209 

3. The use of the new documents in public worship - 210 

The Epistles 211 

The Gospels 212 

Apocryphal books 213 

4. The part they played in controversy - - - 214 

II. History of the Collection and Authorization of the New 
Testament writings 

I. From the time of writing to a.d. 200 

(i) The Corpus Paulinum 215 

Traces of the knowledge of Pauline Epistles 
in Christian literature - - - - 216 

Canon of Marcion 217 



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CONTENTS XV 



PACB 



(2) The Corpus Evangelicum 

Witness of the Didache of Clement of Rome, 

and of others 217 

The Diatessaron 218 

Irenaeus — Clement of Alexandria — Tertullian 2 1 9 

The Muratorian Canon 222 

2. From A.D. 200-400 

Determination of the limits of the New Testament 

collection 222 

Origen — Eusebius 223 

General attitude of the Church illustrated in the 
case of 

the Apocalypse 223 

and the Epistle to the Hebrews - - - 225 

Other Christian writings 226 

III. General remarks 

1. The collection of the New Testament writings was 

a gradual process 226 

2. It was largely informal and unofficial • • - 227 

3. It included, on the whole, all that was best worth 

preserving in early Christian literature - • 228 

4. The unique character of the completed New Testament 229 



APPENDIX OF ADDITIONAL NOTES 

A Some Books for the Study of the Greek Papyri - - 233 

B The Titles and Subscriptions of the New Testament 

writings 237 

C Dictation and Shorthand 241 

D New Testament Texts on Papyrus 248 

E Greek Papyrus Letters 255 

F Dionysius of Alexandria on the Authorship of the 

Apocalypse 262 



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xvi CONTENTS 



PAGB 



G The Oxyrhynchus * Sayings of Jesus » - - - - 266 

H Papias and Irenaeus on the Origin of the Gospels - - 269 

I Alternative Endings of St Mark's Gospel - - - 274 

J The Gospel according to Peter 281 

K The Muratorian Fragment on the Canon - - - 286 

L The Order of the New Testament Writings - - - 292 

M Extracts from Festal Letter XXXIX. of Athanasius, 

A.D. 367 297 

N Recent Literature on the Canon of the New Testament - 301 



INDEXES 

L Subjects 307 

IL Authors 310 

IIL References 

1. Biblical 3U 

2. Ancient Texts and Writings - - - - 318 

IV. Greek Words 321 



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PLATES 



PACK 



I. Papyrus Roll of the First Century, showing part of 

Thucydides iv. 36-41 in non-literary hand - - - 11 

II. Papyrus leaf containing part of St. Matthew i., Third 

Century 61 

III. Papyrus letter, Second Century A. D. - - - - 92 

IV. New * Sayings of Jesus,' Third Century - - - - 131 
V. St. John dictating to Prochorus, Fourteenth Century - 161 

VI. Alternative ending of St. Mark from the Freer 

(Washington) manuscript. Fourth to Fiftfi Century - 182 

VII. Codex Sinaiticus, Fourth Century 195 



VIII. Apocalypse iii. 19-iv. i from a pocket edition, Fourth 

Century 196 

IX.^ 

> The Gospel according to Peter, Second Century - 213 

X.J 

XI. Canon of Muratori, end of Second Century - - - 222 



XII. Waxen Tablet with Tachygraphic Symbols, probably 

Third Century a.D. 245 



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u 



LECTURE I. 

THE ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPTS OF THE 
NEW TESTAMENT. 



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Oi 6€xnr€a'ioi Koi cus aLkT)6o}^ ^cowpcjrcis, <l>i)fil Sk rov X/hotov 
rovs airooToA.oi'S, rhv piov a#c/oa>s K€Kadapfi€Voi Kal dper-g iraxrQ 
Tas \//v\as K€KO(rfi'q/i€voi^ rrjv 8^ yA-currav i8i<aT€V0VT€S , . . rrjs 
rtov ovpavGv ^ao'^Xcias rr^v yvCxriv €iri waxrav Karqyy€Xkov 
T^v oiKovfA€vrfVf airov&rjs rrjs wtpl to X.oyoypa<f>€lv fUKpav 
irotoiJ/avot <^/)oi.Tt'8a. Euskbius. ;y«/. Eccles, iii. 24. 3. 



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I. 

THE ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPTS OF THE 
NEW TESTAMENT. 

*E;(0/A€V 8c Tov Orja-avfybv rovrov iv wrrpaKivois frKevfaLV, 
iva 17 vir€pPo\'q Trjs 8vvdfi€<i>s J) tov Scov kol firj i^ 'qfuov. 

3 Cor. iv. 7. 

Thv iJHkovYiVf ov aircXciiroj' iv T/xpoSi irapa Kaprrtf, 
€px6fi€Pos <l>€p€y Kol Tot PifiXloy fidkurra ras fiefi^pdvas, 

2 Tim. iv. 13. 

The New Testament consists of twenty-seven introductory. 
writings, generally ascribed to ten different authors, 
and in themselves of very varying characters and 
dates. There are four Gospel narratives, a History, 
twenty-one Epistles, and an Apocalypse, while 
their composition must have extended over a period 
of not less than two generations. 

So unique and authoritative is the place which 
these writings now occupy in the Christian Church, 
that it is not easy to realize that the Church had 
already been in existence for a considerable number 
of years before the earliest of them in their present 
form appeared. Our Lord Himself wrote nothing, 
nor did He lay any charge on His disciples to 
write. It was as living witnesses to Him and to 



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4 THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 

His truth that He sent them forth. ^ And they in 
their turn recognized that their primary duty was 
to produce not epistles written with pen and ink, 
but living epistles* — men and women who by their 
lives and conversation should bear witness to an 
unseen but ever-present Lord, until He Himself 
should return and set up His Kingdom in their 
midst. 

Apart indeed from everything else, this anxiously 
expected Parousia of the Lord could not fail to tell 
in the disciples' minds against any thought of pro- 
viding for future wants that might never arise. 
What need to write regarding Jesus when any day 
might see His appearance in glory, or to lay down 
rules for the guidance of His Church on earth, 
when in the new * fulness of the times ' all things, 
both in heaven and on earth, were about to be 
gathered up^ in the Christ ' ? ^ 
I. The rise of L While, however, considerations such as these 
writings. would inevitably tell against the production of a 
definite Christian literature, there is a strong pre- 
sumption that from the very beginning of Christian 
history its principal events would be recorded in 
some form. Evidence is multiplying from many 
quarters as to the widespread habit of writing 
amongst all classes of the population at the time. 
And it is impossible to doubt that the leading facts 
of Christ's life and ministr)% which had so pro- 
foundly stirred the hearts of many, were written 
down and circulated almost as soon as they took 
^ Matt, xxviii. 19 f. ^(^f 2 Cor. iii. 2. ^Eph. i. 10. 



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THE ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPTS 5 

place, even though at first it might be in a very 
fragmentary and rude form. Sir William M. Ramsay 
goes the length of saying that * so far as antecedent 
probability goes, founded on the general character 
of preceding and contemporary Greek or Graeco- 
Asiatic society, the first Christian account of the 
circumstances connected with the death of Jesus 
must be presumed to have been written in the year 
when Jesus died.*^ And as time passed and Chris- 
tian communities arose and spread in different parts 
of the Empire, the necessity of supplying the 
scattered converts with authentic records of their 
new faith could not fail to assert itself in a very 
pressing and practical way. 

St. Paul, for example, on whom was laid as a 
daily burden, * anxiety for all the Churches,* * would 
quickly find that he could only keep in touch with 
the communities he had founded by means of letters 
or epistles. And there can be little doubt that those 
writings of his which have come down to us are 
only part of a large correspondence which he carried 
on in order to confirm and develop the work that 
had been begun in the course of his missionary 
journeys.* The same would be true in varying 
degrees of the other Apostles. 

^ The Letters to the Seven Churches of Asia (London, 1904), 

p. 5f. 

« 2 Cor. xi. 28. 

*Cf. 2 Thess. iii. 17, i Cor. v. 9, 2 Cor. x. 10, Col. iv. 16, and 
*On the probability that many of St. Paul's Epistles have been 
lost,' see Jowett, The Epistles of St. Paul to the ThessalonianSy 



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6 THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 

In some such way as this, then, on practical 
rather than on literary grounds, a number of 
Christian writings gradually came into existence, 
out of which, in time, by a process of selection 
there came to be formed what we are accustomed 
to describe as the New Testament Canon, or, more 
briefly, the New Testament. 

Upon the manner in which this was brought 
about, and the scattered writings, so occasional in 
origin and purpose, were transformed into a single 
and authoritative book, I shall have something to 
say later.^ Meanwhile we are concerned with 
these writings only in their earliest form, long 
before either their writers or recipients had any 
idea of the future in store for them. 
Disappearance Of the Original autographs themselves there is 
Testament indeed no lon8:er any trace. They must all have 

autographs. o y y ^ 

perished at a very early date, if not in the per- 
secutions that befell the early Church, then simply 
through ordinary tear and wear, and the compara- 
tive neglect which would befall writings, not at first 
supposed to be invested with any specially sacred 
character.* But while we are thus no longer in the 

Galatians^ Romans'^ {Ij^XiAon^ 1859), i. p. 195 ff. That a different 
view existed in the early Church seems to be implied in 
Eusebius, Hist Eccles. iii. 24. 4, vi. 25. 7. 

^ See Lecture VI. 

2 By the *ipsae authenticae literae' of the Apostles to which 
TertuUian {c. a.d. 200) refers as read in certain Churches {de 
FraescripHone Haereticorum^ c. 36), we must understand, from 
the general usage of ^authenticae' at the time, the autographs, 



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THE ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPTS 7 

possession of the original of a single New Testa- 
ment book, we are able, thanks to the marvellous 
discoveries of contemporary documents in Egypt 
during recent years, to form a wonderfully clear 
idea of what its outward form and appearance must 
have been.^ 

1 1. It may seem, perhaps, in view of the absorbing 11. outward 

r ^ 1 1 1 form of the 

importance of the contents, that such external original 
features are of comparatively little moment. We "'^""^"'^ ^' 
do not, as a rule, linger over the casket in which 
the precious jewel is enclosed. And the ' earthen 
vessels ' in which the treasure of God s revelation is 
contained are in themselves, as one of their artificers 

and not simply genuine copies of the originals, but the rhetorical 
character of the whole passage prevents our attaching much 
importance to the statement. On the supposed autograph copies 
of St Matthew's Gospel found in the grave of Barnabas in Cyprus, 
and of St. Mark's Gospel in Venice, see Nestle, Textual Criticism 
of the New Testament (London, 1901), p. 30. In the present 
connexion, the daring attempt of Constantine Simonides to palm 
off certain falsifications as original parts of the New Testament 
may also be recalled : see his Facsimiles of certain portions of the 
Gospel of St. MattheWy and of the Epistles of St. fames and of 
St.fude, written on papyrus of the first century ^ London, 1862. 

^ For a brief account of these discoveries I may be allowed to 
refer to the Introduction to my Selections from the Greek Papyri^, 
Cambridge University Press, 191 2. Fuller details with many valu- 
able bibliographical references will be found in Deissmann, Light 
from the Ancient Easty London, 1910, being the English transla- 
tion of the second edition of Licht vom Osten^ Tubingen, 1909. 
See also Additional Note A, * Some Books for the Study of the 
Greek Papyri.' 



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were written. 



8 THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 

has pointed out, a constant reminder of the weak- 
ness of human effort as compared with * the 
exceeding greatness ' of the Divine power.^ At 
the same time, everything that bears on the history 
of writings that have now the supreme place in the 
world's literature cannot fail to be of interest. 
And, as a matter of fact, we shall have frequent 
occasion to notice that even the outward aspects of 
our New Testament writings have a closer bearing 
on many vexed questions of text and interpretation 
than may at first sight appear likely. 
I. The I. Turning to these outward aspects, we begin 

material on n •11 •i i*ii 

which they naturally with the material on which they were 
written. There can be little doubt that that was 
papyrus, the ordinary writing material or paper of 
the day. The Old Testament Scriptures were 
apparently as a rule preserved on specially pre- 
pared skins, for which afterwards vellum was 
substituted.^ But any such material would be 
beyond the scanty means of the New Testament 
writers, as well as inconsistent with the occasional 
character which they themselves ascribed to their 
writings. And we may take it that not only was 

iCf. 2 Cor. iv. 7. 

2 In the Old Testament itself skins are not directly mentioned 
as a writing material, but in the letter of the Pseudo-Aristeas it is 
expressly stated that the copy of the Law sent from Jerusalem to 
Egypt was written on 8i<l>6€pais {Aristeae ad Philocratem Epistulay 
ed. Wendland, Leipzig, 1900, § 176). See further Kenyon, art. 
* Writing ' in Hastings* Dictionary of the Bible^ iv. p. 945, and the 
full discussion in Blau, Studien zum althebrdischen Buckwesen 
(Strassburg i. E , 1902), i. p. 12 ff. 



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THE ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPTS 9 

papyrus the material used for the original autographs, 
but that for a period of more than two hundred years, 
copies would be made and circulated on papyrus.* 

2. In itself, papyrus as a writing material was a. History 

• . 11 — . ^ . , and manu- 

ongmally an Egyptian manufacture, and at thefactureof 
beginning of the Christian era had already a long^''^^™*^ 
history behind it. The earliest extant papyrus is 
one found at Sakkara in 1893, containing accounts 
dated in the reign of Assa B.C. 3580-36. And from 
this period down to the ninth century after Christ, 
countless papyrus documents have been recovered 
in Egypt, where they owe their preservation to the 
singularly dry character of the climate. 

The origin of the word papyrus is somewhat un- 
certain, but it is probably derived from the Egyptian 
pa-p-y6r, *the (product) of the river,' *the river- 
plant,' a name given to a tall reed-plant which at 
one time grew in great abundance in the Nile, 
though it is now confined to the upper part of its 
course.* 

From this plant {Cyperus papyrus^ L.) the papyrus 

^ Cf. 2 John 12, TToAAa \\iav vfAiv ypd<f>€LV ovk ^fiovktfthjv 64a 
\dfyrov Jcai /icXavos, and 3 John 13, ov Oikta 84a fjL€kavos Kal nakafiov 
<roi ypd<t>€iVf where by x^P^^v we must understand a sheet of 
papyrus, and by Kakdfiov the reed-pen used for writing on it 
(cf. p. 17). For the meaning of 2 Tim. iv. 13, see p. 19 f. 

^Lagarde {Miiihetlungen^ ii. p. 260) suggests that the word may 
be derived from Bura on Lake Menzaleh, where it was first manu- 
factured, the opening syllable being the Egyptian article. If so, 
there is the more reason for pronouncing the * y ' long as ancient 
writers did (Juv. iv. 24, Mart. iii. 2, Catull. xxxv. 2) : see Nestle, 
Text, Crit. of the Greek Testament, p. 42. 



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10 THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 

material was derived by a process of which the 
elder Pliny has left a classical account.^ 

The pith (fiv^Xo^) of the stem was first cut into 
long strips (crxlSe^), which were laid down vertically 
to form an outward or lower layer. Over this a 
corresponding number of strips were placed hori- 
zontally, and the two layers were then pressed 
together to form a single sheet (/co\Xj;/xa), the 
process being assisted by a preparation of glue 
moistened, when possible, with the turbid water of 
the Nile, which was supposed to add strength to it. 
After being dried in the sun, and rubbed down with 
ivory or a smooth shell to remove any roughness, 
the sheet was ready for use.^ 

^ No/, Hist, xiii. 11-13. Cf. Birt, Das aniike Buchwesen 
(Berlin, 1882), p. 223 ff . ; Dziatzko, Untersuchungen Ubcr 
ausgewdhlte Kapitd des antiken Buckwesens (Leipzig, 1900), 
p. 49 ff. ; Gardthausen, Das Buchwesen im Altertum und im 
Byzantinischen Mittelalter^ being Griechische Palaeographie^ 
(Leipzig, 191 1 ), i. p. 45 ff., and most recently Wilcken in 
GrundzUge und Chrestomathie dcr Papyruskunde^ edd. Mitteis 
and Wilcken (Leipzig, 191 2), I. i. p. xxviii ff. 

2 An unused sheet was known as xdfyrrjs {charta)^ but after it 
had been written upon, it was generally described by pv^Xos or 
pipXos (iiber) from the material out of which it was made. From 
this came the diminutive pijSkloVy at first applied to any short 
writing such as a letter, but later used practically synonymously 
with pipkos. Hence its plural ra ^i^Ata, meaning originally a 
collection of books or rolls, as in the Prologue of Ecclesiasticus 
(c. B.C. 130), when transliterated into Latin was adopted as a 
convenient designation for the Holy Scriptures, and eventually 
came to be regarded no longer as a neuter plural, but a feminine 
singular, ^/Ma, * the Bible.' 



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the 



s rolls. 



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THE ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPTS ii 

The size of the sheets thus formed would obviously si«softhe 
vary according to the quality of the papyrus and the ^ ** * 
uses to which they were to be put, but Sir F. G. 
Kenyon has shown that for non-literary documents a 
very common size was from 5 to 5^ inches in width, 
and 9 to 1 1 inches in height, the height being always 
greater than the breadth, when the sheet was held 
in the way in which it was meant to be used.^ 

For a brief note, like the Second Epistle of St. Papyrus roiis 
John, a single sheet would therefore suffice ; but, 
when more space was required, it was easily pro- 
curable by fastening a number of sheets together 
into a roll. For selling purposes, a roll seems fre- 
quently to have consisted of twenty sheets,* but this 
could easily be cut up into smaller dimensions to suit 
the purchaser s convenience, or, if desired, extended 
almost indefinitely by the addition of extra sheets. 

The beginning {Trpan-oKoWoy) and the end {ecrxaTo- 
KoWiov) of the roll, as the parts most handled, were 
sometimes strengthened by attaching additional 
strips of papyrus at the back, while, in the case of 
more literary documents, the inner edge of the 
irporroKoWov was often glued to a wooden roller 
(6iuL(pa\6^), to the ends of which knobs or horns 
(Kepara) were attached. Hence, according to a 
common interpretation, the K€(f)a\h fii/SXlov referred 
to by the author of the Epistle to the Hebrews in 
c. X. 7 (from Psalm xl. 7) may perhaps denote 
originally 'the little head of the book.' or the end of 

1 T/ie Palaeography of Greek Papyri (Oxford, 1899), p. 16 f. 

2 Wilcken, GrundzUge^ I. i. p. xxix. 



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12 THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 

the stick round which the roll was wound, and 
thence by a natural synecdoche the roll itself.^ 
Price The price would naturally vary with the size and 

quality of the papyrus sheet, as when in Roman 
times we find one sheet valued at i drachma 3 obols, 
or a litde over a shilling of our money, another at 
2 obols, or about 3d., and yet another at 3 obols, or 
about 4^d.^ But in no case does papyrus seem to 
have been a very cheap material, the result being 
that the poorer classes of the population had often 
difficulty in procuring it, or made use of the backs 
of old documents, from which the original contents 
had been either washed or crossed out.^ For the 
same reason the despatch of a letter was often 
the opportunity for sending greetings from a large 
number of different friends — a practice which finds 
an interesting Christian parallel in the extended 
greetings at the close of several of the Pauline 
Epistles.* 

^ Cf. Ezek. ii. 9, 1801; X€lp kKrtrayikvq irphs /jl(, koI iv avrg K€<l>a\ls 
Pi^XloVf and K€<f>aXis standing alone in Ezek. iii. 1-3. 

^ Cf. Schubart, Das Buck bei den Griechen und Ronurn (Berlin, 
1907), p. 12, and for other figures, see Gardthausen, Buchwesen^ 
p. 67. 

^Amongst the Genevan papyri {Les Papyrus de Genhve^ ed. 
J. Nicole, Geneva, 1896, i. p. 76, No. 52) is a letter written on 
the back of a business document, where the writer explains — 
XapTqv (x^pnov^ Wilcken, Archiv der Papyrusforschung^ iii. p. 399) 
KaSaphv fAtj cvpa)V irphs rrjv &pav ct? tov[t]oi' lypa\j/a, 

^In a second century Berlin papyrus {Berliner Griechische 
Urkunden, Berlin, 1898, ii. p. 245, No. 601) the closing greetings 
occupy thirteen out of thirty-one lines. 



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THE ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPTS 13 

As a rule, the original writing was confined to the^«r/oand 
side of the papyrus on which the shorter fibres lay *^'^' 
horizontally, not only because it offered a smoother 
surface to the pen, and the clearly marked lines did 
away with the necessity of ruling, but also because 
the horizontal side was better adapted for being 
rolled inwards. The side thus used is technically 
known as the Recto in contradistinction to the Verso 
or back.* 

That the Verso was also occasionally made use of 
when space failed is shown by the long magical 
papyrus in the British Museum, in which nineteen 
columns are written on the Recto, and thirteen 
carried over to the Verso} And when, accordingly, 
in Rev. v. i we read of * a book written within and 
on the back * (^fiijSXlov yey pa/jL/jLcvov €(r(jo6ev koi oiriG'dev'j 
it is sometimes thought that the seer wishes us to 
understand that so great was the number of woes to 
be recorded that no ordinary roll could contain 
them, and both sides of the paper had to be 
employed.^ 

1 Wilcken first drew attention to the distinction between I^ecfo 
and Verso in Hermes, xxii. (1887), p. 487 ff.: see also his Grundziige, 
I. i. p. XXX f., and for the disappearance of the preference for the 
Recto in Byzantine times owing to the deterioration of papyrus 
manufacture and the introduction of a new style of writing, 
cf. Schubart, Das Buck, p. 9 f. 

* British Museum Papyrus, cxxi. in Catalogue of Greek Papyri 
in the British Museum, ed. Kenyon, i. p. 83 ff. 

3 It should be noted, however, that both Zahn {Introduction to 
the New Testament, iii. p. 405) and Nestle {Textual Criticism of 
the Greek Testament, p. 43, n^) follow Grotius in connecting 



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Arrangement 
in columns. 



length of 
rolls. 



14 THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 

These columns (o-eX/^e?) into which in the case of 
writings of any length the matter was arranged were 
from two to three inches wide, and, as a rule, were 
placed close together, leaving little space for the 
marginal additions, with which St. Paul and other 
New Testament writers are sometimes thought to 
have annotated the original documents.^ When such 
additions were made, it must have been between 
the lines, or at the top or bottom of the papyrus 
sheet, and not until parchment took the place of 
papyrus can marginal comments on the text be said 
to have become common.* 

The length of the rolls containing the New 
Testament books would obviously vary, not only 
with the length of their respective contents, but 
with the size and character of the writing made use 
of. But, anticipating for a moment what will be 
explained more fully directly, that the original scribes 
made use of the ordinary lion-literary hand of the 
day, we may notice that Sir F. G. Kenyon has 
calculated that a short Epistle such as 2 Thessa- 
lonians would form a roll of about fifteen inches in 
length, arranged in some five columns, while the 

#cat oirto-^cv not with what precedes, but with the following 
#caT€o-<^/>ayt<r/A€voi'. In this case jSipXiov is not a papyrus roll, but 
a papyrus codex (of. p. 188), of which St John saw only the out- 
side : the contents were not known, until the seals were loosed. 

^ Cf especially Laurent, Neutestanuntliche Studien (Gotha, 1866), 
p. 17 ff., where a number of passages such as Rom. ii. 14, 15, 
xvi. 19, etc., are cited as examples of Pauline marginalia, 

^Dziatzko, art. *Buch* in Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encyclopddie 
der classischen Aliertumsivissenschaft (Stuttgart, 1899), iii. p. 963. 



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THE ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPTS 15 

longer Epistle to the Romans would run to about 
eleven feet six inches. In the same way, the Gospel 
of St. Mark would occupy about nineteen feet of an 
average-sized roll, that of St. John twenty-three feet 
six inches, St. Matthew thirty feet, the Acts and St. 
Luke's Gospel about thirty-one or thirty-two feet* 

The general sameness of these last figures has led 
to the conjecture that St. Luke wrote *to scale,' 
making use of a certain stereotyped length of roll, 
and compressing or economizing his materials so as 
not to exceed it.* But, however this consideration 
may have influenced certain of the purely literary 
writers of the time,* it is difficult to think of it as 
extending to writings of such a spontaneous, and 
informal character as the Gospels, especially in 
view of the ease with which, as we have seen, a 
papyrus roll could be cut or added to at pleasure.* 

In the case of a long roll, the reader would require 
to use both hands, unrolling it with his right, and 
with his left rolling up again what he had finished 

'^Handbook to the Textual Criticism of the New Testament^ 
(London, 191 2), p. 34. 

^Cf. Zahn, Geschichte des Neutestamentlichen Kanons (Erlangen, 
1888), I. 1. p. 76 f., and most recently Sanday in Studies in the 
Synoptic Problem (Oxford, 191 1), p. 25 f. 

**Far verschiedene Litteraturgattungen waren verschiedene 
Buchmaxima oder Formate ublich oder obligat' (Birt, Bos 
antike Buchwesen^ p. 288). 

* The word to/xos, whence our * tome,' had originally nothing to 
do with size, but meant simply a * cut ' of a papyrus roll, forming a 
volume by itself: see Birt, op, cit, p. 25, where roiifis is defined as 
' das Buch als Werktheil.' 



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i6 THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 

reading,^ a practice that enables us to understand 
the imagery of Rev. vi. 14, 6 ovpavog aTrext^pla-d^ o)? 
/8(/9X/oi/ eXia-a-o/uLevoy, where the expanse of heaven is 
represented as parting asunder, * the divided portions 
curling up and forming a roll on either hand/ ^ 
3. Other 3. To Complete our survey of writing materials, it 

materials. is enough to notice that the ink {to imeXav : cf. 3 John 
13) in ordinary use for papyrus was made of soot, 
mixed with gum, and diluted with water. A colour, 
which had a wonderful lasting power, was thus pro- 
duced, as may be seen by examining any of the 
recently recovered texts. At the same time, the ink, 
through not sinking into the fibres of the papyrus, 
was easily washed out, when still fresh, a point 
which lends emphasis to the language of Col. ii. 14 : 
by His atoning work Christ not merely * blotted out,* 
but * washed out the bond written in ordinances that 
was against us ' (6^aX6/\|/'a9 to Kaff ^julwv yeipoypatpov roh 
Soy/uLaa-iv o ^v vTrevavriov ^juuvj^ SO that it was as if it had 
never been.^ 

^ Cf. Lucian, imag. c. 8, /Si^Xlov cV ralv xepolv ^Tx^v, is Svo 
(rvv€i\T)fifA€Vov' /cat €(^K€i TO fX€V T4 dvayv(ixr€a'6ai avrou, rh 8c i^^ 
dv€yv(aK€vaiy and the instructive illustrations in Birt, Die Buchrolle 
in der Kunst (Leipzig, 1907), p. 130 ff. 

^Swete, The Apocalypse of S.John (London, 1906), ad L 
^Cf. also Rev. iii. 5, ov /x^ c^aAci^w rb oj^ofta avrov Ik t^s 
l3t/3\ov rrjs fw^?, to which interesting parallels are afforded by 
such passages from the inscriptions as Dittenberger, Sylloge 
Inscriptionum Graecarum 2, No. 439 ^ (iv./B.c), 0% 8^ av So^rji fxri 
&v f\>pdTqp €(rax^i}va4, k^aX€i.\j/dri3> rb ouofxa avrh 6 Up€vs, and 
Orientis Graeci Inscriptiones Selectae^ No. 218^^9 (iii./e.c), 
c^aAci^^avras t[5 oi^o/ija t^ kKv.vov. 



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THE ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPTS 17 

The pen in ordinary use for papyrus was a 

* calamus' or reed, as we find in 3 John 13 {ov OeXw 

Aa fi€\avo9 Kcu KaXd/ULOv (roi ypaipuv). According tO 
Wilcken the point was at first prepared for use 
simply by being softened in the mouth, and not 
until Graeco- Roman times was it split after the 
same fashion as our quills or steel pens.^ 

4. When finished, the roll was rolled round upon 4^ scaling and 
itself, fastened with a thread, and in the case ofofroiis. 
formal and official documents, sealed, as when in a 
second century papyrus a certain Ptolema acknow- 
ledges the receipt of a will * with the seals intact * 
{hri rS>v avrwv (r<f)pay€lSwv) which she had deposited 

* under seals ' (eiri <r(ppayl^(av) in the archives, and 
now wished to revoke.^ It is tempting to imagine 
that we have a reference to a similar practice in the 

* book sealed with seven seals * (fii/SXlov . . . irore- 
<r<ppayi<riui€voi/ (r(f>payi(riv e-Trra) of Rev. V. I, where the 
symbolism has been explained on the ground that in 
Roman law a will had to be sealed seven times in 
order to authenticate it ; * but the seven is more 
probably simply the Jewish sacred number. And 
apart altogether from any such special references, 
we may, I think, take it that the original writers of 

^ GrundssUge^ I. i. p. xxxii f. 

For other references to writing materials, see Selections from 
the Greek Papyri^, p. xxiii, note 2. 

2 The Oxyrhynchus Papyri^ edd; Grenfell-Hunt, i. p. 173 f., Na 
106. 

«Cf. Hicks* Gruk Philosophy and Roman Law in the New 
Testament, p. 157 f. 



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i8 THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 

the New Testament would be content, as in the 
case of ordinary letters, to secure their writings with 
a thread without going through the formal process 
of sealing. 

In the same way, in accordance with general 
usage, they would confine the address on the back 
of their rolls to the fewest possible words. In the 
papyrus letters that have come down to us, this 
consists as a rule of nothing but the name of the 
person addressed, with sometimes a descriptive 
epithet added A letter of introduction which 
recalls the commendatory letters (avaraTucat €Tri(rTo\cu) 
of 2 Cor. iii. i, is inscribed simply *To Philoxenus* 
(#£Xo^eW) : 1 another of a similar character bears the 
address *To Tyrannus, the Procurator' (Tupawm 
Ao«/c(j7Ty).* Sometimes the name of the place where 
the person addressed resided was added, as in the 
letter 'To Stotoetis, chief priest, at the island of . . . ,' 
the name of the particular island unfortunately being 
lost.' And sometimes, though so rarely as to be 
exceptional, the writer inserted his own name. A 
good example is afforded by an Oxyrhynchus letter 
of B.C. I (see further, p. ii6 n'), where the address 
runs * Hilarion to Alis, deliver ' ('IXa/wWAXir* airoSo^), 

^ Greek Papyri from the Cairo Museum, ed. Goodspeed (Chicago, 
1902), p. 8 (= Selections from the Greek Papyri^, No. 8). 

2 The Oxyrhynchus Papyri^ edd. Grenfell-Hunt, ii. p. 292, 
No. 292 (^ Selections^ No. 14). 

« Stotoi^ti Aarcon; €49 t^i' vt^tov t . . . : see Berliner Griechische 
Urkunden^ i. p. 52, No. 37 (a.d. 50); and of. Deissmann, Light 
from the Ancient East^ p. 157 ff. 



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THE ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPTS 19 

We must not, therefore, think of the New Testa- 
ment autographs bearing any such full addresses, as 
we have become accustomed to in the headings of 
the different books in our English version : these, 
like the subscriptions, are the work of later scribes.* 
The original titles must have run much as they 
appear in the Greek text of Westcott and Hort, irpog 
'Pa)Mcuoi/9, Trpo^ 'Efipaiov^, * To the Romans,* *To the 
Hebrews,' any difficulty as to the exact destination 
of the books being removed by the fact that they 
were entrusted to private messengers for delivery, 
who would be fully instructed as to their writers 
and recipients (cf. p. 30 f.). 

The (r/\Xi;/8o£, or small strips of papyrus or vellum, 
containing the title, which was frequently attached to 
literary works for the purpose of identification,* would 
be wanting in the first instance at any rate in the more 
occasional writings of the New Testament. Nor is 
there any reason to believe that these last would be 
enclosed in the coverings, in which the sacred books 
of the Jews were, as a rule, preserved.* The 
ordinary rolls of the period at any rate, such as 
those discovered at Herculaneum, had no such pro- 
tection. But it is at least an interesting conjecture 
whether it was not to some such satchel or wrap, 

* See Additional Note B, * The Titles and Subscriptions of the 
New Testament Writings.* 

^Cf. Cicero, ad Attic, iv. 4. i, and for recently recovered 
specimens of these o-tAXvjSoi, see The Oxyrhynchus Papyri^ edd. 
Grenfell-Hunt, ii. pp. 303, 313, Nos. 301, 381. 

*Blau, Studietiy p. 173. 



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20 THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 

rather than to his travelling cloak, that St. Paul 
refers in the (peXovrjg of 2 Tim. iv. 13: * The book- 
cover that I left at Troas with Carpus, bring when 
thou comest, and the books, especially the parch- 
ments.*^ In any case, the latter words recall an 
important distinction to which attention has already 
been drawn, for by *the books* (ra ^ifiXla) the 
Apostle probably meant certain papyrus sheets or 
notes, possibly writings of his own, which he 
regarded as of little importance compared with ' the 
parchments ' (ra^ /me/ui^pdvag), copies of certain portions 
of the Old Testament Scriptures. 
5. Preserva- c. For preservation rolls were fastened tog^ether in 

tion of rolls. i i • i • i • i • i 

bundles, and laid m arks or chests,* a practice which 
enables us to understand how unsigned rolls, laid up 
in the same place, and dealing with cognate subjects, 
would come in some instances to be joined together 
as if they formed parts of one work,^ while in the 
case of others, errors regarding authorship and 
destination might readily arise.* 

^ The word c^tvdAT/s (paenu/a) is often written by transposition 
of V and X, <f>ai.k6vr)^ or <f>€X.6vrj^, For its use as a book-wrap, see 
Hesychius' Lexicon, where it is defined as €l\r]Tdpiov jjAiiPpaC{v)ov 
rj ykwrcroKOfioVf and of. Birt, J?as aniike Buckwesen, p. 65. 

2 Cf. The Oxyrhynchus Papyri, ed. Hunt, viii. p. 254, No. i I53'*^• 
(i/A.D.) : [€]KO/u<rafn;v 8ia 'H/aaKAaros ras Kio-Tas [<rvv] rots /3i/3\iois, 

®See further, p. 173 f. 

^*Die darin vereinigten Rollen bildeten ein (rvvrayfia, corpus 
u.s.w. Manche irrige Zuweisung einer Schrift an einen falschen 
Autor mag in ihrer Zusammenstellung mit inhaltlich verwandten 
Schriften in der gleichen capsa ihren Grund haben.* Dziatzko, 
art. *Buch' in Pauly-Wissowa, iii. p. 97a 



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THE ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPTS 21 

III. From the outward appearance and form of iii. The man. 

^r XT 'T' 1 . , ner in which 

the New Testament autog^phs, we pass to consider the books of 
the manner in which they were written. Andxtttament 

t t r t r • ' f • 1 were^Titten. 

in lack of any definite information as to the 
circumstances under which they were composed — 
information which, if it were available, would go far 
to set at rest many vexed questions of Biblical 
criticism — we are again led to fall back on the 
ordinary practice of the time. In accordance with 
this, and in agreement with various hints thrown out 
in the New Testament books themselves, there is 
every reason to believe that they were in many 
instances at any rate originally written to dictation. 

I. In support of this conclusion appeal is some- 1. DictaUon. 
times made to the note appended to countless 
papyrus documents and letters to the effect that they 
were written by so-and-so on behalf of so-and-so, 
'seeing that he does not know letters.'^ But of even 
the most 'unlettered'* of the New Testament writers 
that could hardly be said. And it is better rather 
to think of the instances where the services of a 
scribe are requisitioned, owing to the fact that the 
original author could himself only write slowly or 
with difficulty. A good example is afforded by a 
marriage contract of the early second century dis- 

^E.g. The Oxyrhynchus Papyri^ edd. Grenfell-Hunt, ii. p. 262 ff., 
No. 275** ( — Selections^ No. 20) (a.d. 66) : ZwiXos . . . €ypa\f/a virkp 
avrov /JL7I ISoTOS ypd/Afiara, 

*The adjective dypafifmros in Acts iv. 13 (cf. xxvi. 24, John 
vii. 15) is probably = * unacquainted with literature or Rabbinic 
teaching.' 



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22 THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 

covered at Oxyrhynchus, where, with reference to 
one of the signatories at the end, it is stated, * I 
write on his behalf seeing that he writes slowly' 
(eypay^fa virep avroS fipaSea ypa(po[vTO^'\)} And even 
more significant is the statement in connexion with 
the enrolment as an ephebus of a certain Ammonius 
in A.D. 99. By trade a river fisherman (aXievg 
irorajuu^^py^), Ammonius can only write * slowly * 
(fipaSew^). Consequently a friend writes the body 
of the document for him, leaving him to add the 
signature at the end.* 

In view of such instances, and the evidence might 
easily be multiplied, it does not need any great 
exercise of imagination to realize that the Galilean 
fishermen, Peter and John, might well find the 
actual task of writing both irksome and tedious, and 
would gladly take advantage of skilled assistance 
when opportunity offered. 

In the case of the First Epistle of St. Peter, 
indeed, this seems to be distinctly stated, for the 
words Sta 2iXoi;ai/oi/, * by Silvanus,' in c. v. 12, are 
best understood as implying that Silvanus was not 
only the bearer, but the actual scribe of the Epistle.* 
And in the same way an interesting tradition, which 

^ The Oxyrhynchus Papyri^ edd. Grenfell-Hunt, iii. p. 212 ff.. 
No. 497" (early ii/A.D.). 

^The Tebtunis Papyri, edd. Grenfell-Hunt-Goodspeed, ii. 
p. 118 f., No. 316, col. iv^~"^^ (a.d. 99). 

'For a similar use of Sio, cf. Ign. Rom. x. i, ypdtfxa 8^ v/uv 
ravTa dvh '2fAvpv7fs 8i* ^E<f>ecr[tav r<av a^to/iaKa/otorrwv, with Light- 
foot's note ad /. 



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THE ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPTS 23 

finds pictorial representation in many mediaeval 
manuscripts of the Fourth Gospel, says that St. John 
dictated his Gospel to a disciple of his named 
Prochorus.^ 

Even an educated man, like St. Paul, amidst the 
pressure and anxieties of his daily work, was glad, 
as several indications in his Epistles imply, to follow 
the same practice. Thus, when in one of the 
earliest of the Epistles that have come down to us, 
the Apostle sets his authenticating signature at the 
end in apparent contrast with what had preceded, 
the natural conclusion is that the body of the Epistle 
was written by some one else (2 Thess. iii. 17, 18 ; 
cf. also I Cor. xvi. 21, Col. iv. 18). And the same 
appears still more strongly in the greeting of Tertius 
in Rom. xvi. 22, aa-irajCoiJLai vfia^ iyw Teprio^ 6 ypay^a^ 
Trjv eirurroXrjv iv Kvplw, * I Tertius, who Write the 
Epistle, salute you in the Lord ' ; where, unless we 
are to think of Tertius as having made a copy of 
the letter which the Apostle had penned, we can 
only regard him as the original scribe.^ 

It is sometimes thought that the Epistle to the 
Galatians formed an exception to this general 
practice on St. Pauls part, the *with how large 

1 Cf. p. 160 f., and see Plate V. 

2 An interesting parallel to Tertius's postscript is afforded by an 
Oxyrhynchus letter of the third century from a certain Helene 
to her brother, to which their father Alexander adds — Kayw 
'AXc^vSpos 6 ir[a]T^/j vfuov doTrd^ofKu vfias ttoXAo, As, however, 
there is no change of hand, in this case both Helene and her 
father would seem to have employed an amanuensis : see Hunt, 
Tke OxyrJtynchus Papyri^ vii. p. 221 f., No. 1067* note. 



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24 THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 

letters I have written unto you with mine own 
hand * (TnyX/^oty vjuv ypa/uL/uLaa-iv cypay^a t^ c/jl^ X^V^ ^^ 
Gal. vi. 1 1 being taken as pointing back to what 
had preceded. If so, may we not suppose that in 
this so severe letter St. Paul, with his exquisite 
tact, may have preferred to make use of no inter- 
mediary between himself and those whom he was 
obliged to warn in such strong terms? On the 
other hand, if the * how great letters * refer rather to 
what follows, then they may be understood either of 
the large, irregular handwriting of the man who 
wrote but little, as compared with the more flowing 
hand of his practised amanuensis, or as by their size 
intended to draw special attention to the importance 
of the contents. 

Auto- In any case, we have abundant evidence of auto- 

graphic , 

conclusions, graphic conclusions both in the literature of the day,^ 
and, what is more to the point in the present con- 
nexion, in the non-literary Egyptian papyri, where 
the signature is frequently in a different hand from 
the body of the document, and serves to confirm and 
authenticate the whole. When, for example, in the 
year a.d. 50 the Egyptian olive-planter Mystarion 
writes to commend his messenger Blastus to Stotoetis, 
a chief priest, the change of handwriting in the 
closing salutation eppaxro, * Farewell,' seems to indi- 
cate that it was written by Mystarion himself.^ And 

^ Cf. e.g, the letter of Pompey, of which Cicero, ad Attic. 
viii. I. I, speaks *in extremo ipsius manu.' 

2 Berliner Griechische Urkunden^ i- P- 5* (cf. p. 353), No. 37^. For 
facsimile see Deissmann, Light from the Ancient East y^^, 157, Fig. 20. 



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THE ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPTS 25 

the same practice is expressly vouched for in an 
Oxyrhynchus letter of a.d. 95, where the original 
sender authenticates the contents, which were doubt- 
less written by one of his clerks, by adding at the end 
'H/)aicX(a9) (Tea-fj^ixemiiai), ' I, Heraclas, have signed.'^ 

Before leavingf the question of handwriting it is of character 
^ ^ ^ of the hand- 

importance to point out that, as the New Testament writing. 

amanuenses would not be professional scribes, but 
educated friends or companions of the authors, the 
writing would be of the ordinary non-literary char- 
acter, though doubtless more than the usual care 
would be taken in view of the importance of the 
writings' contents.^ The words would as a rule be 
closely joined together, though occasionally in doubt- 
ful instances they might be separated by dots. 
Contractions, especially in the leaving out the last 
syllables of familiar words, would be frequent, while 
accents and breathings would be very sparingly 
employed. And there would be no punctuation, 
unless it might be the occasional insertion of a dot 
above the line to divide words, or a slight space to 
mark an important break in the sense. These 
paragraphs were also divided from one another by a 
short horizontal line {irapdypaipog) below the line in 
which the pause occurs.' 

1 The Oxyrhynchus Papyri, edd. Grenfell-Hunt, i. p. 10 1 ff., 
No. 45^'. 

2 See especially Kenyon, Palaeography of the Greek Papyri, p. 
9 ff. for the distinction between the book hand and the common 
hand, and Plate I. for the probable character of the handwriting 
of the New Testament autographs. 

'Cf. Kenyon Palaeography of the Greek Papyri, p. 27. 



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26 THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 

The task of punctuating the New Testament 
manuscripts fell accordingly for the most part to 
the later copyists and editors, with the result that 
there is often a wide difference of opinion as to how 
particular words are to be connected, or as to 
whether a sentence is to be understood interro- 
gatively or indicatively.^ 
The amount of Another inquiry of great interest with regard to 

liberty left to xt 't- i • i r 

the New our New Testament autographs is the amount of 
scribes. liberty which their authors left to their amanuenses. 

What, for example, was St. Paul's practice? Did 
he dictate his letters word for word, his scribe 
perhaps taking them down in some form of short- 
hand, and then rewriting them ? * Or was he content 
to supply a rough draft of what he wished to be said, 
leaving the scribe free to throw it into more formal 
and complete shape ? 

It is true that to these questions no definite 
answer can be given. In all probability the 
Apostle's practice varied with the special circum- 
stances of the case, or the particular scribe whom at 
the time he was employing. More might be left to 

^ A good example of the former difficulty is afforded by the 
famous text Rom. ix. 5, where at least three of the principal inter- 
pretations are dependent on the particular punctation adopted. 

^On the practice of shorthand amongst the ancients, see 
Additional Note C, where reference is made to the contract, 
belonging to the year a.d. 155, in which an ex-cosmetes of 
Oxyrhynchus apprentices his slave to a shorthand writer {(nffxio- 
ypd<f>if) for two years to be taught to read and write shorthand 
{wpos fMaOrja-iv (rqfuliav) {The Oxyrhynchiis Papyri, edd. Grenfell- 
Hunt, iv. p. 204 f., No. 724). 



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THE ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPTS 27 

the discretion of a Timothy than of a Tertius. And 
if in one case the Epistle as dictated underwent a 
close revision and correction at the Apostle's own 
hands, at another he might allow it to go out 
practically unchanged. 

2. All this is, however, matter of conjecture, and «. General 

•^ results from 

we are on surer ground in pointing out that the mere the «se of 

^ . dictation. 

fact of the employment of a scribe would help to 
impart to St. Paul's Epistles some of that vividness 
and directness of language by which they are dis- (1) vividness 

o o y • of language. 

tinguished. In dictating the Aposde would have 
clearly before his mind s eye the actual persons and 
circumstances of those to whom he was writing, and 
the broken constructions and sudden changes of 
subject prove how often the eager rush of his words 
overmastered the grammatical and orderly sequence 
of his thought. 

Nor can we marvel that even in the same Epistle 
there are often sudden changes in tone and ex- 
pression, when we remember that it was in the 
spare moments of a laborious life that St. Paul's 
Epistles were written, and that the work of dictation 
must have been often interrupted by some unfore- 
seen and pressing call, demanding the Apostle's 
immediate attention. 

There are still other ways in which the practice (a) Quotations 
of dictation may have affected the outward form of from com- 
the Pauline Epistles. These Epistles, as we know, letters. 
were frequently written to answer questions which 
had been addressed to the Apostle by Churches he 
had founded. What more natural, then, than that 



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28 THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 

St. Paul, when dictating his answer, should have 
held in his hand the communications that had been 
addressed to him, and embodied quotations from 
them in his reply! In the absence of any method 
of distinguishing these quotations in the early manu- 
scripts corresponding to our modern use of inverted 
commas, these can only be guessed at now from the 
general meaning and context But there can be no 
doubt that the interpretation of many, passages is 
made clearer by recognizing that not infrequently 
the Apostle throws back, as it were, their own words 
at those whom he is addressing. 

A notable example of this has been found in 
I Thessalonians, where, on the strength of such a 
practice. Dr. Rendel Harris has ingeniously recon- 
structed the epistle from Thessalonica to which it 
was an answer.^ And the same treatment can be 
applied with even greater success to i Corinthians, 
when the Apostle is avowedly dealing with a long 
series of questions addressed to him by the Corin- 
thian Church, and naturally marks the different 
stages in his reply by pointed references to the 
Corinthians* own words. This comes out very 
clearly, as Dr. Lock has shown,* in the section 
* Concerning things sacrificed to idols' (c. viii. 1-9), 
where the Apostle quotes, only to refute, the Corin- 
thians' plea, ' We know that we have all knowledge,' 
and also sets aside their emphatic claim for liberty, 

* The Expositor^ V. viii. p. 161 ff., * A Study in Letter-writing/ 
^The Expositor, V. vi. p. 65 ff., *i Corinthians viii. 1-9. A 
Suggestion.' 



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THE ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPTS 29 

* But meat will not commend us to God ; neither, if 
we eat not, are we the worse, nor, if we eat, are we 
the better,' on the ground that, while theoretically 
true, such an argument must not be allowed to 
interfere with their duty towards the weak. 

And so, again, in the very personal Second 
Epistle to the same Church, such phrases as * I 
who in your presence am lowly among you, but 
being absent am of good courage toward you,'^ 
and * being crafty, I caught you with guile, '^ may 
well recall the actual taunts which his Jewish 
Christian opponents in Corinth had hurled against 
the Apostle.* 

Or, once more, to appeal to what many regard as 
Sl Paul's latest Epistle, when he writes to the 
Philippians, * But I hope in the Lord Jesus to send 
Timothy shortly unto you, that I also may be of 
good comfort, when I know your state' (c. ii. 19), is 
not the * also ' due to the fact that St. Paul wishes 
the Philippians to know that he is as anxious to 
hear good news of them, as they had already pro- 
fessed themselves to be, to hear good news of him ? 
Or when in c. iv. 10 he writes, * But I rejoice in the 
Lord greatly, that now at length you have revived 
your thought for me ; wherein you did indeed take 
thought, but you lacked opportunity,' have we not 
the fine courtesy which accepts, even while it 

^c. X. I. ^c. xii. 16. 

* * Such phrases are wholly unintelligible unless we hear in the 
catchwords the language of the enemy ' (Weizsacker, TAe Apostolic 
Agty Eng. Tr. by Millar, ii. p. 102 f.). 



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3. Differences 
of style. 



30 THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 

dismisses the need of, the apology with which the 
Philippians had admitted a certain remissness in 
attending to his wants ? 

3. Similar considerations apply in the case of the 
other New Testament writings. The form which 
I Peter took, and the many Pauline echoes it con- 
tains, may be due to the fact that Peter employed 
as his scribe Silvanus, who had already acted in a 
similar capacity for Paul. And though it will hardly 
be accepted as an adequate explanation of the 
phenomena of the so-called Second Epistle of St. 
Peter, it is worth noting that, so far back as St. 
Jerome, the differences between it and i Peter were 
explained by the employment of different interpreters 
or scribes.^ And it is at least possible that in the 
dictation and revision of the Fourth Gospel we may 
have a partial key to some of the vexed questions 
that have arisen regarding its authorship.^ 



IV. Delivery 
of the New 
Testament 
writings. 



IV. The only other point that concerns us is the 
manner in which the New Testament writings 
would be delivered to their first readers. Con- 
sidering the elaborate organization of the Roman 
Empire, it may seem somewhat surprising that 
nothing in the form of a general postal system had 
as yet been thought of. An Imperial post, based 

^ * Denique et duae epistolae quae feruntur Petri stilo inter se et 
charactere discrepant structuraque verborum. Ex quo intelle- 
gimus, pro necessitate rerum diversis eum usum interpretibus.' 
(Ep, ad Hedibiaffty 120, Quaes t xi.) 

^See p. 159 ff. 



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THE ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPTS 31 

apparently on the Persian model,^ had indeed been 
instituted by Augustus, but its use was strictly 
limited to State purposes, and ordinary correspond- 
ence had to be carried by the favour of some friend 
or passing traveller.* Even had it been otherwise, use of 
it is obvious that the Apostolic communications messengers, 
could only be entrusted with safety to Christian 
messengers in full sympathy with their object, who 
would be able to reinforce and "Supplement the 
message they contained. Thus, Titus would seem 
to have played an important part in connexion with 
the correspondence with the Church at Corinth,' 
while in the case of the Epistle to the Ephesians, the 
lack of personal references may be explained, not 
only by the Epistle's circular character, but also by 
the fact that St. Paul had charged his messenger 
Tychicus to supply orally all needed information, 
and to comfort his readers* hearts/ 

* The institution of the State post in Persia is ascribed to King 
Darius, and in keeping with this is the belief that his wife Atossa 
invented the form of the letter. 

^Cic ad Attic, i. 9. i; Pliny, Epist, vii. 12; Mart. iii. 100, and 
of. Friedlander, Darstellungen aus der Sittengeschichte Roms^ 
(Leipzig, 1 910), I. ii. p. 19 ff. 

*Cf. 2 Cor. ii. 13, vii. 6, 13 f. 

^Cf. £ph. vi. 21 f. An interesting example of a similar practice 
is afforded by a letter of b.c. 103, in which the writer enjoins his 
messengers to * greet kindly' (ooTrcurco-^oi <^iAo</>/w>i/a>s) those to 
whom he was writing. {An Alexandrian Erotic Fragment^ and 
other Greek Papyri chiefly PtolemaiCy ed. Grenfell, p. 59 f. 
No. 30.) 



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Theper- 
maneDt value 
of the New 
Testament 
writings. 



32 THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 

Here then, in the meantime, we must leave our 
New Testament autographs. The details with 
which we have been engaged may in themselves, as 
I have already hinted, seem very trivial as com- 
pared with the absorbing interest of their contents, 
and the influence which they have exerted in the 
world. And yet they will not have been without 
their use, if they have succeeded in bringing home 
to us the fact that we are dealing with real docu- 
ments, born amidst * the toil and moil * of life, and 
for the most part intended in the first instance 
to meet only immediate and local' needs. For the 
more clearly we realize this, the more certain does it 
become that * that which was in origin most casual 
became in effect most permanent by the presence of 
a divine energy,' and that * the most striking marvel 
in the scattered writings of the New Testament is 
the perfect fitness which they exhibit for fulfilling an 
office of which their authors appear themselves to 
have had no conception.*^ 



* Westcott, An Introduction to the Study of the Gospels^ (London, 
1881), p. 167. 



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LECTURE II. 

THE LANGUAGE OF THE NEW TESTAMENT 
WRITINGS. 



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*Nam si quis minorem gloriae fnictum putat ex Graecis 

versibus percipi quam ex Latinis, vehementer errat, propterea 

quod Graeca leguntur in omnibus fere gentibus, Latina suis 

finibus, exigue sane, continentur.* 

Cicero, Pro Archia, 23. 



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II. 

THE LANGUAGE OF THE NEW TESTAMENT 
WRITINGS. 

Kal 6 irokvs ©xAos '!]kov€V avrov rj8€ti}S, 

Mark xii. 37. 

Ta pT^fiara a cyoi XcAaXi/ica vfilv 7rv€V/id cotiv icai fan} cotiv. 

John vi. 63. 

Ov ypdfAfiaTos dWa wevfiaTos' to yap ypd/xpia aTTOKTCti^ct, 

a Cor. iii. 6. 

I. We have seen that the original manuscripts ofi. Theiin- 
the New Testament were written on papyrus sheets rondiuons of 
or rolls, and that in the actual work of transcription ""°^ 
their authors largely availed themselves of the 
assistance of trusted friends, who were practised in 
the art of writing. We have now to consider the 
language that was made use of. And when we 
remember that, with the exception of St. Luke, the 
New Testament writers were all Jews, and that 
through the influence of the Old Testament 
Scriptures Hebrew was regarded as essentially the 
sacred language, we might naturally have expected 
that recourse would again have been had to it. 
Various circumstances, however, prevented this. 



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36 THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 

To have employed the sacred language of Judaism 
for the new records might have seemed to the 
disciples to invest these with an authority to which 
at first at any rate they laid no claim. Nor must we 
forget that Hebrew by this time had largely passed 
out of general knowledge and use, and given place 
to the more popular Aramaic.^ 
Widespread We are not specially concerned at present with 
Aramaic. the history of Aramaic, but it may be well to guard 
against the common error which looks upon it as a 
mere dialect of Hebrew, and not as an independent, 
though allied, language which, as Zahn has shown, 
had spread gradually 'throughout Western Asia 
during the five hundred years preceding the advent 
of Christianity.^ How widely, indeed, it was known 
is shown by the fact that Josephus expressly states 
that he wrote his History of the Jewish War 
originally in Aramaic in order that it might be 
understood by the Asiatics, the Parthians, the 
Babylonians, and the Arabs.® 

Certain portions of the Old Testament itself were 
written in Aramaic,* and, though this is not univer- 
sally admitted^ there can be little doubt that in their 
ordinary teaching both our Lord and His disciples 

^The 'E^paXcrri in which the title on the Cross was written 
(John xix. 20) and the *E{ipaU StaXcKTo? of St. Paul's speech at 
Jerusalem (Acts xxi. 40) refer to Aramaic and not to Hebrew. 

^ Introduction to the New Testament, Engl. Trans., Edinburgh, 
1909, i. p. 4 ff. 

^ Bellum Judaicuni, proem, i f. 

*Ezra iv. 8-vi. 18, vii. 12-26, Dan. ii. 4-vii. 28. 



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LANGUAGE OF THE NEW TESTAMENT 37 

employed the same language. For proofs of this we 
are generally referred to the existence in our Gospels 
of certain Aramaic words and expressions, directly 
attributed to Christ Himself, like the cry on the 
Cross, 'EKwl 'EXoH \afia tra^a-jfOavel^ * My God, My 
God, why hast Thou forsaken me?' (Mark xv. 34), 
or such phrases as ToXexda Koifi, * Damsel, arise ' 
(Mark v. 41), and 'E(f><f>aea, « Be opened' (Mark vii. 
34), though it must not be forgotten that their 
retention in this form can also be explained on 
the ground that they were exceptional. On the 
whole, however, in view of the generally Aramaic 
background of the Gospels, on which Dalman ^ and 
Wellhausen ^ amongst others have recently laid such 
stress, combined with the inherent probabilities of 
the case, we may take it that Jesus, while able on 
occasion, as in His interview with Pilate, to speak 
Greek, as a rule employed the more indigenous and 
familiar Aramaic.^ 

There would have been nothing astonishing, then, use of Greek 
if the New Testament books which appeared ini^t^enr 
Palestine had been written in Aramaic, and, as a^"^*^' 
matter of fact, our first three Gospels are in part at 
least based on earlier Aramaic documents (see 
further, p. 1 39). But no one of them in its present 

^ Die Worte Jesu^ 1., Leipzig, 1898; Engl. Trans, by Kay, 
Edinburgh, 1902. 

2 Einldtung in die drei ersten Evangelien 2, Berlin, 191 1. 

®The opposite view is maintained by Roberts, Discussions on 
the Gospels^ London, 1862, and A Short Proof that Greek was the 
Language of Christy Paisley and London, 1893. 



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38 THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 

form 19 a direct translation from Aramaic.^ And 
there is again practical unanimity amongst scholars 
that the New Testament Epistles have all come 
down to us in the language in which they were first 
written. Attempts indeed have been made to revive 
the view held both by Clement of Alexandria and 
St. Jerome that our present Epistle to the Hebrews 
is a translation from Hebrew or Aramaic,* but the 
purity and elegance of the language, to say nothing 
of the fact that the quotations in the Epistle are 
taken from the Septuagint, and not from the 
Hebrew text, point conclusively to a Greek 
original.* And the same holds true of the Epistle 
of St. James. That an Epistle emanating from 
such a source should contain Aramaisms is only 
what we should expect, but, regarded as a whole, 
it exhibits none of the ordinary signs of a trans- 
lation, and * is written in strong, simple Greek, 
used with no slight rhetorical skill by one who has 

^ On the view to be taken of Papias' statement that * Matthew 
composed the Logia in the Hebraic dialect,' see p. 137 f. As 
regards the Second Gospel, Allen suggested so far back as 1902, 
that St. Mark wrote it in Aramaic (The Expository Times^ xiii. 
p. 328 ff.), and in a more recent study he again emphasizes its 
Aramaic background {Studies in the Synoptic Problem^ Oxford, 
191 1), X. p. 298. Wellhausen has also declared strongly for an 
original Aramaic document, based on oral tradition (Einieitnng^^ 
p. 38)- 

^ E,g, by Biesenthal, Das Trostschreiben des Apostels Faulus an 
die Hebraer (Leipzig, 1878), p. 43 ff. 

8 See further the present writer's Theology of the Epistle to the 
Hebrews (Edinburgh, 1899), p. 16 f. 



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LANGUAGE OF THE NEW TESTAMENT 39 

something of his own to say, and says it with perfect 
freedom.'^ 

Nor need this preference for Greek over Aramaic Reasons for 
on the part of the New Testament writers cause usferencefor 
any surprise. Largely through the conquests of 
Alexander the Great, Greek had come into ever- 
increasing use throughout the East. It would be 
the one language generally understood by the dif- 
ferent bodies of soldiers of which his armies were 
composed, and in which alone the administrative 
work of his widely spread Empire could be carried 
on. 

This would apply with even greater force to the 
state of things under the Diadochi. And when 
eventually the Romans united East and West in one 
great Empire, it was naturally in Greek that they 
continued to rule their Eastern subjects. 

We need not wonder then that even in Palestine, 
notwithstanding the national prejudices which ex- 
cluded everything un- Jewish from education, Greek 
speedily gained a strong footing.^ The cities of 

ij. B. Mayor, The Epistle of SL James^ (London, 1897), 
p. ccxxxiv. See further, p. 1 1 1 of the present volume. 

*The fact that Josephus found it necessary to translate his 
History of the Jewish War from Aramaic (cf. p. 36) into Greek 
is alorte proof of this, especially when combined with the fact that 
his Antiquities of the Jews were originally composed in the latter 
language. Any deficiencies that it might exhibit in Greek learning 
he is careful to put down to the fact that his own nation did 
nothing to encourage those who learned the language of many 
nations (vap' 17/**^ yap ovk iK€ivovs d7ro8€)(ovTai tovs Trokkoiv lOvStv 
SidX€KTov €Kfia66vTaSy Antt,Jud, xx. 264, ed. Niese). 



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40 THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 

Pella and Dion in Eastern Palestine with their 
Macedonian names were probably founded by 
Alexanders soldiers, and when we come down to 
Roman times we are at once met with the Decapolis, 
a League of Greek cities specially formed perhaps 
to oppose * the various Semitic influences east and 
west of Jordan> from which Rome had freed them.'^ 
One thing is certain, that the religion of the 
Decapolis, as distinguished from that of the sur- 
rounding district, was thoroughly Hellenic. And 
Principal George Adam Smith has drawn a striking 
picture of the influence which this Greek life in 
Palestine could not fail to have on the beginnings of 
Christianity. 

'The Decapolis,' he writes, *was flourishing in 
the time of Christ's ministry. Gadara, with her 
temples and her amphitheatres, with her art, her 
games and her literature, overhung the Lake of 
Galilee, and the voyages of its fishermen. A leading 
Epicuraean of the previous generation, the founder 
of the Greek anthology, some of the famous wits of 
the day, the reigning emperor's tutor, had all been 
bred within sight of the homes of the writers of the 
New Testament. Philodemus, Meleager, Menippus, 
Theodorus, were names of which the one end of the 
Lake of Galilee was proud, when Matthew, Peter, 
James and John, were working at the other end. 
The temples of Zeus, Pallas, and Astarte crowned a 
height opposite to that which gave its name to the 

iG. A. Smith, The Historical Geography of the Holy Land 
(London, 1897), p. 596. 



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LANGUAGE OF THE NEW TESTAMENT 41 

Sermon on the Mount. . . . We cannot believe that 
the two worlds, which this one landscape embraced, 
did not break into each other.' ^ 

Similar influences were everywhere at work, and 
may be said to have reached their height in the 
reign of Herod the Great, who, as Josephus records, 
was in the habit of boasting that he was more 
nearly related to the Greeks than to the Jews.^ 
And when we add to this, that under the Roman 
system of rule by Procurators residing at Caesarea, 
Greek became the recognized official language, as 
the only language intelligible alike to the governors 
and the governed, its increasing hold upon all classes 
of the population becomes at once intelligible. 

Nor in estimating the place which Greek had 
come to occupy in Palestine, must we forget the 
influence exercised by the Jews of the Dispersion. 
From long residence abroad they had ceased to use 
their native language to any extent, and for the old 
Hebrew Scriptures had substituted the Greek trans- 
lation which we know as the Septuagint. They 
continued, however, to attend the great feasts at 
Jerusalem, *the metropolis of Judaism the world 
over,' where for convenience they had their own 
synagogues (Acts vi. 9), and where eventually not 
a few finally settled, perhaps from a wish to end 
their days and be buried in the Holy Land (cf. 
Acts ii. 5). 

^ Ibid. p. 607 f. 

'^Antt. Jud. xix. 329, ed. Niese: 'EXA?;<7t irXkov 17 'lovScuW 

OiK€Ul»S <X***' OfJLoXoyOVfJL€VOS. 



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42 THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 

However vigorously, therefore, Palestinian Jewish 
teachers might combat the Greek spirit as a menace 
to orthodox Judaism, they would be powerless to 
prevent the spread of the Greek tongue. It was the 
language of government, of the army, of business, 
and even of religion, in the case of a large and 
influential section of the population. While, as 
showing how far it had penetrated amongst all 
classes, it is sufficient to point to the striking scene 
in Acts xxi. 40 ff., where it is obvious that the 
Jerusalem mob whom St. Paul addressed from the 
stairs of Antonia expected that he would have 
addressed them in Greek, and that it was his falling 
back on their native Hebrew or Aramaic that led to 
their being ' the more quiet.* * 

How long this bilingual state of things continued 
in Palestine it is not easy to determine, but it would 
certainly be well over the period covered by our 
New Testament writings. And enough, I trust, has 
been said to show that during that period even 
the native Jews might very naturally fall back upon 
Greek for religious purposes.^ And when we pass 

^Dr. T. K. Abbott quotes an interesting parallel from a bi- 
lingual district of Ireland, where at a public discussion between a 
Protestant and a Roman Catholic champion any approach to a 
disturbance was at once quelled by a few words in Irish. * The 
people were listening to English speeches, but the Irish touched 
their hearts more nearly * {Essays chiefly on the Original Texts of 
the Old and New Testaments (London, 1891), p. 164). 

^Schiirer, while holding that 'Aramaic was in the time of 
Christ the sole popular language of Palestine/ nevertheless admits 
* that a slight acquaintance with Greek was pretty widely diffused, 



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LANGUAGE OF THE NEW TESTAMENT 43 

outside of Palestine and think of St. Paul and other 
of the Apostles addressing their letters to scattered 
communities throughout the Graeco-Roman world, 
it is obvious that Greek was the one language in 
which they could hope to be understood. We are 
even met with the apparent paradox that an Epistle 
intended specially for * Hebrews/ readers who, 
whatever their exact habitat, were certainly Jewish 
Christians, was written not in Hebrew but in Greek, 
and by one who made use of the Greek version of 
the Old Testament Scriptures. 

H. This raises the question. What was the char- 11. The 

r \ • ^ \ •\ character 

acter of this Greek ? of New 

I. Here let me say at once that the discussion of Greek. ^ 
the real character of the Greek of the New Testa- J;,^^°^^*^ 
ment has in recent years entered on an entirely new 1^^*^^°^ 
phase. The old controversy between the * Purists,' 
who endeavoured to bring all its peculiarities under 
the strict rules of Attic usage, and the ' Hebraists,* 
who magnified these peculiarities in the interests of 
a distinctively * Biblical Greek,* or even 'language of 
the Holy Ghost,' is now completely a thing of the 
past.^ And there is wide-spread agreement that the 
New Testament writers made use of the ordinary 

and that the more educated classes used it without difficulty' 
{Geschichte des JUdischen Voikes im Zeii alter Jesu Christ^ (Leipzig, 
1898), ii. pp. 19, 63 f.: of. Engl. Trans. II. i. pp. 9, 48). 

^ For the literature of this controversy, see Winer-Schmiedel, 
Grammatik ^s neutestamentlichen Sprachidioms (Gottingen, 1 894- ), 
p. 4ff. 



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44 THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 

Greek of their own time, and that, too, in its more 
vulgar or colloquial form. 
New ught on The Confidence with which this conclusion is held 

thisGrqsk. 

is largely due to the new light which recent dis- 
coveries have thrown upon the true character of this 
Greek, For our knowledge of it in the past we were 
dependent upon its literary memorials, which betray 
a constant tendency, both conscious and unconscious, 
on the part of their writers to imitate the great Attic 
models of the classical period. But there have now 
come into our hands a large number of more popular 
or vernacular texts in the form of inscriptions, and 
especially of ostraca and papyri recovered from the 
sands of Egypt, in which we can see Greek, as it 
were, in undress, as it was spoken and written by the 
men and women of the day, with no thought of their 
words ever reaching the eyes of others than those 
to whom they were originally addressed. And the 
striking fact for our present purpose is, as I have just 
indicated, that these non- literary texts prove incon- 
testably that it was in this same colloquial Greek, the 
Koiini or common tongue of their day — to limit for 
convenience a term that is sometimes applied to 
Hellenistic Greek as a whole ^ — that the writers of 
the New Testament for the most part composed their 
books. Themselves sprung from the common 
people, the disciples of One whom the common 
people heard gladly, they in their turn wrote in 

^ See J. H. Moulton, A Grammar of New Testament Greeks 
i. Prolegomena ^ (Edinburgh, 1908), p. 2 f. This book is hereafter 
cited simply as Prolegomena^, 



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LANGUAGE OF THE NEW TESTAMENT 45 

that common tongue to be * understanded of the 
people.' 

The wonder, indeed, is not that this fact is now so 
generally admitted, as that it has been so long in 
being recognized. For while we gratefully acknow- 
ledge, and we can hardly do so with sufficient 
emphasis, the giant strides which the study of 
Papyrology has made in recent years through the 
almost phenomenal labours of Dr. Grenfell and Dr. 
Hunt in this country, to say nothing of their foreign 
compeers, we must not forget that for the earliest 
papyrus discoveries in Egypt we have to go back as 
far as the year 1778. It is true that for a time the 
finds were comparatively few and unimportant, but 
by the middle of the following century quite a num- 
ber of documents had been made available in 
connexion with the collections in Turin, London, 
Leyden, and Paris.^ And yet full of varied signifi- 
cance as many of these documents humains were, 
they evoked comparatively little interest even 
amongst palaeographers and historians, while their 
bearing upon the Greek of the Biblical writings 
passed pra,ctically unnoticed. The earliest hint in 
this direction that I have been able to discover is 
afforded by a passage in Peyron's Introduction to his 
edition of the Turin papyri in 1826, in which he 
states that in order to understand the meaning of 
some of their unusual words, he had consulted * the 
contemporary writers, especially the translators of 

^ The Turin Papyri were published in 1826-27, the London (by 
Forshall) in 1839, the Leyden in 1843-85, and the Paris in 1865. 



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46 THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 

the Lxx, the writers of the New Testament, Poly- 
bius, and Aristeas/^ But no one seems to have 
thought of reversing the process, and of examining 
the papyri for illustrations of lxx or New Testa- 
ment Greek. 

One can hardly help wondering what they might 
have yielded in this direction in the hands of Dr. 
Hort, who included Peyron s book in his library, but 
there is no evidence that he had ever thought of 
examining it in this connexion. Nor does it seem 
to have been different in the case of either of the 
other two members of the great Cambridge trium- 
virate, though a striking prophecy attributed to 
Bishop Lightfoot in 1863 shows how keenly alive he 
was to the importance of such evidence, should it 
ever present itself — as indeed it had already done. 

Speaking of some New Testament word which had 
its only classical authority in Herodotus, he is re- 
ported to have said : * You are not to suppose that 
the word had fallen out of use in the interval, only 
that it had not been used in the books which remain 
to US': probably it had been part of the common 
speech all along. I will go further, and say that if 
we could only recover letters that ordinary people 

^ * Nee praetermittendum est, Papyros puram putamque dia- 
lectum referre, quae per ora vulgi volitabat. . . . Maior difficultas 
oritur a potestate verborum, quae quandoque Graecis prorsus 
inaudita, propria erat Aegyptiorum. Quare consului affines scrip- 
tores, praesertim i.xx Interpretes, Scriptores Novi Testamenti, 
Polybium, atque Aristeam * {Papyri Graeci Regit Taurinensis 
Musei AegyptiH^nnrij 1826), i. p. 21). 



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LANGUAGE OF THE NEW TESTAMENT 47 

wrote to each other without any thought of being 
literary, we should have the greatest possible help 
for the understanding of the language of the New 
Testament generally.* * 

Twenty-one years later, an admission to the same 
effect, based this time on actual evidence, was made 
by Dean Farrar, and his words deserve to be recalled, 
as probably the first direct recognition in this country 
of the value of the papyri for New Testament study. 
In a note to the chapter on the * Form of the New 
Testament Epistles,' in his volume on The Messages 
of the Books,^ Dr. Farrar remarks with reference to 
the general identity of structure in the Pauline 
Epistles : * It is an interesting subject of inquiry to 
what extent there was at this period an ordinary 
form of correspondence which (as among ourselves) 
was to some extent fixed. In the papyrus rolls of 
the British Museum (edited for the trustees by J. 
Forshall [in 1839]) there are forms and phrases which 
constantly remind us of St. Paul' (p. 151). But he 
does not seem to have pursued the inquiry further, 
and it was left to Adolf Deissmann, now Professor 
of New Testament Exegesis in the University of 
Berlin, to write as a Privatdocent at Marburg, and 
to publish as a pastor at Herborn, the Bibelstudien 
first issued in 1895, ^^^ followed by the Neue Bibel- 
stuciien in 1897, which were virtually to inaugurate 

^From notes of Bishop Lightfoot's lectures supplied by the 
Rev. J. Pulliblank to Dr. J. H. Moulton : see Prolegomena ^ 
p. 242. 

2 London, 1884. 



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48 THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 

a new movement in the linguistic study of our Greek 
Bible.i 

For, whatever judgment may be passed on some 
of the conclusions arrived at by Deissmann and his 
subsequent fellow-workers, this at least is certain, 
that they have succeeded in lifting the so-called 
Biblical Greek completely out of the isolation in 
which hitherto it had been believed to stand, and 
exhibiting it as 'neither an example of ** Jewish- 
Greek " (which is nowhere demonstrable) nor of a 
specific ** Christian Greek," but rather a monument 
of the Koine as a whole — the first earnest and really 
magnificent attempt to employ the spoken language 
of the time for literary purposes/* 
General It is no part of my present purpose to discuss in 

of the detail the proofs which Deissmann and Thumb in 

Germany, and J. H. Moulton in England, have 
brought forward to establish this conclusion. Nor 
is it possible at present to attempt any philological 
discussion of the exact nature of this Ko£i/?;, or 
common Greek. It must be enough that though it 
is frequently spoken of as debased, or even as bad. 
Greek, in itself it marks a distinct stage in the 

^ The two volumes are combined in the English translation by 
the Rev. A. Grieve under the title Bible Studies. Contributions 
chiefly from Papyri and hiscriptions to the History of the Language^ 
the Literature^ and the Religion of Hellenistic Judaism and Primi- 
tive Christianity f 2nd edit., Edinburgh, 1903. See further for 
Deissmann's works, Additional Note A, *Some Books for the 
Study of the Greek Papyri.' 

2 A. Thumb, art. 'Hellenistic and Biblical Greek' in A Standard 
Bible Dictionary (London, 1909), p. 331. 



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LANGUAGE OF THE NEW TESTAMENT 49 

history of the language- Standing midway in point 
of time between classical and modem Greek, it 
presents all the marks of a living tongue, which, 
while wanting in many of the niceties by which 
classical Greek was distinguished, was nevertheless 
governed by regular laws of its own. Its main basis 
was Attic, with an intermingling of not a few Ionic 
elements. And though in its spoken form this 
common speech would naturally exhibit other 
dialectic differences in view of the wide area over 
which it was used, these differences disappear to a 
surprising extent in the written texts. And the 
consequence is, that we are able to appeal with 
confidence to documents emanating from different 
countries and different circumstances in support and 
illustration of each other on the linguistic side. An 
Egyptian papyrus letter and a New Testament 
Epistle may be widely separated alike by the 
nationality and habitat of their writers, and by their 
own inherent characters and aims, but both are 
written in substantially the same Greek. 

2. On the richness of the field of illustration thus a. influences 
opened up in New Testament lexicography, I shall Gre2c"of 
have something to say directly ; but meanwhile it T^umwit. 
seems necessary to safeguard and limit the con- 
clusions thus reached in one or two directions. In 
the not unnatural recoil from the old position of 
treating the Greek of the New Testament as an 
isolated language, a tendency has shown itself in 
various quarters to lose sight of certain distinctive 
features by which it is none the less marked, and 



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50 THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 

which, notwithstanding all the linguistic and stylistic 
parallels that have been discovered, impart a 
character of its own to the language of our New 
Testament writings, 
(i) Hebraisms, (i) This applies, in the first place, to the over- 
eagerness which many advocates of the new light 
display in getting rid of the * Hebraisms' or 
* Semitisms/ which have hitherto been regarded as a 
distinguishing feature of the Greek New Testament. 
That the number of these has been greatly 
exaggerated in the past, and that there is now 
ample evidence for looking on many of them as 
'true Greek,* 1 should be amongst the first to admit. 
When, for example, in a letter of a.d. 41, a man 
counsels a friend who was in money difficulties, 
jSXe-TTc a-arov airo tS>v 'IovScuwv, * Beware of the Jews,* 
apparently as money-lenders, and if so, probably the 
first reference to them in that character,^ there is no 
longer any need of finding a Hebraistic construction 
in our Lord's warning, Mark xii. 38, jSXeVere a-Tro tS>v 
ypajuLjuLarecop^ * Beware of the scribes,' or again, of 
regarding the use of iv in such a passage as i Cor. 
iv. 2ij €v pd/3S(p eXdw TTjOo? vjuLag ; * Shall I come to you 
with a rod.'** as *an after effect of the Hebrew 5,' 
in view of the half-dozen instances of a similar usage 
which the editors cite from Tebtunis Papyri * free 
from all suspicion of Semitic influence.'* 

^Berliner Griechische Urkunden^ iv. p. 123 f. No. 1079***^^ 
{ = Selections from the Greek Papyri^, No. 15). 

2 The Tebtunis Papyri, edd. Grenfell-Hunt-Smyly, i. p. 86, note 
on No. 16^* : cf. e,g. No. 41^"- {c, B.C. 119) : irvKvoT^pov Mappelovs 



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LANGUAGE OF THE NEW TESTAMENT 51 

In the same way the use of such a word as 
ava(rrp€<f)ofjLai in the sense of 'behave oneself,* which 
Grimm compares with the moral signification of 

Y?I^ * walk,' can now be readily paralleled from a 
FayClm petition complaining of an assault committed 
by certain persons ov oltto toS 8eXT[/](rToi; avatrrpc- 
<f)oiuL€V(ov, *of the less reputable class' (Edd.).^ Nor 
need we any longer appeal to the Hebrew 7i<9^ as 
determining the New Testament meaning of *ask' 
for epwrdco, when we find the word constantly so used 
in the ordinary Greek of the time, as, for example, 
in the second century letter in . which a certain 
Antonius epoora, * invites,' a friend to dine with him, 
*at the table of the lord Serapis.'^ Apart from its 
lexical interest, this last document is very significant 
as giving an actual instance of those banquets held 
in honour of a god and in his temple, against which 
St. Paul pointedly warns the Corinthian Christians 
in I Cor. x. 2 1 : * You cannot drink the cup of the 

roiroypap./jLaT€(os <rvv aXAots irXiioo't, kv fia\aipai.s Tap[a]ytvofi€VOV 
€is T^i' K^fXTfVf *Man:es the topogrammateus is in the habit of 
coming to the village with numerous others armed with swords.' 

^ FayUm Towns and their Papyri^ edd. Grenfell-Hunt-Hogarth, 
p. 103 ff. No. 12®*^ (c, B.C. 103). For numerous examples from 
the inscriptions, see Deissmann, Bible Studies^ pp. 88, 194, and 
add from the Inschriften von Priene^ ed. H. von Gaertringen 
(Berlin, 1906), No. 115* (i/B.C.), dvaaTp€<f>6/jLevos iv ttSo-iv <^tX[av* 
$p67r(asi\ — a good parallel to Heb. xiii. 18, cV ttoo-lv naXtos ficAovrcs 
dvaaTp€<f>€a'6ai, 

^The Oxyrhynchus Papyri^ .edd. Grenfell-Hunt, iii. p. 260, 
No. 523 i^^ Selections from the Greek Papyri^, No. 39). 



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52 THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 

Lord, and the cup of demons : you cannot partake 
of the table of the Lord, and of the table of 
demons.' 

Even after, however, we have disposed of these 
and a number of similar instances, it still remains 
true that it is impossible to remove genuine * Semit- 
isms' from the New Testament altogether, or to 
the extent that is sometimes demanded. Why, in- 
deed, should there be any undue anxiety to do so ? 
The presence of a few * Semitisms ' more or less 
does not prevent our recognizing that the general 
language of the document in which they occur is 
Greek, any more- than the Scotticisms, into which a 
North Briton shows himself so ready to fall, exclude 
the possibility that all the time he is doing his best 
to talk English. And it is surely wiser to attribute 
these Semitic-seeming words and constructions at 
once to their natural source, the more especially 
when they occur in circumstances which make their 
presence not only explicable but inevitable. 

The mother- tongue of almost all the New Testa- 
ment writers was Aramaic, and although, in keeping 
with the general practice of the time, they had 
learned to use Greek freely as a subsidiary language, 
their native upbringing would constantly assert itself 
in the choice of particular words and phrases. In 
the case of the Evangelists this tendency would 
be still further encouraged by the fact that not 
merely Aramaic traditions, but Aramaic documents, 
lay at the basis of their writings ; while even St. 
Paul, to whom Greek had been all along a second 



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LANGUAGE OF THE NEW TESTAMENT 53 

language, constantly shows signs of his Jewish 
upbringing in the arrangement and construction of 
his sentences.^ 

This was due, doubtless, in no small degree to the 
influence which the translation-Greek of the Septua- 
gint had come to exercise over him. Whatever may 
have been the case in his earlier years, the Greek 
Old Testament was undoubtedly the Bible of St. 
Paul's manhood and ministry, and not only its 
thoughts but its actual phraseology had passed in 
sucum et sanguinem. What more natural, then, than 
that when he himself came to write on cognate 
themes, he should almost unconsciously fall into the 
same mode of speech, much as a modern preacher 
or devotional writer is tempted to imitate the archaic 
English of the Authorized Version. 

It is quite possible that too much has been made 
in the past of the translation-Greek of the Septuagint, 
and that its writers by no means betray throughout 
the literal, almost slavish, following of the Hebrew 
original that is sometimes alleged against them. 
Still the fact remains that the Septuagint is a 
translation which bears, though in varying degrees 
in its different parts, the marks of its source, 

^ * Ebensowenig als die Septuaginta darf das Neue Testament 
sprachlich isoliert werden. Wir treffen auch hier die Umgangs- 
sprache der Zeit. Sie ist stark mit Semitismen versetzt, wo der 
aramaische Originale zugrunde liegen oder die Septuaginta nach- 
wirkt. Aber z.B. Paulus hat zwar in der Wortfugung manchmal, 
dagegen im Wortschatz sehr wenig hebraisiert ' (Wackeraagel, *Die 
Griechische Sprache,' p. 309, in Die Kultur der Gegenwari\ I. 
viii. Berlin, 1907). 



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54 THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 

and which therefore in its turn could not fail to 
influence the Greek of those who were nurtured 
upon it.^ 

It is not so easy to determine the exact limits of 
another consideration which must be kept in view in 
estimating the * Semitisms ' of the New Testament 
We have seen that many of these are disposed of on 
the . ground that they can be paralleled from the 
Greek papyri found in Egypt. But what, per- 
tinently ask Dr. Swete and others, if these parallels 
are themselves due to Semitic influence ? We know 
that from an early date there were large numbers of 
Jewish settlers in Egypt, and these may easily have 
affected the Greek of the surrounding population.^ 
To this it is generally answered that in many 
instances we can support the papyri by evidence 
drawn from vernacular inscriptions found in widely 
distant regions, where it is impossible always to 
postulate an influential Ghetto, and that even in 
Egypt, outside the larger cities, there is no evidence 
of a Jewish element strong enough to affect the 

* Cf. Thackeray, A Grammar of the Old Testament in Greek 
(Cambridge, 1909), i. p. 29: 'Notwithstanding that certain so- 
called "Hebraisms" have been removed from that category or 
that their claim to the title has become open to question, it is 
impossible to deny the existence of a strong Semitic influence in 
the Greek of the lxx.' As bearing this out, it is interesting to find 
that Psichari's important Essai sur le Grec de la Septante (Extrait 
de la Revue des Atudes jutves, Avril, 1908) turns round the two 
points *h^braismes k ^carter, h6brai'smes k reconnaitre' (cf. 
p. 207). 

* Swete, The Apocalypse ofStJohn^ p. cxx. 



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LANGUAGE OF THE NEW TESTAMENT 55 

local speech to the extent demanded.^ The answer 
may well seem to be conclusive. At the same time, 
without fuller information than is at present available 
regarding the position and power of these Jewish 
colonies, it would be unwise to deny altogether the 
possibility of some such influence, more particularly 
as exercised on a language which was neither the 
Jews' nor the Egyptians' native speech, but a 
medium of communication adopted by both alike, 
and on that very account more open to modification 
at the hands of all who used it* 

(2) A second feature of our New Testament j?) certain 
writings which is apt to be ignored, or at any rate tendencies, 
under-estimated, in view of the generally popular 
Greek in which they are written, is their literary 
character. 

I do not of course for a moment mean that any 
part of the New Testament is * Kunstprosa ' in the 
ordinary sense of that term, or that the literary 
character of its different books stands on the same 
footing throughout. At the same time, leaving out 
of sight meanwhile the Gospels, where the question 
is complicated by the writers' relation to their 
sources, we cannot deny to the historian of the 
Acts of the Apostles, to St. Paul, and to the author 
of the Epistle to the Hebrews, a command over the 
Greek language, and a power in using it, which 

^jE,g. J. H. Moulton, Cambridge Biblical Essays (London, 
1909), p. 468 f. 

*This point is well stated by G. C. Richards in the Journal for 
Theological Studies^ x. p. 289 f. 



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56 THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 

entitle them to rank amongst the greatest writers as 
well as the greatest teachers. 

In the case of St. Luke we are prepared for this 
not only by the instinct for style, which would belong 
to him in virtue of his Greek birth, but also by his 
medical training, which enriched his vocabulary with 
many scientific and quasi-scientific terms : ^ while, 
whatever the view taken of the relation of the 
different factors which combined to form the Lucan 
account of the Pauline speeches in the Book of Acts, 
none can fail to recognize with Professor Percy 
Gardner in his recent study of them, that ' as a mah 
of letters' their compiler is * highly gifted,' and 
brings to his difficult task extraordinary versatility 
and literary skill* 

The same holds true mutatis mutandis of St. Paul, 
to whom from the circumstances of his birth and 
upbringing Greek was virtually a second mother- 
tongue.^ That he was imbued with its culture and 
literature to the extent that some of his modern 
biographers would have us believe may well seem 
doubtful : it is at least not borne out by his vocabu- 
lary, which is in the main thoroughly popular and in 

^ These can still be most conveniently studied in Dr. Hobart's 
well-known Essay on The Medical Language of St Luke^ Dublin 
and London, 1882. See also Knowling, * The Medical Language 
of St. Luke and Recent Criticism * in Messianic Interpretation and 
other Studies (London, 19 10), p. 113 ff. 

2 Cambridge Biblical Essay s^ pp. 387, 394. 

* On the probability that St. Paul was able also to speak Latin, 
see the interesting paper by Professor A. Souter, The Expository 
VIII. i. p. 337 ff. 



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LANGUAGE OF THE NEW TESTAMENT 57 

accord with the living speech of his day.^ At the 
same time, it is undeniable that the Apostle could, 
when necessary, fall back on the philosophic language 
of the day, and employ it in such a way as would 
be appreciated by thinking and educated men. 
Obvious examples are his use of avrapxeta in its 
subjective sense of ' self-sufficiency/ and of <Tvv€iSfj<rt9, 
which, though not unknown in the Jewish Apocrypha, 
first gains its full introspective moral importance in 
the teaching of the Stoics.^ 

The same re^vfj is seen still more markedly, I 
need hardly say, in the Epistle to the Hebrews. 
Even those who are most anxious to emphasize the 
generally * popular ' character of the New Testament 
writings admit that we have here an exception.* 

1 * P. spricht nicht anders als die lebendige Sprache seiner Zeit/ 
Nageli, Der Wortschatz (Us Aposteh Faulus (Gottingen, 1905), 
p. 42 — an important contribution to the study of the Pauline 
vocabulary (in so far as it falls under the first five letters of the 
alphabet), more particularly in its relation to the Koivq. 

* Upon the necessity of the study of such writers as Musonius 
and Epictetus for a complete insight into the language and style 
of St. Paul, see J. Weiss, Die Aufgaben der Neutestamentlichen 
Wissenschaft in der G^^^^wa'ar/ (G6ttingen, 1908), p. 10 f. Cf. also 
R. Bultmann, Der Stil der paulinischen Predigt und die Kynisch- 
stoische Diatribe (Gdttingen, 1910), A. BonhofTer, Epiktet und das 
Neue Testament (Giessen, 191 1), and the articles by these two 
writers in the Zeitschrift fiir die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft for 
1912. 

* Deissmann describes the Epistle to the Hebrews as * historically 
the earliest example of Christian artistic^ literature,' and again as 
* like an intruder among the New Testament company of popular 
books' {Light from the Ancient East^ pp. 237, 243). 



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58 THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 

And I refer to it now only for the purpose of again 
emphasizing that even if it stood alone in this matter 
of artistic force, and we have seen already that it 
does not, we should still have to admit that with all 
its 'splendid simplicity and homeliness/ the New 
Testament contains elements of a distinctively 
literary character — that it is itself literature. 
(3) The trans. (3) There is still a third consideration that must 
o7alnftia^hy!^ uot bc lost sight of iu estimating the true character 
of the New Testament vocabulary, and that is the 
deepening and enriching which it has received 
through Christian influences. 

The common language of the time has been * bap- 
tized * into new conditions ; and only by a frank 
recognition of these conditions can we hope to fix 
the full connotation of many of our most character- 
istic New Testament words and phrases. The point 
has been well put by Sir William M. Ramsay : 
* Even though the same words were used by the 
pagans, it may be the case — I would go so far as to 
say it certainly was so — that there were some, per- 
haps many, which acquired a special and distinct 
meanmg to the Christians, as suited to express 
certain ideas of the Christian religious thought, and 
which thus immediately became characteristic and 
almost positive marks of Christian writing.'^ 

A familiar instance is afforded by the word ayairrj. 

It would be going too far to say that the word has 

been actually *born within the bosom of revealed 

religion,' though it is somewhat remarkable that no 

1 7%e Expositor, Vll. vii. p. 6. 



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LANGUAGE OF THE NEW TESTAMENT 59 

absolutely clear instance of its use in profane Greek 
has been discovered ; ^ at the same time, it is so char- 
acteristic of the Biblical writings that it may be 
regarded as peculiar to them in the full sense which 
they have taught us to ascribe to it. 

The use of aS€\(f)oi^ again, to describe the members 
of a guild, or the * fellows' of the Serapeum at 
Memphis, may prepare us for, but does not exhaust, 
its definite Christian significance. And the same 
may be said of irapova-la, which our new authorities 
exhibit as a kind of terminus technicus to describe 
the visit of a king or great man.^ Very suggestive, 
too, is the light which these throw upon the original 
associations of such words as aidvio^, ctTroWoXo?, ctt/- 
<r#co7ro9, dpijcrKeia, Trpecr^irepo^ and (ramipy to name a 
few almost, at random,* but it is certainly not light 
of a character that enables us to dispense with 
the light derivable from within the New Testament 
itself. 

^The nearest approach of which I am aware is in a Pagan 
inscription of the Imperial period from Tefeny in Pisidia, giving 
the mantic significance of various throws of the dice : ttcv^ci 5' €is 
dyd[7rr)]v <r€ <f>i\o/jLfX€i8rjs *A<f>po8€iT7j (Papers of the American School 
of Classical Studies at Athens^ ii. 57, cited by Hatch, Journal of 
Biblical Literature^ xxvii. 2 (1908), p. 134 ff.). 

^ On these two words, see my edition of St, PauFs Epistles to the 
Thessalonians^ pp. 21, 145 f. 

* For a discussion of these and many similar terms reference 
may be made to the * Lexical Notes from the Papyri ' contributed 
by Professor Moulton and the writer to The Expositor^ VII. v. — 
It is hoped soon to republish a first instalment of these * Notes ' 
in an enlarged and revised form. 



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6o THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 

It may seem, perhaps, as if all this tends to dis- 
parage somewhat the aid we are likely to receive in 
the work of interpretation from our new sources. 
But this is very far indeed from being my intention. 
All that I wish to insist upon is, that in using these 
sources we must not lose sight of other evidence 
which has at least an equal right to be heard, and 
that loss rather than gain will result from calling 
them in to decide questions which lie outside their 
distinct province. Within that province, however, 
their value is undoubted, and will, I am confident, 
be increasingly recognized as their contents become 
more generally known and studied. 



III. Recent 
ijns to our 



Testament. 



I. Direct 
additions to 
our New 
Testament 
texts. 



III. Let me indicate a few of the directions in 
f^ow/^grof which these spoils from the ancient East l\ave already 
theGree^New^j^^^^^ light on the text and diction of our New 

Testament writings. 

I. In the matter of text, it may be a disappoint- 
ment to some that hitherto comparatively few Biblical 
texts of any importance have been recovered. This 
doubtless arises from the fact that while casual letters 
and papers that were no longer required were thrown 
out on the village dustheaps, there to be preserved 
by the kindly protection of the desert sand for the 
instruction of future generations, the more valued 
texts and documents continued to be treasured and 
used, until gradually through the frailty of the 
papyrus leaves they crumbled away.^ 

* Birt calculates that if a papyrus roll reached the age of a hun- 
dred years it did well, seeing that even the lying in a chest 



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LANGUAGE OF THE NEW TESTAMENT 6i 

The probability, therefore, of finding any large 
number of Biblical manuscripts of great antiquity on 
papyrus may be at once discounted, though it is 
impossible to say what treasures may still be lurking 
in some unrifled tomb or sealed jar. And yet, even 
as it is, we cannot forget that, apart from many 
important manuscripts of parts of the Greek Old 
Testament, we owe to the sands of Egypt the oldest 
original manuscripts of thfe Greek New Testament 
in existence, namely, fragments of the Gospels of 
St. Matthew and of St. John, belonging to the third 
century, as well as a fourth century manuscript of 
nearly one-third of the Epistle to the Hebrews. 

We shall return to these and similar documents 
in connexion with the transmission of our New 
Testament writings.* In the meantime they are 
only mentioned as examples of the additions which 
recent discoveries have made to our textual 
authorities. 

2. But valuable as the papyri are in this direction, a. indirect 
the indirect aid which they afford to the Newfff^tiS^ 
Testament student is still more significant. It may 
well seem absurd that these fragmentary leaves, 
in themselves often of the most trivial and occa- 
sional character, should have anything to teach us 
regarding the language and meaning of the most 
significant Greek writings in the world. But so it 

injured it : see Die BuchrolU in der Kunst^ p. 24, and of. the 
same writer's Das antike Buchweserty p. 364 ff. 

^ See p. 189, and of. Additional Note D, * New Testament Texts 
on Papjrnis.' 



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62 THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 

is, and in the remainder of this lecture I shall try to 
show you how. 
(i)Ortho. (i) We may begin with Orthography and Acci- 

acadence. UCnLC. 

In these particulars the New Testament writings 
have not yet been subjected to the same searching 
comparison with the new evidence which Helbing 
and Thackeray have already accomplished in the 
case of the Greek Old Testament,^ but enough has 
already been done by Blass,* Schmiedel,^ Moulton,* 
and Deissmann,^ following on the notable work 
already done in this direction by Westcott and 
Hort,® to show that we are in a better position 
to-day for recovering the ipsissima verba of the 
New Testament autographs than many modern 
textual critics are ready to admit. 

Thus, when we remember the constant tendency 
on the part of the later copyists to improve on the 
* vulgarisms ' or * colloquialisms ' of the original, it 
cannot but help us to determine what is due to this 

^ Helbing, Grammatik der Septuaginta^ Laut- und Wortlehre, 
G5ttingen, 1907 ; Thackeray, A Grammar of tke Old Testament in 
Greeks i. Introductiony Orthography and Accidence^ Cambridge, 
1909. 

2 Grammatik des Neutestamentlichen Griechisch ^ (G5ttingen, 
1902), pp. 1-74 ; Eng. Trans, by Thackeray (London, 1905), 
pp. 1-7 1. 

* Winer's Grammatik des neutestamentlichen Sprachidioms neu 
bearbeitet (G()ttingen, 1894- ), pp. 31-144. 

^Prolegomena^, p. 42 ff. ^ Bible Studies, pp. 1 81-193. 

^Introduction to the New Testament in the Original Greek '^ 
(London, 1896), p. 302 fF., and Appendix, p. 148 ff. 



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LANGUAGE OF THE NEW TESTAMENT 63 

refining process when we have such abundant 
evidence now in our hands as to how the common 
people of the time actually wrote and spelt. The 
form yeptj/iia, for example, which Westcott and Hort 
prefer for the five occurrences of this word in the 
New Testament (Matt. xxvi. 29, Mark xiv. 25, Luke 
xii. 18, xxii. 18, 2 Cor. ix. 10), as against the yiwrnxa 
of the Textus Receptus (except in Luke xii. 18), is 
now fully established on the evidence both of the 
Ptolemaic papyri, and of those belonging to the 
first four centuries after Christ, and the aspirated 
(r(f>vptg for (TTTvpU (Matt. XV. 37, xvi. 10, Mark viii. 8, 
20, Acts ix. 25) is again amply, though not uni- 
versally, attested in the vernacular documents. 

The very indifference, indeed, of the writers of 
these documents to symmetrical forms or to unified 
spelling may in itself be taken as a warning against 
the almost feverish haste with which a * redactor,* or 
later author, is sometimes brought in to explain 
similar phenomena in the different parts of a New 
Testament book. 

In the same way, when we pass to morphology, it Morphology, 
is again to discover that many verbal forms with 
which our best New Testament texts have made us 
familiar can again be illustrated. One of the com- 
monest of these is the attaching ist aorist forms to 
the 2nd aorist, as when in Matt. x. 13 we read 
eKOarnD for eXderco, and in Mark iii. 8 ^Qav for JlKQov — 
a practice abundantly confirmed by the papyri, as 
well as by late Hellenistic writers generally, while 
the yeyovav for yey ovao-i which Westcott and Hort 



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64 THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 

read in Rom. xvi. 7 in accordance with B K A receives 
frequent corroboration, as, for example, from an 
almost contemporary papyrus letter from the Fayfim.^ 

An interesting form, which may cause trouble if it 
is not watched, is the substitution of edv for av after 
oy, oTTov, etc., which the same editors have faithfully 
reproduced from the leading manuscripts in such 
passages as Matt. xii. 32, 09 cap eliru, and Mark 
xiv. 9, oTTov cav Kfjpi/xPi. Professor J. H. Moulton 
has carefully examined the evidence of the papyri on 
this point, and has found that in the first and second 
centuries of the Christian era eav greatly predomi- 
nated, but that, as a form of av, it had almost died 
out in ordinary usage before the great Uncials were 
written. The fact, therefore, that their scribes pre- 
served eai/ may be taken as showing that they 
'faithfully reproduce originals written under condi- 
tions long since obsolete.' ^ 

One other example, which has an important 
bearing on the interpretation of a famous passage, 
must suffice. In John i. 14, the reading irXripfi^ 
{irXripvi D) x«V''^^^ '^^^ aXrjdeiag is practically certain, 
and the question arises with what does ifkripri^ agree. 
Treating it as a nominative. Bishop Westcott^ 
connects it directly with the principal subject of 
the sentence 6 \6yo^, making the words kou eOeao-diJLeda 
Trfi/ So^av avToVy So^av C09 ixovoyevov^ irapa irarpog a 
parenthesis (as in a. v., r.v), and this undoubtedly 

^Berliner Griechisc/u Urkunden^ ii. p. 241, No. 597^® (a.d. 75). 

^ Prolegomena^^ p. 42 f. 

^ The Gospel according to St John (edit. 1908), i. p. 18 f. 



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LANGUAGE OF THE NEW TESTAMENT 65 

yields good sense. But when we remember that in 
the papyri from the first century after Christ onwards 
'^Mp.m is treated as indeclinable,^ and that this usage 
is confirmed on the evidence of the Septuagint, and of 
many good manuscripts on its various occurrences 
in the New Testament,* the probability is that irkripti^ 
is to be similarly treated in the passage before us, as 
in reality an accusative referring to So^av. It will 
then be the * glory,* or the self-revelation, of the 
Word, that is * full of grace and truth/ 

(2) This last example may fittingly introduce us (a) Syntax. 
to the field of Syntax, and to Dr. Moulton's brilliant 
Prolegomena, where at every turn the evidence of 
the newly discovered vernacular documents is called 
in to decide corresponding usages in the New 
Testament writings. One or two examples will 
show how rich and suggestive that evidence is. 

Take, for instance, the prepositions, and an im- Examples of 
partial survey can hardly fail to lead us to the \^^^oi 
conclusion that the laxer usage which is everywhere p"^p^*^*°°^' 
observable in later Greek hardly justifies many of the 

^Only one instance b.c. has as yet been found, Mapo-aVciov 
irA^/M/s ( = irX^/)€5) in Papyri Graeci Musei Antiquarii Publici 
Lugduni'Bataviy ed. Leemans, i. p. 118, C col. 2" (b.c. 160). 

2 For the Septuagint evidence, cf. Thackeray i. p. 176 f., and for 
the New Testament, see especially Mark iv. 28, where Hort {Notes 
on Select Readings ^y p. 24) thinks that an original vk-qp-qs o-itov 
best explains the confusion of readings, and Acts vi. 5, where the 
best manuscripts (except B) read avhpa vXrjfyqs iriWeois. See 
further, Blass, Grammar, p. 81 ; Moulton, Prolegomena^, p. 50, 
and two notes by C. H. Turner, TAe Journal of Theological 
Studies, i. pp. 120 ff., 561 f. 



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66 THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 

overniceties of interpretation in which New Testa- 
ment expositors have been apt to indulge. The free 
interchange of eeV and ip is a case in point. This 
may be carried back to the fact that both words are 
originally forms of the same root ; but what we are 
specially concerned with is that they are largely 
interchanged in ordinary usage, as when in a letter 
of A.D. 22 the writer tells us that when he came to 
Alexandria (eTrJ rw yeyovevai ev 'AXe^avSpla), he learnt 
so and so from certain fishermen at Alexandria {eh 
*AX€^dvSpi[av]).^ When, then, in commenting on John 
i. i8, o &p €19 TOP KoKwov Tou warpo^, Bishop Westcott 
speaks of the phrase as implying * the combination 
(as it were) of rest and motion, of a continuous 
relation, with a realization of it,' * is he not pressing 
the phraseology further than contemporary evidence 
warrants, however doctrinally true the deduction 
may be ? 

Nor, similarly, can those who advocate the 
rendering 'immersing them into the name of the 
Father and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit ' for 
the baptismal formula in Matt, xxviii. 19, do so on 
the ground that the more familiar rendering is 
philologically inaccurate. Without entering on the 
question as to the exact shade of meaning under- 
lying jSaTrr/^oi/rey, it is clear that €19 TO oi/o/jLa may be 
understood as practically equivalent to iv raJ ovo/uLan, 
the new light thus joining hands with, and lending 

^ Tlhe Oxyrhynchus Papyri^ edd. Grenfell-Hunt, ii. p. 294 ff., 
No. 2^/^^ "^^{^ Selections from the Greek Papyri\ No. 13). 
2 The Gospel of St, John, i. p. 28. 



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LANGUAGE OF THE NEW TESTAMENT 67 

support to, the almost unanimous tradition of the 
Western Church.^ 

A corresponding caution must be observed in and in the 

. , , . - w >^i • t construction of 

connexion with the construction of ipa. Classical ua. 
Greek has taught us to expect that l^a construed 
with the subjunctive must denote purpose, but in 
Hellenistic Greek this has been extended to include 
a consecutive usage, and sometimes, as in modern 
Greek, a simple statement of fact. When, therefore, 
in John xvii. 3, the Fourth Evangelist writes : * And 
this is life eternal, that they should know Thee (7m 
yivwa-Kwrl ere) the only true God, and Him whom 
Thou didst send, Jesus Christ,' it is of course 
possible that by the latter clause he means us to 
understand our Lord as pointing to the knowledge 
of God as the aim and end of eternal life. But it is 
equally permissible, and more in accord with con- 
temporary usage, to interpret the words as defining 
the contents of the life eternal : this life is a life 
consisting in, and maintained by, the knowledge of 
God, and of Him whom God had sent. 

It may seem, perhaps, from these and similar Grammatical 

,,../. . 1 • 1 niceties in 

instances that the niceties of construction which we the New 
are accustomed to look for in Greek writers are 
wanting in the New Testament, but this is far from 
being the case. And many passages, especially in 
the more literary parts of the New Testament, can 

^See the interesting discussion between Bishop Chase and 
Dean Armitage Robinson in The Journal of Theological SiudieSy 
vi. p. 481 fF., vii. p. 186 fF., and viii. p. 161 fF., and on the phrase 
generally, of. Heitmiiller, Im Namenjesu^ Gdttingen, 1903. 



Testament. 



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68 THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 



Tense 
construction. 



Case 
construction. 



be adduced where only by a close observance of the 
distinctions of tense and case construction can the 
writers' full meaning be grasped. 

In I Cor. XV., for example, the whole force of the 
argument rests on the fact that the Lord Jesus Christ 
who died and was buried is now risen, and continues 
unchangeably the same. And accordingly, after 
using aorists to denote the two former acts, airiOapev 
and €Ta(f>tj, St. Paul in v. 4 changes to the perfect 
eyriyeprai in speaking of the resurrection. Christ not 
merely *rose again.' as in the rendering of the 
Authorized Version, but *hath been raised,* and con- 
sequently, by implication, lives for ever, the earnest 
of His peoples resurrection. 

Changes in case construction are often equally 
suggestive. When in Heb. vi. the verb * taste' is 
construed with the genitive in v. 4, yeva-ajjievovg re t$9 
Scopea^ t59 eTTovpaviov, * as touching those who tasted of 
the heavenly gift,* and in the following verse with 
the accusative, koXop yeva-afxevov^ Oeov prjfxa^ * tasted the 
word of God that it is good,* this can hardly be 
explained in the case of so careful a writer as the 
author of this Epistle as an example of the well- 
known encroachment of the accusative on the geni- 
tive in late Greek, but as due rather to the fact that 
in the first instance the verb is simply a verb of 
sense (cf. c. ii. 9), whereas in the second the thought 
of experience is added — those spoken of had not 
merely tasted, but recognized, the goodness of the 
word of God. 

Still more exegetically important are the different 



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LANGUAGE OF THE NEW TESTAMENT 69 

constructions of the verb irurrevw * believe,* the simple 
dative giving place to €«V with the accusative, when 
it is desired to bring out the deliberate effort of faith, 
by which one man, as it were, puts himself into 
another's power, and surrenders his 'self to him. It 
is this attitude which is predicated of the * many * in 
John viii. 30, ttoXXoI eTrlarrevarav ek avrov^ *many believed 
on Him,' in distinction from the Jews of the follow- 
ing verse, whom Jesus can only address as tou9 
ireTTicrTevKOTa^ airr^, * those who have believed Him/ 
These last are as yet only on the way — the perfect 
tense is again significant — to the higher faith, but, 
as Jesus proceeds at once to remind them, if they 
continue to abide in His word, that word will gradually 
exercise its power over them, until they too become 
His disciples in truth (aXtjOZi). 

It would carry us altogether beyond our imme- 
diate object if I were to go on multiplying examples 
in this direction, but I have thought it right to bring 
these before you to make perfectly clear that while 
the syntax of the New Testament is not modelled 
on strictly classical rules, many of its writers were 
by no means wanting in literary skill, and had the 
means at their disposal of drawing the suggestive, 
and sometimes subtle, distinctions which were de- 
manded by the character of the new thoughts and 
ideas they desired to express. 

(3) In passing to the vocabulary of the New (3) vocabu- 
Testament, the same thing meets us. 

With all its native simplicity and directness, the 
New Testament exhibits a wonderfully rich and 



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70 THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 

varied vocabulary, and many of its words, occurring 
as they do at a late stage in the development of the 
Greek language, have a very interesting history 
behind them. To trace that history, and to show 
the changes that time and circumstances have 
wrought upon their meaning, will be the task of the 
next New Testament lexicographer. And it is good 
news, therefore, to learn that one who possesses 
such outstanding qualifications as Professor Deiss- 
mann is already engaged on this all-important task. 
In his hands, we may be sure, the new Lexicon 
' will bring out once more * — to borrow his own 
description of what such a work should be — * the 
simplicity, inwardness, and force of the utterances 
of evangelists and apostles,* and *will meet with 
that best of all rewards, far exceeding all scholarly 
recognition, the reward of exerting an influence in 
real life/^ 
{a) Reduction (a) This rcsult will be brought about by a large 
of»Bibiicai' reduction in the number of so-called * Biblical* words 
— words, that is, which have hitherto been regarded 
as the special property of the Biblical writers, seeing 
that no evidence of their use has hitherto been pro- 
curable from profane sources. 

Thayer, at the end of his edition of Grimm's 
Lexicon, gives a long list of these dira^ Xeyo/uLcva, with 
the result that they help largely to confirm that 
feeling of the isolation or peculiar character of the 
New Testament writings to which reference has 
already been made. The list is unnecessarily long 
^ Light from the Ancient Easty p. 418. 



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LANGUAGE OF THE NEW TESTAMENT 71 

even from Thayer's point of view, as it includes not 
a few words for which in the body of his book he 
himself supplies references from pagan sources, which, 
though sometimes later in point of time than the 
New Testament itself, nevertheless show unmistak- 
ably that the words belong to the ordinary stock of 
the time. And now the new evidence comes in to 
extend these references in so many directions that 
Deissmann is able to reduce the number of words 
peculiar to the New Testament writers to something 
like fifty, or about one per cent, of the whole 
vocabulary.^ 

This will become clearer if we take two special 
instances. 

In what are probably the earliest writings of the 
New Testament as it has come down to us, the two 
Epistles to the Thessalonians, there are in all 460 
different words, of which twenty-seven are generally 
reckoned as awa^ Xeyo/uLcva. But if we exclude from 
this number the words which are found in the 
Septuagint, or in other late Greek writings, including 
the papyri, the twenty-seven can be reduced to two, 
OeoSiSaKTog and avfi(f>v\€Tfj9, both of which St. Paul 
himself may very well have formed on the analogy 
of similar compounds.^ 

Or to turn to the latest book in the New Testament 
Canon, the so-called Second Epistle of St. Peter, the 
peculiarities of whose style have led to its being 

^ Light from the Ancient East, p. 73. 

^For further particulars, see the writer's edition of St, FauPs 
Epistles to the Thessalonians (London, 1908), p. Hi. f. 



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72 THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 

described as * Baboo Greek/ ^ we are here confronted 
with the long list of fifty-six dira^ Xcyo/meva. The 
process of reducing this list has not been so successful 
as in the case of the Thessalonian Epistles, as there 
are still twenty words which have not as yet been 
found anywhere else ; but, after all, that is little more 
than one-third of the earlier calculation, and any day 
a newly discovered inscription or papyrus letter may 
reduce the proportion still further. 
(^)Confir. (6) Nor do our new sources only thus reduce the 

traditional number of words hitherto regarded as peculiar to 
the New Testament writings, they also confirm the 
meanings that have been traditionally assigned to 
others, sometimes on somewhat slender grounds. 

A familiar example is the Pauline word Xoyela. 
According to Grimm-Thayer, the word is *not found in 
profane authors,* but for its meaning in i Cor. xvi. i f , 
the only places where it occurs in the New Testament, 
the translation * a collection ' is suggested. Such a 
translation is in harmony with the context, and is 
now conclusively established by the fact that from 
the second century B.C. the word is found in the 
papyri in this sense. It is sufficient to refer to a 
curious letter from Tebtunis, in which a tax-gatherer, 
after naively describing his unprincipled efforts to 
defeat a rival in the collection of a certain tax, adds, 
' I bid you urge on Nicon regarding the collection 

^ E. A. Abbott, J*rom Letter to Spirit (London, 1903), 1 1 2 i-i 135. 
2 The Tebtunis Papyri, edd. Grenfell-Hunt-Smyly, i. p. 168 ff., 
No. 58^(b.c. hi). 



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LANGUAGE OF THE NEW TESTAMENT 73 

Along with Xoyela, although derived from a different 
root, may be mentioned the verb iWoydco, which St. 
Paul uses with such effect in the Epistle to Philemon, 
when he bids Philemon put down to his account 
(v. 18, TovTo ifjLoi ekXoya) any loss he may have 
suffered at the hands of Onesimus. For this usage 
Thayer can only supply two parallels from the 
inscriptions ; but the verb, at any rate in the form 
iWoyeco, is now proved to have been the regular 
terminus technicus in this sense, as when in a Strass- 
burg papyrus a man is called upon to render his 
account Iva ovraxf avr^ ei/XoyrjO^^ * that SO a reckoning 
may be made with him,'^ or as when provision is 
made in hiring certain dancing-girls for a village 
festival that they are to receive so much * as earnest 
money to be reckoned in the price (virep apafiwvo^ [ri? 

Or, to take a wholly different example, when in the 
letter already referred to (p. 50) his friend counsels a 
man in money difficulties to plead with one of his 
creditors jj-h wa avacrrardxTu^ jy/xay, * do not unsettle us,' 
that is, *drive us out from hearth and home,'* he little 

^ Griechische Papyrus der Kaiserlichen Universitdts- und Landes- 
bibliothek zu Sirassburg im ElsasSy ed. Preisigke (Strassburg im 
Elsass, 1907), i. p. 119 f., No. 32^® (ad. 261). 

2 Greek Papyri, edd. Grenfell-Hunt, ii. p. loi if., No. 67"'- 
{^ Selections from the Greek Papyri^, No. 45). It may be noted 
that the use of d/5[/5]aj8cav in the above quotation shows that in 
2 Cor. i. 22, V. 5, Eph. i. 14, the word is to be understood not as 
a * pledge,' but an * earnest,' a part given in advance of what will 
be fully bestowed afterwards. 

^Berliner Griechische Urkunden, iv. p. 123 f.. No. 1079^^ (a.d. 41). 



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meanings. 



74 THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 

thought that he would supply future students of the 
New Testament with an apt parallel for the meta- 
phorical use of the same verb in Gal. v. 12, where 
St. Paul expresses the hope that oi ai/a<rraTovirr€9, 
'those who are unsettling' his Galatian converts, 

* would even mutilate themselves,' any more than 
the naughty boy s admission from Oxyrhynchus that 
his mother complains 'that he is upsetting me' 
(oTi amcrraroi yixe)^ throws light upon the description 
of the Brethren at Thessalonica by their Jewish 
opponents, 'These that have turned the world upside 
down (ot rhv oucovjmevfjv ai/atrrarcwraKrey) have COme 
hither also' (Acts xvii. 6). 

(0 Choice of (^) Similar aid is given in the choice of meaning, 
where more than one rendering is possible. 

In Matt. vi. 27, for example, both the Authorized 
and Revised Versions agree in rendering ^XiKia by 

* stature,' ' And which of you by being anxious can 
add one cubit unto his stature ? ' but the margin of 
the Revised Version has *age,' and if we are to 
follow the almost unanimous testimony of the papyri, 
this latter sense should be adopted throughout the 
New Testament occurrences of the word, except in 
Luke xix. 3, where the context makes it impossible. 
Thus in the important verse, Luke ii. 52, koi 'Irjo-ov^ 
wpoeKOTTTev ry <ro(f>ia koi ^\ikI(^, the meaning is not that 
Jesus * advanced in wisdom and stature,' that is 'in 
height and comeliness ' (as Grimm-Thayer), but ' in 
wisdom and age,' a description to which it may be 

^Tke Oxyrhynchus Fapyri.tdd, Grenfell-Hunt,i. p. 185 f.,No. 1 1^^^ 
{ = Selections from the Greek Papyri^^ No. 42). 



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LANGUAGE OF THE NEW TESTAMENT 75 

noted in passing a striking parallel is now afforded 
by a first century inscription, in which a certain 
Aristagoras is praised as iJiXucia TrpOKoirrcov koi irpoayo- 
jjuevo^ €19 TO deoa-e/SetP,^ 

Or, to turn to a much discussed passage, though 

1 tried elsewhere,^ a number of years ago, to defend 
the translation of ^ladrtKij by ' covenant' in Heb. ix. 
16, 17, I now recognize that it is impossible any 
longer to confine the word to that sense. Its regular 
use for * will * in the ordinary documents of the day 
makes it practically certain that it would be so 
understood by the first readers of the Epistle, and 
that it is only by admitting a play on the word that 
the meaning of 'covenant' can be imported into the 
passage at all. 

In the same way, if we take account of contem- 
porary usage, it seems practically certain that airarri 
in its New Testament occurrences {e.g. Matt. xiii. 22, 

2 Pet. ii. 13) can only have the popular Hellenistic 
meaning of * pleasure,' and that apx^yog, both in the 
Book of the Acts of the Apostles (iii. 15, v. 31) and 
in the Epistle to the Hebrews (ii. 10, xii. 2), is best 
understood as 'author,' or 'founder,' rather than 
'leader.' 

(d) Again, in not a few instances, our new docu- {d) suggestion 
ments supply us with the true meaning of words m^nTngs. 
only imperfectly understood before. 

^ Dittenberger, Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum 2, Leipzig, 1898, 
No. 325I8 (i/B.c.). 

2 The Theology of the Epistle to the Hebrews, Edinburgh, 1899, 
p. 166 ff. 



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76 THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 

In commenting on i Pet. i. 7, ?m to SokIjuhov vjulcop 
T^y irl<rTeu)^ iroKirri/JLOTcpov yjpxxriov too awoWv/jievou Sia 
TTvpo^ Se SoKifxaCpfJiivov evpeOi eig eiraivov kcu So^av Koi Tifxhv 
€v airoKoKv^^fei 'Itjo-ou Xpi(TTov^ Dr. Hort saw that the 
meaning required was *the approved part or element 
of the faith/ that is, the pure faith that remained 
when the dross had been purged away by fiery 
trial ; but unable to find any warrant for this sense 
of SoKifuov, he was driven to suspect that the true 
reading was Soki/jlov.^ There was no need, however, 
for any such conjecture. Ever since Deissmann* 
first drew attention to the importance of the evidence 
of the papyri in this connexion, examples have been 
rapidly accumulating to show that SoKl/uuog, as well as 
SoKi/uLo^y means * proved,* * genuine,' as in such phrases 
as -j^pva-ov SoKi/uuov, * tested gold,* and we need no longer 
have any hesitation in so translating the word both 
in the Petrine passage and in Jas. i. 3. 

Or, to take another example, where a hitherto 
unestablished usage has again done away with the 
need of textual emendation. In Acts xvi. 1 2, rjT^g ecnrh 
irpwrri Tf}9 /jieplSoff MaKcSoviag, the reading Atejo/^09 was 
objected to by Dr. Hort, on the ground that fieplg 
never denotes simply a region or province, and he 
proposed accordingly to read ILieplSog in its stead, 
* a chief city of Pierian Macedonia.*^ But while it is 
true that m^/>'V in the sense of a geographical division 
does not occur in classical writers, it is regularly so 

1 The First Epistle of St. Peter, i. i-ii. 17 (London, 1898), p. 41 f. 

2 Bible Studies, p. 259 ff. 

^ Notes on Select Readings 2, p. 96 f. 



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LANGUAGE OF THE NEW TESTAMENT 77 

used in documents of the Apostolic Age, so that 
the rendering 'district* in the Revised Version, 
however arrived at, need no longer raise any 
qualms. 

(e) It is, however, especially by imparting a fresh (<?) Fresh life 
life and reality to many of our most ordinary New imparted to 
Testament terms that the new authorities render phraseology, 
their most signal service. 

We know how our very familiarity with Scriptural 
language is apt to blind us to its full significance. 
But when we find words and phrases, which we 
have hitherto associated only with a religious mean- 
ing, in common, everyday use, and employed in 
circumstances where their meaning can raise no 
question, we make a fresh start with them, and 
get a clearer insight into their deeper application. 

The * sincere milk' by which our Authorized 
Version renders the aSoXov yaXa of i Pet. ii. 2 may 
be taken as an example. Every one supposes that 
he knows what is meant by that, but if he were 
closely pressed, his explanation might be somewhat 
hazy.^ Nor can it be said that the Revisers have 
helped him much with their literal etymological 
translation, 'milk which is without guile.' But when 
in scores of papyrus documents we find the adjective 

^ It ought to be noted that this ambiguity would not exist when 
the Authorized Version was made, as * sincere ' was then used in 
the sense of * unmixed,* *pure,* as when the translators of the 
Rhemish New Testament tell us in their Preface : * We translate 
that text which is most sincere, and in our opinion, and as we 
have proved, incorrupt' (p. 16). But we are dealing with the 
impression the phrase conveys to the ordinary student of to-day. 



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78 THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 

applied to com in the sense of * pure/ * unadulterated,* 
we see that this is exactly what is intended with 
reference to the 'spiritual milk* of the Petrine 
passage. Unlike the falsified teaching renounced 
by St. Paul in 2 Cor. iv. 2, imrjSe SoXovm-eq rdv \6yop 
Tov Oeou, * nor adulterating the word of God/ it is 
unmixed with any strange or foreign elements, and 
comes directly from God Himself. 

The use of aire-xto, .again, in connexion with 
receipts on countless ostraca and papyri lends fresh 
point to St. Pauls assurance to the Philippians, 
OTT^ft) ^e irdvra koi irepiara-evto (c. iv. 1 8), that is not 
merely, * I have all things and abound,* but almost 
* I am prepared to give you a receipt for all things ' 
(as showing how completely your bounty has repaid 
all that you owed me), and may even, as Deissmann 
has suggested, impart a pungent irony to our Lord s 
condemnation of the hypocrites who disfigure their 
faces that they may be seen of men to fast : ^ I tell 
you, they can sign the receipt of their reward 
(aire^ova-ip top juLtcrdop avrwp)* (Matt, vi, 1 6) — 'their 
right to receive their reward is realised, precisely 
as if they had already given a receipt for it.*^ 
And similarly, when we find those who 'checked' 
or * verified * an account using the term cTrrjKoXovOijKa 
to describe the result, much as we should write 
' Found correct,* we can understand that more than 
at once meets the eye underlies such a passage as 

[Mark] xvi. 20, tov Kvplov , . . top \6yop fiefiaiovpTO^ Sta 
tS>p €TraKo\ovOovpT(ji>p arrjjuLeloop : the signs did not merely 

^ Bible Studies^ p. 229. 



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LANGUAGE OF THE NEW TESTAMENT 79 

accompany or follow, they acted as a kind of 
authenticating signature to the word.^ 

How vividly, too, Bishop Lightfoot's translation 
o{ irpoeypai^n in Gal. iii. i, * was posted up, placarded,' 
stands out when we find the same verb used of the 
public notice which, according to a papyrus now in 
Florence, certain parents caused ' to be posted up ' 
{^Tr]poypa<ptivai) to the effect that they would no 
longer be responsible for their son's debts, seeing 
that he had squandered all his own property *by 
riotous living' {aa-arrevoiJLevo^^ cf. Luke XV. 13).^ 
While another papyrus in the same collection pro- 
vides a striking parallel to Mark xv. 15, *And 
Pilate, wishing to content the multitude, released 
unto them Barabbas, and delivered Jesus, when he 
had scourged Him, to be crucified,' in the words 
addressed by the Egyptian governor, C. Septimius 
Vegetus, to a certain Phibion whom he was trying : 
* Thou hadst been worthy of scourging . . . but I 
will give thee to the people' {ql^lo^ ij.\€\v h luiaomyw' 
Ofjvai , . . j(apll^o/ULai Se ae roig 05^X019).* 

^ Cf. the signatures to a series of tax receipts in the Tebtunis 
papyrus, No. 100*® ^- (b.C. 117-6), Apevos iirrjK^oykovOrjKa^ 'Aicovcrt- 
\aos hrrjKoXovdrjKa {The Tebtunis Papyri, edd. Grenfell-Hunt- 
Smyly, 1. p. 441 ff.), and the ratifying of an order by an official, 
kKa.Ko\ovQovvTo% TaCov 'lovXtov SaXovtov, in British Museum 
papyrus, 1213, a.d. 65-66 (Greek Papyri in the British Museum^ 
edd. Kenyon-Bell, iii. p. 121). 

^ Papiri Greco-Egizii pubblicati dalla R, Accademia dei Lincei, 
i. Papiri Fiorentini , . . , Qd, G. Vitelli (Milan, 1906), p. 188 f.. 
No. 99 (i./ii. A.D.) { = Selections from the Greek Papyri^, No. 27). 

^Ibid., p. 113 ff., No. 61^®"^ (a.d. 85). The parallel is noted by 
Vitelli : cf. also Deissmann, Light from the Ancient East^ p. 266 f. 



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8o THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 

It would be easy to go on multiplying examples, 
but these must suffice as at least indicating what are 
some of the gains which we owe to the new light 
from the Ancient East — gains, I venture to predict, 
which will be enormously increased when there has 
been time to investigate fully the ever-increasing 
store of papyrus and other texts, which year by 
year are being brought within our reach by the 
industry of discoverers and editors. 

The ultimate Meanwhile it may be well to remind ourselves 

Testament that though we have been engaged on a linguistic 

^^" ^ survey, and that too in connexion with the more 

external features of our New Testament vocabulary, 

the ultimate aim and goal of all our studies lies 

elsewhere. 

The New Testament is more than a book : it is 
the record of life, of the life which is life indeed. 
And all our study of its words will be in vain, unless 
they are the means of conducting us to Him Who 
is the Word. But the more earnestly we devote 
ourselves to that study with the best aids which 
modern discovery and research have placed within 
our reach, and the more loyally we follow the lead- 
ing of the Spirit who has been sent to guide us into 
all the truth, the more fully we shall recognize with 
Origen, the first great Biblical critic, that ' there is 
not one jot or one tittle written in Scripture, which 
does not work its own work for those who know 
how to use the force of the words which have been 
written.' 



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LECTURE III. 

THE LITERARY CHARACTER OF THE NEW TESTA- 
MENT WRITINGS— THE EPISTLES AND THE 
APOCALYPSE. 



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'EttuttoA.^ /jl€v o^^v coTtv ofiikia ns iyypdfx/iaro^ diroi'TO^ 
irpbs dirovra ytvofikirq koX xp€i(a8r] (tkottov Ikit Xrjpova-a, fpct 8c 
Tis €1/ avTjJ direp dv irapwv Tts irpos irapovra. 

[Pseudo-]PROCLL'S, De Forma Epistolari (ed. Hercher, p. 6). 



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III. 

THE LITERARY CHARACTER OF THE NEW TESTA- 
MENT WRITINGS— THE EPISTLES AND THE 
APOCALYPSE. 

A I orwTToXat /i€i/, <f>'q<rlvy pap€tai koI tcrxvpai, ij Sk irapovcla 

Tov (rdi/jLaros axrdivrjs teat 6 \6yos €^ov6€vrffi€Vos. 

2 Cor. X. ip. 

Ka^a>9 KOI 6 dyairrjTo^ rjfjLiov a8€X<^^9 IlavXos Kara r^v 
BoOturav avry (roKlUav €ypa\p€V v/uv, W9 koI iv Traa-ans hrurrokaU 
XaXctfv €V avrais ir€pl rovnav, iv ah coTtv Swrvoiyra T4i/a, 

2 Pet. iii. 15, 16. 

Moxapios o avayii/okricctfi/ *fai ol dicovovrcs Toi»s Xoyovs t^ 
7rpo<lyrjT€ias koI n]povvT€s ra iv avrg y€ypafjLfjL€va^ 6 yap Kaipi^s 

' ' Rev. I. 3. 

From the language in which the books of the The earnest 
New Testament were written we pass to their general NewTesta-^ 
form and literary character. In doing so it is not SJ>!rtiw.^'^^ 
easy to determine the order in which they should 
be considered. Much might be said for beginning 
with the books that stand first in our collected New 
Testament, the Gospels, both as the record of the 
historical facts of which the remaining books are the 
interpretation, and also because they have imbedded 
in them the earliest fragments of Christian tradition, 



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84 THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 

both oral and written. At the same time in their com- 
pleted form the Gospels are undoubtedly later than 
many of the Pauline Epistles, and in an historical 
inquiry like the present, it will be well to commence 
with these, and to associate with them certain other 
writings of an epistolary character which the New 
Testament contains. 
I. The Pauline I. Of Epistles ascribed to St. Paul, thirteen survive 
Their in the New Testament, and though for a time the 

authenticity of several of these was strongly attacked, 
recent years have seen a marked reaction in their 
favour.^ To the four principal Epistles, Galatians, 
Romans, and i and 2 Corinthians, which were alone 
admitted as genuine by Baur, the great majority of 
critics are now prepared to add i Thessalonians, 
Philippians, Philemon, and (with doubts in certain 
quarters) Colossians. The once much attacked 
2 Thessalonians has been accepted as the work of 
St. Paul by its latest commentators, von Dobschiitz, 
Moffatt, and Frame, while Harnack defends it on 
the ingenious, though hardly convincing, hypothesis 
that it was addressed to the Jewish minority at 
Thessalonica at the same time that i Thessalonians 
was sent to the Gentile section of the Church.^ And 

^ The extravagances of certain Dutch and Swiss critics, who do 
not leave a single New Testament writing to its traditional author, 
may safely be left out of account: see, as regards the Pauline 
Epistles, Knowling, The Witness of the Epistles^ London, 1892, pp. 
133-243, and more recently, The Testimony of St, Paul to Christ^y 
London, 191 1. 

'^ Sitzungsberichte der Koniglich Preussischen Akademie der 
Wissenschaften zu Berlin^ philosophisch-historische Classe^ i9io» P- 



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LITERARY CHARACTER OF THE EPISTLES 85 

though Ephesians is still widely regarded as sub- 
Pauline, the advocacy of Hort, Armitage Robinson, 
and Westcott has done much in this country at any 
rate to confirm the belief in the traditional author- 
ship.^ 

There remain only the Pastoral Epistles, and in 
view of their general language and style, of the 
advanced state of ecclesiastical organization which 
they presuppose, and of the difficulty of finding 
a suitable period in the Apostle's life for their 
writing, we can hardly wonder that many scholars 
refuse to regard them as the work of St. Paul. On 
the other hand, there is such wide-spread agreement 
that they embody not a little genuine Pauline 
material {e.g. 2 Tim. iv. 9-22) that, for our present 
purpose, we may continue to refer them, along with 
the Epistles already mentioned, to St. Paul, even 
though other hands may have given them their final 
form. 

1. The general mould in which all these Pauline i. Theepis- 
writings are cast is that of an epistle or letter, and Antiquity of 
in adopting this the Apostle made use of a mode of 

560 ff. On the whole question of the literary relation of the two 
Epistles, see the present writer's commentary on St. Pauls 
ThessalonianSy p. Ixxx ff. 

^ Harnack now indentifies the Epistle with the Epistle to the 
Laodiceans, mentioned in Col. iv. 16, and ingeniously conjectures 
that the erasion of the original words iv Aao6i#ci^ from c. i. i. may 
have been due to the ill-repute into which Laodicea had fallen 
(cf. Rev. iii. 14 ff.), comparing the *tituli erasi' of unworthy 
persons from the inscriptions and papyri {Sitzungsberichte^ ut supra, 
p. 705 ff). 



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86 THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 

composition which had already a long history behind 
it. The earliest mention of the art of writing in the 
Iliad (vi. i68 ff.) is in connexion with a letter, and 
we actually possess an original Greek letter inscribed 
on a leaden tablet, which dates from the fourth cen- 
tury before Christ^ 
Classical Amongst later instances it is sufficient to recall 

collections of ^ 

letters. the letters of Aristotle, of Cicero, and of Seneca, and 

the correspondence, dealing apparently with philo- 
sophical and scientific subjects, which Epicurus 
addressed to various companies of his friends.^ 
Still more important for our purpose, as showing 
how the epistolary form had penetrated into the 
literature of Hellenistic Judaism, is the well-known 
letter in which the Pseudo-Aristeas describes how 
the Septuagint, or Greek translation of the Old 
Testament came to be written.* 

Letters in the The Same tendency to enlarge the scope of the 

Old Testament . ' ^ i. /- . 

and the letter from private purposes to a medmm of im- 

Apocrypha. 

^ For a description of this letter with facsimile, see Deissmann, 
Light from the Ancient East^ p. 148 f. 

2 The extant titles of some of the letters of Epicurus are inter- 
esting in connexion with the titles of our New Testament Epistles, 
e,g, n^o9 Tous €v AiyiWry <f>l\ov% Upos rovs iv Mvrikiqi'y ^iXo- 
a-Sifyovs tTTurroA?; : see Usener, Epicurea^ Leipzig, 1887, p. 135 f. 

8 The Greek text of this letter, edited by H. St. John Thackeray, 
will be found as an Appendix to Swete's Introduction to the Old 
Testament in Greeks Cambridge, 1900. The same editor supplied 
an English translation to the Jewish Quarterly Review, April, 
1903, which has since been separately reprinted, London, Mac- 
millan, 1904. See also Wendland's Teubner edition, Aristeae ad 
Philocratem Epistula^ Leipzig, 1900, with its valuable collection 
of Testimonia and useful lexical and grammatical Indices. 



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LITERARY CHARACTER OF THE EPISTLES 87 

parting knowledge is traceable within the Old 
Testament itself. The first letter mentioned there 
is the letter which David addressed to Joab with 
reference to Uriah (2 Sam. xi. 14 f.), a purely per- 
sonal communication, but this is followed by the 
open letter of Sennacherib to Hezekiah (2 Kings 
xix. 14) and by Jeremiah's letter to the captives at 
Babylon (Jerem. xxix.), in which the prophet has 
definitely in view their religious instruction. And 
with this last there may be compared the Epistle of 
Jeremy appended to the apocryphal book of Baruch, 
and the Epistles at the beginning of 2 Maccabees.^ 

2. The way was thus prepared for the use of the 2. The 
epistle or letter for the purposes of edification in the epistolary form 
first Christian age, and we can readily understand 
how gladly St. Paul would avail himself of a form of 
composition so admirably adapted in its simplicity 
and directness to the immediate and practical ends 
he had in view, and yet capable of being employed 
as a vehicle for the conveyance of the deepest and 
most far-reaching truths.* And only as we keep in 
view both purposes, personal and homiletic, can we 
understand the form which his Epistles assumed in 
the Apostle s hands. 

^Renan, Saint Paul, Paris, 1869, p. 229 n^ compares the 
communications which passed between Jewish synagogues with 
reference to debated points of doctrine and practice ; but he gives 
no references. 

^Cf. Renan, op, cit p. 230: *L'6pitre fut ainsi la forme de la 
litt^rature chretienne primitive, forme admirable, parfaitement 
appropriee ^ T^tat du temps et aux aptitudes naturelles de Paul.' 



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88 THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 
(i) The per- (i) Thus, to look at them first of all from their 

sonal side i*ii/* t i • 11 

of the PauUne iTiore pcrsonal side, the fact that they were intended 
iuSSrSed to serve as a substitute for St. Paul's own presence, 

from contem- • • .. «« 111 11 1 

porary papyrus and to say in wHting what he would gladly have 
said by word of mouth, prepares us for the fact that 
in their general structure and tone they constantly 
recall the ordinary letters of the day. Such a com- 
parison has been rendered possible by the stores of 
private letters of all kinds recently recovered from 
the sands of Egypt, from which, according to Pro- 
fessor Deissmann, the Pauline letters differ * not as 
letters, but only as the letters oiPaul' ^ A nd though, 
as we shall see later, the comparison may easily be 
pushed too far, especially in View of the great variety 
in character and aim by which the Pauline corre- 
spondence is marked, it certainly helps to bring out 
the direct and living nature of the Apostle's methods. 
The best way to show this is by giving a few 
specimens of these letters. 

Acomraen- We may besfin with a first-century letter, in which 

daiory letter. •; ,., , tt i-i • 1 

Theon writes to his brother Heraclides to introduce 
the bearer Hermophilus. The letter thus belongs 
to the class of commendatory letters [eTricrroXai 
orucrraTiKal) to which St. Paul refers in 2 Cor. iii. i. 
It runs as follows in the translation of Dr. Grenfell 
and Dr. Hunt: = 

* Theon to Heraclides his brother, many greetings 
and wishes for good health. 

^ BiMe Studies, p. 44. 

*For the Greek text of this and the following letters, see 
Additional Note E, * Greek Papyrus Letters/ 



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LITERARY CHARACTER OF THE EPISTLES 89 

Hermophilus the bearer of this letter is (the friend 
or relative) of . . erius, and asked me to write to you. 
Hermophilus declares that he has business at Kerke- 
mounis. Please therefore further him in this matter, 
as is just For the rest take care of yourself that you 
may remain in good health. 

Good-bye. 

The 3rd year of Tiberius Caesar Augustus, Phaophi 
3 ( = September 30).' 

The letter is addressed on the back : 

* To Heraclides, basilicogrammateus of the Oxyrhyn- 
chite and Cynopolite nomes.* 

This gives us a Greek private letter in its simplest An official 
form, and as showing how readily the same form 
was extended even to official communications, we 
may take next a document in which Phanias and 
two other inspectors report to the authorities the 
cession of certain arourae of corn land by a sister 
to her brother (?). The document is dated in the 
month of August, a.d. 95, according to our mode 
of reckoning. I give it again in the original editors* 
rendering. 

* Phanias, Heraclas, and Diogenes also called Her- 
maeus, officials employed in land distribution, to the 
agoranomi, greeting. Diogenes, son of Ptolemaeus, 
has had ceded to him by Tapotamon, the daughter of 
Ptolemaeus, son of Kolylis, acting with her guardian 
who is her grandson Plutarchus, son of Plutarchus, son 
of Plutarchus, in accordance with the terms of a con- 
tract executed this day, a square piece of allotment 
corn land ready for sowing, the property of Tapotamon, 
situated near the village of Korobis and forming part 



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90 THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 

of the lot of Menoetius, in size i + | + ^ + A arourae. 
We therefore write to inform you. Farewell/ 

The date follows, and the letter is then endorsed 
by Heraclas, one of the senders, in his own hand : 

* I Heraclas have signed ' 

with a twice-repeated note regarding the amount of 
land concerned, first in ordinary script and then in 
the contracted symbols of the time, and a statement 
to the effect that the signature is of the same date 
as the rest of the document. 

Family letters. More interesting in themselves, and still more 
significant for our purpose, are the large number 
of family letters which have been recovered. The 
very artlessness of their contents marks them out 
as obviously never intended for other eyes than the 
eyes of those to whom they were first addressed, 
while their frank expression of personal feeling 
recalls the self-revealing glimpses which even the 
most impersonal of the Pauline Epistles give into 
the depth of the writer's longings for the welfare 
of his readers. 

A daughter to The following, for example, is a letter addressed 

herfaiher i i i r i. ... i 

by a daughter to her father, rejoicmg over the 
tidings of his escape, apparently from some serious 
danger, and concluding, after certain messages of a 
purely personal character, with those greetings from 
others, which bulk so largely in the Pauline cor- 
respondence. The letter is very illiterate, the original 
Greek abounding in false concords. It belongs to 
the second century of the Christian era. 



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LITERARY CHARACTER OF THE EPISTLES 91 

* Ammonous to her sweetest father, greeting. 
When I received your letter, and recognized that by 

the will of the gods you were preserved, I rejoiced 
greatly. And as at the same time an opportunity has 
presented itself, I am writing you this letter, being very 
anxious to pay my respects to you. Attend as quickly 
as possible to the matters that are pressing. Whatever 
the little one asks shall be done. If the bearer of this 
letter hands over a small basket to you, it is I who 
send it. All your friends greet you by name. Celer 
greets you and all who are with him. 
I pray for your health.* 

A somewhat similar example from the recently a slave to her 
published volume of Giessen papyri bears striking ™^^* 
testimony to a slave's affection for her master. 
The mention of * dying' because she cannot see 
him 'daily,' and the longing to *fly' that she 
might reach him as quickly as possible are speci- 
ally noteworthy. Like the foregoing, the letter 
belongs to the second century, probably to the 
time of Hadrian. It runs as follows : 

* Tays to the lord Apollonius, many greetings. 
Above all I greet you, master, and am praying 

always for your health. I was distressed, lord, in no 
small measure, to hear that you were sick ; but 
thanks be to all the gods that they are keeping you 
from all harm. I beseech you, lord, if you think it 
right, to send to us; if not, we die, because we do not 
see you daily. Would that we could fly and come and 
pay our reverence to you. For we are distressed . , . 
Wherefore be reconciled to us, and send to us. 
Goodbye, lord . . . 

All is going well with us. 

Epeiph 24 ( = July 18).' 



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92 THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 

The letter is addressed on the back : 
*To Apollonius, strategus.' 

A prodigal son All evcii deeper note is struck in the well-known 

to his mother. « i • i i i • i • i 

letter which about the same time a prodigal son 
writes to his mother asking her forgiveness. As 
the accompanying facsimile (Plate IV.) shows, the 
concluding part of the original letter has been much 
mutilated. But it is not difficult for us to fill up 
the blanks for ourselves, though perhaps the broken 
lines testify even more forcibly than if they were 
complete to the depth of the writer's emotion. 

* Antonis Longus to Nilus 
his mother, heartiest greetings. Continually I prjiy for 
your health. Supplication on your behalf I direct each 
day to the lord Serapis. I wish you to know that I 
had no hope that you would come up to the metro- 
polis. On this account neither did I enter into the 
city. But I was ashamed to come to Karanis, because 
I am going about in rags. I wrote you that I am 
naked. I beseech you, mother, be reconciled to me. 
But I know what I have brought upon myself. 
Punished I have been in any case. I know that I 
have sinned. I heard from Postumus who met you 
in the Arsinoite nome, and unseasonably related all 
to you. Do you not know that I would rather be a 
cripple than be conscious that I am owing anyone an 
obolus . .' . Come yourself ... I have heard that . . . 
I beseech you ... I almost ... I beseech you . . . 
' I will . . . not . . . otherwise . . .' 

On the back is the address: 

' To ... his mother from Antonius Longus her son.* 



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Plate III. 
















L.*- 



t^sn* 



;.'i-' 



^H^'^i 



'.Jl^^**^?*-^^^*!!!*! 1 



lp:tter from a proi)I(;al son to his mother. 

From the Fayiim. Second Century A.n. Now in the Berlin Museum. 
By permission of the Directors of the Royal Museums. 



7o fact- /. gj. 



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LITERARY CHARACTER OF THE EPISTLES 93 

Nothing would be easier than to multiply similar 
examples, but these must suffice to illustrate the 
light which the ordinary letters of the time throw 
upon the outward form of the Pauline Epistles. 
All are constructed, it will be noticed, on a general 
model which, at least in the case of the longer 
letters, embraces Opening Address or Greeting, 
Thanksgiving and Prayer, Special Contents, Clos- 
ing Salutations and Valediction — just the features, 
that is, which in a more elaborate form are found in 
the Apostle s writings. 

Nor is this all, but it will be also apparent how 
frequently St. Paul avails himself of the current 
epistolary phraseology of the day in the more formal 
parts of his Epistles. Obviously that phraseology 
as amongst ourselves had become stereotyped, and 
writing as he did with a definite class of readers 
clearly in view in the first instance, the Apostle 
naturally fell back upon it, even when he read into 
it a new and deeper meaning. The point did not 
escape the notice of the older commentators as 
when, with reference to the opening of St. Paul's 
First Epistle to the Thessalonians, Theodore of 
Mopsuestia remarks: *As we are accustomed to 
place x^^f^^^ (** Greeting" or •* Rejoice") in the 
forefront of our letters, so he [St. Paul] places 
X^p^^ «^M'>' (" Grace to you "), adding €v Oe^ irarpl 
{**in God the Father"), just as we write ev Kvpiw 
(-in the Lord")'.^ 

^ Thfodori Episcopi Mopsuesteni in Epistolas B, Fault Com- 
mentariU ed. Swete, Cambridge, 1882, ii. p. 2. 



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94 . THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 

(2) Theiitcrary (2) But whilc this is SO, and we are thus reminded 
Pauline in 3. most significant way of the personal character 

of the Pauline writings, as distinguished from the 
literary essay or the theological treatise, we must 
not forget that in other respects these writings are 
widely separated from an ordinary letter. The 
short Epistle to Philemon may approach very 
nearly to this,* though even in it the * Church ' in 
Philemon's house is included in the address, and the 
Apostle is careful throughout to base his request on 
the loftiest and most far-reaching grounds, but in 
other instances the Epistles, however occasional in 
origin and in the circumstances with which they 
deal, bear traces of much anxious preparation and 
thought, while some of them, such as the Epistles 
to the Romans and to the Ephesians, may well 
have been written from the first with a view to 
wider circles than those to which they were originally 
addressed.^ 

The fact is that Deissmann, in his eagerness to 
rescue the Pauline writings from the category of 
literature, and to emphasize the definite, historical 
surroundings in which they first arose, has carried 
his thesis too far, and has insisted on the distinctive 

^ In this connexion it is interesting to compare the private letter 
which Papa Kaor addresses to the Roman prefect Abinnaeus 
regarding a run-a-way soldier, Paulus : see British Museum Papyrus 
417, ed. Kenyon, ii. p. 299 {.{ — Selections from the Greek Papyri^ ^ 
No. 51). 

*Cf. TertuUian, c. Marcionemy v. 17: *Cum ad omnes apos- 
tolus scripserit, dum ad quosdam.' 



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LITERARY CHARACTER OF THE EPISTLES 95 

letter or epistle in a way which in the present con- 
nexion can hardly be made good.^ The letters of 
St. Paul may not be epistles, if by that we are to 
understand literary compositions written without any 
thought of a particular body of readers. At the 
same time, in view of the tone of authority adopted 
by their author, and the general principles with 
which they deal, they are equally far removed from 
the unstudied expression of personal feeling, which 
we associate with the idea of a true letter. And if we 
are to describe them as letters at all, it is well to 
define the term still further by the addition of some 
such distinguishing epithet as 'missionary' or 
* pastoral.' It is not merely St. Paul the man, but 
St Paul the spiritual teacher and guide who speaks 
in them throughout. 

3. Passing from the general form of the Pauline ^ '^^J.^y^« ^^ 
writings, we are prepared from what has just been EpisUes. 
said to find that, as regards manner and style, according to 

1 If address and 

St. Paul stands midway between the literary and circumstances. 
non-literary writers of his day, and further that 
the special circumstances under which the different 
Epistles were written largely determined their several 
characters. The Epistles addressed to individuals 
stand in a different category from those to Churches,* 
while in the case of the Churches he himself had 

^ Bible Studies^ p. 3 ff. ; Light from the Ancient East, p. 217 ff . ; 
Paulus^ Eine kultur- und religionsgeschichtliche Skizze, Tubingen, 
191 1, p. 4 ff. (Engl. Trans, p. gff.). 

2 Cf. Cicero, odFam. xv. 21. 4 : * Aliter enim scribimus quod eos 
solos quibus mittimus, aliter quod multos lecturos putamus.' 



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96 THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 

founded the Aposde naturally adopts a warmer and 
more direct tone than when writing to those whom 
he knows only by report. 

It is no part of my present purpose to discuss the 

Pauline Epistles in detail, but a few remarks of a 

general character may help to bring out the variety 

in style and manner which exists amongst them. 

1. 2. Thessai- The Epistles to the Thessalonians, which are very 

onians. * t i i 

generally reckoned as the earliest Epistles that have 
come down to us, may be taken as specimens of 
St. Paul's normal mode of writing. In them he 
conveys his message to his friends at Thessalonica 
simply and directly, in for the most part smooth and 
well-ordered sentences, which, however, never fail to 
let us feel the affectionate man behind, to whom his 
converts were in very truth his greater *self.*^ 
Gaiatians. But when we pass to the great controversial 

Epistles we are in a wholly different atmosphere. 
In the first of these, the Epistle to the Gaiatians, 
the Apostle has been stirred to the quick by the 
dangers confronting his beloved converts, whether 
these dangers be due to their own laxity, or to the 
insidious attacks of false teachers. And the result 
is that his words dart forth * flames,** while the 
depth of his emotion leads to those broken con- 
structions and sudden changes of subject, which 
often make it so hard to follow the exact course of 
the argument. 

^ Cf. I Thess. iii. 8 : ort vvv fw/ici/ cav vfi€is ot^icctc iv KvpCtf), 
2 Luther, tn GaL i. : * Paulus meras flammas loquitur tamque 
vehementer ardet ut incipiat etiam quasi Angelis maledicere.' 



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LITERARY CHARACTER OF THE EPISTLES 97 

The same features appear, though with a differ- Romans, 
ence, in the Epistle to the Romans. By this time 
the storm has spent itself, or rather there is nothing 
in the circumstances of the Roman Church to arouse 
the more combative elements in St. Paul's nature. 
He writes, therefore, still with deep earnestness, but 
more dispassionately and calmly, and takes advan- 
tage of the general and cosmopolitan character of 
the address to develop and extend the arguments of 
the earlier Epistles, so that we have now * the 
finished statue,' of which the Epistle to the Galatians 
was ' the rough model.' * 

It is vain indeed — let it be said once more — to 
attempt to understand this or any Pauline Epistle, 
without the constant effort to picture to ourselves the 
person and the feelings of the writer — the eager and 
impulsive Paul, overflowing with love and tenderness, 
as he conjures up the needs of those to whom he is 
writing, and yet so bold and resolute, as he presses 
home upon others with relentless logic and keen irony 
the convictions that have completely mastered himself 

Both these aspects of the Apostle's character i. 2. corin- 
appear very clearly in the Epistles to the Corinthians. 
Written in the main to answer inquiries which had 
been addressed to him by the Corinthian brethren, 
the First Epistle is perhaps the finest example we 
possess of St Paul's tact and argumentative skill, 
while in such passages as the glorious Hymn in 
praise of Love (c. xiii.) it touches the heights of 

^ Lightfoot, Saint PauPs Epistle to the Galatians^^^ London, 
1892, p. 49. 



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98 THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 

rhythmical beauty. But in the Second Epistle we 
. are once more back in the region of keen feeling, as, 
in view of the calumnies with which he has been 
assailed, 'the Apostle of Christ Jesus through the 
will of God ' (2 Cor. i. i) pens the Apologia pro Vita 
Sua, and in word* of mingled humility and boldness 
lays bare the inmost secrets of his mind and heart, 
not so much for his own defence, as for the sake of 
the cause to which his whole life was pledged. 
Ephesians. Similar considerations must weigh with us when 
we pass to the Epistles of the Captivity. That 
these differ greatly in style from many of the earlier 
writings must be obvious to every careful reader. 
Take, for example, the Epistle to the Ephesians, in 
which perhaps this appears most noticeably. The 
words peculiar to the Epistle need not detain us, for 
they are neither so numerous nor so important as 
many of those who attack the Epistle s authenticity 
would like to make out.^ But the style as a whole 
is certainly very different from what we have been 
accustomed to in the earlier Pauline writings. The 
old, crisp sentences have given place to long, involved 
paragraphs, in which clause follows clause, and 
thought is drawn out of thought, as if the writer did 
not know how to come to an end.^ 

^ Cf. Nageli, Wortschatz des Apostels Paulus^ P« ^S ^ * Ini 
ganzen scheint mir der Wortschatz dieses Briefes . . . eher eine 
Instanz fiir als gegen die Echtheit zu sein.' 

*The whole of the opening Thanksgiving— c. i. 3-14 — is really 
one sentence, and with it may be compared the involved structure 
of the succeeding vv. 15-23, and of c. iii. 1-13. 



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LITERARY CHARACTER OF THE EPISTLES 99 

The change, as we have already seen, may be 
partly due to the employment of a different amanu- 
ensis,^ but also arises very naturally from the sur- 
roundings in which St. Paul was writing, and the 
new themes that were occupying his thoughts. He 
is now far advanced in years and experience ; the 
old controversies are for the time being forgotten or 
left out of sight, and in the solitude of his Roman 
prison the great Apostle is wrapped up * in the 
heavenlies ' and in all their far-reaching applications 
to our present and future destinies.^ The very 
magnitude of his themes appears for the moment 
to crush him, and to prevent his finding suitable 
language in which to express his thoughts. Hence 
the involved and laboured sentences, the constant 
going off at a word, as if in the attempt to make the 
meaning clearer — in a word, a general diffusiveness 

^ See p. 26 f., and of. Sanday, Inspiration^ p. 342 : * I have 
sometimes asked myself whether this [the relation of Ephesians 
to some of the other Epistles] may not be due to the degree of 
expertness attained by the scribe in the art of shorthand. We 
know that this art was very largely practised; and St. Paul's 
amanuenses may have had recourse to it somewhat unequally. 
One might take down the Apostle's words verbatim \ then we 
should get a vivid, broken, natural style like that of Romans and 
I, 2 Corinthians. Another might not succeed in getting down the 
exact words ; and then when he came to work up his notes into a 
fair copy, the structure of the sentences would be his own, and it 
might naturally seem more laboured.' See also Additional Note 
C, * Dictation and Shorthand.' 

^ rhe expression ev toI% hrovpaviois occurs five times in this 
Epistle (i. 3, 20; ii. 6; iii. 10; vi. 12), and nowhere else in this 
exact form. 



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100 THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 

of style far removed from the eager rush of the earlier 
writings. It is often, no doubt, very perplexing, and 
makes the interpretation of many parts of the Epistle 
exceedingly difficult. But after all, it is a phenomenon 
by no means unknown in the case of other writers, 
and in itself, unles§ supported by other and far 
stronger arguments, cannot be allowed to turn the 
scale against the Epistle s authenticity. 
The literary It is unnccessary to refer to the other Epistles of 
Ephesians^ the Captivity separately, but, before we leave them, 

andColossian;. . 11 1. • i- 

attention may be drawn to the interesting literary 
problem that has been raised by the close verbal 
affinity between the Epistle to the Ephesians and 
the Epistle to the Colossians. Various theories 
have been advanced as to how this could have 
happened, the most elaborate of which has been 
worked out with great elaborateness by Holtzmann.^ 
Starting with Colossians, he has argued that even 
that Epistle does not exist now in the form in which 
it originally left its authors hand. There was a 
brief Pauline Epistle, which formed the founda- 
tion on which the writer of the Ephesian Epistle 
based his work. And then this writer — not St. Paul — 
turned back to the original Colossian Epistle, and 
enlarged it to the form in which we have it now. 
The only genuine Pauline writing was thus the 
shorter Colossian Epistle, from which a later hand 
developed both Colossians and Ephesians in their 
present form. 

But the very complexity of this theory is against 

^ Kritik der Epheser- und Colosserbriefcy Leipzig, 1872. 



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LITERARY CHARACTER OF THE EPISTLES loi 

it And, after all, why resort to elaborate and 
subtle explanations when none are required? Is 
there any real reason why the same writer dealing 
with strictly cognate subjects at a very short interval 
of time — * probably in the same week ' ^ — should not 
repeat himself to a large extent, especially if we can 
think of him as reading over an abstract or copy 
of the earlier letter to the Colossians, before com- 
mencing his letter to the Ephesians ? 

And when we add to this that in dealing with 
new and great themes St. Paul, in common with 
all the early Christian writers, would have constant 
difficulty in finding adequate expression for his 
thoughts, what more likely, as Dr. Sanday has 
suggested, than that he should show a readiness to 
fall back on expressions which he had once reached, 
and which were again suitable for his purpose? 'It 
was not poverty of mind — far from it — but only a 
natural expedient to relieve an unwonted strain/* 

The case of the Pastoral Epistles suggests ques- The Pastomi 
tions of a more complicated kind. We have seen 
already the difficulties which many feel regarding 

^ A Souter, The Expositor^ VIII. ii. p. 136 ff. where interesting 
textual evidence is adduced against the * secondary' or 'sub- 
Pauline' character of the Ephesians, as against Moffatt, Intro- 
duction to the Literature of the New Testament^ p. 375 ff. See 
Moffatt's reply to the same magazine, p. 193 ff, with Souter's 
rejoinder, p. 321 ff. 

2 Art. * Colossians, Epistle to the,* in Smith's Dictiotiary of the 
Bible^^ London, 1893, i. p. 630. See also Paley's remarks, dis- 
tingubhed by his usual robust commonsense, Horaa Paulinae^ 
ch. vi. 



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102 THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 

their direct Pauline authorship, but it is right to 
notice here that they have recently found a warm 
advocate in Sir William M. Ramsay, who, to refer 
at present only to the linguistic argument, has 
pointed out that 'the marked change of language 
and the number of new words ' which these Epistles 
exhibit is due to the fact that St Paul had to 
'create' a new terminology to correspond with the 
new ecclesiastical situation with which he found 
himself confronted. * Many of his new words are 
the brief expression of something which in his earlier 
letters he describes as a process, but which had now 
become so common a phenomenon in the practical 
management of a congregation that it demanded a 
special name.' And he instances by way of illustra- 
tion the very first peculiar word that occurs in them, 
erepoSiSaa-KoXeiv^ * to teach a different doctrine * (i Tim. 
i. 3), whose occurrence to describe a danger that 
had become very pressing in the early Church, he 
regards as 'not only not un-Pauline,' but as 
* thoroughly true to Pauls mind and character.' ^ 

Whether this explanation will cover the whole of 
the peculiarities in the Epistles' diction may be 
questioned, but taken in conjunction with the marked 
variations of language which even the earlier and 
acknowledged Epistles exhibit, and the possibility 
that in the case of the Pastorals the Apostle's 
amanuensis may have been a man of wider culture.^ 

^ TA^ Expositor, VII. vii. p. 488 ff. 

*Nageli, WortschatZy p. 88, regards the vocabulary peculiar to 
the Pastorals as pointing to a larger acquaintance with profane 



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LITERARY CHARACTER OF THE EPISTLES 103 

and have been left a freer hand than usual,^ it 
certainly helps to support the positive arguments 
which can be brought forward from other sources in 
favour of the Pauline authorship of these Epistles. 

4. Before leaving the Pauline Epistles, there are 4- some 

- , - , general poinU 

one or two pomts of a more general character that regarding the 

1 . . Pauline 

demand attention. EpisUes. 

(i) The first is that, as these Epistles were (1) Their 
originally written to dictation, and always with a character. 
definite audience before the composers eye, they 
may, from this point of view, be regarded as 
speeches almost as much as letters. And just as 
the speech of a great orator becomes the more vivid 
and real when we hear it read aloud, or read it 
aloud to ourselves, so in the very act of reading 
aloud the Pauline Epistles, we often see more clearly 
where the true emphasis is to be laid, or catch some 
of the subtler distinctions that their speech-form 
carries with it. 

literature than we are accustomed to ascribe to St. Paul, and 
similarly Wendland, Die Urchristlichen Literaturformen^^ (in 
Handbtich zum Neuen Testament^ I. Hi.), Tubingen 191 2, p. 364, 
n^ describes it as drawn *fast durchweg aus der literarischen 
Oberschicht der Sprache.' 

^ * The Pastorals leave us wondering how much St. Paul actually 
dictated . . . and how far he may have given his amanuensis 
general directions ' (J. Armitage Robinson in a paper on * Pauline 
Thought,' read before the Church Congress at Swansea in 1907, 
Official Report^ p. 319). On the possibility that they may have 
been written by friends and disciples of the Apostle, who adopted 
his name * without any fraudulent intent,' see some good remarks 
in Simcox, The Writers of the New Testament^ London, 1890, p. 38. 



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104 THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 

(a) Their (2) And this leads us to ask how far this speech-form 

rhetorical mav have been moulded by the ordinary methods of 

character. , 

contemporary rhetoric. 

Blass has probably found few followers in the 
theory that in this respect St. Paul was not above 
making use of * Asianic rhythm ' for the embellish- 
ment of some of his most eloquent passages,* and 
even the stylistic and rhetorical parallels which 
Johannes Weiss is so fond of discovering may 
easily be carried too far.* But the very fact that such 
suggestions have been made, and made too in such 
influential quarters, is in itself a proof of the literary 
tact and skill that the Pauline writings undoubtedly 
display. The art may be Te^w; arexpog, as Heinrici 
well describes it,^ but it is nevertheless rex*^, and 
forms a fitting frame for the wisdom and grandeur 
of the Apostle's thoughts.* 
(3) Their (3) Nor must these traces of Hellenic training in 

relation to ^^^-^ ^ 



Jewish 
lii 



terature. 



^ Dte Rhythtnen der asianischcn und roniischen Kunstprosa^ 
Leipzig, 1905. For a detailed criticism of Blass's hypothesis, 
see Deissmann in the T/ieoIogiscfu Literaturzeitung^ 31 (1906), 
cols. 231 ff. 

^ Beiirdge zur Paulinischen Rhetorik (reprinted from Theolo- 
gische Studien D. B. Weiss gewidmet), Gottingen, 1897 ; Die 
Aufgaben der Neutestamenilichen Wissenschaft in der Gegenwarty 
Gottingen, 1908, p. 11 ff. 

^ Der litterarische Charakter der neutestamenilichen Schriften^ 
Leipzig, 1908, p. 69. 

*For an elaborate attempt to trace the Greek influences of 
Tarsus on St. Paul, see B6hlig, Die Geisteskultur von Tarsos 
im augusteischen Zeitalter mit BerUcksichtigung der paulinischen 
Schrifteny G6ttingen, 191 3. 



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LITERARY CHARACTER OF THE EPISTLES 105 

St. Paul lead us to forget how still more markedly 
he is influenced by Jewish methods of expression 
and reasoning. Whatever the Greek atmosphere in 
which so much of his life was passed did for the 
Apostle, it never obliterated the Jew that was in 
him. All through his life, he was *Jew' not only 
in nationality and education, but in language and 
tradition. And we are not surprised therefore to 
find him, more particularly in his controversies with 
his Jewish opponents, constantly falling back upon 
their methods, and meeting their arguments with 
their own weapons. 

An obvious instance is afforded by Gal. iii. 16, 
where St. Paul seeks to draw a Messianic reference 
out of a well-known verse in Genesis from the fact 
that the word * seed ' is there employed in the singular : 
• To Abraham were the promises spoken and to his 
seed (tcS cnrepjuan avrov) : he saith not, And to seeds 
iTot^ cnrepfxacriu), as of many, but as of one, And to 
thy seed (tw cnrepfxan crov), which is Christ.* But as 
a matter of fact, in ordinary usage, the plural neither 
of the Greek word (nripiia, nor of the Hebrew 
O which it represents, could be used of human 
progeny, and, consequently, on strict grammatical 
grounds, the Apostles argument loses its force. 
Only when we interpret it more Rabbinico, and from 
a singular y^r;;^ draw a singular sense, irrespective of 
all other considerations, can we see how the Apostle's 
reasoning would appeal to his Jewish readers.^ 

^ Deissmann discovers a very early Christian protest against St. 
Paul's insistence on the singular airep/xa in the substitution of airopd 



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io6 THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 

The same may be said of the manner in which 
St. Paul constantly clothes his thought in figures 
drawn from the later Jewish literature, which has 
been made so accessible to English readers by the 
labours of Dr. R. H. Charles and others.^ But 
interesting though the parallels suggested un- 
doubtedly are, care must be taken not to exaggerate 
their importance, at any rate to the extent of losing 
sight of the far more significant debt which the 
Apostle owes to the canonical books of the Greek 
Old Testament. The Septuagint, as we have had 
occasion to notice before, was St. Pauls Bible, and 
the number of his quotations from it, and still more 
the ever-recurring and almost unconscious reminis- 
cences of its language and imagery show how 
largely it had taken possession of him.* 
(4) Their (a) And yet with all this, the final impression 

originality. y ' ' , , , ^ ■• 

which the Pauline writings leave upon us is that of 
their outstanding originality. Nothing exactly like 
them had appeared before, or has appeared since. 
And when, to meet the special circumstances in 
which he found himself, St Paul struck out this 
happy combination of the letter with the epistle, of 

for (nrcp/ia in a recently discov ered parchment fragment of the fifth 
century, containing a Greek translation of Gen. xxvi. 3, 4 {Light 
from the Ancient East^ p. 35, n*). 

^Special reference may be made to H. St. John Thackeray's 
interesting Essay, The Relation of St. Paul to Contemporary Jewish 
Thought^ London, 1900. 

2 Cf H. Vollmer, Die A Ittes lament lichen Citate bei Faulus, Frei- 
burg i. B., 1895. 



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LITERARY CHARACTER OF THE EPISTLES 107 

the frankly personal message with the most far- 
reaching exposition of Christian truth, he invented 
a form of composition which in its every line bears 
witness to the commanding personality and genius 
of its author.^ 



IL In all these circumstances it is not to be 11. The other 

Epistles of 
the New 
Testament. 



wondered at that the Pauline method should th?N^° 



furnish a model for subsequent writers. It is 
indeed probably going too far to say that, left 
to themselves, these last would hardly have 
thought of adopting the epistolary form at all, 
when we remember the prevalence of that form 
for literary purposes at the beginning of the 
Christian era.^ # 

^ Cf. U. von Wilamowitz-Moellendorf, Die griechische Literatur 
des AliertumSy p. 159 (in Die Kultur der Gegenwart^^ i. 8, Berlin, 
1907): * Als einen Ersatz seiner persdnlichen Wirkung schreibt er 
seine Briefe. Dieser Briefstil ist Paulus, niemand als Paulus; es 
ist nicht Privatbrief und doch nicht Literatur, ein unnachahm- 
liches, wenn auch immer wieder nachgeahmtes Mittelding'; and 
Wendland, Die Urchristlichen Liter aturformen^y p. 358: * Der 
Stil ist so original wie die Persdnlichkeit. Und der personliche 
Gehalt hat den Briefen eine literarische Wirkung gesichert, wie 
sie dem professionellen Literatentum, das sich an ein AUerwelts- 
publikum wendet, versagt zu sein pflegt.' 

*To what is said in this connexion on p. 85 ff., may be added the 
words of Norden: *The epistolary literature, even in its artless 
forms, had a far greater right to exist, according to the iileas of 
the age, than we can understand at the present day. The epistle 
gradually became a literary form into which any material, even of 
a scientific nature, could be thrown in a free and easy fashion' 
(Aniike Kunstprosa^, ii. p. 492). 



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io8 THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 

Their general, At the Same time it is impossible to doubt that in 
personal. Seeking the fittest expression for their own teaching 
they would be much influenced by the example of 
the great Apostle. And this all the more, because 
notwithstanding the more general character of their 
contents, the later Epistles of the New Testament 
are never wholly wanting in the personal note 
The Epistle to the Hebrews, for example, while 
describing itself as a * word of exhortation ' (c. xiii. 
22) or a homily, shows by the direct tone of praise 
and blame adopted throughout (cc. v. r2, vi. 9, 
X. 32, xii. 4), no less than by the closing saluta- 
tions (c. xiii. 22-25), ^^^^ i^s author has in view a 
definite circle or community of readers.^ Similarly 
the carefully arranged list ^f the Provinces of Asia 
Minor with which the First Epistle of St. Peter 
opens enables us to follow the bearer step by step 
on his journey, as he carries the Apostolic message 
to the different Christian communities north of 
Taurus, and thereby lends local colouring and 
warmth to the otherwise markedly catholic nature 
of the Epistle. 

Even the First Epistle of St. John is very 
insufficiently described as an encyclical or manifesto 
addressed to Christendom as a whole. Though * it 

^ This comes out very clearly if we can think of the Epistle as 
addressed originally, not to any general body of Hebrew Christians, 
either at Jerusalem or elsewhere, but to a small community of 
Jewish believers, almost a * Church in the house,' at Rome: see 
the critical introduction to my Theology of the Epistle to the 
Hebrews^ p. 34 ff. 



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LITERARY CHARACTER OF THE EPISTLES 109 

does not contain a single proper name (except our 
Lord's), nor a single definite allusion, personal, 
geographical, or historical,' it is still, as one of the 
ablest of its recent expositors has pointed out, a 
true letter. * From beginning to end the writer 
shows himself in close contact with the special 
position and immediate needs of his readers. 
The absence of explicit reference to either only 
indicates how intimate was the relation between 
them.' ^ 

Passing from the general character of these The EpisUe to 
Epistles to their language and style, and turning its language* 
first of all to the Epistle to the Hebrews, we are^ ^^^' 
immediately struck by the excellence of the Greek 
in which it is written, and the care that has been 
bestowed upon its composition. It is an aspect of 
the Epistle which from the time of Origen* has 
occupied the attention of critics, and recently has 
led Blass, with greater excuse than in the case of the 
Pauline letters, to discover a rhythmical principle 
running throughout it.^ 

^Law, ne Tests of Life^^ Edinburgh, 1909, pp. 39, 41. 

^ Apud Euseb. Hist, EccUs, vi. 25. 1 1 ff. 

^ Brief an die Hebrder^ Text mit Angabe der Rkythmen^ G6ttin- 
gen, 1903 : cf. Gratnmatik des Neutestatnentlichen Griechisch\ 
p. 304 f. 

It is worth noting that the text of the two recently discovered 
papyrus fragments of Hebrews, belonging to the fourth century, 
published by Grenfell and Hunt in The Oxyrhynchus Papyri^ iv. 
p 36 ff. No. 657, and vii. p. 11 f. No. 1078, is divided by means 
of double dots into a series of o-rtx©*! which frequently coincide 
with Blass's arrangement. 



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no THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 

Apart, however, from its over-artificial character, 
it is obvious that such a theory may easily be pressed 
to the serious loss of the writer s meaning, as when 
in the very opening verse the omission of the definite 
article before vi<p, * Son,' is traced to metrical con- 
siderations, instead of to the writer s desire to lay 
stress on the nature or character rather than on the 
personality of the Son. It is in * a Son,' *one that 
is Son,' that God is speaking to us as distinguished 
from *the prophets,' in whom He spoke to the 
fathers. 

This, however, is far from denying that the Epistle 
does show more signs of artistic structure than any 
other writing of the New Testament. Every sen- 
tence is carefully finished, every period exactly 
balanced. And the orderly plan of the whole, the 
springing of each step from what immediately pre- 
cedes, and the use of such aids to style as full- 
sounding phrases, rhetorical questions, explanatory 
parentheses, and vivid, pictorial images, sometimes 
condensed into a single word, all betray the conscious 
stylist, who in the interests of his theme does not 
neglect any advantage that attention to phraseology 
and order can bring.^ 
Bearing of That all this has an important bearing on the 

considerations vexed question of authorship is obvious. For one 
' thing it practically excludes St. Paul, even if he were 
not excluded on other grounds. And if we are to 
conjecture at all, our choice must fall on some such 

^ For particulars, see Theology of ike Epistle to the Hebrews^ 
p. 20 f. 



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LITERARY CHARACTER OF THE EPISTLES iii 

man as Joseph, whose surname Barnabas was popu- 
larly identified with exhortation or comfort.* or the 
'eloquent* Apollos, if not, as Harnack has sug- 
gested,* on an authoress Prisca who, according to 
the description in Acts xviii. 26, was able, along 
with her husband Aquila, to expound the word of 
God cucpifiecrrepov, that is, * with marked accuracy and 
precision/ 

The general excellence of the Greek in which it The Episue of 
is written is again a distinguishing feature of the its lallgSge 
Epistle of St. James. And so varied is its vocabu- 
lary, and so forcible and epigrammatic its style, that 
many scholars have found it difficult to ascribe it to 
its traditional Palestinian author. But in view of 
the wide-spread diffusion of Greek in Palestine at the 
time, and the impossibility of determining the extent 
of St. James's proficiency in it, there is nothing 
actually to prevent his having written it. 

Nor can we forget that, apart from its Greek and form, 
dress, the form and atmosphere of the Epistle are 
thoroughly Hebraic, much of its teaching being cast 
in the gnomic or aphoristic utterances, so character- 
istic of the wisdom -literature of the Jews. Spitta 
indeed has gone the length of describing it as 
originally a Jewish, possibly pre-Christian document, 

^ Acts f?. 36. For the true etymology of Barnabas = * son of 
Nebo,' see Deissmann, Bid/e Studies, p. 307 ff., and G. B. Gray in 
Tke Expository Times^ x. p. 233 f. 

^Zeitschrifl fUr die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft^ i. (1900) 
p. 16 ff. The name of Aquila had already found favour with 
Bleek, Dcr Brief an die Hebracr^ Berlin, 1828-40, i. p. 421 f. 



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I Peter. 

Its authorship 



112 THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 

into which a Christian admirer inserted the name of 
Christ in cc. i. i, ii. i, in order that the Epistle 
might be admitted into the New Testament.^ But 
if so, it is hardly likely that such an interpolator 
would have contented himself with inserting so little; 
while Hamack s view that it is made up of a collec- 
tion of fragments and discourses, which as late as 
the end of the second century were combined by an 
unknown hand into their present form,* fails to 
account for the unity of language and thought by 
which the Epistle as a whole is distinguished. 

More might be said on general grounds for Pro- 
fessor J. H. Moulton's interesting suggestion that 
James of Jerusalem composed the Epistle for the 
benefit of Jews rather than of Christians, and conse- 
quently avoided specific reference to Christ and to 
His Cross in order to avoid giving unnecessary 
offence,* were it not for the difficulty of imagining 
a Christian teacher of James's position suppressing 
his distinctive beliefs under any circumstances what- 
soever. Besides, what comes on this showing of the 
important passage, c. ii. 14-26, where faith — obviously 
Christian faith — is assumed as the starting-point of 

justification (v. 24, ovk €k TrtWeo)? julouov) ? 

Reference has already been made to the important 
part which Silvanus played in the production of the 

^ * Der Brief des Jacobus,' in Zur Geschichte und Ldtieratur des 
UrchristeniumSy Gottingen, 1896, ii. p. i ff. 

'^ Die Chronologic der altchristlichen Litteratur, Leipzig, 1897, 
i. p. 487 f. 

8 The Expositor, VII. iv. p. 45 ff. 



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LITERARY CHARACTER OF THE EPISTLES 113 

First Epistle of St. Peter.^ And if, as is most 
probable, this Silvanus is to be identified with Silas, 
the friend and companion of St. Paul, we have an 
additional ground for the many affinities of language 
and thought between the Epistle and certain Pauline 
writings, notably the Epistles to the Romans and the 
Ephesians. 

The writers vocabulary is a large one, including and uierary 
not a few classical words, as well as words for which 
there is little or no attestation elsewhere. And his 
style, while simple, is marked by close attention to 
grammatical rules, and by a suggestive order and 
balance in the arrangement of his words. His 
dependence on the Septuagint is very marked, as 
in the case of the other New Testament writers.^ 

The so-called Second Epistle of St. Peter raises The 
a wholly different set of questions, and whether we ShlLrtCT T"^ 
look to its language, which shows a tendency, unob- 
servable elsewhere, of iniitating the great Attic 
models,^ or to its dependence upon the Epistle of 

^ See p. 22, and of. Zahn, Introduction to the New Testament^ 
Engl. Tr., ii. p. 150: 'It purports to be a letter of Peter's; and 
such it is, except that Peter left its composition to Silvanus, 
because he regarded him as better fitted than himself, indeed as 
better fitted than any one else, to express in an intelligible and 
effective manner the thoughts and feelings which Peter entertained 
toward the Gentile Christians of Asia Minor.' 

2 On these and similar points, see Bishop Chase's classical 
article, * Peter, First Epistle of,' in Hastings' Dictionary of the 
Bible^ iii. p. 779ff. 

8 Cf. Moulton, Prolegomena ^ p. 97, Cambridge Biblical Essays^ 
p. 484. 



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114 THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 

St. Jude,^ we are led to think of it not as an original 
work of the Apostle whose name it bears, but rather 
as a pseudepigraph written in the second centur}'^ by 
an unknown author, who desired to gain credit for 
his work by issuing it under the great name of 
St. Peter. 

In itself there was nothing unusual in this, nor 
anything contrary to the literary canons of the time. 
The later Jewish Apocalypses were almost d^X pseud- 
epigrapha, issued as the work of some Old Testa- 
ment lawgiver or prophet, and receiving thereby 
the authority of his name. And in thus adopting 
the name of St. Peter, the author of our Epistle 
had no intention of deceiving, but desired simply to 
express his own sense of personal indebtedness to 
the Apostle, and to extend the influence of his 
teaching.^ That in the judgment of the Early 
Church he succeeded in this may be taken as proved 
by the eventual inclusion of his book in the Sacred 
Canon. 

1 See J. B. Mayor, The Epistle of St Jude and the Second Epistle 
of St, Peter^ London, 1907, p. i ff., where the priority of Jude is 
maintained against Spitta, Zahn, and Bigg. 

^ Other pseudonymous works associated with the name of the 
same Apostle are the Preaching, the Gospel (see p. 281 ff), and the 
Apocalypse of Peter, the last of which stands in such close literary 
relationship to the Second Epistle as to suggest a common author- 
ship. Even Zahn, who stoutly maintains the Apostolic authorship 
of the Epistle, nevertheless admits that it is * entirely comprehen- 
sible that the name of the chief of the apostles should be misused 
in the writing of a spurious letter,' and that * the mere occurrence 
of Peter's name in an ancient writing is no proof of authorship * 
{Introd, to the Neiv Testament^ Engl. Tr., ii. p. 270 f.). 



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LITERARY CHARACTER OF THE EPISTLES 115 

There remain still the three Epistles attributed The johannine 
to St. John, and without entering at present intOijohiT 

I « . % t 1 Authorship 

the vexed question as to whom we are to understand 
by this John, we may take it as practically certain 
that he is to be identified with the author of the 
Fourth Gospel. In the case of the First Episde, 
in particular, this comes out very clearly. And 
whether we think of the Epistle as written at the 
same time as the Gospel, to serve as a kind of 
covering-letter to it, as Bishop Lightfoot suggests,^ 
or some time later, as an appeal to the Church to 
abide by the spiritual teaching of the Gospel, as its 
latest commentator the Rev. A. E. Brooke prefers,^ 
the close association between the two books in 
language and thought bears urimistakeably the 
impress of one mind. 

Of the distinctive features of the writer s Greek, and Hebraic 
it will again* be more convenient to speak later (see^'^^"""^ 
p. 154 f.), but before leaving his First Epistle it may 
be well, as in the case of the Epistle of St James, 
to draw attention to its markedly Hebraic. colouring. 
* One has only to read the Epistle,' says Professor 
Law, ' with an attentive ear to perceive that, though 
using another language, the writer had in his own 
ear. all the time, the swing and the cadences of Old 
Testament verse. With the exception of the Pro- 
logue and a few other periodic passages, the majority 
of sentences divide naturally into two or three or 

^ Biblical Essays^ London, 1893, PP- 63> 99> '9^- 
2 The Johannine Epistles (in the International Critical Com- 
Tnentary\ Edinburgh, 191 2, p. xix ff. 



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Ii6 THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 

four arrlxoi.' * It IS not suggested,' he continues, 
after illustrating these particulars, * that there is in 
the Epistle a conscious imitation of Hebraic forms ; 
but it is evident, I think, that no one could have 
written as our author does, whose whole style of 
thought and expression had not been unconsciously 
formed upon Old Testament models/^ And, further 
on, he describes St. John's * mode of thinking and 
writing' in this Epistle as 'spiral. The course of 
thought does not move from point to point in a 
straight line. It is like a winding staircase — always 
revolving around the same centre, always recurring 
to the same topics, but at a higher level' * That is 
excellently said, and affords a valuable clue for 
tracing the progress of the Apostle's thought with 
the constant appearance and reappearance of the 
same leading themes. 
2, 3 John. The two shorter Epistles need not detain us. 
One of them, which we know as the Third Epistle 
of St. John, is obviously a private letter, addressed 
to the writer's friend Gaius, in order to commend to 
his good services certain travelling missionaries who 
were about to visit the Church of which he was a 
member. But the destination of the Second Epistle 
is not so clear. In view of the fact that Kvpla (see 
V. i) is a common form of address in the ordinary 
letters of the time, many think that the Epistle was 
originally sent to an individual lady. Electa.^ But 

1 77ie Tests of Life\ pp. 2, 4. 2 Qp ^it p. 5. 

^Cf. e,g, a papyrus letter of B.C. i which Hilarion addresses 
Bc/wuTt T^ Kvpt^ /Liov, *to my dear Berous' {The Oocyrhynchus 



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LITERARY CHARACTER OF THE EPISTLES 117 

the contents of the Epistle are against this view, 
and the probability is that the author was addressing 
a Church,^ very likely the Church of which the 
Gaius of the Third Epistle was a member (cf. 
3 John 9). As to where this Church was situated, 
we have no means of determining : it may have 
been in Rome, or, as others think with more reason, 
in Asia, perhaps at Pergamum or Thyatira. But 
whatever the exact locale, the writer is evidently in 
anxiety regarding certain new movements which 
had been asserting themselves, and accordingly 
writes with all the authority belonging to him as 
'the Elder* to encourage his readers to continue 
* walking in truth,' if they are to enjoy * a full reward ' 
of the work he has 'wrought' amongst them (vv. 
4, 8). 



III. There remains still one writing of the New in. The 



Testament, which may be considered in the present 
connexion if only because of its epistolary address 
(c. i. 4) and conclusion (c. xxii. 21), and because of 
the Seven Letters to the Seven Churches in Asia 

Papyri, edd. Grenfell-Hunt, iv. p. 243 f., No. 744 = Selections front 
the Greek Papyri*^, No. 12). 

In an article in The Expositor, VI. iii. p. 194 ff., on *The 
Problem of the Address in the Second Epistle of John,' Dr. 
Rendel Harris argues with customary ingenuity that St. John's 
*dear' friend was a Gentile proselyte of the tribe of Ruth, and 
like Ruth a widow ! 

^ Cf. I Pet. V. 13, >j €1^ Baj8vAwi/t (rvrcKAcKTi}. 



Apocalypse. 



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ii8 THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 

with which it opens. It is not, however, these 
Letters which have given its ordinary title to the 
book as a whole, nor even the writer s own account 
of it as a * prophecy ' (cc. i. 3, xxii. 7, 10, 18 f.), but 
rather the fact that he directly ascribes its contents 
to an 'apocalypse* or * revelation/ given by Jesus 
Christ to His servant (c. i. i). 

In this way the book is at once linked with a 
widely-spread form of writing of the time. In the 
books of the earlier Old Testament prophets we 
have frequent traces of apocalyptic writing; and 
outside the Canon we are in possession of a large 
number of Jewish apocalypses, which both in general 
aim and literary form exhibit certain well-marked 
characteristics which reappear in the book before us. 
In one important particular, however, they differ 
from it. They are pseudonymous, written in the 
name and under the shelter of some great figure in 
the past, such as Enoch, Moses, Isaiah, Baruch, 
whereas the writer of the New Testament Apoca- 
lypse names himself in such a way as to suggest 
that he was its real author, and was contemporary 
with the events he records.^ 
Its Hebraic Leaving aside in the meantime the question of the 

exact identity of this * John,' and turning to some of 
the more external features of his book, we are at 
once struck by the extent of its dependence on the 
Jewish Scriptures. Not indeed that its writer ever 
directly quotes them, or, except in rare instances, 

^ Cf. Swete, The Apocalypse of St, John^ London, 1906, 
p. el XX f. 



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LITERARY CHARACTER OF APOCALYPSE 119 

employs the ipsissima verba of the Old Testament. 
It is rather that his whole mind is so steeped in its 
vocabulary that almost unconsciously he makes use 
of it as the best means for the conveyance of his own 
message.^ 

But along with this Hebraic background the Apo- and its 
calypse possesses also a distinctly Greek side, as "^"®"*^ '^*^^- 
shown by the facts that not only is it * linguistically 
deep-rooted in the most popular colloquial language '^ 
of the day, but that many of its allusions and figures 
are clearly due to a close first-hand acquaintance 
with the customs and beliefs of the Greek East.^ 

This latter consideration only makes the more its barbarous 
astonishing the character of the writer's language 
and grammar. Genders, numbers, and cases are 
frequently at fault; different tenses and moods are 
joined by a copula without any obvious reason for 
the changes; adjectives and verbs are made to 
govern unusual cases/ 

The phenomena are unique, so far as the New 
Testament writings are concerned, unique, we may 

^According to the convenient list appended to Westcott and 
Hort's edition of the Greek New Testament, the Apocalyptist is 
influenced by Old Testament writings in 278 out of the 404 
verses, into which his work is now divided. 

- Deissmann, Light from the Ancient Easty p. 63. 

»Cf. VV. M. Ramsay, The Letters to the Seven Churches of Asia, 
London, 1904, where the suggestive illustrations in the text are 
specially selected with the view of showing that the Apocalypse 
'was written to be understood by the Graeco Asiatic public' 
(p. viii f.). 

* Particulars will be found in Swete, Apocalypse^ p. cxviii f. 



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120 THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 

say, in literature. Can any explanation of them be 
offered? 
due to its being Somc, no doubt, may be set down as Semitisms, 

wntlen m an •' 

acquired or Aramaisms, due to the writer's nationality and 

tongue, , ' 

his close dependence on the Old Testament 
Scriptures already referred to. And in the same 
connexion it is not out of place to point out 
that if Greek was a secondary language to the 
author, it is not to be wondered at that he should 
not always hit upon the right constructions. His 
vocabulary might not cause him much difficulty, 
but when it came to framing sentences in an 
acquired tongue, governed by different grammatical 
rules, he may well be pardoned if occasionally he 
stumbles. 

On the other hand, some of the lapses are of 
such a character as to suggest intention rather than 
ignorance. When, for example, in his opening 
greeting to the Churches in Asia, the seer construes 
the preposition cnro with the nominative o S)v kou 6 ^v 
Koi 6 €pxo/uL€Po^, ' He Who is and Who was and Who 
is to come ' (c. i. 4), this cannot have been because 
he did not know that airo was regularly followed by 
the genitive, but because for the moment he regarded 
the whole phrase as an indeclinable noun; just as 
later in the same sentence he treats the threefold 
description of Jesus Christ as 6 ixaprv^ 6 Trto-roy, 6 
TrpcoTOTOKO^ tUv vcKpSiv KOI 6 apyiov tS)v ^aa-iXccov t^9 y??, 
* the faithful witness, the firstborn of the dead, and 
the ruler of the kings of the earth,* as a kind of 
parenthetical addition, and consequently is not afraid 



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LITERARY CHARACTER OF APOCALYPSE 121 

to leave it in the nominative, though strictly it is in 
apposition with the genitive 'In<rou XpKrrov} 

And in these whole circumstances it may well be and in an 
asked whether apocalyptic writing is to be judged on style. ^^ '"^ 
the rules of strict grammar, or whether it may not 
claim a character and licence of its own. For the 
time being the seer is, as it were, lifted out of him- 
self, and in his eagerness to find expression for the 
thoughts and longings by which his whole being is 
dominated, he does not stop to weigh his words, but 
pours them forth as they come. His grammatical 
lapses thus become, as Dr. Moulton remarks from a 
somewhat different standpoint, *the sign-manual of 
a writer far too much concerned with his message to 
be conscious of the fact that he is writing literature 
which after ages will read with a critical eye.'^ 

A similar consideration, arising from the general The structure 
character of apocalyptic writing, may help us when ApoAiypse. , 
we pass from the language to the structure of the 
Apocalypse. Ever since, in 1886, Vischer suggested 
that the peculiar character of the Apocalypse was to 
be explained by the fact that it was fundamentally a 
Jewish writing worked over by a Christian hand,^ 

1 For a further attempt to reduce the number of grammatical 
peculiarities in the Apocalypse by the theory that the Seer frequently 
interjected comments or explanations, which would now find their 
place in footnotes or marginal abstracts, see Archbishop Benson, 
TAe Apocalypse^ Essay. V. * A Grammar of Ungrammar,' p. 131 ff. 

2 Cambridge Biblical Essays, p. 490. 

^ Texte und Untersuchungen, ii. 3, Die Offenbarung Johannis, 
eine jildische Apocalypse in chrisilicher Bearbeitung, Mit Nachwort 
von Adolf Harnack. Cf. now Hamack, Chronologie, i. p. 675, n^ 



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Use of older 

apocalyptic 

material, 



but essential 
unity. 



122 THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 

source-theories of the most varying kinds have been 
brought forward. The very number of these theories 
is against them, nor as yet has any of them succeeded 
in winning general acceptance. But one service at 
least they have performed. They have drawn atten- 
tion to the large amount of material common to the 
general apocalyptic thought of the time. And with- 
out attempting to follow those who have tried to 
trace this material back to Babylonian or Persian 
sources,^ we can at least notice how natural it was 
for the New Testament seer to avail himself of it for 
his own purposes, as in his description of the first 
wild Beast (cc. xiii.-xx.), or how in certain cases {e.g, 
cc. vii. 4-8, xi. 1-13, and xii.) he may even have taken 
over whole passages from the Jewish apocalypses of 
his day, which seemed to him capable of a Christian 
interpretation.* 

Notwithstanding, however, this use of earlier 
sources, the Apocalypse must be clearly recognized 
as no mere literary conglomerate, no * compound of 
shreds and patches,* but a compact unity. Only a 
real author, as distinguished from a compiler or 
editor, could have so stamped the impress of his 
personality upon the book as a whole. And the 
longer it is studied, the closer is found to be the in- 
terrelation between its different parts, and the more 

^E,g, Gunkel, Schopfung und Chaos^ Gottingen, 1 895 ; Bousset, Dtr 
Antichrist in der Uberlieferung des JudentumSy des Neuen Testaments 
und der alten Kirche^ Gottingen, 1895 (Eng. Tr., London, 1896). 

2 See further *The Biblical Doctrine of Antichrist' in my 
edition of St, PauPs Epistles to the Thessalonians^ p. 1 58 ff. 



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LITERARY CHARACTER OF APOCALYPSE 123 

clearly does * the presence of the same creative mind ' 
make itself felt throughout.^ 

In asking in which particular * John ' this * creative Bearing of 

iHiiGfUSiire &nd 

mind' is to be found, we at once raise a question of date on the 
deep interest, but one which cannot adequately be authorship. 
discussed without entering on historical and theo- 
logical inquiries which lie altogether outside our 
present scope. This only can be saidj that if the 
question is to be settled on literary grounds alone, 
the Apocalypse can hardly be put down to the same 
hand that wrote the Fourth Gospel. 

The difficulty was felt as early as the middle of 
the third century by Dionysius of Alexandria (f a. d. 
265), and is stated by him in a passage to which 
recent research has been able to add little or nothing. 
After showing that the Gospel and the First Epistle 
of John present marks of agreement which suggest 
a common authorship, he goes on to argue that the 
Apocalypse differs widely from both in its ideas and 
in its way of expressing them, and more particularly 
in its diction. * For they [the Gospel and First 
Epistle] were written not only without error as 
regards the Greek language, but also most artisti- 
cally in their expressions, in their reasonings, and 
in the arrangements of their explanations ' : whereas 
the * dialect and language ' of the Apocalypse ' are 
not accurate Greek,' but disfigured by 'barbarous 
idioms, and, in some places, solecisms.'* 

^Swete, Apocalypse y p. 1; cf. W. Milligan, Discussions on the 
Apocafypse^ London, 1893, ii. *The Unity of the Apocalypse.* 
^ Apud Euseb. Hist. Eccles, vii. 25. See further p. 262 ff. 



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124 THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 

With this position the latest Engh'sh commentator 
on the Apocalypse, Professor Swete, is in substantial 
agreement when he writes that in the matter of style 
the Evangelist * stands at the opposite pole to the 
eccentricities, the roughnesses, the audacities ' of the 
Apocalyptist.^ And in a subsequent section dealing 
directly with the question of authorship, he is even 
more emphatic. * It is incredible that the writer of 
the Gospel could have written the Apocalypse 
without a conscious effort savouring of literary 
artifice. . . . The writer of the Apocalypse may not 
have been either more or less of a Greek scholar 
than the writer of the Gospel ; but in their general 
attitude towards the use of language they differ 
fundamentally. The difference is due to personal 
character rather than to relative familiarity with 
Greek.' ^ 

These are strong words, especially as coming 
from one who has made so close a study of the 
book before us on its linguistic side, and ' the relative 
familiarity with Greek ' which Professor Swete here 
mentions as an explanation of the difference between 
the books, only to set it aside, is rendered still more 
unlikely by the change of attitude in recent years 
with regard to the date of the Apocalypse. So long 
as it was dated in the reign of Nero, the interval 
that elapsed before the appearance of the Gospel 
might have counted for something in the improve- 
ment of the writer s Greek. But the return to the 

^ The Apocalypse of SLjohn^ p. cxxiv. 
2 Ihid, p. clxxviii. 



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LITERARY CHARACTER OF APOCALYPSE 125 

traditional date under Domitian, which is now so 
generally accepted, no longer allows a sufficient 
interval of time for this.^ And if we are to continue 
to regard the Fourth Gospel as the work of the 
Apostle, there seems nothing for it from the point of 
view of language except to assign the Apocalypse 
to some other John. 

No sooner, however, has this been said than one 
begins to fear that one is wrong, and that the deep 
seated doctrinal harmony between the two books,^ 
combined with the strong external evidence, can 
only be adequately explained by unity of author- 
ship. 

Beyond this indecisive position, I* frankly confess 
that I am unable to advance in the meantime. 
And in asking to be allowed to keep an open mind 
on the question I am thankful that I can shelter 
myself under the example of so high an authority 
as Professor Swete. * We cannot yet,' so he writes 

^ On the close relation between date and authorship Hort, who 
himself advocates the earlier date, is very clear : • It is, however, 
true that without the long lapse of time and the change made by 
the Fall of Jerusalem the transition [from the Apocalypse to the 
Gospel] cannot be accounted for. ... It would be easier to believe 
that the Apocalypse was written by an unknown John than that 
both books belong alike to St. John's extreme old age' {The 
Apocalypse of St, John^ i.-iii., London, 1908, p. xl). On the 
evidence for the Domitianic date, see VV. Milligan, Discussions^ 
p. 7Sff. ; VV. M. Ramsay, The Church in the Roman Empire^ ^ 
London, 1897, p. 295 ff., and Swete, Apocalypse^ p. xcvff. 

^Cf. W. Milligan, Discussions^ v. *The Apocalypse and the 
Fourth Gospel' 



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126 THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 

in concluding the section on * authorship' in the 
Prolegomena to his great edition of the Apocalypse, 
* with safety go far beyond the dictum of Dionysius : 
OT£ ^^v ovv 'Icwavi/jy? i(mv o r&vra ypa(f)<av, avT(p Xeyovrt 
irt(TT€VT€ov' TTow Sc wTo^y ciSvjXov ' — * But that he who 
wrote these things was called John must be believed, 
as he says it ; but who he was does not appear/ 

Religious In these circumstances it is well to keep in mind 

ofthe that all this is a matter of literary, rather than of 

pocaypse. ^^ligiQ^g q,. theological, interest. In whatever way 
the question of authorship is finally settled, nothing 
can rob us of the significance of the contents of this 
marvellous book, which was described by Milton 
long ago as * the majestic image of a high and 
stately tragedy, shutting up and intermingling her 
solemn scenes and acts with a sevenfold chorus 
of hallelujahs and harping symphonies,' ^ and which 
finds its final interpretation in the triumphant assur- 
ance : * The kingdom of the world is become the 
kingdom of our Lord and of His Christ : and He 
shall reign for ever and ever (c. xi. 1 5)/ 

^ T/i€ /Reason of Church Government urged against Prelaty^ 
Bk. ii. proem* 



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LECTURE IV. 

THE LITERARY CHARACTER OF THE NEW 
TESTAMENT WRITINGS— THE GOSPELS AND 
ACTS. 



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Tis yap 6p6m 5i8ax^<is koI Aoyy 7rpo(r<fiikrjs yivrjOils 
ovK iwi(rfT€t o-affHos fxaOiiv to. 8ia Aoyov Sctx^cvra <^rc/Mi)$ 
/laSrjraU ; Ep. ad Diognetum^ xi. 2. 

' Quam scripturam [Acta Apostolorum] qui non recipiunt, 
nee spiritus sancti esse possunt, qui necdum spiritum 
sanctum possint agnoscere discentibus missum; sed nee 
ecclesiam se dicant defendere, qui, quando et quibus in- 
cunabulis institutum est hoc corpus, probare non habent' 

Tertullian, De Praescripiione Haereticorum, c. 22. 



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IV. 

THE LITERARY CHARACTER OF THE NEW 
TESTAMENT WRITINGS— THE GOSPELS AND 
ACTS. 

^Eir€i,8t]ir€p TToWol hrexilprja-av dvard^ofrOai Sirjytfcnv Trcpt 
Twv v€7rXr}poit>op'i]fj,€Vit}V €V rjfiLV irpayfjArmv^ KaOtas wap^Soa-av 
TTffilv oi air' dp\rjs avroiTTai koI vmjperai ycvo/icvot rov Xoyov^ 
€^0^ KOLfjiol iraprjKokovdtjKori avco^cv wcuriv aKpiPm Kade^yjs (roi 
ypdxj/ai, Kpa7urT€ Bco^iAc, iva ciriyvys ir€p\ 5v Karr)\riOr)^ 
Aoyuiv T^i' ao-<^aAciav. Luke i. 1-4. 

The earliest Christian teaching, as we have already orai teaching, 
seen, was oral. It was from the living voice that 
men first heard the story of Christ. Nor can there 
be any doubt that this oral teaching would take 
varying forms according to the varying circum- 
stances that called it forth. Frequently it would 
be of a very general character, the narrator s own 
reminiscences told in his own words of his Master's 
life and teaching. At other times, more particularly 
in connexion with the practice of catechizing which, 
following the Jewish model, had early been intro- 
duced to prepare converts for admission into the 
Christian Church, it would be more stereotyped and 
formal. 



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130 THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 



The earliest It is obvious, howevcr, that along with this oral 

Christian . . , . ^ • • i i i* 

records. instructioii, the practice of committing the leading 

facts of the Christian revelation to writing must 
have arisen at a very early date. By way of 
proof we have only to appeal to the Preface or 
Prologue of St. Lukes Gospel (c. i. 1-4), for 
without pressing unduly the reference to the 
* many ' who had already taken in hand to draw 
up a narrative of the things that had happened, 
these narratives were obviously numerous, while 
the word used to describe them {Stnyicreiij covers 
more than mere * notes ' or * anecdotes,' and 
implies something in the nature of ordered ac- 
counts. 

Their chaiac- Any attempt, however, to reconstruct the exact 
o ject. f^^^ ^f these narratives and the extent of their 
contents must be largely speculative. This only 
is certain, that their general character would be 
determined by the nature of the facts with which 
they dealt, and the special object they were intended 
to serve. These facts were matter not so much of 
literary or historic interest, as of saving power. And 
what primarily their writers had in view was the 
enabling of their readers to realize this saving power 
in its fullest extent. 

Nothing could bring this out better than the 
new name which was eventually bestowed on the 
principal survivors of these early records. They 
were 'gospels,' 'good news,' a designation which 
in this connexion was practically a coinage of the 
first Christians, and defined their message as one 



The • Gospel 
name 



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Platk IV. 


















NEW *' SAVINGS OF JESUS." 

Papyrus from Oxyrhynchus, belonging to the Third Century A.D. Now in the 
British Museum. By permission of the E^gypt Exploration Fund. 

To /ace /. 131. 



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LITERARY CHARACTER OF GOSPELS 131 

of forgiveness and comfort to a sinful and sorrowing 
world.* 

And as the name was thus new, the form was new and form. 
also. A certain prototype for the Gospels may no 
doubt be found in the narratives already referred to 
and in the collections of Logia, or Sayings, ascribed 
to Jesus, which we know to have been in existence 
at a very early date (see Plate IV.).* But at most 
these only supplied the rough materials which the 
Evangelists afterwards incorporated in their finished 
work, and, so far as our present evidence goes, the 
Gospels stand alone — a product of the Christian 
Church.^ 

The questions of language and composition, 
accordingly, that here meet us are principally con- 
cerned with the inter-relations of the Gospels 

^ For the history of the words cvayycAioi', cvayycA/fofiat, see 
my edition of SL Pauts Epistles to the Thessalonians^ Additional 
Note E, p. 141 ff. 

2 According to Professor Flinders Petrie, who draws special 
attention to the recently discovered Logia in this connexion, 
'Between the logia and a gospel there is a difference like that 
between a note-book and a treatise * {The Growth of the Gospels, 
London, 1910, p. 3 f.). On the Logia, see further Additional 
Note G, *The Oxyrhynchus "Sayings of Jesus."* 

^ Norden in emphasizing the newness of the Gospels, regarded 
simply as literary works, can find no nearer analogy to them than 
the eight books which in the b^inning of the third century 
Philostratus wrote tU rhv Ivavka 'ATroAAwi'tov, *In Honour of 
ApoUonius of Tyana,' in which he doubtless incorporated the 
earlier dTrofAvrjfxovtvfjuiTa of Moiragenes (Die Aniike Kufistprosa^ 
Leipzig, 1909, ii. p. 480 f. : cf. Reitzenstein, HelUnistische 
Wundererzdhlungeriy Leipzig, 1906, p. 40 ff.). 



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132 THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 

amongst themselves, and refer to the sources that 
lie behind our present Gospels, to the methods their 
writers followed in the use of these, and to the 
special characteristics of the individual Evangelists. 
No one can pretend that these are matters merely 
of speculative interest. They have obviously a very 
close bearing on the principles of interpretation that 
are to be applied to the Gospels, and the extent of 
the authority that is to be ascribed to them. Only 
by being satisfied that a writer has sufficient evi- 
dence at his disposal for the framing of his narrative 
are we prepared to lend credence to it, while any 
disadvantages under which he may have laboured, 
and to which the errors into which he has fallen are 
clearly due, so far from detracting from, in reality 
heighten, our sense of the general trustworthiness of 
the whole. 
I. The I. (i) We begin with the first three Gospels, and 

(iSpS^^ here the very name that is commonly given to 
character and them, the Synoptic Gospels — Gospels, that is, whose 
thr?vSopii° contents are capable of being viewed together in a 
tabular form — shows how close is the relation exist- 
ing amongst them.^ Of that relation it must be 
sufficient to recall generally that it consists, on the 

^ Apparently the earliest use of the word * Synopsis ' in this 
connexion occurs in the Synopsis historiae fes, Christi quemad- 
modum Matthaeus^ Marcus^ Lucas^ descripsere informa tabulae 
proposita^ by Georgius Sigelius, Noribergae, 1585 (see Farrar, 
The Messages of the Books, p. 10, n^). But the real beginning of 
a scientific presentation of the evidence is to be found in J. J; 
Griesbach, Synopsis Evangeliorum^ first published in 1774. 



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LITERARY CHARACTER OF GOSPELS 133 

one hand, of resemblances of the most marked kind, 
as shown in their selection to a large extent of the 
same incidents out of the many other things which 
Jesus said and did, in their manner of presenting 
and grouping these incidents, and, notably, in their 
close and often exact verbal coincidences. And, on 
the other hand, of differences of the most marked 
kind in these same particulars. 

Neither of these features in itself would have 
surprised us. Had we found the resemblances 
alone, we would naturally have thought of their 
writers as copying from each other, or from some 
common source. Nor again would there have been 
anything surprising in three independent narratives 
emanating from three independent writers showing 
marked dissimilarities both as to subject-matter and 
as to form. It is the combination of these qualities, 
this extraordinary mixture of likeness and of unlike- 
ness, which constitutes what rs known as the Synoptic 
Problem — a problem which has led to so much 
anxious investigation and to so many and varying 
solutions. 

The very number, indeed, of these proposed solu-TheTwo- 
tions has often led to a feeling of despair as to the HypJSTais. 
possibility of discovering the solution. At the same 
time there have been not a few signs in recent years 
of a marked advance towards this, and critics of all 
schools are now very generally agreed that the 
earliest of our present Gospels is St. Mark, and 
that from his Gospel, probably in a slightly modified 
form, and another document, largely made up of 



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Mark. 



134 THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 

Sayings and Discourses, which is best described by 
the non-committal symbol Q from the first letter of 
the German Quelle^ or Source, the Gospels of St. 
Matthew and St Luke are mainly derived. The 
name that is commonly given to this theory is the 
* Two-Document Hypothesis,' and though taken by 
itself it cannot account for all the complex features 
which the Gospels exhibit, it certainly forms a con- 
venient starting-point for all further investigation of 
them. 
The original Regarding the reconstruction of the first of these 
two sources we have the less difficulty, because, as 
has just been stated, it lies before us substantially 
in the canonical Gospel of St. Mark. And how 
closely it was followed by the later Evangelists is 
shown by the fact that all but at most some 50 of 
its 661 verses are incorporated in their Gospels.^ 

At the same time the large number of passages 
that have been collected occurring in all three 
Evangelists in which St. Matthew and St. Luke, 
instead of agreeing with their common source St. 
Mark, rather agree with each other as against him,^ 
shows that it cannot have been St. Mark exactly in 

^ Studies in the Synoptic Problem^ by Members of the University 
of Oxford, edited by W. Sanday, D.D., Oxford, 191 1, p. 3. To 
this volume, referred to in future as Synoptic Studies^ I desire to 
express my great indebtedness in all that relates to the Synoptic 
Problem in the present Lecture. 

2 Abbott, in The Corrections of Mark adopted by Matthew and 
Luke (being Diatessarica — Part II.), London, 1901, p. 307 ff., 
enumerates 230 of these passages. 



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LITERARY CHARACTER OF GOSPELS 135 

its present form that they had before them. And 
this has led to the theory of an Ur- Marcus or 
primitive Mark, known to these Evangelists, out 
of which the canonical Mark was afterwards 
developed.^ 

But Dr. Sanday has recently shown that the char- 
acter of the greater number of these coincidences of 
St. Matthew and St. Luke as against St. Mark 
points to a later rather than to an earlier form of 
text. And consequently he prefers to think not of 
an Ur-MarcuSy or older form of the Gospel, but of a 
recension of the text of the original St. Mark, differ- 
ing from that from which all the extant manuscripts 
of the Gospel are descended. This recension was 
evidently the work of a person of literary tastes who 
did not hesitate * to improve the text before him and 
make it more correct and classical ' ; and its complete 
disappearance in a separate form is due to the fact 
that after St. Matthew and St. Luke came to be 
written with its help, it itself fell into comparative 
disuse owing to the greater value attached to the 
longer Gospels.* 

^ The designation UrMarcus is also applied sometimes not to 
an earlier form of our Second Gospel, but to the earlier sources 
out of which it was composed. The question of these earlier 
sources cannot be dealt with here, but for the efforts of various 
modern scholars such as Loisy, Wendling, and Bacon to dis- 
entangle them, see two papers by Professor Menzies in the 
Review of Theology and Philosophy^ iv. p. 757 ff., v. p. i ff. 

'^Synoptic Studies^ p. 21 ff. Cf. the brilliant discussion of the 
literary originality of St. Mark by F. C. Burkitt, The Gospel 
History and its Transmission^ Edinburgh, 1906, p. 33 ff. 



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136 THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 

Reconstruction The reconstruction or, as it is sometimes called in 
mathematical language, the evaluation of our second 
source is a more difficult matter, seeing that we have 
no longer an extant document, as was the case with 
St. Mark, to guide us. But confining ourselves 
meanwhile to the matter common to St Matthew 
and St. Luke, but not found in St. Mark, that 
may be said for our present purpose to include 
191 verses in St. Matthews Gospel, and 181 verses 
in St. Luke s Gospel, or rather more than one-sixth 
of the former, and rather less than one-sixth of the 
latter.^ 

Included in these verses is a certain amount of 
narrative-matter, dealing with the preaching of John 
the Baptist, the Temptation of Jesus, and various 
incidents in the Public Ministry, such as the Healing 
of the Centurion's servant, and the Message of John 
from prison, but in the main, as has been stated, 
they are made up of a series of Sayings or Dis- 
courses — what the Germans call the Lehrstoff — of 
Jesus in their more primitive form.^ 

That the lost source originally contained more 
than this, it is of course impossible to deny. Why 

^See Hawkins, Horae Synopticae^y Oxford, 1909, p. no. 
In Synoptic Studies (p. in), the same writer gives a somewhat 
longer list of passages by including every exclusively Matthaeo- 
Lucan parallel, without reference to the probability of their having 
had a common written origin. 

2 For various attempted reconstructions of Q, see Moflfatt, Intro- 
duction to the Literature of the New Testament^ p. 197 ff., and cf. 
Streeter and Allen in Synoptic Studies^ pp. 185 ff. and 235 ff. 



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LITERARY CHARACTER OF GOSPELS 137 

should not St. Matthew have drawn from it material 
which suited his purpose in writing, but which fell 
outside St. Luke's scope, and was therefore dis- 
carded by him, or why should not St. Luke, in his 
turn, have acted in a similar way ? Or why again 
may there not have been in it, that is in Q, material 
of which neither Evangelist availed himself, perhaps 
because he had it already before him in some other 
form,'^ But whatever the answer given to these 
questions, everything points to this source as hav- 
ing been written at a very early date, if not during 
the lifetime of our Lord Himself,^ then at latest 
within a generation after His death.^ 

Can we go a step further, and identify it with 
* the logia * which, as Papias tells us in a well-known 
passage, * Matthew composed in the Hebrew {i.e. 
Aramaic) dialect, and each one interpreted them as 
he was able' ?* That this description can be applied 
to our present First Gospel is now generally ad- 
mitted to be impossible, if only because, as we have 
seen, it draws its material from two main sources, 
of which St. Mark was one. But why should not 
this Papias-document be the other? It is just such 

^ W. M. Ramsay, Luke the Physician^ London 1908, p. 89. 

2 Kirsopp Lake, The Expositor^ VII. vii. p. 507 : * It is probably 
not too much to say that every year after 50 a.d. is increasingly 
improbable for the production of Q.' 

^ Apud Euseb. Hist, Ecdes, iii. 39. 16: Mar^aios \l\v olv 
*Eppat8i Bia\€KT(fi TCL Xoyta (rvverdif/aro, rjpfxrjv€V(r€V 8* avrd ws 
^v Svvaros ckoottos. See further Additional Note H, * Papias and 
Irenaeus on the Origin of the Gospels.' 



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source. 



138 THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 

a document as St. Matthew might well have 
written, and as the genuine work of the Apostle 
would very readily give its name to the later 
Gospel, in which a subsequent and unknown editor 
incorporated it 

Before, however, it can have been so used, it 
must have been altered in one very important par- 
ticular by being translated from the original Aramaic 
into Greek* Otherwise it is impossible to explain 
the closeness of the verbal parallels which the First 
Evangelist, whom for convenience I shall continue 
to describe as St. Matthew, and St. Luke exhibit in 
their reproduction of it. 
Special Lucan While, however, these two sources, a revised St. 
Mark and a collection of Sayings, probably a 
genuine Matthew-writing, go far to explain the 
common contents of our First and Third Gospels, 
there is still a considerable amount of material 
peculiar to St. Matthew and to St. Luke, notably 
in the case of the latter the great Peraean section 
c. ix. 51-xviii. 14, which remains unaccounted for. 
And for this last it is common to postulate another 
source known only to St. Luke, from which he was 
able to draw in the composition of this part of his 
Gospel. 

The exact extent and character of this 'great 
insertion * is again uncertain, but we may take it 
that it was a written document of Palestinian origin, 
while the nature of the materials it embodies makes 
it very probable that they had been collected by St. 
Luke himself during his two years' stay at Caesarea, 



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LITERARY CHARACTER OF GOSPELS 139 

perhaps from Philip the Evangelist.^ These materials 
he would then keep by him, and, when he came to 
write his Gospel, incorporated them in it with little 
or no change. 

Starting then from these three principal docu- 
ments, a revised St. Mark, Q, and a special Lucan 
source, and keeping in view that the Evangelists 
would also have access to other narratives,^ and 
would further be influenced frequently by the float- 
ing oral tradition of the day, we seem to have before 
us the main sources on which the Synoptists drew 
in the preparation of their Gospels. 

(2) Of the manner in which they used these (2) The literary 
sources, something will have to be said directly, butsynopUc° 
meanwhile it is tempting to ask whether there is °^^ ' 
anything in the order in which these documents 
first appeared, which enables us to define more 
closely the different stages in our Gospels' composi- 
tion and growth. The inquiry is a delicate one, 
and the evidence will appeal differently to different 
minds ; but it has recently been made the subject 
of such an interesting study by Mr. Streeter, that 

^ Cf. Acts xxi. 8 f., and see Bartlet, Synoptic Studies^ p. 350 ff., 
where, however, this special Lucan source (described as S) is 
fused with Q. 

^ Notably the birth-narratives incorporated in Matt. cc. i., ii., 
and Luke cc. i., ii. The latter chapters are described by Dr. 
Sanday as probably 'the oldest evangelical fragment or docu- 
ment * of the New Testament, and in any case * the most archaic 
thing in the whole vo\\xmt* (Hzslmgz^ Encyclopaedia of Religion 
and Ethics^ art. * Bible,' ii. p. 574). 



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140 THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 

I cannot do better than try to summarize his 
conclusions.^ 

First of all, then, according to his view, comes Q, 
written in Palestine, at a time when the leading facts 
of our Lord s Life and Passion were well known to 
all, and many witnesses to His Resurrection were 
still alive. And when, consequently, all that was 
required was to supplement this living tradition by 
recalling the relation of the Lord s teaching to the 
teaching of the Baptist and of the Pharisees. 

It was different, however, a generation later in 
the Church at Rome. Something fuller was required 
in which not only the Lord's teaching but the lead- 
ing events of His history should have a place. And 
this was supplied by St. Mark's writing down what 
he had heard in all probability from the lips of St. 
Peter himself. 

The Marcan autograph was not allowed to remain 
unaltered, but with the literary freedom of the day 
was subjected to a thorough-going revision, and in 
its new form became the basis on which St. Matthew 
and St. Luke, working independently of each other, 
framed their Gospels, incorporating into it not only 
what they had learnt from Q, of which St. Mark 
had made but a sparing use, but also from other 
sources peculiar to themselves. Their aim was thus 
much wider than had been the case with any of 
their predecessors. And the skill with which they 
combined and arranged their sources, and systema- 

^ Synoptic Studies^ p. 209 ff. ; see also The Interpreter^ viii. 
P- 37 ff- 



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LITERARY CHARACTER OF GOSPELS 141 

tized the rough materials they found ready to their 
hands, proves them to have been practised writers. 

In some such way as this then, according to 
Mr. Streeter, our present Gospels were developed. 
And however his account may be criticized in 
certain details, there can be no doubt that it presents 
us with what Dr. Sanday has described as *a real 
evolution, and an evolution conceived as growth, in 
which each stage springs naturally, spontaneously, 
and inevitably out of the last.** 

(3) To complete our picture we have, however, (3) The 

, , conditions 

Still to think of the Evangelists actually at work, and under which 
of the conditions, external and internal, under which wrote, 
they wrote. And here again Dr. Sanday has given 
us the benefit of his invaluable guidance in the 
volume so often referred to.^ 

Thus, as regards the external conditions, he has external 
shown us that, in using their sources, the Evangelists 
would not possess the advantage of having all their 
materials spread out before them in such a way as 
to make reference to them as easy as possible. On 
the contrary, as we have already seen, these sources 
would be contained in rolls placed, according to the 
general practice of the time, in a canister or box 
standing by the writers side. The process of 
consultation would consequently be lengthy and 
cumbersome, and rather than be perpetually going 
through this the writers would on occasion be led to 
trust to their memories for the wording of a par- 
ticular saying, or the description of a particular event. 
1 Syfwptic Studies, p. xvi. ^ /^/^^ p^ ^ ff. 



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142 THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 

and internal. Nof, Strange though it may appear to us, would 
this freedom of reproduction seem at all out of place 
to the Evangelists themselves. No literary piety 
such as now exists would hamper them. And they 
would be satisfied that they had fully discharged 
their duty to their sources in giving a generally 
faithful account of the sense, as distinguished from 
the actual letter of their contents.^ 

In saying this, I am very far from disparaging the 
historical trustworthiness of the Synoptists. All 
that I am concerned to bring out is, that in their 
general methods they would naturally be influenced 
by the practices of their time, and that only by a 
frank recognition of this fact, can we hope to explain 
the selections and omissions, to say nothing of the 
undoubted inconsistencies and discrepancies which 
characterize their narratives. 
General aim Nor is this all, but if we would understand the 
Evangeiiste. Gospels rightly, we must never lose sight of the 
object which their writers had principally in view. 
That object, as has been already noted, was largely 
homiletic. The Evangelists were not mere scribes, 
painfully copying out a story that seemed to them of 
first importance, in order to secure its transmission 

*Cf. Salmon, The Human Element in the Gospels^ London, 
1907, p. 5 : * Can we reasonably expect that any writer of the first 
century should work exactly in the same way as a historian of the 
nineteenth ? that he should observe the scrupulous care which we 
now feel ourselves entitled to demand in not going in the slightest 
degree beyond what he had good authority for stating, and in not, 
without warning, mixing up inferences of his own with what he 
had learnt from other well-informed persons?* 



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LITERARY CHARACTER OF GOSPELS 143 

to future ages. They were rather preachers, writing 
with a direct eye upon the moral and spiritual 
growth of their readers, and hence led to tell their 
story in such a way as best to secure that end. 
That, notwithstanding all that was against them, 
their narratives have survived throughout the 
centuries and are held in higher honour to-day 
than when they were first written, is in itself con- 
vincing proof that the Evangelists have succeeded 
in their effort^ 

(4) All this is confirmed, when we pass to consider (4) Certain 

ch3.ra.ctcr- 
the three Synoptists separately. isticsofthe 

(a) To St. Mark belongs the honour of being the gm^iT 

earliest of our Evangelists. And though he did not fci^iia^e^d 

invent the gospel-form — that was rather, as we have *^y^®- 

* In a striking passage in which Professor Mahaffy contrasts the 
Gospel books with the other literature of their time the following 
sentences occur: *The simplicity, the natural vigour, the un- 
conscious picturesqueness in these narratives are so remarkable 
that, even had they never laid any claim to inspiration, sound 
judges must have condoned their faulty grammar and poor 
vocabulary, and acknowledged in them at least the voice of honest 
men speaking from the heart, and thus endowed with one of the 
highest literary qualities. . . . What was more obvious, what 
more certain, than that such pictures as the opening scenes of 
St. Luke's Gospel or the Sermon on the Mount would be 
described by the critics as the work of late-learning and self-taught 
people, who knew nothing of the art of expression or of the laws 
of composition ? And yet the world has judged differently . . . 
the metaphors on the mount, the parables by the way, have 
outlived the paradoxes of the Stoic, the rhetoric of the schools ' 
(Tlhe Silver Age of the Greek Worlds Chicago and London, 1906, 
p. 442 f.). 



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144 THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 

seen, the result of the facts of the case — he gave 
it a certain fixity which led to its adoption and 
perpetuation by the later Evangelists. His Greek 
is that of a man who had learned it as a foreigner, 
and from intercourse with men of the people rather 
than with literary circles, while his style, though 
as a rule of the simplest, is both graphic and 
forcible.^ 

There are signs, more particularly in the earlier 
portion of the Gospel, of a desire to abbreviate and 
compress,* but along with this he does not hesitate 
on occasions to heap up and elaborate details, when 
he finds them necessary for the more vivid portrayal 
of his theme. And — though this has been questioned 
— he appears on the whole to aim at presenting his 
facts in the order in which they actually occurred. 
Relation to At the Same time it should be noted that St. 

Mark's Gospel is not an ordered biography or history 
in the strict sense of either term, but rather a col- 
lection of notes of what, in accordance with the well- 
known Papias-tradition, the Evangelist had learned 
when he had once acted as a teacher or catechist 

^ In the first edition of his Einleitung in die drei ersten Evan- 
gelien^ Berlin, 1905, p. 9, VVellhausen says: *In the Gospels spoken 
Greek, and such Greek as was spoken by the people, makes its 
entry into literature.' 

2 Keim {Jesus of Nazara^ Eng. Tr. i. p. 117 n^) thinks that the 
epithet applied to St Mark in the third century, 6 ko\o^M.ktv\o% 
(Hippolytus, Philos, vii. 30), *the stump-fingered,' was due to a 
desire on the part of the philosophers to ridicule the shortness of 
his Gospel, but it arose much more probably from some natural 
defect of St. Mark himself. 



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LITERARY CHARACTER OF GOSPELS 145 

under the Apostle Peter.^ In that case the Gospel 
was in all probability written at Rome, and we 
have a natural explanation of the relatively large 
number of Latin words and forms of speech which 
it contains. 

In addition, moreover, to these Petrine reminis- andtoQ. 
cences, there can be no doubt that St. Mark had 
access to various other sources of information both 
oral and written, amongst which many modern critics 
include Q. The point may be said to be still sub 
judice, but in any case the use of Q would seem to 
have been slight, and rather in the way of occasional 
reminiscence than of deliberate dependence.^ 

Reference will be made later to the lost ending of The 
St. Mark's Gospel (see p. 182), but it may be well toc.^ii.^^'^^ 
notice here the question of structure raised by the 
apocalyptic discourse in c. xiii. In this long dis- 
course — it runs to thirty-seven verses — it has often 

^ Cf. Euseb. Hist, Eccles, iii. 39. 15: Ma/)Kos ykv kpfirjvevrrjs 
Ilcrpov y€VOfX€vos, oca €fivrjfi6v€V(r€Vf aKptPias cy/aa^cv, ov /jxvtoi 
To^ct TO, viro Tov Kvpiov ^ \€\d€vra 17 irpaxOkvrOy and ibid, vi. 14. 
6 f. According to the tradition preserved in the latter passage, 
when Peter heard of Mark's attempt, * he neither directly forbade 
nor encouraged it * — a significant sign of the comparatively little 
importance then attaching to written documents as compared with 
the living voice for the purposes of Christian instruction. 

^Cf. Streeter, Synoptic Studies^ p. 166 ff., and Sanday, ibid, 
p. xvif. Both Moffatt, Introduction to the Literature of the New 
Testament^ p. 204 ff., and Buckley, Introduction to the Synoptic 
Problem^ London, 191 2, p. 140 f., decide against the Marcan use 
of Q, if by Q we understand the source from which St. Matthew 
and St. Luke drew their common non-Marcan material. 

K 



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146 THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 

been noted that certain verses which refer more par- 
ticularly to the circumstances immediately preceding 
the Fall of Jerusalem (vv. 7-9*, 14-20, 24-27, 30, 31) 
can be detached from the intervening exhortations 
which are of a more general character. And in these 
circumstances it is a not unreasonable conjecture 
that the discourse as we have it now is composite 
and that the writer incorporated with the teaching 
proper of the Lord a * little Apocalypse * of Jewish 
or Jewish-Christian origin, which seemed to him to 
embody a true tradition. In doing so, he would only 
be following (what we have already seen to be) a 
common practice in connexion with all apocalyptic 
writing.^ At the same time it must be distinctly 
recognized that all this is only a hypothesis, and a 
hypothesis which can never be proved. Because the 
verses spoken of are detachable, it does not therefore 
follow that they ought to be detached. They may 
from the beginning have formed part of the Lord's 
discourse, and, if so, are the clearest evidence we 
possess of the extent to which He availed himself 
of current Jewish imagery in His eschatological 
teaching.^ 
(^)st.Matthw. {d) As regards St. Matthew s Gospel, we have 
and for^.*^'*^ already seen (cf. p. 1 37 f.) that it is probably so named, 
not because in its present form it is the direct work 
of the Apostle Matthew, but because it embodies in 
a Greek dress certain Aramaic iogia or discourses 

^ Cf. p. 122, and for the history of the * little Apocalypse * theory, 
see Moffatt, Introduction^ p. 207 ff. 

2 Cf. Sanday, in the Hibbert Journal ^ x. p. 94. 



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LITERARY CHARACTER OF GOSPELS 147 

of the Lord which he had collected. In any case, 
there can be no doubt as to the Gospels generally 
Hebraic character. And no description suits its 
editor better than that of the householder who 
* brings forth out of his treasure things new and old ' 
(c. xiii. 52), so eager is he to connect the new with 
the old, and to show how in the new old truths 
have reached their complete and final fulfilment.^ 
Hence we are not surprised to find that the Gospel, 
which is so Hebraic in tone, is also Hebraic in form, 
and is largely constructed on lines with which Jewish 
literature makes us familiar. 

Very noticeable in this connexion is the manner Grouping of 
in which the First Evangelist arranges and system-*"*^**** 
atizes matter that was originally separate. Familiar 
examples are afforded by the different discourses 
which he brings together in the Sermon on the 
Mount (cc. v.-vii.), by the survey of Christ's ministry 
based on a series of His sayings in c. xi., and by the 
combination of the parables of the Kingdom in 
c. xiii. But the principle may be traced still further. 
An analysis of the Gospel as a whole brings out that 
just as there are five books of Moses, and five books 
of the Psalms, so here the editor has divided his 
material into five great blocks or sections, marked 
off from each other by the five times repeated 

^This is illustrated by the facts that St. Matthew has more 
direct quotations from the Old Testament than the other Synoptists 
combined (Mt. 40, Mk. 19, Lk. 17), and that eighteen of his 
quotations are peculiar to his Gospel : see Swete, Introduction to 
the Old Testament in Greek (Cambridge, 1900), p. 391. 



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148 THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 

formula about Jesus * ending ' His sayings (cc. vii. 28, 
xi. I, xiii. 53, xix. 1, xxvi. i). Nor does his love of 
methodical arrangement stop here, but the contents 
of these blocks frequently fall into numerical groups 
of three, seven, and ten, as in the case of the three 
external duties of alms, prayer, and fasting in c. vi. 
I- 1 8, the seven woes of c. xxiii., and the ten miracles 
of cc. viii., ix. 

At first sight to us there may seem something 
very artificial in all this, but it is in thorough accord 
with the Hebraic mode of thought, which delighted 
in such conventional and parallelistic arrangements, 
and may well, as Sir John Hawkins has suggested, 
have been especially designed to assist the memories 
of Jewish-Christian catechists and catechumens.^ 
General The general result, no doubt, is a more calm and 

ch&ractcr 

balanced, if more prosaic and colourless style than 
we find in St. Mark. The subsidiary but often 
picturesque details, which lend so much of its living 
interest to the earlier Marcan narrative, are fre- 
quently omitted or curtailed. And not a few of the 
roughnesses of St. Mark's Greek are toned down or 
done away. On the other hand, in the case of the 
discourses of the Lord, the Hebraic cast of St. 
Matthew's mind would help him to preserve the 
style and feeling of the original better than the 
Hellenistic Luke, so that while the latter s Gospel, 
owing to its character and contents, has been 
fittingly described as *the most beautiful book we 
possess,' there is good reason for seeing with the 
^ Horae SynopHcae^^ p. 163. 



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LITERARY CHARACTER OF GOSPELS 149 

same authority in the Gospel of St. Matthew, ' the 
most important book of Christianity, the most 
important book that has ever been written/ ^ 

(c) Kenan's description of St. Luke s Gospel just {c) st. Luke, 
cited prepares us for the literary and artistic skill of andfry^!" 
the Third Evangelist. The only Greek by birth 
amongst the New Testament writers, St. Luke 
exhibits constant proof of his Greek origin in 
the substitution of more cultured terms for the 
colloquialisms of the other Synoptists,^ while his 
treatment of Q is marked by various stylistic altera- 
tions.^ And though the Lucan style as a whole is 
marked by a general uniformity, which in itself 
affords convincing proof of the unity of authorship 
of the Third Gospel and Acts, it is interesting to 
notice that in a number of passages the phraseology 
seems to be purposely varied for no other reason 
than that of imparting a certain literary elegance to 
the narrative.* 

^ Renan, Zes Avangiies^ Paris, 1877, pp. 283, 212 f. In keep- 
ing with this is the fact that in the varying orders in which the 
Gospels are arranged by early authorities, St. Matthew's Gospel is 
almost invariably placed first : cf. p. 294 f. 

2 On such a point a classical scholar like Norden is a particu- 
larly good witness : see the instructive discussion in his Antike 
Kunstprosa^^ ii. p. 4850". 

^Cf. Harnack, The Sayings of Jesus ^ Eng. Tr. by Wilkinson, 
London, 1908, p. i ff. ; and see Moulton in The Expositor^ VII. 
vii. p. 411 ff., on the danger of pressing the evidence in this direc- 
tion too far. 

* Cf. J. H. Ropes, Harvard Studies in Classical Philology , xii. 
( 1 901), p. 301, where examples are quoted from the same context 



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150 THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 

A like adherence to literary convention leads 
St. Luke to introduce his Gospel with a Preface, 
which has the further interest that it exhibits certain 
parallels with similar passages in medical treatises, 
and so helps to confirm the tradition that in early 
life he was a physician, and as such may in the first 
instance have attached himself to St. Paul (cf. Col. 

iv. 14).' 
Selection of More important in connexion with the s^eneral 

matenaJs. * 1 1 • 1 

character of the Lucan narrative is the skill with 
which its writer has selected and arranged his 
varied materials, and while preserving their several 
characteristics has still succeeded in imparting a 
sense of unity to the whole. The Preface which is 
St. Lukes own composition may be modelled on 
more classical lines than the rest of the Gospel ; 
the first two chapters resting as they do on early 
Palestinian sources may exhibit a more Aramaic 
colouring than the passages derived from the Greek 
Gospel of St. Mark ; and the dialogues may pre- 
serve their original popular features even in the 

as c. XX. 29, dnWav^v ar€Kvas, and 31, ov Kar^kiirov T€Kva koI 
dnWavoVy and from different contexts as cc. i. 8, Kara rh tOos, 
ii. 27, Kara rh €Wur/A€vov rov vofiov^ and iv. 16, Kara rh €i(a66s 
(c. dat.). 

^ Hippocrates (b.c. 460-357) begins his treatise U^pl dpxaii]^ 
iarpiKrjSf okocto* kir^xufyrfrav irepl IrjrpiKrjs key^iv rj ypdif»€iv, while 
at a later date Galen (a.d. 130-200) dedicates one of his works to 
Piso in the terms, ^at rovrov <roi rhv vepl rrjq 67jpiaKrjs koyov^ 
aKpifiias I^CTowras airavTa, dpurr€ ntcrwv (nrovSaluys tvoirp'a. On 
the whole subject of St Luke's medical knowledge, ^e further 
Hobart's Essay already referred to, p. 56 n^ 



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LITERARY CHARACTER OF GOSPELS 151 

editors Hellenistic setting: but the whole forms an 
harmonious picture, in which the Evangelist, whom 
early tradition associates not only with science but 
with art,^ has depicted for all time that particular 
aspect of the Lord which appealed most to himself, 
and seemed most likely to attract the allegiance of 
others. 

For beyond either of the other Synoptists, St. object of the 
Luke writes with a definite aim in view. To him reflected in the 
Jesus is above all else the Saviour, the Healer of 
soul and body, not for the Jews only, but for the 
world. And the form which his Gospel takes down 
to the minutest particulars is determined by the 
effort to keep this conception of the Lord constantly 
before the minds of his readers. Let me take two 
illustrations, one from the Gospel's opening, the 
other from its close. 

Thus, while generally faithful to the historical frontispiece 
sequence of events in accordance with his own 
expressed resolve to write * in order * (/cade^??, c. i. 3), 
St. Luke does not hesitate to place in the very fore- 
front of his Gospel a scene belonging to a later 
date, the appearance of Jesus in the Synagogue at 
Nazareth, apparently because, with its announce- 
ment of a Gospel to the poor and a present Deliverer 
to the oppressed, it seems to him to strike the key- 
note of the whole of Christ's ministry (c. iv. 16-30). 

^Plummer, The Gospel according to St, Luke (in the Inter- 
national Critical Commentary)^ Edinburgh, 1896, p. xxif., carries 
the legend that St Luke was originally a painter as far back as 
the sixth century. 



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152 THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 

and narrative While, at the Other end of the story, in his narra- 

of the Passion. , 

tive of the Passion, St. Luke shows so many 
variations from St. Mark s order of events, as com- 
pared with St. Matthew who adheres to it closely, 
that recourse has been had to the theory that he 
here follows a different non-Marcan source. 

Professor Burkitt has suggested that this source 
may have been a fragment of Q ; and if so we are 
met with the interesting fact that the original Q 
contained not only discourses but also an account 
of the Passion.^ But there is not a little to be said 
for another view that has recently found favour in 
various quarters, namely, that in this all-important 
section of his work St. Luke was largely influenced 
by memories of the public teaching of St. Paul.^ As 
St. Paul's friend and fellow-worker in his later years, 
St. Luke must have become thoroughly familiar 
with the Pauline method of depicting * Christ cru- 
cified.* What more natural than that when he 
came to narrate in his Gospel the same stupendous 
fact, he should do so in the manner of his great 
* illuminator'!* 
General unity It is impossiblc to Carry our discussion of the 
synoptists. Synoptic writers further, but before leaving them, 
let me say that from whatever point of view we 
regard them, whether we think of their sameness 
in diversity, or of their diversity in sameness, the 

1 The Gospel History and its Transmission^ p. 134 f. 

2 Cf. Hawkins, Synoptic Studies, p. 76 ff. ; Moulton, The 
Expositor, Vlll. ii. p. i6ff. 

^Tertullian, adv. Marc. iv. 2. 



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LITERARY CHARACTER OF GOSPELS 153 

general impression which their Gospels leave upon 
our minds is that of an harmonious whole, especially 
in so far as relates to their Central Figure. * Verse 
after verse, Saying after saying,' and here I gladly 
avail myself of the words of so independent a critic 
as Professor Burkitt. * might be quoted to you from 
the three Synoptic Gospels, and, unless you happened 
to have special knowledge or had given special 
attention to such matters, you would be unable to 
say to which Gospel they really belonged. Morally, 
ethically, spiritually, they are all on the same plane. 
We cannot doubt that the common impression which 
they present of the way in which our Lord spoke, 
the style of His utterance, the manner of His dis- 
course to rich and poor, to learned and unlearned, is 
based on true historical reminiscence.'^ 

n. In passing to the Fourth Gospel, we are met 11. The Fourth 
with a problem which has been truly described as ^^^' 
* still the most unsettled, the most living, the most 
sensitive in all the field of Introduction.'* And in 
the present divided attitude of critics, he would be 
a bold man who would venture to offer a decided 
opinion upon many of the questions that have been 
raised.* No such attempt at anyrate will be made 

^ TAe Gospel History and Us Transmission^ p. 216 f. 

2B. W. Bacon, An Introduction to the New Testament^ New 
York and London, 1900, p. 252. 

2 Useful statements regarding many of these will be found in 
H. L. Jackson, The Fourth Gospel and some recent German 
Criticism^ Cambridge, 1906, and A. V. Green, The Ephesian 
Canonical Writings^ London, 19 10. 



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154 THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 

here, and I shall content myself with drawing your 
attention to one or two points regarding the Fourth 
Gospel as a whole, which must be reckoned with in 
all discussions on its origin and composition. 
Us style. Before however passing to those, it is right to 

notice the new light which recent research claims to 
throw on the style of the Fourth Evangelist. That 
style, as is well known, is marked by an extreme 
simplicity as regards both the vocabulary and the 
form and combination of the sentences. The same 
words are used again and again, and the different 
clauses are co-ordinated, instead of being sub-ordi- 
nated, by means of the most direct of all connecting 
particles kqI, * and.' This has usually been put down 
to Semitism : and it cannot be denied that it does 
remind us very forcibly of the methods of Hebraic 
construction. At the same time it is interesting to 
notice that Deissmann has been able to produce 
examples of similar paratactic sentences from sources 
where no Semitic influence can be predicated.^ The 
most striking of these, perhaps, is a curious parallel 
to the account of the healing of the blind man in 
John ix. IT, inscribed on a marble tablet some time 
after a.d. 138, probably at the temple of Asclepius 
in Rome. After recounting the making of the eye- 
salve, and the anointing of the eyes of the sufferer, 
the inscription concludes : * And he received his 
sight, and came and gave thanks publicly to the 

^ Deissmann, Light from the Ancient East^ p. 129 ff. 

2 Cited from Dittenberger, Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum\ 



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LITERARY CHARACTER OF GOSPELS 155 

And in the same connexion the Berlin Professor 
draws attention to the resemblance between St. 
John s solemn use of the first personal pronoun in 
our Lord's discourses, where as a rule it draws 
emphatic attention to the nature and personality of 
the Speaker, and the sacral use of the same pro- 
noun in certain statements of non-Christian deities 
regarding themselves : as when I sis is represented as 
saying : * I am Isis, the mistress of every land. ... I 
divided the earth from the heaven. I showed the 
paths of the stars. I ordered the course of the sun 
and moon. I devised business in the sea. I made 
strong the right. . . .' ^ 

Many will doubtless feel that even in the matter 
of style — and it is with it alone that we are at pre- 
sent concerned — these comparisons do not carry us 
very far ; but they at least show how easy it must 
have been *for Hellenistic Judaism and Christianity' 
to adopt the remarkable and simple style of expres- 
sion in the first person singular.' * 

But not to dwell on this, let us turn to the more Certain 
general considerations to which I have referred. foS^derations. 

(i) The first of these is concerned with its author's (i) its relation 
attitude towards the Synoptic Evangelists. synoptic 

, . 1 . . 1 1 Gospels. 

It IS customary to represent this simply as a rela- 
tion of contrast, and it is certain that he differs 

Leipzig, 1900, No. 8o7^^'':.Kai di'cjSAc^ci' koi €X.rjkv0€v koI tjvxa- 
pUrrrfrtv Svifjuxriiji. ry ^cy. 

^From an inscription at Ids written in the second or third 
century of the Christian era, but with pre-Christian contents. 

2 Deissmann, uf supra^ p. 1 38. 



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156 THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 

widely from them in the impression which he con- 
veys as to the scene and the form of the Lord s 
ministry. On the other hand, it must be kept in 
view that his general aim and intention are the same 
as theirs. His too is a * gospel/ a message of glad 
tidings for a sinful world in the revelation of the 
Word made flesh. And if the earliest of the Evan- 
gelists heads his work : * The beginning of the gospel 
of Jesus Christ [the Son of God]' (Mark i. i), the 
last is careful to announce as his story draws to a 
close : * These things are written, that you may 
believe that Jesus is the Christ, the Son of God ; 
and that believing you may have life in His name* 
(John XX. 31). 
Its own This is of course very far from denying that what 

IS^tL-. we may call the interpretative element, to which these 
last words bear witness, has not a prominence in the 
Fourth Gospel, to which the Synoptists offer little 
or no analogy. While they are content for the most 
part with a bare chronicle of events, leaving them 
to work their own effect, the Fourth Evangelist 
deliberately sets himself to indicate the meaning and 
bearing of his facts, with the result that his Gospel 
is a study, rather than in the strict sense of the word 
a history, of the life of Christ.^ 

^ The same distinction underlies Clement of Alexandria's well- 
known contrast between the * spiritual ' and the * bodily ' Gospels 
{apud Euseb. I/is^. Eccies, vi. 14. 7). Cf. most recently Streeter, 
Foundations^ London, 191 2, p. 83, where the Gospel is regarded 
as primarily * an inspired meditation on the life of Christ,' with due 
emphasis on the word * inspired as well as on the word * medi- 
tation.* 



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LITERARY CHARACTER OF GOSPELS 157 

So prominent indeed is this feature, that it has 
led in certain quarters to the view that the Gospel is 
nothing but a thorough-going allegory, in which its 
writer deliberately invented situations and composed 
speeches in order to bring home to men s minds 
more fully the ideal conception of the Christ that 
had taken possession of him. But what then are we 
to make of his constant appeals to ' witness/ which 
is sometimes described as eye-witness (i. 15, 32, iii. 
II, xix. 35, xxi. 24, cf. V. 36, X. 25), to say nothing 
of the impossibility of finding any one able to con- 
ceive and carry through successfully a portraiture so 
harmonious, so self-revealing down to its minutest 
particulars, so raised above the ordinary conceptions 
and ideals of the day ? 

Only as springing from and growing out of the 
soil of historic fact, does the Johannine conception 
of the Christ become for a moment possible, judged 
even from a human standpoint. While, as further 
evidence of its writer s historicity, it is of interest to 
notice that in certain particulars where he differs 
from the Synoptists, as in the case of the date of 
the Last Supper and the Crucifixion, it is apparently 
they who require to be corrected by him, and not he 
by them. 

(2) This alone should prepare us for the further (2) its unity, 
fact that the Fourth Gospel as a whole is stamped 
with a sense of unity, that we do not find in its 
predecessors. The Synoptic Gospels, as we have 
just been seeing, were largely compilations from exist- 
ing materials, and their writers appear accordingly 



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158 THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 

as skilfu] editors rather than as original authors. 
But the Fourth Gospel is dominated throughout by 
a great personality, who has so meditated on the 
facts and truths he announces that they have, as it 
were, been recast in his own experience, and bear 
traces everywhere of his genius. 

Attempts indeed have been made in increasing 
numbers in recent years to break up the homo- 
geneity of the Fourth Gospel by means of elaborate 
theories of partition and revision. But without 
entering into a detailed examination of these,^ it may 
fairly be asked whether, even if the evidence were 
stronger than it is, it would warrant the conclusions 
that are based upon it. There are few, if any books, 
however certainly the work of one man, which could 
bear the test of such microscopic scrutiny as has 
been applied to the Fourth Gospel. And the 'solid 
and compact unity' which, as a whole, its contents 
exhibit, may well lead us to exhaust all other means 
of explaining its so-called tautologies and inco- 
herences before consenting to rend *the seamless 
coat ' in which its author has clothed it* 
(3) Its author- (3) It is a wholly different question, who this 
author really was. And it would be altogether 

^ Cf. the full statement in Moffatt, Introduction to the Literature 
of the New Testament ^ p. 551 ff., and for the value and defects of 
such criticism see A. E. Brooke, Cambridge Biblical Essay s^ 
p. 322 ff. 

^Cf. Strauss, Gesammelte Schriften, 1877, vii. p. 556: *This 
Gospel is itself the seamless coat of which it tells, and though men 
may cast lots for it, they cannot rend it.' 



ship. 



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LITERARY CHARACTER OF GOSPELS 159 

beyond our present scope to discuss the arguments, 
strong and weighty, that can be brought forward in 
support of the traditional view that he is to be 
identified with John, the son of Zebedee, or the 
arguments, not lightly to be set aside, that have led 
many modern scholars to think of some other John 
altogether.^ 

This only let me say, as bearing upon the literary 
character of the book, that many of the difficulties 
that have been raised against ascribing it to the 
Palestinian John, in view of the purity of its Greek, 
and the general form in which it is cast, may be 
lightened, if we can think of St. John as receiving 
assistance in the work of transcription and com- 
position. 

Nor are we left here wholly to conjecture. In the 
oldest account we possess of the collection of our 
New Testament writings into their present form — 
the Canon Muratori {c. a.d. 200) — after mention of 
the Gospel of St. Luke, we have the following in- 
teresting account of the origin of St. John's Gospel : 
* The fourth of the Gospels [was written by] 
John, one of the disciples. When exhorted by 

^ The latter arguments have in recent years been reinforced by 
the stress laid on the statement attributed to Papias that John, 
the son of Zebedee, instead of dying peacefully at Ephesus at an 
advanced age, as the tradition of his authorship of the Fourth 
Gospel requires, in reality suffered martyrdom at the hands of the 
Jews along with his brother James ; but see Dean Armitage 
Robinson, The Historical Character of St, John's Gospel^ London, 
1908, p. 64 ff., on the insufficiency of the evidence for this 
statement. 



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i6o THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 

his fellow-disciples and bishops, he said, ** Fast 
with me this day for three days ; and what may 
be revealed to any of us, let us relate it to one 
another." The same night it was revealed to 
Andrew, one of the apostles, that John was to 
write all things in his own name, and they were 
all to certify {recogniscentibus cuntis)! ^ 

And recently Professor Burkitt has drawn atten- 
tion to a somewhat similar statement in the curious 
Prologue of the Codex Toletanus, a tenth-century 
manuscript of the Vulgate, now at Madrid. After 
stating that St. John wrote last of all and at the 
request of the bishops of Asia Minor, the Prologue 
goes on to say : 

*This Gospel therefore it is manifest was 
written after the Apocalypse, and was given to 
the churches in Asia by John while he was yet 
in the body, as one Papias by name, bishop of 
Hierapolis, a disciple of John and dear to him, 
in his Exoterica, i.e. in the end of the Five 
Books, related, he who wrote his Gospel at 
John's dictation {lokanne subdictanteY ^ 

Too much stress must not of course be attached to 
statements such as these, or to the legend that finds 
expression in so many of the mediaeval manuscripts 

^The passage is reproduced in the facsimile page of the 
Codex Muratori, Plate XI. Cf. also p. 286 ff. 

2 jTwo Lectures on the Gospels^ London, 1901, p. 68 ff. The 
Latin text will be found, ibid.^ p. 90 f., or in Wordsworth and 
White, Nouum Testamentum Latine^ i. p. 490. 



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Plate V. 



"A^/Vkv 



If.* 



04 iUOBfO^Q 




ST. JOHN DICTATING TO PROCHORUS. 
Brit. Mus. .Add. MS. 22739. Fourteenth Century. By permission of the Museum Authorities. 

To /ace p. 161, 



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Plate V. 




ST. JOHN DICTATING TO PROCHORUS. 

Brit. Mas. Add. MS. iiT>,9' Fourteenth Century. My permission of the Museum Authorities. 

To face p. i6i. 



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LITERARY CHARACTER OF GOSPELS i6i 

of the Gospels that one Prochorus acted as a scribe 
to St. John (see Plate V.). At the same time it is 
difficult to understand how they could have arisen at 
all, unless they had a certain foundation in fact. 
And though I am quite ready to admit that this 
dictation-theory may seem a somewhat lame and 
unsatisfactory conclusion at which to arrive on a 
question which naturally arouses such keenness of 
. feeling, it has at least the merit of offering a natural 
explanation of the more Hellenic or Hellenistic side 
of the Fourth Gospel, while leaving practically un- 
disturbed the real authorship of a book which in its 
delineation of * the heart of Jesus* comes so naturally 
from the disciple * whom Jesus loved ' (John xxi. 7). 



in. The only book of the New Testament which in. The Acts 
remains unnoticed is the Acts of the Apostles. And Apostles, 
our consideration of it is much simplified by thetheiS^d^ 
growing consensus on the part of critics that, like the ^^^ 
Third Gospel, it is the genuine work of St. Luke. 
Of that Gospel, according to the writer s own state- 
ment, it is the direct sequel, in which, starting from 
the close of the earthly ministry^ he traces the history 
of the Glorified Redeemer still at work in His 
Church, and through His Spirit leading it ever on- 
ward on its triumphal and world-wide progress.^ 

^ From this general point of view the Book of Acts had no 
successor till the great Hisioria Eccksiasiica of Eusebius in the 
fourth century, though, as the * Acts ' of individual Apostles, it 
quickly found many imitators. These last can be conveniently 

L 



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sources. 



162 THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 

The writer's From the somewhat abrupt way in which the 
narrative breaks off with the account of St. Paul's 
imprisonment, it has been thought that the writer 
contemplated a third book or volume, in which 
the remaining events of St. Pauls life and his final 
martyrdom would be recounted.^ But, whether this 
was so or not, the plan of St. Pauls narrative — in 
the form in which we have it — is so comprehensive 
that it must have taxed his utmost skill as a writer. 
Dealing as he does with the history of the Apostolic 
Church during the most critical period of its history, 
and referring constantly to events of which he him- 
self cannot possibly have had any personal know- 
ledge, St. Luke would find himself obliged to depend 
on many and varying sources of information. That 
he would learn much from oral testimony may be 
taken for granted, but there can be no doubt that he 
would also be thrown back, as in the case of his 
Gospel, upon written documents. And without 
attempting to limit the number of these, or to define 
the numerous theories of construction to which they 
have given rise, we may take it that there were two 

read in Bernard Pick's volume. The Apocryphal Acts of Paul, 
Peter^Johfif Andrew and Thomas^ Chicago, 1909. For fragments 
of the original Greek text of the Acts of Peter and of John that 
have been discovered in Egypt, see The Oxyrhynchus Papyri^ 
edd. Grenfell-Hunt, vi. p. 6 ff. Nos. 849 and 850. 

iW. M. Ramsay, SL Paul the Traveller and the Roman Citizen^, 
London, 1897, pp. 23, 309. On the little stress that can be laid 
on TFp^ov (not tt/ootc/oov) \6yov in this connexion, see Moulton, 
Prolegomena ^ p. 79. 



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LITERARY CHARACTER OF ACTS 163 

which largely afifected the general character of his 
work.^ 

Thus in the earlier, the more Jewish, section of his a Jewish, 
narrative, St. Luke would seem to have drawn from source, 
an Aramaic source, more particularly with reference 
to certain episodes in which St. Peter played the lead- 
ing part. And in these circumstances there is not a 
little to be said for Blass s idea that this source may 
be ascribed to John Mark who wrote it as a sequel 
to his Gospel, in order to describe the first actions 
of the Risen Christ, and what the same Christ did 
afterwards by means of His Apostles.^ But at best 
this is a conjecture, and we are safer to content our- 
selves with thinking generally of a Jewish-Christian 
document, dealing with the growth of the Church at 
Jerusalem. 

With regard to the second, the more Hellenic, half ije 
of the Acts, we can go further. Imbedded in it 
are certain paragraphs which, from the fact that 
the writer changes suddenly in them to the use of the 
first person plural, have come to be known as the 
* We Sections.' All are occupied with the journey- 
ings of St. Paul (cc. xvi. 10-17, xx. 5-15, xxi. 1-18, 
xxvii. i-xxviii. 16) and are most readily explained 

^ On the source-criticism of Acts, see again Moffatt, Introduc- 
tion to the Literature of the New Testament^ p. 286 ff. 

'^Philology of the Gospels^ London, 1898, pp. 141 f., 193. 
Harnack, while opposed generally to the idea of written sources 
underlying the first half of Acts, is willing to admit the use of 
an Aramaic source in the Petrine episodes, translated by St. Luke 
himself i^Luke the Physician^ p. 1 16 ff.). 



Travel-Diary. 



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i64 THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 

as extracts from a travel-diary kept by one of his 
companions. Timothy, Silas, and Titus have all 
been proposed as possible authors of this diary. 
But much greater probability attaches to the belief 
that we have here notes made by St Luke himself 
in the course of his wanderings with St. Paul, which 
he was able afterwards to utilize when he came to 
write the connected narrative of Acts.^ In this way 
not only are the remarkable similarities of vocabulary 
and style between these sections and the rest of the 
book fully accounted for,* but we can also under- 
stand how the use of the first person was allowed to 
remain in them unchanged. Had St. Luke borrowed 
the sections from another, it is almost inconceivable 
that a writer of his care should not have changed 
the first person into the third in order to lend 
smoothness and unity to his narrative. Whereas, if 
he were only using his own words over again, he 
might very well retain the first person in order to 
make perfectly clear that he was actually present in 
person at the scenes described.^ 

^ As a partial parallel, we may compare the manner in which 
Philostratus utilized the travel-notes of Apollonius's companion 
Damis in his book In Honour of Apollonius of jyana (Eng. Tr. 
by Phillimore, i. p. 6). 

^Cf. Hawkins, Horae Synopticae^^ p. 182 ff. ; Harnack, Luke 
the Physician^ pp. 67 ff., 81 ff. 

*Cf. Peake, A Critical Introduction to the New Testament^ p. 126. 

For an ancient travel-narrative, told in the first person plural, 
Deissmann {St, Paul, p. 25 n^) compares the account by King 
Ptolemy Euergetes I. of his voyage to Cilicia and Syria in thePIinders 
Petrie Papyri, edd. Mahafiy-Smyly, II. No. 45 and III. No. 144. 



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LITERARY CHARACTER OF ACTS 165 

From these then, and doubtless other sources, St. st Luke's 
Luke drew in the composition of his book. And the 
skill with which he has blended his varied materials 
into an harmonious whole is again a striking proof 
of his literary powers. But this is not all. These 
powers are still more convincingly displayed in the 
manner in which he varies his style * in obedience to 
the feeling of the moment and the changes of scene.' 
No one has brought this out more clearly than Sir 
W. M. Ramsay, as he contrasts Vthe intensity of the 
Hebraistic tinge'that marks St. Luke's style in dealing 
with the history of the Church in its Jerusalem days 
with * the sweep and rush ' of the later narrative, as 
it follows Paul's fortunes from point to point, from 
country to country.^ 

The same qualities may be seen in St. Lukes 
treatment of the speeches which he records. The 
materials for these would probably be drawn princi- 
pally from oral tradition, and they would necessarily 
require to be recast to a considerable extent by their 
editor. And here again we are struck with the 
artistic way in which, in each case, * the special aim 
and character of the original speech ' is retained. 
The narrators fine dramatic sense enables him to 
throw himself, as it were, into the position of the 

1 Luke the Fhysuian^ pp. 50, 48 : of. Harnack, The Acts of the 
ApostieSj p. xxxvii : * Very gradually he [Luke] passes over to a 
freer and at the same time more classical type of narrative. The 
style becomes, so to say, more profane, and even thereby more 
cosmopolitan, yet without detracting from the dignity of the nar- 
rative.' 



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The double- 
texts of Acts. 



i66 THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 

successive speakers in such a way that he is able to 
reproduce not only the substance of what they said, 
but their manner of saying it.^ 

From other points of view the Book of Acts has 
been subjected to the closest scrutiny, and the general 
result of recent archaeological discovery has been 
to confirm its historical accuracy to a remarkable 
extent.* That occasional flaws and inconsistencies 
should be discovered in it is only what we should 
expect when we remember the circumstances under 
which it was written : the real wonder is that they 
should be few. And even they might have dis- 
appeared if we could accept the suggestion that the 
work never received the final revision which St. 
Luke intended to give it.^ 

In any case, it is a curious fact that the Book of 
Acts should have come down to us in two distinct 

^ Professor Percy Gardner, while attributing to St. Luke very 
considerable freedom in his reports of the Pauline speeches, adds 
that *by being what he is, and working according to the dictates 
of his own genius, Luke has probably succeeded better in portray- 
ing for us the manner of Paul's speech than if he had striven for 
a realism which is unknown in ancient art, whether plastic or 
literary' {Cambridge Biblical Essays, p. 416). 

*The importance of Sir W. M. Ramsay's work in this direction 
is familiar to all. Reference may also be made to an article by 
Bishop Lightfoot published so far back as May, 1878, in The 
Contemporary Review, entitled, * Discoveries illustrating the Acts 
of the Apostles.' It has since been reprinted in Essays on Super- 
natural Religion, p. 291 ff. See also Vigoroux, Le Nouveau Testa- 
ment et ies Decouvertes Archiologiques modernes^ (Paris, 1896), 
p. 195 flF. 

• Ramsay, Luke the Physician, p. 24. 



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LITERARY CHARACTER OF ACTS 167 

forms of text, one, the ordinarily received text, the 
other, a so-called * Western ' recension. The exact 
relation of these two forms of text is still a matter of 
eager discussion amongst critics. Blass would have 
it that the * Western ' text follows more closely the 
first draft of St. Luke's work, which he afterwards 
re-issued in the form known to us, while others 
reverse this order, and maintain that it is the 
* Western ' which is really secondary.^ But the very 
fact that such divergent recensions were current 
within a short period of the book's composition may 
be taken as but one proof out of many of the uncer- 
tainties which from the first attended the publication 
of our New Testament documents, and of the diffi- 
culties we still encounter in the attempt to get back 
to the ipsissima verba of their original writers. 

So far, however, from these difficulties in con- General 
nexion either with this, or any New Testament book, 
being a source of discouragement to us, they are 
rather the divinely appointed means for urging us on 
to ever-increased efforts that we may * learn the cer- 
tainty' of the things wherein we have been instructed.* 

^See the full discussion in Knowling's Introduction to his Com- 
mentary on the Acts of the Apostles in the Expositor's Greek 
Testament y ii. p. 41 ff., where attention is drawn to the fact that 
Bishop Lightfoot had already conjectured that St. Luke himself 
might have issued two separate editions of both Gospel and Acts 
(On a Fresh Revision of the New Testament \ London, 1 891, p. 32). 

«See Lake, The Earlier Epistles of St. Paul, p. 48 ff., for the 
removal of the difficulties attending the Apostolic Decree of Acts 
XV. 28, by the adoption of the * Western ' reading, in so far as it 
omits all reference to 'things strangled,' and independently to the 



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i68 THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 

While, as regards *the power of the Spirit of 
Jesus in the Apostles manifested in history/ which it 
is the aim of the whole book to illustrate,^ it is 
enough to recall the triumphant passage in which 
Clement of Alexandria re-echoes its closing word : 
*As for our teaching, from its first proclamation 
kings and despots and rulers in divers countries, 
and governors with all their armies — yea, with men 
innumerable, forbid it, making war against us, and 
endeavouring themselves with all their might to cut 
us off. Howbeit it blossoms the more ; it dies not, 
as though it were a human teaching, nor, as though 
it were a gift without strength, does it fade away; 
for no gift of God is without strength : nay, though 
prophecy saith of it that it shall be persecuted even 
unto the end, it abideth as that which cannot be 
forbidden — fievei okwXvto^.*^ 

same effect, Wilson, T//e Origin and Aim of the Acts of the 
Apostles^ London, 191 2, p. 46 ff. 

^ Hamack, The Acts of the Apostles^ London, 1909, p. xviii. 

^ Stromata, vi. 18: cf. Acts xxviii. 31 : St&Mr/cwv rb. v€p\ toC 
Kvpiov 'Ii^ov X/510-T0V fUTo. 7raj(rrjs irapfyqirias o/cwXvrws. I owe the 
reference to Chase, iXe Credibility of the Acts of the Apostles^ 
London, 1902, p. 10 1. 



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LECTURE V. 

THE CIRCULATION OF THE NEW TESTAMENT 
WRITINGS. 



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Efra Sk diroSr^fiia^ aT€Xk6fi€voiy €pyov hr€T€\ovv €vayy€- 
Aio-Twv, Tois €Tt Trdfivav dvTjKoois Tov TTj^ TTiOTCCDS Xoyov 

KrjpVTr€LV <f)lX.OTlflOVfX€VOl Kol T^V TWV Ouuiv €vayy€\t(iiv 

irapaSiSovai ypa(f>rjv. Eusebius, Nist. EccUs, iii. 37. 2. 



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V. 

THE CIRCULATION OF THE NEW TESTAMENT 
WRITINGS. 

4i/a o \6yos rov Kvpiov rp^xy koi So(d(rjTai, 

2 Thess. ill. i. 

€vayy€Xiov aUaviov cvayycXiVai hrl tov5 KaOrffuvov^ arl rrjs 
yrj^ Koi €7rl irav €$vos koI ^vXi)i/ koi ykwcaav koi kaov. 

Rev. xiv. 6. 

In previous lectures we have been engaged in summary of 
tracing the rise of the New Testament writings, E^mJS. 
and in trying to form some idea of their general 
literary characteristics. We have seen that for the 
most part they were occasional writings, intended 
to meet certain immediate practical needs, and sent 
forth with little or no idea of the great future that 
awaited them. 

And we have seen, further, that if St. Paul and 
other of the Apostolic writers in their correspond- 
ence with the Churches adopted the ordinary letter- 
form of the day, with such adaptations as were 
necessary for their special purposes, the Evangelists 
had recourse to a form of composition which was 
practically new, and which owed its origin to the 
nature of the facts it embodied and the purpose it 
was intended to serve. 



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172 THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 
The dates Nothing has been said as to the dates of the New 

of the New ^ . . . . , 

Testament 1 estament writings, nor is it necessary here to enter 
into any lengthened examination of them from that 
point of view. It is enough that in this respect 
there has been a marked return in recent years on 
the part even of advanced critics towards the older, 
traditional position, and that, with the probable ex- 
ception of 2 Peter, all our New Testament writings 
may now be placed within the first century. 

The most striking evidence perhaps in this con- 
nexion is the result reached by Professor Harnack 
in his investigations into The Date of the Acts and 
of the Synoptic Gospels} Starting from the identity 
of the author of the * We* sections of the Acts of the 
Apostles with the author of the rest of the book, 
Harnack has shown that this author is the Evan- 
gelist Luke, and that it is 'in the highest degree 
probable that the work was written at a time when 
St. Pauls trial in Rome had not yet come to an 
end' (p. 99). If this be so. Acts must have been 
written about a.d. 62, and the Third Gospel, which 
preceded it, about a.d. 60 ; St. Mark's Gospel, on 
which St. Luke was dependent, cannot then have been 
later than a.d. 5060 ; while St. Matthew s Gospel, 
in its present shape, probably belongs to the years 
immediately after the Fall of Jerusalem in a.d. 70, 
though it is conceivable that it may have been com^ 
posed before the catastrophe. It is true, of course, 
that these dates are not universally accepted by 
critics, but the very fact that they should have been 
1 Eng. Tr. by Wilkinson, London, 19 11. 



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CIRCULATION OF THE N.T. WRITINGS 173 

suggested by a scholar of Harnack's repute, and as 
the result of a free and independent investigation of 
the documents themselves, shows how far we have 
receded from the second century dates, to which for 
so long the Tubingen school lent the whole weight 
of their authority. 

I. But not to dwell further upon this, the point with i. Thecircu- 

« . I . I, 1*1 lationofthe 

which at present we are specially concerned is the New Testa- 
circulation of the different New Testament writings ISTou'^form^^ 
during the three hundred years that were still to 
elapse before they were finally gathered together 
into the New Testament. For, from the first, the 
books of which we have been thinking, notwith- 
standing their often limited address and occasional 
character, possessed an undoubted vitality and power 
of growth. And long before the original documents 
had disappeared, the demand for copies must have 
arisen. 

I. Nor is it difficult to understand how this came i. Themuitu 
about. We have seen already that in the case of ?o^4*^du^ ^^ 
the Pauline Epistles, the autographs, after being SSds, 
publicly read, would be carefully preserved in the 
archives of the communities to which they were 
addressed (cf. p. 20), and, though there is no direct 
evidence to this effect in the New Testament itself,^ 

^ When in i Tim. iv. 13 St. Paul exhorted Timothy to give heed 
to * the reading ' (t^ avayi/wo-ct), he was referring to the public 
reading of the law and prophets, which had been continued from 
the Synagogue in the Christian Church. Cf. Acts xiii. 15, 2 Cor. 
iii. 14, and see p. 210. 



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174 THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 

it is impossible to doubt that they would be produced 
from time to time, and re-read at meetings of the 
congregation. Nor would their use stop there. 
The encyclical character of so many of the Epistles 
in itself rendered necessary a multiplication of copies, 
in order that each of the Churches in the address 
might possess a copy of its own.^ And may we not 
also be sure that those Churches, which had become 
the possessors of Epistles or Gospels, would not fail 
in readiness to share their treasures with other 
Churches less happily situated ? Even private per- 
sons might be permitted to make copies or extracts 
for their own use of those parts that specially inter- 
ested them.^ 

This is of course very far from saying that any- 
thing like a general circulation of the New Testa- 
ment writings took place at this early period. The 
difficulty and expense of multiplying copies would 
alone render this impossible,* to say nothing of the 

^See especially Eph. i. i, where the blank space after rots 
aylots Tols o^lv caused by the omission of the words iv 'E<^€<ry 
from the true text would be filled up in each case by the name of 
the particular congregation for which a copy was made. Cf. also 
Gal. i. 2, 2 Cor. i. i, i Pet. i. i. 

2 On the private use of Holy Scripture during the period with 
which we are dealing, see especially Harnack, Bidl^ Reading in 
the Early Church, Eng. Tr. by Wilkinson, London, 191 2. 

* Comparisons with the cost of production of the literary works 
of the time do not carry us very far, the circumstances were too 
different, but it may be mentioned that the poet Martial complains 
that a little book of his was charged at four sestertii (about eight- 
pence in the money value of that time, or between two and three 



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CIRCULATION OF THE N.T. WRITINGS 175 

fact that the early Christians had not come to regard 
these books in such a light as would make the reading 
of them an incumbent religious duty. Nevertheless, 
as time passed, and the prestige of the Apostles 
grew, copies of the new writings could not fail to be 
more and more widely sought, until before the middle 
of the second century the four Gospels at any rate 
appear to have been known in a very large number 
of the Churches throughout the Empire/ 

The ease with which this result was brought about and the 

- , , 1111 facilities for 

— let me say m passmg — was largely due to the intercourse 
facilities for travel and intercourse that then existed fim christian 

,,,,_^ -^ , T»i«i II communities. 

withm the Roman Empire. * It is the simple truth, 
writes Sir William M. Ramsay, *that travelling, 
whether for business or for pleasure, was contem- 
plated and performed under the Empire with an 
indifference, confidence, and, above all, certainty, 
which were unknown in after centuries until the 
introduction of steamers and the consequent increase 
in ease and sureness of communication.*^ And as a 

shillings in the money value of today), when it might have been 
produced at the half, and still left a profit to the bookseller i^Epigr, 
xiii. 3). See further Birt, Die BuchrolU in der Kunst, Leipzig, 
1907, p. 29 f. 

^ Cf. Harnack, The Mission and Expansion of Christianity in 
the First Three Centuries^ Eng. Tr. by Moffatt (London, 1908), 
i. p. 374. 

2 Art. * Roads and Travel (in N.T.)' in Hastings' Dictionary of 
the Bible^ Extra Volume, p. 396. Cf. also Hamack's Mission and 
Expansion of Christianity^ i. p. 369 ff., and Miss Skeel's interest- 
ing Essay, Travel in the First Century after Christy Cambridge, 
1901. 



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176 THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 

concrete example of this, the case of a merchant may 
be recalled, who boasts in an inscription on a tomb 
at Hierapolis in Phrygia that he voyaged from Asia 
to Rome seventy-two times {C.I.G. 3920). 

There would be nothing therefore to prevent the 
first Christian teachers and missionaries passing 
freely from one place to another in the interests 
of their work, and in so doing they would naturally 
carry with them copies of the principal Apostolic 
writings.^ 
2. The danger 2. These copies would in the main be faithful tran- 

of textual cor- . r 1 • • 1 a 1 • 1 

niption arising scripts of the OHgmals. At the same time there 
were not a few causes which would lead to textual 
corruption at an early date. 
(i)themataTai One such cause arose very readily from the 
autographs nature of the material on which the originals were 
written, and on which the copies themselves were 
made. That material, as we have seen, was papyrus, 
and papyrus, while in itself very durable when not 
exposed to damp, is, on the other hand, very brittle 
in its composition.^ And we can therefore under- 
stand how readily through constant handling lacunae 
or breaks would occur in the New Testament texts.* 

^ For the later interchange of letters of a non-Apostolic character, 
cf. Polycarp, ad Philipp, c. xiii., also Eusebius, Hist, Eccles, iii. 36, 
V. 25. 

2 It was obviously to guard against this danger that the papyrus, 
on the back of which our new text of the Epistle to the Hebrews 
was written (see p. 61), was first patched and strengthened by 
strips from other papyrus documents. 

^Cf. the lacunae in the texts reproduced in Plates I.-IV., VIII. 
of the present volume. 



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CIRCULATION OF THE N.T. WRITINGS 177 

Letters, words, sometimes even lines and sentences 
would be dropped out, and in the restoration of 
these a door would at once be opened for numerous, 
though often, insignificant textual changes at the 
hands of transcribers. 

Instances of these are probably to be found in 
several difficult passages in St Mark's Gospel. If, 
as we shall see directly, all our copies of St. Mark 
are derived from a single manuscript mutilated at 
the end, this mutilation may well have taken place at 
other points in the body of the document, and led 
to readings other than those which the original 
author intended.^ And in the same way Dr. Hort 
has suggested that some of the harshnesses which 
mark our present text of the Epistle to the Colos- 
sians may be due to primitive corruption, arising 
from the Epistle s having been badly preserved in 
ancient times.^ 

The danger of textual corruption would be still (2) the employ- 

. •• , . ,., ment of non- 

further mcreased by the manner m which many of professional 

5>cribes 

these copies were made. In the case of copies, 

^ Burkitt finds instances of such corruption in c. iii. 17, viii. 10, 
and xii. 4, where the difficult reading lK€<f>aX[wrav may be nothing 
more than a palaeographical blunder for €#coAa<^Mrav {American 
Journal of Theology, April, 191 1, p. 173 ff.). 

^ Noies\ p. 127. These harshnesses centre in the two difficult 
phrases of c ii. 18, Okkiav kv Tav€i,vo<f>po<rvirg and a co/kuccv €/A^a- 
Tcvftfv, where Hort suggests cv ideXxtTaveivoif^potrvvy, and approves 
the emendation of Dr. C. Taylor {Journal of Philology, vii. 
p. 130 ff.) ocpa K€V€fjLPaT€wav * treading the void of air.' But see 
now Ramsay, Athenaeum^ Jan. 25, 191 3, p. 107, for c/n^aww as 
a /./. from the Mysteries = * enter on the new life of the initiated.' 

M 



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178 THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 

expressly designed for Church use, care would 
doubtless be taken to ensure as great accuracy as 
possible, though the employment of private indi- 
viduals, instead of professional scribes, in the work 
of transcription would be a source of constant mis- 
takes.^ But when, in addition to these more or less 
official copies, we think of the large number of 
private copies that soon came into existence, often 
made hurriedly and without any thorough-going 
revision, errors in transcription became almost a 
matter of necessity. 
(3) the literary And all the more so, because the very thought of 

ideas of the . ■' 111 

time. the need of absolute verbal reproduction would be 

strange to the early scribes. We have seen the 
habit of free quotation already at work amongst 
the Synoptic writers in the use of their sources 
(cf p. 142). And if they permitted themselves this 
liberty, it is obvious how readily their own narra- 
tive would come to be treated in a similar way by 
subsequent copyists. 

In so acting, these last were very far from imagin- 
ing that they were showing any disrespect to the 
original writings. On the contrary, the very esteem 
in which they held them made them anxious to 

^ As showing the dangers attending copying, even in the case of 
those who made it their business, Strabo, writing shortly before 
the birth of Christ, tells us that as the making of books became 
common, there were constant complaints as to the deficiencies 
and inaccuracies of the copies offered for sale (xiii. i. 54) : cf. G. 
H. Putnam, Authors and their Public in Ancient Times^ (New 
York and London, 1896), pp. i2of., 182 f. 



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CIRCULATION OF THE N.T. WRITINGS 179 

remove any apparent blemishes of language or of 
meaning. Hence the constant tendency to which 
our early manuscripts bear witness of improving on 
so-called vulgarisms of spelling or grammar. And 
hence too the insertion of explanatory words to 
make the meaning clearer, and even of deliberate 
changes in the supposed interests of historic or 
dogmatic truth.* 

To us with our keen sense of the duty of faith- 
fully reproducing an author's exact words, this 
freedom may well seem very surprising. But we 
must remember that at the time of which we are 
speaking literary ideas were very different. A book 
once published was regarded as practically public 
property, and any man who had become possessed 
of a copy would not hesitate to annotate or edit its 
contents in any way that seemed to him to add to 
their interest and value.* 

^ How readily this tendency would extend to heretical writers 
is proved by Marcion's mutilated edition of St. Luke's Gospel 
(of. p. 217). And in this same connexion it is interesting to find 
Dionysius of Corinth, in view of the circulation of his epistles in a 
falsified form, naively comforting himself with the thought that the 
same fate had befallen the Scriptures (Eusebius, Bist, Ecdes. iv. 
23. 12). 

2* After the most painstaking researches through the records 
left us by the Greeks, we are compelled to conclude that in none 
of the Greek states was any recognition ever given under pro- 
vision of law, to the right of authors to any control over their own 
productions ' (Clement, Atude sur la Propriitk Litiiraire chez ies 
Grecs et chez ies RomainSy Grenoble, 1867, cited by Putnam, 
Authors and their Fubiic^, p. 54 f.). See also Dziatzko, art 
* Buch ' in Pauly-Wissowa, iii. p. 966 f. 



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i8o THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 

In some such way alone can we explain the 
striking variations of the Greek and Hebrew text 
of our Old Testament writings. * The evidence of 
the Septuagint,' writes Dr. W. Robertson Smith, 
* proves that early copyists had a very different view 
of their responsibility from that which we might be 
apt to ascribe to them. They were not reckless 
or indifferent to the truth. They copied the Old 
Testament books knowing them to be sacred books, 
and they were zealous to preserve them as writings 
of Divine authority. But their sense of responsi- 
bility to the Divine word regarded the meaning 
rather than the form, and they had not that highly- 
developed sense of the importance of preserving 
every word and every letter of the original hand of 
the author which seems natural to us.*^ 

If this were so even in the case of the admittedly 
sacred writings of the Old Testament, the same 
tendency could hardly fail to assert itself in con- 
nexion with the new Christian writings, which were 
still far from enjoying their present authoritative 
and canonical position. And the general result is, 
that instead of assigning textual corruption to a 
comparatively late date, as was at one time believed 
to be the case, everything rather points to the con- 
clusion that, the nearer we get to the original 
manuscripts, the greater were the dangers to which 
their text was exposed. 

3. But it is not only with regard to questions of text 

17%^ Old Testament in the Jewish Church"^ (London, 1902), 
p. 91. 



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CIRCULATION OF THE N.T. WRITINGS i8i 

that the outward conditions under which the News- Bearing r 
Testament books were written may help us. Their on questions ot 

. . 1 I, ^ t , , . . structure con- 

origmal roll-form must also be taken mto account m nected with 
considering various points of structure that have for 
long engaged the attention of students. 

Thus, when we remember that the tear and wear (o the.Epistie 
of a papyrus roll would naturally show itself most at Hebrews, 
the beginning and at the end (cf. p. ii), we are 
prepared for the conjecture of the possible dis- 
appearance of an opening leaf to the Epistle to the 
Hebrews, which, had it been preserved, would have 
shown the true epistolary character of the writing, 
and perhaps set at rest the vexed questions of 
authorship and destination.^ But it must be at once 
admitted that there is absolutely no direct evidence 
for the existence of any such introduction. The 
Epistle opens, if somewhat abruptly, at least quite 
naturally, with words which point forward clearly to 
its main theme, the finality of the revelation that 
has been given us in Christ : * God, having of old 
time spoken unto the fathers in the prophets by 
divers portions and in divers manners, hath at the 
end of these days spoken unto us in a Son' (c. i. i). 
And we may turn, therefore, at once to another case 
of supposed loss, for which a better case can be 
made out. 

^ E.g. Barth, EinUitung in das Neue Testament^ (Giitersloh, 
191 1 ), p. 114. On Overbeck's theory (Zur Geschichte des 
Kanons^ Chemnitz, 1880, p. 12 ff.) of the deliberate amputation 
of the opening paragraph of Hebrews, see Sanday's Inspiration^ 
p. 24, n'. 



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i82 THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 
(a) the end of The closing vcrscs of St Mark's Gospel from 

St. Mark's . ^ • il , • • 

Gospel. c. XVI. 9 onwards are, as is well known, wanting in 

our two most important manuscripts, the Vatican 
and Sinaitic codices, both of which end the Gospel 
with the unfinished Greek sentence E*OBOYNTO 
TAP, ' for they were afraid ' (see Plate VII.). And 
their evidence is now confirmed by the very 
important Old Syriac Gospels, in which the Gospel 
of St. Mark is again ended at c. xvi. 8, and this 
time in a manner which clearly suggests that its 
scribe cannot have been aware of any further 
passage that was wanting. 

In view, then, of this documentary evidence, com- 
bined with the internal evidence of difference of 
authorship which the extant endings exhibit, we 
may not unreasonably conjecture that the last leaf 
of the original manuscript was lost at a very early 
date, and that the additional twelve verses with 
which we are familiar in our ordinary version, and 
the shorter ending which other authorities offer as 
an alternative, as well as the expanded account of 
the newly discovered Freer manuscript, were all 
added later at different times and by different hands 
to round off the mutilated Marcan account of the 
Resurrection.^ 
(3) the closing In the Epistle to the Romans, on the other hand, 
Rodman" ° a possible addition to the original writing meets us. 
Both on the ground of textual phenomena and on 
internal evidence, the authenticity of the last two 

^ See further Additional Note I, * Alternative Endings of St 
Mark's Gospel.' 



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Plate VI. 



C^^nr>A/A:^^Ajjk^ j> / /A#/ /'A^^t^flrt^-^ 
iAXii-nr^ f# fiP|^i /'f^/j^i»A J^ 



ST. MARK xvi. 12-17, c| aiVwi' . . . ovdfiaTi fiov. 

From the Freer (Washington) Manuscript. Fourth to Fifth Century. 
By permission of the J. C. Hinrichs'sche Buchhandlung, Leipzig. 

To y5if^ /. 182. 



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CIRCULATION OF THE N.T. WRITINGS 183 

chapters has been attacked. And though in c. xv. 
this attack seems to be more than met by the positive 
arguments in favour of genuineness, there is much in 
c. xvi. which makes it difficult to accept it as an 
integral part of the original Epistle. For one thing, 
the personal greetings in c. xvi., with their detailed 
references, are suspiciously numerous in the case of 
a Church which St. Paul had never visited, and for 
another, great confusion exists in our authorities 
regarding the position of the various benedictions 
and doxologies towards the close of the Epistle. A 
full discussion of the bearing of these points must be 
left to the critics, but confining ourselves to what we 
may learn from external form, there is nothing 
impossible, to say the least, in the idea, which has 
found wide favour, that in c. xvi. 1-20, or according 
to another view, 1-23, we have an independent 
miniature Epistle of St Paul, addressed perhaps 
to the Ephesian Church, with which the Apostle 
stood in such close relation,^ which at some early 
date was attached to the larger roll of the Roman 
Epistle, perhaps for convenience of preservation, 

^The positive evidence in favour of Ephesus is contained in 
the mention of Epaenetus (ver. 5), and especially of Prisca and 
Aquila (ver. 3), who, according to other testimony (Acts xviii. 18, 
I Cor. xvi. 19, 2 Tim. iv. 19), would seem to have taken up their 
abode at Ephesus. Recent evidence from the inscriptions has 
also shown conclusively that other names mentioned in the 
greetings are by no means so characteristic of Rome as was 
at one time imagined : see especially, J. Rouffiac, Recherches sur 
Us characteres du Grec dans le Nouveau Testament d^aprh les 
inscriptions de Pri^ne (Paris, 1911), p. 87 ff. 



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thians, 



184 THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 

and so in time came to be regarded as an integral 
part of it.^ 
(4) the com. A more complicated problem is suggested by the 
2nd Conn. Second Epistle to the Corinthians, which modern 
criticism represents not as one Epistle, but as a 
combination of several Epistles or parts of Epistles. 
Hausrath,^ for example, has found many supporters 
for the suggestion that the last four chapters were 
in reality written before the first nine, and contain 
the substance of the severe letter to which St. Paul 
refers in 2 Cor. vii. 8 : * For though I made you 
sorry with my Epistle, I do not regret it, though I 
did regret ; for I see that that Epistle made you 
sorry, though but for a season.' It is certain, at 
least, that these chapters with their troubled and 
anxious language, contrast very strangely with the 
overflowing joy of the earlier portion of the Epistle, 
and that the historical circumstances, so far as we 
can now reconstruct them, would be well met if we 

^On Bishop Lightfoot's theory, according to which St. Paul 
himself deliberately omitted the last two chapters of the original 
Epistle, along with the words €v ^^(ofijj in i. 7, 15, in order to give 
it a more general character, and added the doxology at the end to 
round it off: see his Biblical Essays (London, 1893), p. 285 ff. 
Dr. Hort*s criticism of the theory is reprinted in the same volume, 
p. 321 ff. For a different, and in many ways attractive, theory 
that the short recension was the original form of the Epistle, 
and was afterwards added to by St. Paul to adapt it to the needs 
of the Roman Church, see Kirsopp Lake, The Earlier Epistles of 
St Paul (London, 191 1), p. 325 ff. 

2 Der Vier-Capiiel Brief des Paulus an die Coriniher^ Heidel- 
berg, 1870. 



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CIRCULATION OF THE N.T. WRITINGS 185 

could imagine the sequence of St. Pauls relations 
with the Corinthian Church to be : — the Epistle which 
we describe as First Corinthians, preceded, however, 
as we learn from that Epistle itself (i Cor. v. 9), by 
one still earlier; then the severe letter, 2 Cor. x.-xiii., 
which the Apostle was led to write on hearing that 
his previous communications had failed in their 
effect ; and finally, yet another Epistle, practically 
identical with 2 Cor. i.-ix., in which he gave expres- 
sion to his satisfaction that at length his Corinthian 
brethren had listened to his appeals, and harmony 
had once more been restored between him and them. 

Nor is this all, but it is possible that even this last 
letter may itself be composite. It has often been 
remarked that c. vi. 14-vii. i interrupts the progress 
of thought, while c. vii. 2 connects itself very readily 
with c. vi. 13. May it be, that in this paragraph we 
have yet another fragment of St. Paul's correspond- 
ence with Corinth — a portion, perhaps, of that earliest 
letter of all to which reference has just been made, 
which either by accident or by editorial handling, 
came afterwards to be inserted in the later Epistle ? 

As to how far all this can be substantiated, I am not 
prepared at present to offer any definite opinion. 
Whatever may be said for an apparent disarrange- 
ment of the contents on internal grounds, we cannot 
lose sight of the fact that this is not corroborated by 
any trace of unsettlement of text in the external 
evidence, as was the case with Rom. xvi. And, on 
the whole, it is probably wise to content ourselves 
with pointing out that, should other circumstances 



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i86 THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 

demand it, there is nothing in the methods of book- 
production at the time to prevent separate Epistles, 
or fragments of Epistles, addressed by St. Paul to the 
same community, being combined and handed down 
as if they had formed a single Epistle from the first.^ 
(5) the arrange. An even greater caution must be observed in 
Fourth GolpcL dealing with the displacements that have been alleged 
in the case of the Fourth Gospel. In an Essay 
published in 1893 Friedrich Spitta held that in 
certain sections of the Gospel, notably in cc. xiii-xvii, 
a serious disarrangement of the text had taken place.^ 
And now we find Mr. Warburton Lewis, in a recent 
Essay,^ following the German scholar and arguing 
that not a few of the chronological and otherdifficulties 
which the Gospel presents are best met on the sup- 
position that its contents are no longer arranged in 
the order which their author intended. And the 
most likely explanation he can offer is, that through 
some mischance the separate papyrus leaves on which 
the Gospel was written were put together in a wrong 
order when they were fastened together in a roll. 
But if this happened to the original manuscript, we 

1 Cf. Kirsopp Lake, The Earlier Epistles of St, Paul (London, 
191 1), p. 144 ff., where an interesting parallel is cited from Cicero's 
letters in the combination of two drafts of Ad Fatn, v. 8, in a 
single letter. 

It is right, however, to note that the most recent commentators 
on 2 Corinthians, Lietzmann, Bachmann, and Menzies, all agree 
in upholding its integrity. 

^Zur Geschichte und Litteratur des Urchristentums^ i. p. 1550*., 
* Unordnungen im Texte des 4. Evangeliums.' 

^Disarrangements in the Fourth Gospel^ Cambridge, 1910. 



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CIRCULATION OF THE N.T. WRITINGS 187 

are at once led to ask how a writer who shows such 
anxious and loving care in the composition of his 
book could have allowed it to go forth to others in 
this confused form. Or, if it was a later copy that 
was at fault, we are met with the curious state of 
things that all the correct copies of the Gospel have 
wholly disappeared, and that it is from an exemplar 
thus carelessly constructed that the subsequent 
copies in use in the Church have been made.^ 

The difficulties, in fact, surrounding any such 
theory are in themselves greater than any pecu- 
liarities of construction which the Gospel in its 
present form is supposed to exhibit, and surely do 
not warrant the arbitrary rearrangement of its con- 
tents that is here suggested. ^ 

4. The marginal additions which in other instances 4. Marginal 
have been thought to have found their way into our ^ 
present New Testament texts stand on a somewhat 
different footing. I have pointed out already that 
the general structure of a papyrus roll with its 
narrow columns following closely on each other 
does not, as a rule, leave much space for these 
additions (see p. 14). At the same time, it is 
impossible to ignore the possibility that many addi- 
tional facts and comments which came to the 
knowledge of the New Testament scribes, and were 

^ Cf. Zahn, Introduction to the New Testament^ iii. p. 348. 

* It may be noted that, according to Mr. Lewis, the re-arranged 
Gospel stands thus: c. i.-ii. 12; iii. 22-30; ii. 13-iii. 21 + 31-36; 
iv.; vi.; v. +vii. 15-24 + viii. 12-20; vii. 1-14-1- 25-52 +viii. 21-59; 
ix.-xiL; xiii. 1-32; xv.-xvi.; xiii. 33-xiv.; xvii.; xviii.-xx.; xxi. 



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i88 THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 

at first treated by them as marginalia^ would after- 
wards be incorporated in the body of the text 

A familiar example is afforded by the well-known 
pericope John vii. 53-viii. 11, the incident of the 
woman taken in adultery, which is now generally 
admitted not to belong to the original text of the 
Fourth Gospel. And the probability is that it repre- 
sents a genuine tradition, derived perhaps from the 
Gospel according to the Hebrews or from Papias's 
Exposition of the LorcTs Oracles, which, on account 
of the intrinsic beauty of the story, had been noted 
by some scribe at the end of his copy of the Gospel, 
and was transferred by a later copyist to what 
seemed to him a suitable place for it at the end of 
c. vii. 52. 

II. Change II. We have been thinking hitherto of the circula- 

papynis roll to tion of our New Testament writings in the papyrus 
cod^.^^^^ roll-form, but it must not be lost sight of that from a 
very early date they also took the form of papyrus 
codices. The original meaning of the word codex 
was the trunk of a tree {caudex), and hence it came 
to be applied to the pile of wooden tablets {pugillares) 
smeared over with wax, which were commonly used 
both by the Greeks and Romans for ordinary 
writing purposes, as when a ledger was called codex 
accepti et expensi And from this again the word 
was extended to denote any collection of papyrus or 
parchment sheets, in which the sheets were not 
rolled within one another, but laid over one another, 
as in a modern book. 



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CIRCULATION OF THE N.T. WRITINGS 189 

I . The use of papyrus in this manner has not always i. Early use of 
been recognized. The older authorities sometimes codfcS. 
speak as if the introduction of the codex marked the 
close of the papyrus period. But more recently 
evidence has been accumulating to show that the 
papyrus codex was ih such use in Egypt for theo- 
logical purposes in the third century, that by that 
time it must already have had a considerable history 
behind it.^ 

Thus it is interesting to notice that the oldest New (i) Fragment- 
Testament text recovered from the sands of Egypt, Testament 
and, indeed the oldest original manuscript of any 
part of the New Testament at present known, is the 
sheet of a papyrus codex, containing most of the first 
chapter of St. Matthew (Plate II.), which cannot be 
later than the beginning of the fourth century, and is 
assigned by its discoverers, Dr. Grenfell and Dr. 
Hunt, with 'greater probability' to the third.* And 
from the same period we have another sheet with 
fragments of the first and twentieth chapters of St. 
John's Gospel. As this must have formed very 
nearly the outermost sheet of a large quire, the 
same authorities calculate that the codex, when com- 
plete, consisted of a single quire of twenty-five 
sheets, of which the first was probably blank, or 
contained only the title.* 

^ Cf. Grenfell and Hunt, The Ooiyrhynchus Papyri^ li. p. 2 f. 

2 The Oxyrhynchus Papyri, edd. Grenfell-Hunt, i. p. 4 ff., No. 2. 

* The Oxyrhynchus Papyri, edd. Grenfell-Hunt, ii. p. i fF., 
No. 208. 



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(2) The 
' Sayings 
of Jesus. ' 



2. Hand- 
writing of 
the papyrus 
codices. 



190 THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 

Yet another fragment belonging to the third century 
has recently been published by Dr. Hunt amongst 
the Rylands Papyri, consisting of part of a leaf out of 
a papyrus book, the recto of which originally contained 
Titus i. 1 1- 1 5, and the verso c. ii. 3-8 from the same 
Epistle.^ Unfortunately the leaf is now so mutilated 
as to be of little value textually, but it preserves, 
as its editor points out, one interesting reading 
a(f>doviav for a(f>doplav in c. ii. 7 * which is recorded as 
a variant in two ninth century manuscripts, but has 
apparently not previously been found in any actual 
text/ 

To return, however, to our immediate subject, 
when to these New Testament texts we add the 
third century leaf discovered at Oxyrhynchus in 
1897, containing the so-called Aoyia 'Itja-ov^ or 
' Sayings of Jesus,* to which reference has already 
been made (see p. 131), we have another direct 
proof of the early prevalence of the papyrus codex-, 
as compared with the papyrus roll-, form. 

2. Nor is this all, but these fragments have for us 
this further interest, that in their script we can see 
what has been called * the prototype ' of the hand- 
writing of our great Biblical codices.^ That hand- 
writing, with its thick and heavy strokes, has usually 
been regarded as possible only in the case of a strong 
substance such as parchment, but its beginnings are 
clearly traceable in these papyrus codices. 

^ Catalogue of the Greek Papyri in the John Rylands Library ^ 
Manchester^ Manchester, 1911, i. p. 10 f., No. 5. 

2 Grenfell and Hunt, The Oxyrhynchus Papyri, ii. p. 3.. 



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CIRCULATION OF THE N.T. WRITINGS 191 

And further, if, as appears likely from their general ' Poor.Mens 
character and size, these fragments of which we 
have been speaking formed parts of books intended 
originally for private rather than for general use, they 
offer an emphatic and independent testimony to the 
growing reverence that was being paid to the written 
word, as well as to the increasing hold it was gaining 
upon all classes of the population. As the earliest 
specimens we possess of * Poor Men's Bibles,' they 
have in their own way as deep a significance for 
the student of our New Testament writings, as the 
splendid parchment codices which mark the next 
stage of their history. 

III. Anything like a detailed description of these in. Parch- 

, ,. - - r 1 J I- ment codices. 

parchment codices would carry us tar beyond the 
limits of our present inquiry.^ But it may be well 
to note a few points of a general character, more parti- 
cularly in view of the significance of the parchment 
codex for the final collection of our scattered writings 
into a single volume. 

I. In doing so, we have to guard at the outset i. Manu- 
against the common error that, because parchment is parchment. 
now first heard of in connexion with our Biblical 
manuscripts, it was previously unknown as a writing- 

^ Full particulars will be found in such well-known works as 
Nestle's Introduction to the Textual Criticism of the Greek New 
Testament^ London, 1901 (a third and enlarged German edition 
appeared in 1909); Gregory's Canon and Text of the New 
Testament^ Edinburgh, 1907; and Kenyon's Handbook to the 
Textual Criticism of the New Testament^ of which a new and 
revised edition appeared in 191 2. 



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192 THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 

material. So far was this from being the case that 
in a rough form it would seem to have been in 
common use even before papyrus, while its improve- 
ment and consequent adoption for literary purposes 
may be dated from the reign of Eumenes II. at 
Pergamum, B.C. 197-158. According to the story 
related by Varro,^ Eumenes, desiring to found a 
library of his own which should rival the library 
at Alexandria, found his efforts frustrated by the 
refusal of Ptolemy Epiphanes to permit the ex- 
portation of papyrus from Egypt, and accordingly 
he had to fall back on the use of skins, after 
submitting them to a special preparation. From 
the place where this was done, the new material 
came to be known as xepya/iiywy, pergamena, parch- 
ment.^ The name of vellum (yitulinum)^ which is 
now used as practically synonymous, was at first 
confined to a fine variety manufactured from the 
skins of very young calves, 
a. Use of 2. The story has been called in question, but without 

m connexion Sufficient causc,'^ though it is undoubtedly remarkable 

with Christian i i • i i • i • i 

literature. that, during the succeedmg three centuries, there 
should be so little evidence of any general use of 
parchment for literary purposes.* But with the 

^ApudYXm^, Nat. Hist. xiii. 11. 

2 The actual name pergamena charia does not occur before an 
edict of Diocletian, a.d. 301. 

^ See Birt, Das antike Buckivesen^ P- 5© ff-* ^^d, on the other 
side, Gardthausen, Das Buchwesetiy p. 93. 

^ Amongst the most notable remains of classical writings pre- 
served on parchment during this period are a leaf of the other- 



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CIRCULATION OF THE N.T. WRITINGS 193 

beginning of the fourth century, and the ever- 
increasing demand for copies of the new Christian 
writings, the advantages of parchment or vellum 
over papyrus began to assert themselves. For 
one thing, parchment could be manufactured in 
any country, and not merely in a limited area 
like papyrus, and for another, owing to its greater 
strength and flexibility, it lent itself more readily to 
the convenient codex-form, which we have already 
found coming into use during the papyrus period. 
We are not astonished, therefore, to learn that when 
in A.D. 331 Constantine ordered fifty copies of the 
Scriptures for his new capital, he gave special in- 
structions that they should be written in a legible 
manner, *on prepared skins,' ^ or that about twenty 
years later the two priests, Acacius and Euzoius, 
when rewriting the damaged volumes of Pamphilus* 
library at Caesarea, substituted parchment codices 
for the original papyrus rolls.* 

wise unknown Cretans of Euripides, and some small fragments of 
Demosthenes. For the more ordinary use of parchment for note- 
books, or for the rough drafts of literary works, of. Cicero, ad 
Attic, xiii. 24 ; Horace, Sernt, ii. 3. i f. ; Quintilian, Inst, Orat, 
X. 3. 31- 

1 Eusebius, De vita Constantini, iv. 36, ed. Heikel : irtvrriKovra 
<ru>/iaria kv 8i<f>0€pais tyKaraa-KevoLs. The Codex Sinaiticus, which 
Tischendorf believed to have been one of these fifty Bibles, is 
written on fairly thin parchment, made, according to the same 
authority, from antelope skins. 

^ Hieronymus, Epist, cxli. : * Quam [bibliothecam Caesareae 
urbis] ex parte corruptam Acacius dehinc et Euzoius, eiusdem 
ecclesiae sacerdotes, in membranis instaurare conati sunt.' 



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codex. 



194 THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 

The practice quickly spread, and mainly through 
the influence of the Christian Church, parchment 
came to supersede papyrus as the medium for con- 
veying to the world the contents not only of its own 
sacred books but of literature generally.^ 
3. Construe- 3. A few words are still required as to the con- 
parehment struction of a parchment codex, and the character 
of the handwriting employed upon it. 

The two sides of parchment naturally varied, 
according as they represented the hair or the flesh 
side of the skin. And in making up a codex, great 
care was taken that hair-side should always face hair- 
side, and flesh-side flesh-side. This was secured by 
folding the quire in sheets, and as the ordinary quire 
consisted of four sheets {rerpaSiov, qnatemus), a single 
folding made eight leaves or sixteen pages. 

As a rule, both sides of the parchment were used 
for writing purposes, and while, in the case of 
papyrus, no ruling was necessary, the fibres of the 
plant affording sufficient guidance to the scribe (cf. 
p. 13), parchment offered no such natural aid, and 
lines were ruled by a fjioKil3So9 or disc of lead, kept 
straight by a Kavdv or ruler.* The ruling was, how- 
ever, generally confined to the hair-side of the skin, 

^ It is noteworthy that in an inventory of Church property of 
the fifth or sixth century, twenty-one parchment books are men- 
tioned as compared with only three on papyrus — jStjSXui Sep- 
/iaTt(va) ica', o/aoi(u)s) xapria y {Greek Papyri^ second series, edd. 
Grenfell-Hunt, p. 160 ff.. No. iii^^'). 

^ For the later history of this interesting word, see Westcott, On 
the Canon ^y p. 504 fF., or Souter, Text and Canon ^ p. i54ff. 



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Plate VII. 




c;()iiKX siNAiTicus. KoruiH c;knturv. 

he page shown contains Maik wi. 2 Luke i. iS. th«' last iwclve verses of St. Mark 

Ining omitted. 



To/,tcep, 195. 



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CIRCULATION OF THE N.T. WRITINGS 195 

the pressure of the disc causing the lines to show also 
on the reverse side. 

The handwriting employed, with its square, up- character 
right uncials, was, as has been previously noted, a handwriting, 
development of the best hands of the papyrus 
codices of the second and third centuries (see p. 190), 
and in the principal exemplars, such as the Codex 
Vaticanus and the Codex Sinaiticus, was marked by 
great distinction and beauty. While, too, as a rule, 
in Greek manuscripts where the lines are of uniform 
length there are only two columns to the page, these 
codices show three and four columns respectively, 
possibly a reminiscence of the narrow columns of 
the papyri from which they were copied. In the 
remarkable Graeco- Latin manuscript. Codex Bezae, 
on the other hand, where the lines are divided in 
KwXa or short clauses according to the sense, there is 
only a single column to each page. 

4. The fact that both sides of the parchment were 4. SuitabUitj 

.. , . ^ofthecodex- 

written upon naturally secured a great saving of form for 

• • , ., , I ... f, collection of 

space, and rendered possible the combining of awnUngrs. 
larger number of documents in a single codex than 
was convenient in the case of a papyrus roll without 
extending it to an altogether undue length. We 
shall see afterwards the importance of this considera- 
tion in the determination of the New Testament 
canon, but meanwhile it must be kept in view that 
for long it was only in exceptional instances, such as 
the magnificent Vatican and Sinaitic codices, that 
anything like a general collection of the scattered 
writings took place. As a rule they continued to be 



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196 THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 

circulated either singly or in small groups of Gospels 
and Epistles, and that, too, even after the general 
employment of a more running hand of script had 
still further diminished the size of the codices in 
which they could be included.^ 
Pocket Bibles. How great indeed must have been the desire 
from early times to have copies of the new writings 
in modest dimensions has been recently illustrated 
in an interesting manner by the recovery at Oxy- 
rhynchus of a leaf from a fourth century codex of the 
Apocalypse. Though written in fair-sized uncials, 
the book, when complete, must have been of such 
miniature proportions as virtually to form a pocket 
edition (see Plate VIII.),^ while the leaf of an 
uncanonical gospel, found in same place, is so 
small that * the written surface only slightly exceeds 
two inches square/ * 

1 The employment in literary documents of this smaller or 
minuscule hand for uncial or majuscule writing is usually assigned 
to the eighth or ninth century. But in view of constant mis- 
apprehension it is perhaps not superfluous to recall that alongside 
of the literary uncial hand a non-literary cursive hand had been in 
regular use for ordinary purposes as far back as we have any 
specimens of Greek writing extant, and that it was from this non- 
literary cursive hand that the literary minuscule hand was after- 
wards developed. 

^ The Oxyrhynchus Papyri^ ed. Hunt, viii. p. 14 ff., No. 1080. 
Textual students will recall Dr. Hort^s ingenious reconstruction of 
a * small portable ' manuscript of this same book from the text 
of the Apocalypse preserved in Codex Ephraemi {Introduction 
to the New Testament in the Original Greek'^y p. 26S). 

^ The Oxyrhynchus Papyri, ed. Grenfell-Hunt, v. p. i, No. 840. 



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Plate VIII. 




' i^«0Y/VrjsAfricfAFrc* 
MAj rtTaCAYroNKAf A m > 
rl^lH^^^^tTA>n^O'KAlAY » 




APOCALYPSE 111. 19— IV. I. 

A leaf from a pocket edition in vellum, belonging to the Fourth Century. 
From Oxyrhynchiis. Hy permission of the Egypt Exploration Fund. 



To face p. 196. 



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CIRCULATION OF THE N.T. WRITINGS 197 

In dealing with the circulation of the New Testa- General trust- 
ment writings in the first Christian centuries, I have the New 

11 . - f • It 1 Testament 

had occasion to refer somewhat pointedly to the text, 
dangers to which the transmission of the true text 
was exposed. And it is possible that the impression 
has been left upon some minds that the state of our 
New Testament text is one of great uncertainty and 
confusion. This is very far, however, from being 
the case. Without seeking to minimise the possible 
sources of corruption, which, indeed, are placed 
beyond dispute by the enormous mass of variant 
readings that have arisen,^ we must not forget that 
as regards both the number and antiquity of our 
manuscripts, we are in a far better position for 
getting back to the original words of a New Testa- 
ment writing than in the case of any other ancient 
book. Thus it is by no means generally realized 
how few in number are the manuscripts on which 
we are dependent for our knowledge of the great 
classical writings of Greece and Rome, and by what 
a long period of time they are generally separated 
from the original writers. For our knowledge of 
Sophocles, for example, we are mainly dependent on 
a single manuscript written about fourteen hundred 
years after the poet s death, and though in the case 
of Vergil we are fortunate in possessing one nearly 

^ When Mill issued his edition of the Greek New Testament in 
1707, he included a critical apparatus of about 30,000 various 
readings. The number now must be four or five times as many 
— * almost more variants than words * (Nestle, Textual Criticism of 
the Greek Testament^ p. 15). 



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198 THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 

complete manuscript belonging to the fourth century, 
the total number of Vergilian manuscripts can be 
numbered only by hundreds as compared with 
thousands in the case of the New Testament writers/ 
And yet if neither in the case of Sophocles or Vergil 
we have any serious doubt as to our being in pos- 
session of what is substantially a true text, why 
should we refuse to show a proportionately higher 
confidence in our New Testament text, when our 
principal direct witnesses to it are not separated by 
more than two hundred and fifty or three hundred 
years from the autographs, and in certain portions 
are confirmed by evidence that carries us nearly a 
century further back ? I am thinking here not of the 
early versions, which in themselves supply most 
important aid for the determination of the true New 
Testament text, but of those third century Greek 
texts, to which reference has already been made 
more than once, which, however fragmentar)^ con- 
firm, so far as they go, the general type of text found 
in the Vatican and Sinaitic codices. 

While, then, there are still many grave textual 
problems awaiting solution, before we can be sure 
that we have * the New Testament in the Original 
Greek' in our hands, we may take it that in all 
substantial particulars the words of the autographs 

^ See further Kenyon, Handbook to the Textual Criticism of the 
New Testament, p. 3. Reference may also be made to two articles 
by Bishop Welldon, *The Authenticity of Ancient Literature, 
Secular and Sacred,' in The Nineteenth Century and After^ vol. 62 
(1907), pp. 560 ff., 830 ff. 



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CIRCULATION OF THE N.T. WRITINGS 199 

have been recovered. The great English scholars, 
Dr. Westcott and Dr. Hort, to whom so much of 
this result is due, were accustomed to weigh their 
words, and this is what they say : * The books of the 
New Testament as preserved in extant documents 
assuredly speak to us in every important respect in 
language identical with that in which they spoke to 
those for whom they were originally written.*^ 

^Introduction to the New Testament in the Original Greek^y 
p. 284. Cf. Souter, The Text and Canon of the New Testament, 
London, 191 3, p. 138: *It appears to the present writer that a 
great advance upon the text of Westcott and Hort in the direction 
of the original autographs is highly improbable, at least in our 
generation. If they have not said the last word, they have at 
least laid foundations which make it comparatively simple to fit 
later discoveries into their scheme.' 



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LECTURE VI. 

THE COLLECTION OF THE NEW TESTAMENT 
WRITINGS. 



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Efra <f>6l3os vofiov ^Bercu koI irpwfyqfrlav xdpis yivwrKerax koL 
€vayy€\io>v irums t8pvT<u koi aircKrToAcDV irapoBoo-is <^vAaoro'€Ta4 
KOI €KKkTj(TCas xapa a-Kifyr^.. £p, ad Diognetum, xi. 6. 

* Uenim scriptura omnis in duo testamenta diuisa est . . . 
sed tamen diuersa non sunt quia nouum ueteris adimpletio 
est et in utroque idem testator est Christus/ 

Lactantius, Instit. iv. 20, ed. Brandt. 



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VI. 

THE COLLECTION OF THE NEW TESTAMENT 
WRITINGS. 

El 8c 17 SiaKovia rov Oavdrov cv ypdfifKunv cvrcrinrcD/ieto; 
Xidois €y€inrj6'q €V So^^/j wo^T€ firj SvvaxrBai drevia'at, tovs vlovi 
*l(rparfk els to vpoa-dnrov Mo>ixr€(i>$ 8ia t^v So^av rov wpo(riairov 
avTov rrjv KarafyyovfumjVy irtDs ov;(t fiaWov rj BiaKOvCa rov 
wv€v/JLaTOS eoTai cv 86^ ; a Cor. iii. 7. 

We have seen how, by the substitution of the codex- The circulation 
form for the roll, the collection of the different New x^t^em 
Testament writings into one volume was rendered "^ °^ 
possible. This, however, is very far from saying 
that any such collection on a complete or final scale 
took place at once. For long, even after their joint- 
authority was recognized, the books of the New 
Testament still continued to be circulated separately 
or in small groups.^ At the same time, the very 
fact that they could, when necessity arose, be thus 
brought together, formed a distinct step in that 
process of collection, and eventually of canonization, 
which we have now to trace. 

At present it is possible to do so only in the 

^ At least four-fifths of our uncial manuscripts of the Gospels 
contain the Gospels only. 



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204 THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 

barest outline. To tell the story at any length 
would lead us into many questions with which we 
are not immediately concerned. But any inquiry 
into the rise and growth of the New Testament 
writings would be very incomplete, unless I at least 
tried to indicate how, as the result of a long and 
largely informal process, the scattered writings of 
which we have been thinking were united to form 
the New Testament, which henceforth took its place 
along with the Old Testament, as the Holy Scrip- 
tures of the Christian Church. 
Light in Of such a future for their writings the original 

writings were wHters do not Seem to have had any idea. They 
regarded. wrote for the most part, as we have had frequent 
occasion to notice, in order to meet immediate and 
pressing needs, and no ulterior purpose of laying 
the foundations of a new sacred book appears on 
the surface of their writings. In the canonical books 
of the Old Testament both they and their readers 
possessed a Bible already. Jesus Himself had used 
no other. It was to the Old Testament that, both 
before and after His Resurrection, He appealed as 
pointing forward to the *all things' which had at 
length been fulfilled in Himself^ And in this atti- 
tude He was followed by the first Christian teachers. 

* Beginning from this Scripture' — the great prophecy 
of Isaiah regarding the Suffering Servant — Philip 

* preached Jesus ' to the Ethiopian eunuch : * by the 
Scriptures * Apollos ' powerfully confuted the Jews ' 
at Ephesus, and showed *that Jesus was the Christ/* 

1 Luke xxiv. 44 f., 25. ^ Acts viii. 35, xviii. 28. 



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COLLECTION OF THE N.T. WRITINGS 205 

How unique was the position which the Old Supremacy 
Testament occupied in the mind of the early Church Testament, 
is sufficiently proved by the simple fact that the 
words yp€L(f>v, ypa(f>ai, and the introduction of cita- 
tions by the formula yiypairTai, wherever they occur 
in the New Testament writings, invariably refer to 
passages from the Hebrew Canon, and never to any 
of the Christian writings that were already in circu- 
lation at the time. The only apparent exception is 
2 Peter iii. 16, where the writer seems to equate 
the Epistles of St. Paul with the Scriptures of the 
Old Testament. But not only is the interpretation 
of the words * the rest of the Scriptures ' some- 
what doubtful, but we have already seen good 
reason to believe that this Epistle is not really 
Apostolic, but a pseudonymous work of the second 
century.^ 

We may take it, then, that during the Apostolic 
age the only documents invested by the Church with 
a definitely sacred character were the books of the 
Old Testament. And yet, before a century had 
elapsed, we are met with the fact that alongside of 
this older collection, a new collection had begun 
to assert itself, which not only had made the idea 
of Christian sacred writings familiar, but actually 

^Cf. p. ii3f. The first undoubted application of the term 
'Scripture' to any part of our present New Testament Canon 
occurs in the so-called Second Epistle of Clement, when, after 
quoting from Isaiah liv. i, the author introduces the citation of 
Matt. ix. 13 with the words, *and again another Scripture saith' 
{koX krkpa 6€ ypa^r^ Acyet, ii. 4). 



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206 THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 



I. Influences 
leading to 
the collection 
of the New 
Testament 
writings. 



1. The 
existence of 
the Old 
Testament 
Canon. 



The Greek 

Old 

Testament. 



embraced the larger part of those which now make 
up our New Testament. 

I. Of the evidence on which this statement rests, 
I shall have something to say later. Meanwhile it 
may be well to notice certain influences at work in 
the Apostolic and sub-Apostolic Church which 
helped to bring about this result. 

I. Amongst these may be mentioned, in the first 
place, the existence of the Old Testament Canon. 

The formation of that Canon was itself the result 
of a long and gradual process, which was only com- 
pleted at the beginning of the Christian era.* And 
though, as we have just seen, in one way its exist- 
ence rendered unnecessary at first the thought of 
further sacred writings, in another, it supplied a 
model which, in process of time, the Christian 
Church could hardly fail to follow. 

And this was rendered easier by the fact that the 
Old Testament then in general use was in Greek, 
and not in Hebrew. The Septuagint, the Greek 
translation of the Old Testament Scriptures, had 
been adopted not only by the Jews of the Dispersion, 
but by large numbers of Jews within the confines of 



1 Cf. Ryle, The Canon of the Old Testament (London, 1892), 
p. ix f. : * The measure of the completeness of the Canon had 
scarcely been reached, when " the fulness of the time came." The 
close of the Hebrew Canon brings us to the threshold of the 
Christian Church. The history of the Canon, like the teaching of 
its inspired contents, leads us into the very presence of Him in 
Whom alone we have the fulfilment and the interpretation of the 
Old Testament, and the one perfect sanction of its use.' 



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COLLECTION OF THE N.T. WRITINGS 207 

Palestine. And, to judge from the language of their 
citations, as well as from innumerable unconscious 
reminiscences of phraseology, it was upon it that the 
New Testament writers themselves had been prin- 
cipally nurtured. We are not perhaps going too far 
when we say, that, with the exception of the peculiar 
parts of St. Matthew's Gospel, there is nothing in 
their writings which actually necessitates a know- 
ledge of the original Hebrew.^ 

No considerations of language, therefore, inter- collections of 
posed any barrier to the addition of a Greek New 
Testament to the Greek Old Testament already in 
use. And the way would be still further prepared 
for such a result by the collections of excerpts from 
the Old Testament which were used from an early 
period for the purposes of Christian teaching and 
propaganda.* Occasionally, no doubt, these Testi- 
mania, to adopt the name given to similar collections 
later, such as Cyprian s Testimonial may have been 
written in Hebrew or Aramaic, but as a rule they 
were in Greek, and so familiarized the minds of their 

1 That the early Church regarded the Septuagint as not merely 
the translation of an inspired original, but as in itself inspired, is 
shown by the stories of the miraculous circumstances accompanying 
its production, as that the translators all finished their work at the 
same moment, and that the seventy-two copies were found to be in 
complete agreement. See the collection of Testimonia appended 
to Wendland's edition oiAristeae ad Philocratem Episiula (Leipzig, 
1900), p. 85 ff. 

^ E,g, the Eclogue of Melito (c, a.d. 180), to which Eusebius 
refers. Hist Euies, iv. 26. 12. 



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208 THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 



2. The 
contents and 
character of 
the New 
Testament 
writings. 

The words 
of Jesus. 



readers with the thought of an authoritative Christian 
tradition in that tongue.^ 

2. An even stronger influence leading to the col- 
lection of the New Testament writings lay in the 
contents and character of the writings themselves. 

No mention has as yet been made of the fact 
that, in the oldest Christian communities, there was 
another authority which had taken its place along- 
side of the Hebrew Scriptures, and that was the 
words of Jesus, as they were handed down in the 
current oral tradition of the time. It is to such 
words, for example, that St. Paul appeals so con- 
fidently on various occasions to enforce some lesson 
(Acts XX. 35), or to settle some difficulty (i Thess. 
iv. 15, I Cor. vii. 10), or to confirm some rite 
(i Cor. xi. 23), and whose remembrance, as St. John 
recalls, the Lord Himself assured by His promised 
gift of the Holy Spirit : * But the Advocate, the 
Holy Spirit, whom the Father will send in My 
name, He shall teach you all things, and bring to 
your remembrance all that I said unto you' (John 
xiv. 26). 

The significance attached to these words lay at 
first, it will be noted, in the fact that they were 



^ On the general character of these Testimonies, see Hatch, 
Essays in Biblical Greek (Oxford, 1889), p. 203 ff., and Rendel 
Harris, * The Use of Testimonies in the Early Christian Church,* 
in the Expositor, VII. ii. p. 385 ff. Cf. Burkitt, The Gospel History 
and its Transmission (Edinburgh, 1906), p. 127 : *To collect and 
apply the Oracles of the Old Testament in the light of the New 
Dispensation was the first literary task of the Christian Church.' 



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COLLECTION OF THE N.T. WRITINGS 209 

directly attributed to Jesus Himself, and not in their 
inclusion in any sacred book. And even towards 
the middle of the second century Papias, Bishop of 
Hierapolis, is found declaring in the Preface to the 
five books which he devoted to the interpretation of 
similar \6yta KupiaKa, that for his knowledge of these 
he preferred to rely on oral reports of what Andrew, 
or Peter, or other disciples of the Lord had said, 
* for,' as he significantly adds, ' I did not think that 
what I could derive from the books would profit me 
as much as what came from the living and abiding 
voice.*^ At the same time, as these living witnesses 
died out, and men had perforce to content them- 
selves with the written documents in which the most 
important of the Lord's words had come to be re- 
corded, it is obvious that the words would inevitably 
impart some of their own sacred character to these • 
documents, and consequently that the germs of their 
future Scriptural authority were in our Gospels from 
the first. 

The same thing applies, though in a lesser degree, The Apostolic 
to the writings of the Apostles. As the personal ^^^ '^^' 
followers of Jesus, and consequently the immediate 

^Eusebius, //isL Eccles, iii. 39. 4: ov yap ra Ik twv ^ipXitav 
roa-ovrov fi€ (Ui^Xciv VTrekafi/Savov oa-ov ra irapa (wrrj^ <f>(i}injs koI 

The title of Papias*s work, now unfortunately lost, was AoytW 
KvptaKtav €^7yy^€ts. For our knowledge of its contents we are 
dependent on a few fragmentary notices preserved by Irenaeus 
and Eusebius. See further Lightfoot, Essays on the H'ork entiiled 
Supernatural Religion (London, 1889), p. 142 ff. 



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210 THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 

witnesses to His life and teaching, the Apostles were 
regarded with a prestige which was bound to com- 
municate itself in turn to their writings. And though 
it necessarily took time before the Apostolic Epistles 
were put on an equality with the Gospels, the early 
use of them in connexion with Christian worship 
gradually led to their being regarded as an inspired 
court of appeal in all that concerned the doctrine or 
rule of the Church. 
3. The use of 3. This pubHc usc of the new Christian documents 
documents in had indeed such an important influence upon their 
pu icwors ip. fjjj^j.^ history that it requires to be separately em- 
phasized. 

The reading aloud of the Law had always formed 
a part of the Jewish synagogue services, and already 
in New Testament times had come to be followed by 
a lesson from the Prophets, as when in the syna- 
gogue at Nazareth Jesus read a passage from Isaiah 
on which He afterwards founded His * words of 
grace,' or as when in the synagogue of Pisidian 
Antioch, St. Paul addressed the assembled brethren 
* after the reading of the Law and the Prophets.'^ 

It is easy, therefore, to understand how readily 
there would come to be conjoined with these Old 
Testament lessons the public reading of the new 
writings. No more fitting opportunity could be 
found for making those to whom they were addressed 
acquainted with their contents, than when they were 
thus assembled for the purpose of worship. And the 
same use would be made of other writings of a 
^ Luke iv. 17 ff., Acts xiii. 15. 



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COLLECTION OF THE N.T. WRITINGS 211 

similar character, as copies came to be multiplied 
amongst the different Christian communities. 

It is sometimes thought that St. Pauls emphatic The EpisUes. 
adjuration to the Thessalonian Church to see that 
his Epistle to them be *read aloud to all the 
brethren' (i Thess. v. 27) was due to the fact that 
the reading of such a letter had not yet been officially 
established, but it is sufficiently explained by the 
importance the Apostle himself attached to its con- 
tents in view of the dangers surrounding his converts, 
or, it may be in this instance, by a presentiment 
that a wrong use might be made of his name and 
authority (as is indicated in 2 Thess. ii. 2, iii. 17). 
And, similarly, when in writing to the Colossians the 
same Apostle bade them pass on their Epistle, when 
they had read it, to the Church of the Laodiceans, and 
receive back in return the Epistle he had addressed 
to that Church (Col. iv. 16), it was obviously in order 
that messages which concerned both Churches might 
be directly brought under the notice of the members 
of both. 

No thought, let me again repeat, of putting the 
new writings on the same footing as the Old Testa- 
ment Scriptures to which he had just been listening 
would occur to any one. And yet their very juxta- 
position with these Scriptures in the public services 
of the Church would inevitably give them an increas- 
ing importance and authority. 

*What manner of things lie in your case?' de- 
manded the Proconsul of a North African Christian, 
Speratus, about the year a.d. 180. * Books,* was the 



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212 THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 

answer, *and Epistles of Paul a just man.*^ And 
whatever is to be understood by * books/ whether 
they are to be confined to the books of the Divine 
Law, or may include also the Gospels, in any case 
the passage proves that along with them certain 
Pauline writings were treasured in the archives of 
the Church, obviously for the purposes of public 
reading and edification. 
The Gospels. As regards the Gospels, we have still earlier evi- 
dence to the same effect in the well known passage 
in Justin Martyr, in which he describes as the first 
act in the worship of God on Sundays the reading 
aloud before the whole congregation of a portion of 
Scripture from * the Memoirs of the Apostles, or the 
writings of the Prophets.'* And as by * the Memoirs 
of the Apostles' Justin means 'gospels,** and more 
particularly, to judge from the nature of his references 
to them, our four canonical Gospels,* we may accept 

^Passio Sanctorum Scilitanorum^ ed. Robinson in Texts and 
Studies^ I. ii. p. 114 : *Libri [uenerandi (-da B) libri legis divinae 
BC] et epistolae Pauli uiri iusti.' The answer of Speratus is given 
at greater length in the (ireek version, Ai Kaff 1)1x0.$ pipXoi, Kal at 
7rpoo'€in,roiWois (Tna-roXat llavkov tov ocriov dvSpos. 

^ Apo/. i. 67, ed. OltO : ra dTrofivrjfjioviVfxaTa tu)V aTroo-ToAwi/ rj ra 
(rvyypdfxfJLaTa rdv wpofjyqrQv, 

^ Ibid, 66: iv dTropvqpovcvp.cuTLV, d Kakeirai €vayy€\ia. 

^Cf. e,g. Dial. c. 103, where, with reference to the incident 
recorded in the received text of Luke xxii. 44, Justin refers to the 
Memoirs, * which I say were composed by the Apostles and those 
who followed ihem ' (a </>i;/At wo rdJi' d7r<xrT<'»Xa»i' avrou #cai twv 
€K€ivoLs irapaKo\ov6rj(rdvT(ov (rvvT€Td)($ai.) — a description which 
covers exactly the traditional authorship of St. Matthew and St. 
John, and of St. Mark and St. Luke. 



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Plate IX. 




THE C.OSPEL ACCORDINC; TO PETER IX. -X. KareXOovras . . ttTreX^ftv. 
FVoni llie J'iiyum. Second Century. I^y pciinission of M. Krnesl Leroux of Paris. 



To fat' f p. 213. 



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Plate X. 




1 



,)^ v*Ttv 4*\ 5tC^ vX oC y. V''iM^-^ D^A 6£^ Co ^ 




THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO PETER X.-XI. koX iv<f>avi<Tai . . . ifpXiyovro. 
From the KayCim. Second Century. By permission of \L Krnesi Leroux of Paris. 

To /ace the preccdtHi*. 



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COLLECTION OF THE N.T. WRITINGS 213 

him as a witness that in the first half of the second 
century at latest, and the practice may well have 
been in existence for a considerable time previously, 
the Gospels and the prophetical writings could be 
used interchangeably in connexion with Christian 
worship. 

We must not, however, imagine that at this early Apocryphal 
period our four Gospels had gained the exclusive 
place which they now occupy in the use of the 
Church. On the contrary, there is good reason 
for believing that, along with the canonical Gospels, 
Justin also made use of the apocryphal Gospel of 
Peter, of which a considerable fragment was dis- 
covered in a tomb at Akhmim in Upper Egypt 
during the winter of 1886-87 (see Plates IX., X.). 
And so late as the close of the second century, as we 
learn from an incidental notice in Eusebius, this 
same Gospel was still read in the Church at Rhossus. 
It was only when Serapion, Bishop of Antioch, came 
to realize its departure in certain respects from the 
true faith, that he warned the brethren against its 
continued use.^ 

Nor was this freedom extended only to writings 
bearing Apostolic names, but, as we learn from 
Eusebius again, it was the custom from the be- 
ginning to read the Epistle of Clement regularly 
in the Church at Corinth ; ^ while the inclusion of 
this Epistle along with the so-called Second Epistle 

1 Eusebius, Hist Eccles. vi. 12. See further Additional Note J, 
* The Gospel according to Peter.' 

2 Ibid, It. 23. 11. 



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214 THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 

of Clement in the fifth century Codex Alexandrinus, 
and of the Epistle of Barnabas and the Shepherd of 
Hennas in the earlier Codex Sinaiticus, in itself 
constitutes sufficient evidence of the almost * canoni- 
cal ' light in which these and other early Christian 
writings must have been for long regarded. 
4. The part 4. The growing authority of the New Testament 
in^controversy. wHtings may be illustrated still further by the part 
they played in controversy. 

It is an interesting fact, as showing how wide- 
spread was the estimation in which the various 
books of the New Testament were held, that some 
of the earliest references to them as Scripture come 
to us not from within, but from without, the Church. 
Basilides of Alexandria, for example, the founder 
of a Gnostic sect in the beginning of the second 
century, is credited with being the first to introduce 
quotations from New Testament writers with such 
formulas as * The Scripture saith ' and * As it is 
written,' which had hitherto been confined to quota- 
tions from the Old Testament. To another heretic, 
Marcion (c, a.d. 140), we owe the first definite attempt 
to define a New Testament Canon ; ^ while in 
Heracleon {c. a.d. 170), the most prominent follower 
of the school of Valentinus, we have the author of 
the first commentary on a book of the New Testa- 
ment of which we have any knowledge, a com- 
mentary, namely, on the Fourth Gospel, to which 
Origen in the extant portions of his own com- 
mentary on the same book repeatedly refers. 
^ See further, p. 217. 



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COLLECTION OF THE N.T. WRITINGS 215 

It was indeed the constant claim of the sects that 
they represented the true tradition of the Apostles. 
And consequently in its conflict with them the Church 
was led to appeal more and more to that tradition 
as it understood and accepted it, and to collect the 
writings in which it was embodied into a class by 
themselves, marked off in ever-increasing degree 
from the rest of the Christian literature of the day. 

II. For a detailed history of the process by which 11. History of 

, . , 1 n t • 1 • • the collection 

this was brought out, as reflected m the testimonies and amhor- 
that can be gathered from early Christian writers, the New 
reference must be made to works on the Canon of writings, 
the New Testament.^ But, speaking very generally, 
it falls into two periods, the first extending from the 
time of the autographs to the year a.d. 2Cx:), and the 
second embracing the two following centuries until 
the completion of the canon about a.d. 400. 

I. The earlier of these periods saw the rise of 1. From the 
two well-defined collections of Christian writings, to°A.D. ^.*°^ 
a Corpus Evangelicum and a Corpus Paulinum, of (i) The 
which the latter was probably formed first, notwith- PauHnum. 
standing the greater honour attaching to the Gospel 
narratives, simply because the Pauline Epistles were 
earlier in circulation and lent themselves readily to 
collection. The Church that had the honour of 
having received a letter from the Apostle addressed 
to itself would naturally desire to share its contents 
with some neighbouring Church, receiving back, it 

^ See Additional Note N, * Recent Literature on the Canon of 
the New Testament.' 



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Traces of the 
knowledge 
of Pauline 
Epistles in 
Christian 
literature. 



2i6 THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 

might well be, some similar communication in return. 
And in this way little bundles of Pauline letters 
came to be formed, whose preservation in the same 
chest in itself imparted a unity to them, which was 
still further increased when they came to be copied 
out together in codices designed for the purpose. 

In the letter addressed by Clement of Rome to 
the Corinthians before the close of the first century, 
there are various expressions which show that he 
must have been acquainted with several of the 
Pauline Epistles. And by the second decade of 
the second century, we have clear evidence in the 
writings of Ignatius and Polycarp that collections 
of these Epistles must have existed in the Churches 
of Antioch and Smyrna. Thus, in his letter to the 
Ephesians (xii. 2), Ignatius says that St. Paul makes 
mention of them * in every Epistle * {cu ircurtj eTricrroXi), 
an hyberbole which may be taken as implying, on 
Ignatius' part, the knowledge at least of Romans 
(xvi. 5), I Corinthians (xv. 32, xvi. 8, 19), 2 Cor. 
(i. 8 f.), and the two Epistles to Timothy, in 
addition to the Epistle to the Ephesians itself.^ 
And reminiscences of the language of no fewer 
than eight of the Pauline Epistles (Romans, 
I, 2 Corinthians, Galatians, Ephesians, Philippians, 
I, 2 Timothy) have been found in Polycarp s letter 
to the Philippians.- 

^ See Lightfoot's note on Ignatius, Ephes, xii. in The Apostolic 
Fathers^ Part II. ii. p. 65. 

2 For the evidence see The New Testament in the Apostolic 
Fathers (Oxford, 1905), p. 84 if. 



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COLLECTION OF THE N.T. WRITINGS 217 

A generation later, the heretic Marcion, for pur- canon of 
poses of his own, published, along with a mutilated ^*°"' 
edition of St. Lukes Gospel, a collection of the 
Pauline Epistles in the order — Galatians, i and 2 
Corinthians, Romans, i and 2 Thessalonians, Laodi- 
ceans (= Ephesians), Colossians, Philippians, and 
Philemon. The omission of the Pastorals was pro- 
bably due to Marcion's dislike of their contents. 
But, in any case, the important point is, that 
before the middle of the second century, a definite 
collection of Pauline writings had been made, doubt- 
less, in the first instance, for practical and contro- 
versial reasons, but also out of a strong sense of the 
all-important character of their contents, and the 
respect that was due to their author.^ 

The evidence regarding the use of the Gospels («) The corpm 
during this early period is, unfortunately, not free 
from doubt. The author, for example, of the 
Didache, or the Teaching of the Twelve Apostles, witness of 
who probably wrote about a.d. 100,^ makes use of ^ ' '''^ ' 

* For a restoration of the text of Marcion's Gospel and Apos- 
tolicon, see Zahn, Geschichte des Neutestamentlichen Kanons^ ii. 
p. 449 ff. 

^This document, so significant for the early history of Chris- 
tianity, was discovered by Bryennius in the library of the Jerusalem 
Monastery of the Holy Sepulchre at Constantinople about 1875. A 
full account of the questions it raises, with an account of the 
literature to which it has given rise, will be found in Bartlet, art. 
* Didache * in the Extra Volume of Hastings' Dictionary of the 
Bible, p. 438 ff. See also more recently Dean Armitage Robinson, 
*The Problem of the Didache' in the Journal of Theological 
Studies, xiii. p. 239 ff. 



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2i8 THE -NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 



of Clement 
of Rome, 



and others. 



The 
Diaiessaron. 



the Synoptic tradition, but not in such a way as 
to convince us that he was acquainted with the 
individual Gospels.^ And while Sayings of the Lord 
are cited by Clement of Rome and others, there is 
nothing to prove that they, too, may not have been 
derived from the common tradition of the time, or 
from some written or unwritten form of Catechesis.* 
On the other hand, when we find Ignatius writing 
to the Philadelphians (viii. 2) : * Unless I find it [the 
point at issue] in the archives (ev roh ap'xeloiijy that is 
in the Gospel {ev t« evayyeXlo))^ I do not believe it,' 
we seem to have an instance of 'Gospel,* used 
collectively for a body of documents. Papias again, 
as we have seen, shows undoubted acquaintance 
with the documents lying at the base of our First 
and Second Gospels ;* and when we come to Justin 
Martyr the knowledge of all our four Gospels in 
their present form is clearly established. 

I need not repeat the evidence that has already 
been adduced to this effect, but rather pass on to 
point out how Justin's evidence is confirmed by the 
Diatessaron of his pupil Tatian. The manner in 
which the true character of this work has been 
discovered forms one of the most striking stories 
in recent Biblical research ; * but the only point 



^ The New Testament in the Apostolic Fathers (Oxford, 1905), 
p. 24 ff. The most likely reference is in c. viii. 2, where the 
Lord's Prayer may be quoted from Math. vi. 9 ff. 

"^Ibid, p. 61. 8 See p. 137 f. Cf. also p. 269 ff. 

* Cf. Hemphill, The Diatessaron of Tatian^ Dublin and London, 
1888; J. Hamlyn Hill, The Earliest Life of Christ, being the 



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COLLECTION OF THE N.T. WRITINGS 219 

that we need recall at present is, that the Dia- 
tessaron^ as its name denotes, was a Harmony of 
the Four Gospels, introduced by Tatian into the 
Syriac Church, and used by it in preference to the 
Evangelion Da-Mepharresk^y that is *the Gospel 
according to the Separated (Evangelists),' until the 
beginning of the fifth century.^ 

It is thus a witness to the fact that by the begin- 
ning of the third quarter of the second century there 
were already four records of Gospel history, which 
stood on such a different footing from all similar 
documents, that from them, and apparently from 
them alone, this one harmonized Gospel -narrative 
was formed.* 

The same testimony underlies the traditions of irenaeus. 
Asia Minor, Egypt, and North Africa during the 
next few decades. 

To Irenaeus {c. a.d. i 80-190), who had been trained 
in Asia Minor under Polycarp,^and from him had 
learned what St. John and other eye-witnesses had 
to tell 'concerning the Lord, and concerning His 

Diatessaron of Tatian^ Edinburgh, 1894, new edit. 19 10. The 
work has been translated with an Introduction in the Additional 
Volume of the Ante-Nicene Christian Library (Edinburgh, 1897), 
P- 35 ff- 

1 See Burkitt, S, Ephrainis Quotations from the Gospel in Texts 
and Studies^ vii. 2 (Cambridge, 1901), and Evangelion Da-Meph- 
arreskS (Cambridge, 1904), ii. pp. loi ff., 180 ff. 

^ For an ingenious attempt to reconstruct the Diatessaron, see 
Zahn, Forschungen zur Geschichte des neutestanuntlichen KanonSy 
i. p. 112 ff., and of. Geschichte d. Neut. KanonSy ii. p. 530 ff. 



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Clement of 
Alexandria. 



TertuUian. 



220 THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 

miracles and His teaching/^ it seemed that the 
Gospel could only be given * under a four-fold form, 
but held together by one Spirit.'* And though 
the reasoning by which he reached this conclusion 
may well seem to us now very fanciful, with its appeal 
to the four regions of the world, and the four several 
winds, it is at least decisive as to the supreme place 
of the four Gospels in Irenaeus' thoughts. 

The evidence of Clement of Alexandria is less 
clear, and is marked by the general tendency of his 
school to extend the limits of the new sacred writings, 
as when he quotes from the apocryphal Gospel accord- 
ing to the Hebrews? At the same time, from the 
manner in which he elsewhere refers to the four 
canonical gospels, Clement evidently regarded them 
as occupying a place by themselves.* 

In this he was followed with still greater emphasis 
by the North African TertuUian. After defending 
the Gospel of St. Luke against Marcion on the 



^ Eusebius, Hist. Eccles. v. 20. 6. 

^ Adv. Haer. iii. 11. 8, ed. Harvey: 6 twi' airan-wi/ t€xvit>/s 
Aoyos, . . . <f>av€po)d€ls rois dvdpiOTOi^;^ cScukcv rffxiv T€Tpdfwp<f}OV rh 
cwxyycAioi/, evl 8k irvevfiari (rvv€x6fi€iov. For the whole passage, 
see Additional Note H. 

^ Strom, ii. 9. 45, ed. Stahlin : ^ Kav T<Ji KaS' ^Efipalovs cvayycX/y 
*0 Oav/xdo-as ^curtAciVct, yey/oairrat, koI 6 jScuriAci'tras dvaira-qo-eTai. 

^ ibid. vii. 16. 94-7 : at KvpiaKoi ypa<l>ai. According to Professor 
Nicol, TAe Four Gospels in the Earliest Church History (Edin- 
burgh, 1908), p. 47: *We may confidently assume from the 
clear and explicit references which we find in his [Clement's] 
works that his Gospel canon was exactly that which we ourselves 
acknowledge.' 



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COLLECTION OF THE N.T. WRITINGS 221 

authority of the Churches of the Apostles, Tertullian 
goes on to show that the same authority ' will uphold 
the other Gospels which we have in due succession 
through them and according to their usage, I mean 
those of [the Apostles] Matthew and John : although 
that which was published by Mark may also be 
maintained to be Peters, whose interpreter Mark 
was : for the narrative of Luke also is generally 
ascribed to Paul : [since] it is allowable that that 
which scholars publish should be regarded as their 
master s work.' And then he concludes : * These 
are for the most part the summary arguments 
which we employ when we argue about the Gospels 
against heretics, maintaining both the order of 
time which sets aside the later works of forgers 
{posteritatt falsariorum praescribentt), and the 
authority of Churches which upholds the tradition 
of the Apostles; because truth necessarily precedes 
forgery, and proceeds from them to whom it has 
been delivered.'^ 

These last words of Tertullian show that the 
ultimate ground for admitting any Gospel to a place 
in the primary rank of accepted writings was the fact 
that it was written or vouched for by an Apostle. 
And the same consideration determined the judg- 
ment of the Church with reference to various other 
writings which by this time had come to be associ- 
ated with the Epistles of St. Paul as parts of the 
rapidly forming New Testament Canon. 

^ Adv, Marc, iv. 5. The translation is taken from Westcott, On 
the Canon, p. 345 f. 



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222 THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 

The Thus according to the so-called Muratorian Frag- 

canon. Hient, a Latin catalogue of the books of the New 

Testament, discovered by Muratori in the Ambrosian 
Library in Milan (see Plate XI.)/ the Roman Church 
possessed about a.d. 200, rather a decade earlier than 
later, a collection which included St. Matthew (though 
the section relating to this gospel is now wanting), 
St. Mark, St. Luke, and St. John, the Acts of the 
Apostles, thirteen Epistles of St. Paul, the Epistle of 
St. Jude, two Epistles of St. John, and the Apoca- 
lypse of St. John. The only books therefore omitted 
which now belong to our New Testament Canon are 
the Epistle to the Hebrews, the Epistle of St. James, 
an Epistle of St. John, and the two Epistles of St 
Peter, the omission of i Peter being possibly acci- 
dental ; while the book known as the Apocalypse of 
Peter is added, * though some of our brethren will 
not have it read in their churches.' Such a book 
again as the Shepherd of Hermas may be used 
privately, but is not admitted to the public reading 
of the Church either among the Prophets or among 
the Apostles, while various heretical works are 
rejected, *for it is not fitting that gall should be 
mingled with honey.* 
2. From 2. The principle of a New Testament collection 

Deti^ltTon being thus by this time definitely established, all 

of the limits « . i «... 

of the new that now remained was to determine its precise 
CO ec ion. ij^jts, both with regard to books that had already 
been included and with regard to others whose 
claims had not yet been fully recognized. 

^ For the full text, see Additional Note K. 



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Plate Xl. 

Cumeop-^uLus qu^ci u<nuRissTUdiosMCY>. 
SecuAfAcim Jkdsiirnsisser vuor>eKisuo 
exopivio7vecovcH»se«i^ O^mtacoeKi veclpse 
ji5uiOiTlNCARAre €>ndepRc^^;ea\jnpo<TTAi«r- 
I1A e«T«3U^/v TiuiTa.cr^]o|>AVT^i3 fNCipe^rbicewe . 

coboR-r^vn-iBkuiscoN-descipfjiLfs e«r<^p^5"sl4ls 
^yciT Conleruiw.^'TC miKiodi©T«.i^uo €«rquid 

^/uis/nA6iscRtBri^e*r' C^ideo.Licrq-u^RvA sim 
CuLiseuA/v^el-ioRtjiro Libris pRfKicipiA 
<)Oce-A^«ruR Ni^^iL«rako^eTa<iippeii*r CRedeN 
n-i uor> pV^e I cvicY) vino <AC pRiTv/cipALi 9p'<u 6e 

CLARATASIVn- lNOCr>7sriBt4«0rO7^JlA OeKIA^TlUI 

«rA*r» 6ep^ssio>/e 6cft©Sci"RRecT*oMd- 
0f"CO^4uesA^^OV€ C^cv><^^cipu^*e sujfi 
AC de<je CO 1 7^ o eiui s ^AtAe^^^cro. 

' • -s ecun^i^iro po«rc*«rak-^e RecALi jiRe 

c LARum QUO^PO«T-VlR.t4meST- . cjui^eR^o 
cr>iaum ©lloUA^/NC^s *ri^or>c:Ox/s«rAJ>rTe r 
SI vcuLAe«TfA lNrepiSTciLissc4ispROpeRAcr 
dicewslwcecw^ip^i^ qu^^iidimiASocuLis 

;sj09TRt6 ernfik"*-'^ WSAudl«JilcrfUS €TTr>ANV«y 
K/O^TlVSe «>ALpAUeRUNT ^Aec%CRip^>«^^* 

) "w . . - - ' — ^ 

THE CAxNON OK MURATORl, SHOWING THE PxVSSAGE RELATING TO THE 
ORIGIN OF ST. JOHN'S GOSPEL. 

End of Second Century. 

Tfl face /. 222. 



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Plate XI. 

qiaii^U0*T^cne^lKTeiif*ut*re'n'f^pc*ttut«T * 

TeK*»lOtHi-\vqetniiPiHutTiSei"%^ol.viC^K, 

CucT>eop-%uLus qu'i^&i t4*ni**iisa*rud*osMft> 

CObQR'fa.v*nBbMSCo»ad€scipoLfse*rep^^Mis 

ce^r<nmMjB CwM*nslo>>A^/jvis ^uoA/ocvif ?vo 
doce-ijv^uH Nihibr^cneiaciippeie^ CHedcN 

^^ CO M ue'sA'TiOjwe cucn£iecipu/.i« st^iu 

»f |/c uLdte*irfiL Im^ p iSTuLtsstJjepp.op«R*rr 
dicevsl>J«ecn«^ip^f^ Qujg«i^*^«*ASocuLis 

THK CANON OF MURAT-OKI, SHOWIXC; THK PASSAC.E RKLATINd TO THK 

oKKiiN OF ST. JOHN'S (;osim:i.. 

V.wCi of Second Ceniury. 

I'o Jacc p. 2i-i. 



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. COLLECTION OF THE N.T. WRITINGS 223 

The great name that meets us here is that ofongen. 
Origen, who, while giving a list of books * uncontro- 
verted' in the Church like the four Gospels, or 
* generally acknowledged ' like the First Epistle of 
St. Peter, ^ elsewhere quotes from others, such as the 
Epistles of St. James and St. Jude, in a way that 
shows that doubts had been raised regarding them.* 
And in this attitude he was followed by the his- Eusebius. 
torian Eusebius (a.d. 270-340), with his well-known 
division into (i) the acknowledged, (2) the disputed, 
and {3) the heretical books, the two former classes 
being regarded as canonical and the last as un- 
canonical.' 

It would take too long to examine in detail the General 
lists either of Origen or of Eusebius, but it may the church 
illustrate the general attitude of the Church during the case of 
this period if we notice briefly the varying fortunes 
that for a time attended two books which eventually 
gained an assured place in our New Testament 
Canon. 

In view of its close relation to Jewish prophecy the 
and the authoritative claims made by its author ^^^' 
with reference to it,* it is not surprising that the 
Apocalypse should from early times have been 
regarded with special honour, and should at first 

^ ^/w/f Eusebium, I/isf. Eccles, vi. 25. 

* Comm. injoann. T. xix. 6 : ws €k t^ <l>€f)OfX€vji 'laKv^Pov hnoToky 
di'€yv(i}fjL€v, Comm,tn Matt. T.xvii. 30: ct h\ koX t^v 'Iov5a irpoa-oiTo 
Tts €7rtcrToX>;i'. 

^'I/tst, Eccies. iii. 25. 

* Rev. i. 3, xxii. 7 ; of. Deut. iv. i o. 



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224 THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 

have received nearly unanimous recognition both in 
the West and in Egypt.^ 

But in the course of the third century a strong 
reaction took place, largely owing to the difficulty 
on linguistic grounds of ascribing it to the same 
author as the Fourth Gospel. And though Diony- 
sius of Alexandria, who was the first, as we have 
seen (see p. 123), to raise these difficulties in a truly 
critical manner, was willing to accept the book as 
canonical while denying its Apostolic authority, 
others in the East took varying attitudes. Cyril of 
Jerusalem (a.d. 315-386) rejected it; Athanasius 
(t A.D. ^y^) regarded it, along with the other 
writings of our New Testament, as one of *the 
springs of salvation ' ; Chrysostom (f a.d. 407) 
was evidently acquainted with it, but never, so far 
as we can gather from his voluminous writings, 
appealed to it as Scripture. Nor did it find any 
place in the Peshitta of the Syriac Church. 

In the West, on the other hand, the Apocalypse was 
generally received as one of the twenty-seven books 
which went finally to form the collected Canon. * 

^ Leipoldt, Geschichte des neutestamentlichen Kanons (Leipzig, 
1907), i. 33 ff., claims for the Apocalypses a foremost place in 
the early history of the New Testament Canon. And as showing 
how long this state of things continued, in certain quarters at any 
rate, it may be noted that the list of canonical books appended 
to the sixth century Graeco-Latin Codex Claromontanus of St. 
Paul (Dg) includes the Apocalypse of John, the Apocalypse of 
Peter, and the Shepherd of Hermas. 

* It is perhaps significant of the difficulty which the Apocalypse 
had later in maintaining its place in the Canon that amidst the 



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COLLECTION OF THE N.T. WRITINGS 225 

In the case of the Epistle to the Hebrews, the and the 
attitude of the Churches ran a different course, the Hebrews. 
The Western Church as a whole, both in Rome 
and Africa, by declaring itself against the Pauline 
authorship, refused the Epistle the place generally 
assigned by this time to a genuine Apostolic writing.^ 
The Eastern Church, on the other hand, began by 
accepting the Epistle as the work of St. Paul. And 
though later it was sometimes understood to be his 
only in a secondary sense, in the main it continued 
to be assigned to the Apostle, without any serious 
attempt to determine the exact nature of his con- 
nexion with it. Gradually this view spread to the 
West until, largely through the influence of Augus- 
tine and Jerome, its place in the Canon alongside 
of the thirteen Epistles of St. Paul was assured. 
The desire for uniformity, which had led the East 
to accept the Apocalypse in accordance with the 
general tradition of the West, was now rewarded 
by the West in its turn accepting the Epistle to the 
Hebrews in accordance with the general tradition of 
the East. 

variations in the order of the other parts of the New Testament, 
it practically always occupies the last place, though we cannot 
ignore that it was peculiarly suited for this place in view of the 
character of its contents. See further Additional Note L, *The 
Order of the New Testament Writings.' 

^That, however, the Epistle was well-known at Rome from 

a very early date is proved by the traces of its use in the letter 

written by Clement of Rome to the Corinthians between a.d. 93 

and 97. 

p 



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226 THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 



Other 

Christian 

writings. 



The want of a trustworthy Apostolic title, on the 
other hand, served to rule out many Christian 
writings which had hitherto been regarded with 
great favour, such as the Epistle of Clement. And 
the general result was the collection of the twenty- 
seven attested works of Apostles and Apostolic men, 
which we know as the New Testament.^ 

Its different parts might not all be regarded as 
equally inspired. Doubts might continue to be 
expressed regarding the authorship or the authority 
of this or that book. But, from this time onwards, 
there was no longer any serious attempt to add to 
the collection. The New Testament, in the extent 
in which we now know it, formed an inseparable 
whole, ready to take its place along with the Old 
Testament as the Divine Scriptures of the Christian 
Church.^ 



III. General 
remarks. 



I. The 
collection of 
the New 
Testament 
writings was 
a gradual 
process. 



III. Looking back on this somewhat complicated 
historical r6sum6, four remarks of a general 
character suggest themselves. 

I. This collection of the New Testament writings 
was a gradual process. 

There is a widely prevalent popular idea that the 
New Testament sprang into existence all at once 

^See Additional Note M, 'Extracts from Festal Letter xxxix 
of Athanasius, a.d. 367.' 

^Cf. Harnack, History of Dogma^ Eng. Tr. by Buchanan, 
London, 1896, ii. p. 62 n^ : *No greater creative act can be men- 
tioned in the whole history of the Church than the formation of 
the apostolic collection and the assigning to it of a position 
of equal rank with the Old Testament.' 



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COLLECTION OF THE N.T. WRITINGS 227 

and as a completed whole, and that all its different 
parts were forthwith accepted by the Christian 
Church as the divinely inspired record of God's new 
revelation of Himself to man. But, as we have 
just seen, this was far from being the case. The 
writings of which the New Testament is now made 
up were in the first instance independent, occasional 
writings, called forth at different times and under 
different circumstances to meet immediate and prac- 
tical needs. And though from the nature of the 
case — from the character of their writers and of the 
truths with which they dealt — they were quickly 
invested with an ever-increasing sacredness and 
authority, it was not until something like three 
hundred years had elapsed that these scattered 
writings were definitely and finally combined into 
the New Testament as we have it now. 

2. This, again, was not due in the first instance to a. it was 
any authoritative pronouncement on the part of the formal and 

/-i_ ' ^' r^\ i_ unofficial. 

Christian Church. 

It was not until the year a.d. 397 that the Third 
Council of Carthage, in dealing with the subject of 
the Scriptures, formally enumerated the contents of 
the New Testament, as at present received, while it 
was three hundred years later, a.d. 691, before this 
Canon was synodically determined for the Church of 
East and West by the Quini-sextine Council. And 
consequently for the earlier stages in the history of 
the canon we are led to look to the divinely guided 
instinct of the whole Christian community. Not 
by the judgments of Church rulers and theologians, 



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228 THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS 

but by the appeal they made to the heart and 
conscience of the early believers, were the New Testa- 
ment writings separated from the other Christian 
writings of the day. And the supreme religious 
value that was then ascribed to them has been fully 
endorsed and justified by the whole course of their 
later history. 
3. It included, 3. For no one will deny that the New Testament 
aSth^t'^i*^' has preserved for us all that was best worth pre- 

best worth • . 1 ^^1 • - 1. 

preserving, servmg m early Christian literature. 

It is no doubt true that all its contents do not 
stand on the same level of certainty and authority. 
The Gospels come to us more fully attested than 
some of the Epistles : the teaching of 2 Peter cannot 
be put on the same footing as the teaching of the 
Epistle to the Romans, to say nothing of the 
teaching of the Sermon on the Mount. But we 
have only to compare our New Testament books 
as a whole with other literature of the kind to 
realize how wide is the gulf which separates them 
from it. The uncanonical gospels, it is often 
said, are in reality the best evidence for the 
canonical. And whatever the final decision regard- 
ing the weight to be attached to the newly 
discovered * Sayings of Jesus,' no one can pretend 
that, intensely interesting as some of them are, 
they add anything of importance to the sayings of 
the Gospels. 

The very fact that no serious effort has been ever 
made to reinstate the books which were once read 
in the Church, but were afterwards classed as 



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COLLECTION OF THE N.T. WRITINGS 229 

uncanonical, is in itself a proof that the Church acted 
rightly in drawing the line where it did. 

4. With the utmost confidence and thankfulness, 4- The unique 

1 1111. . . character of 

then, we may acknowledge the unique position of ^^e completed 
our completed New Testament. Testament. 

The writings which it embodies are the title-deeds 
of our Christian faith and life. The truth which 
they teach is the truth as it is in Jesus. * For me/ 
says Ignatius in a famous passage {ad Philad. viii.), 
* the archives are Jesus Christ : the inviolable archives 
are His Cross and death, and His Resurrection and 
the faith that is through Him.' And it is just 
because of the manner in which in their turn both 
Gospels and Epistles bear witness to these same 
great saving truths, that they continue to exercise 
an authority over the mind and heart of the Church 
to which no other writings, however venerable, can 
lay claim. 



Merciful Lord^ we beseech Thee to cast Thy 
bright beams of light upon Thy Churchy that it 
being enlightened by the doctrine of Thy blessed 
Apostles and Evangelists may so walk in the 
light of Thy truth, that it may at length attain 
to the light of everlasting life ; through Jesus 
Christ our Lord, Amen. 



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ai' 



[Xfycc 1i7(<rov)s 

firi vavo'aa'Oti} 6 (ij[T(av Icos 

€vpD KoX &rav vjpjj [Oafi^ijOrja^erai koL $afi- 
P'q$€U jSeuriXcvcrci ica[t jScurtXcvo-as dvaira- 
ryrerai. New 'Saying of Jesus.» 



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APPENDIX 

OF 

ADDITIONAL NOTES 



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NOTE A. 

SOME BOOKS FOR THE STUDY OF THE GREEK 

PAPYRI. 

In view of the number of references in this volume to 
the Greek Papyri, and to the increasing sense of their 
value for New Testament study generally, the following 
note of certain books dealing with them may prove of 
use. 

The original texts can probably be most conveniently Texts, 
studied in the annual volumes edited for the Graeco- 
Roman Branch of the Egypt Exploration Fund by Dr. 
Grenfell and Dr. Hunt Vol. I. was published in 1898, 
and of The Oxyrhynchus Papyri alone nine volumes have 
already appeared. An annual subscription of one guinea 
to the Branch (payable at the Offices of the Fund, 37 
Great Russell Street, London, W.C.) entitles subscribers 
to the annual volume, and also to the annual Archaeo- 
logical Report. 

Amongst other papyrus texts published in this country, 
mention may be made of The Flinders Petrie Papyri, 
edited by Dr. Mahaffy and Professor Smyly (in the 
Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy — 'Cunningham 
Memoirs,' Nos. viii., ix., xi., Dublin, 1 891, 1893); of the 
Greek Papyri in the British Museum, edited by Sir F. G. 
Kenyon and Dr. H. I. Bell, 3 vols. (London, 1893, 1898, 
1907) ; and of the Catalogue of the Greek Papyri in the 
John Rylands Library, Manchester, edited by Dr. A. S. 



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234 APPENDIX 

Hunt, of which Vol. I. appeared in 191 1 (Manchester: at 
the University Press). 

Many collections of texts are also in course of publica- 
tion on the continent, of which the principal is Aegyptische 
Urkunden aus den Koeniglichen Museen zu Berlin : 
Griechische Urkunden, Of these, four volumes, comprising 
1209 texts, have now been published (Berlin, 1895, 1898, 
1903, 1912). 

Selected texts. A large selection of leading documents from the above 
and other sources, accompanied by valuable historical and 
l^al introductions, will be found in Grundzuge und 
Chrestomathie der Papyruskunde by L. Mitteis and U. 
Wilcken (4 half- volumes, Leipzig, 1 9 1 2, 40s.). 

Smaller collections are provided by H. Lietzmann, 
Greek Papyri (eleven texts with brief notes, Deighton, 
Bell & Co., Cambridge, 6d.), A. Laudien, Griechische 
Papyri aus Oxyrhynchos (Texts with brief notes in German 
for school use, Berlin, 1 9 1 2, is. 6d.), S. Witkowski, Epistulae 
Privates Graecae^ (a collection of private letters of the 
Ptolemaic period with a Latin commentary, Leipzig, 191 1, 
3s. 3d.), and G. Milligan, Selections from the Greek Papyri 
(fifty-five representative Greek texts with English transla- 
tions and notes, Cambridge University Press, new edition, 
191 2, 5s. net). 

Christian texts. In Les plus anciens Monuments du Chris tianisme (being 
Patrologia Orientalis^ iv. 2, Paris, 1907, about 6s.), C 
Wessely has edited the most important early Christian 
documents written on papyrus, with French translations 
and commentaries, and in Aus den Papyrus der Kdnig- 
lichen Museen (Berlin, 1899, about 4s.), A. Erman and 
F. Krebs have issued German translations of a number of 
the papyri in the Berlin Museum. 

General Discussions on many points raised by the new dis- 

discussioqs. coveries, which have proved epoch-making by the interest 
they have awakened in the subject, will be found in 
Deissmann's Bible Studies (1901, 9s.), New Light on the 



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NOTE A 235 

New Testament (1907, 3s.), The Philology of the Greek 
Bible (1908, 3s. net), and Light from the Ancient East 
(19 10, 1 6s. net). 

At present Professor Deissmann is engaged on a new Language, 
Lexicon of the Greek New Testament, in which the evi- 
dence of the papyri and inscriptions will be fully utilized. 
Meanwhile reference may be made to H. van Herwerden, 
Lexicon Graecum suppletorium et dialecticum (new edition, 
Leyden, 19 10, 48s.), and to the Lexical Notes from the 
Papyri contributed by Professor J. H. Moulton and the 
present writer to the Expositor from 1908 onwards. The 
authors hope to republish these last with much additional 
material as a first attempt at the systematic lexical illus- 
tration of the New Testament vocabulary from contem- 
porary sources. 

The history of the Greek language at this period has 
been traced by A. Thumb, Die Griechische Sprache in 
Zeitalter des Hellenismus (Strassburg, 1901). See also 
the article * Hellenistic and Biblical Greek * by the same 
writer in the Standard Bible Dictionary (London and 
New York, 1 909), Deissmann's article on * Hellenistisches 
Griechisch (mit besonderer Beriicksichtigung der griech- 
ischen Bibel) ' in the RecUencyklopddie fiir protestantische 
Theologie und Kirche^^ ed. Hauck, and J. H. Moulton, 
* New Testament Greek in the light of modem discovery * 
(in Cambridge Biblical Essay Sy London, 1909, 12s.). 

On the grammar of later Greek, see A. Jannaris, An Grammar. 
Historical Greek Grammar (London, 1897), and with 
special reference to Biblical Greek, J. H. Moulton, A 
Grammar of New Testament Greeks Vol. i. Prolegomena 
(3rd edit, 1908, 8s. net), and H. St. John Thackeray, A 
Grammar of the Old Testament in Greek according to the 
Septuagint^ Vol. i. Introduction^ Orthography^ and Acci- 
dence (Cambridge, 1 909, 8s. net). Reference may also be 
made to L. Radermacher, Neutestamentliche Grammatik, 
being Handbuch zum Neuen Testament^ I. i. (Tubingen, 



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N.T. Exegesis. 



236 APPENDIX 

1 9 1 1 ), and to R. Helbing, Grammatik der Septuaginta : 
Laut' und Wortlehre (Gottingen, 1 907, 6s.). 

PaUeography. For the palaeographical importance of the papyri in 
relation to the autographs of the New Testament writings, 
see F. G. Kenyon, The Palaeography of Greek Papyri 
(Oxford, 1899, IDS. 6d.) and Handbook to the Textual 
Criticism of the New Testament^ Chap. II. (new edition, 
London, 191 2, 5s. net). See also Sir E. M. Thompson's 
Introduction to Greek and Latin Palaeography, Oxford, 
191 2, with its splendid collection of facsimiles, of which 
forty-two are taken from the papyri. 

Value jor The value of the papyri in elucidating the orthography 

and meaning of our New Testament texts is fully recog- 
nized in most of the recent commentaries, as in the 
volumes on Ephesians by J. Armitage Robinson and 
Thessalonians by G. Milligan in Macmillan's Standard 
Series, on Matthew by W. C. Allen, / Corinthians by A. 
Robertson and A. Plummer, Thessalonians by J. E. Frame» 
and The Johannine Epistles by A. E. Brooke in the Inter- 
national Critical Commentary, and in the commentaries 
by various leading German scholars in the useful Hand- 
buch zum Neuen Testament (Tubingen, various dates). 

Other books and dissertations dealing with special 
points are noted by Milligan, Selections from the Greek 
Papyri, p. xv ff., while full bibliographies and many articles 
indispensable to the serious student of papyrology appear 
from time to time in the Archiv fur Papyrusforschung, 
edited by U. Wilcken, Leipzig, 1901 and subsequent 
years. 



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NOTE B. 

THE TITLES AND SUBSCRIPTIONS OF THE 
NEW TESTAMENT WRITINGS. 

It has been pointed out (p. 19) that the titles or Titles, 
addresses of the New Testament autographs would in all 
probability be of the shortest. And it is certain at any 
rate that the full designations to which we have become 
accustomed in our English Bibles were added at a so 
much later date, as to lie altogether outside the period 
with which at present we are specially concerned. At 
the same time it may^be convenient to indicate generally 
the character of the evidence afforded by the Greek 
manuscripts in this direction, more especially in view 
of the light which it throws upon the manner in which 
the New Testament writings had been collected into 
different classes or groups, as described in Lecture VI. 

Full particulars will be found in von Soden, Die 
Schriften des Neuen Testaments^ I. i. (Berlin, 1902), p. 
294 ff., on whose lists the following account is based. 
The exact dates of the manuscripts are not given, but 
it must be kept in view throughout that many of those 
referred to do not by any means belong to an early 
period. 

As regards the Gospels, the oldest separate designations Gospels, 
we meet with are simply Kara MarOaiov, Kara MapKov etc., 
the four books being included under the general title to 
evayyeXiov. 



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238 



APPENDIX 



Acts. 



Catholic 
Epistles. 



Pauline 
Epistles. 



Apocal)rpse. 



Afterwards the general title comes to be applied to 
each of the four parts, evayyeXiov Kara tiarddtov etc., or 
more precisely to evayyeXiou k. Mard., while the character 
of the books is frequently emphasized by the addition of 
ayiov — TO dyiov evayyeXiov ktX, 

The book of the Acts is generally headed by the 
familiar title, Trpd^ei^ tS>v (ayltav) aTrotrroXtav, but in some 
cases its author is directly mentioned by name, as Aowca 
cvayycXicrrov irpa^ei^ tUv cnrocrroXwv. 

The Catholic Epistles appear to have been rarely 
introduced by a general title, such as ai eirra eTricrroXai, 
but the designation KaOoXuc^ is applied to individual 
members of the group, e.^. €Tri<rroXij (rov ayiov) HcTpov 
KadoXucrj a\ * The First Epistle General of (the holy) Peter.' 

As interesting peculiarities in this class von Soden 
mentions the following : 

eTTicrroXij KaOoXucij tov ayiov airoa^oXov 'IcucdlSov tou 

aS€X(f)ov Oeov [a 457]. 
ypdfjLjjLa TTpo^ *El3paiou9 *laK(i>l3ou aSeXipov Oeov [a 555]. 
TOV ayiov 'liaavvov tov OeoXoyov eTTicrroXfi KaOoXu^ 

irpdn-rj [a 457]. 

As in the case of the Gospels, the Pauline Epistles 
form a definite class, introduced by some such general 
title as eTTKrroXai (rov ayiov) UavXov (rov aTro<rToXov\ 
while the individual Epistles are known simply as irpo^ 
'YcojjLalovgy irpo^ TLopivOlov^ a' etc. 

Gradually, however, these individual titles are enlarged 
to iiricTToXij TLavXov irpo^ icrX., such further designations 
as TOV (ayiov or ayiov koi TravevcpiiiJLOv) airocrroXov being 
of frequent occurrence. 

Sometimes the Epistles are numbered throughout : 
hence such a title as UavXov hricrroXij SevTcpa^ a' Se irpo^ 
KopivOlov^y * The Second Epistle of S. Paul, but the First 
to the Corinthians.' 

For the Apocalypse, von Soden mentions three titles, 



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NOTE B 239 

all of which are interesting in connexion with the tra- 
ditional Johannine authorship : 

a'TroiraXiAp'iy (tou aylov) 'Iwdvvov tov OeoXoyou. 
aTTOicaXiAj/^i? TOU evayyeXicrTov irapOevov kou OeoXoyov 

'loDavvov. 
airoKaXvylft^ I. t. d., fjv ev IlaT/ift) t^ w/eroo cScatraro. 

The subscriptions to the Gospels are often wanting Subscriptions, 
altogether, or consist simply in the repetition of the title, °^^ ^' 
(to) KaTOL ^JLotOcuov (evayyeXiov). Sometimes we find, 
reXog tov irara . . . evayyeXlov, or TeXo9 €?Xi;<^ei/ to KaTu 
. . . euayycXiov. 

On the other hand, the subscriptions not infrequently 
give the scribes an opportunity of adding various par- 
ticulars regarding the supposed date, place of origin, 
or language of the originals. Thus, such an inscription 
as e^eSoOrj to kutcl , . . evayyeXiop ficTa errj . . . TfJ9 tov 
X/)«<rro5 ai/aX77\|^ea>9 may be further enlarged in the case of 
Matthew by the notes ei/ 'lepoaroXv/jLoi^ and e^paiaTi, or 
of Mark, iv *Pw/a^ and pco/jLcua-Ti 

One or two examples of a more special character may 
also be noted : 

TO KaTa MaTOaiop evayyeXiov Tji efipatSi SiaXiicTip 
ypa<^€V e^eSoOtj vir^ avTOv iv 'lepovcraXrfjjL /xera 
'^(jpovov^ dicTft) T^ ^puTTOv avoKtr^eo}^' kpfiriveveTai 

5e UTTO 'IcUCwfioV TOV CLTTOarToXoV TOV aS€X(f)OV 

TOV Kvpiov TOV KaTa (rdpKa ewuTKOTrov OVT09 Kai 

viro tS>p aylwv airooToXoov "^^eipoTovviOivTO^, 
TO KaTa MapKOP ay tov evayyeXiov vTrtfyopevOrj viro 

HcTpov TOV airooToXov ev 'P<£/x^ fiera y^povov^ 

S&ca T^f TOV Hpitrrov avaAT/xl^eo)? koi eireSodri 

MapKcp Tfp evayyeXiar^ koi €Ktjpv')(6tj ev 'AXe^aV' 

SpeiqL KOI iraajj T^ ir€pi')(wp(p avT^^. 
TeXoy TOV KaTCi Tco. evayyeXiov €ypa(f)ri Sia TLpoyppov 

/jLaOrjTov avTOv ev UaT/jLO) tjj vriaw /jLera ')(p6vov9 

Xj8' T^ XpKTTOv avaXiiylfea>9. 



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240 



APPENDIX 



Acts and 

Catholic 

Epistles. 

Pauline 

Epistles. 



Apocalypse. 



Other subscriptions refer to the fact that the copies 
have been collated with ancient transcripts, e^. evayyeXiov 
. . . avTepXrfifi €k tZv €v ^lepoa-oXvjJLOi^ irciKatiiv avTiypa(f)S>v 
t5>v €V Tft) ayio) opei airoKeiiJLevwv, 

The subscriptions to the Acts and Catholic Epistles 
contain as a rule little of interest. 

But the Pauline Epistles leave scope for many notes. 
Two must suffice by way of illustration : 

(Romans) €ypd(f)rj airo KopivOov Sia ^oi^tj^ (t^?) Sia- 
Kovi(r<nj9 (SioKOvov t^? €v Keyj^^eai? e/cicXi;(r/a9). 

(Titus) irpo^ TiTOv Tfj^ l^prrrwv eKKXriarla^ TrpSyTOV eiri- 
(TKOTTOVy cypaib'j airo 'NiKoiroXeo^ t$9 McuceSovla^, 

The Epistle to the Hebrews, again, €ypa(f)9j airo (t^?) 
'IraX/a? Sta TifioOeov. 

The subscriptions to the Apocalypse call for no remark, 
unless the following may be taken as intended to confirm 
its canonical character in the face of opposition : 

*l(advvov Tov OeoXoyov ^ KavoviKf} aTroK(iKv>^i9. 

The early versions contain much interesting evidence 
bearing on the subject of this Note, but as we are here 
concerned primarily with the existing Greek manuscripts, 
I have thought it better not to attempt to refer to it at 
length. 

It may, however, be noted that as the Latins kept 
CATA in the titles of the Gospels down to about the 
middle of the fourth century A.D., it is probable that 
titles were exactly reproduced by the early translators. 
Compare also the subscription to Mark in the early 
Sahidic (ed. Horner, 191 1). The further fact that in 
the title of Acts some at least of the Syriacs took irpa^eia- 
(written irpa^Kr) as if it were irpa^c (singular), is of 
interest as showing that they understood the word in the 
abstract, the * method ' of the Apostles. 



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NOTE C. 

DICTATION AND SHORTHAND. 

In his Canon and Text of the New Testament, p. 300, Dictation in 
Professor C. R. Gregory writes in connexion with the^^®^'^* 
composition of the Pauline Epistles : 

* Here we must observe how strangely history repeats 
itself in varying forms. The older men of to-day grew up 
at a time at which most men wrote for themselves what 
they wished to entrust to paper. To-day, however, 
everyone is eager to have a stenographer with a writing- 
machine, or to tell his thoughts to a gramophone, and 
hand that over to his type-writing clerk. At Paul's day, 
much as is the case to-day in the East and in the South, 
even men who could write were in the habit of having 
scribes to do the drudgery of writing for them. If a man 
were not rich, he might have a young friend or a pupil 
who was ready to wield the pen for him. It comports 
less with the dignity of age in the East to write. The 
old man strokes his beard and dictates his words to the 
scribe. That is what Paul did, although I do not know 
whether or not he had the beard which Christian art 
gives him. . . . Let us turn to the Epistle to the Romans. 
For our purpose one Epistle is as good as another, and 
which one could be better than this chief Epistle? It 
was Tertius who wrote it if the sixteenth chapter 
belongs to it. Timothy and Lucius, Jason, and Sosipater 
were probably all sitting around Paul and Tertius at 

Q 



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J 



242 



APPENDIX 



Shorthand. 



Greek 
tachygraphy. 



Corinth or at Cenchrea when Tertius wrote their greetings 
in 1 6^, and he added his own before he went on to name 
Gaius.* 

The details of the foregoing picture may be somewhat 
elaborated, and a too great air of modernity imparted to 
the ancient practice ; but the passage at least serves to 
draw pointed attention to an aspect of the composition of 
the New Testament writings which is apt to be overlooked. 
We have, as we have just heard, the testimony of the 
Pauline Epistles themselves, that the Apostle made use of 
the assistance of scribes or friends in the transcription of 
certain of them. Nor can there be any doubt that other 
New Testament writers would do the same. And though 
we have no direct evidence that these amanuenses fell 
back upon any system of shorthand to assist them in their 
work, it is a by no means unreasonable conjecture that 
they would do so in accordance with what seems to have 
been an established custom in similar circumstances. 

It is true, indeed, that references to this practice are not 
so numerous as we might have expected, and also that 
there is considerable dubiety as to the nature of the short- 
hand employed. But there is at least sufficient evidence 
to show that certain forms of shortened or contracted 
writing were in vogue, tending to greater ease and rapidity 
in the recording of a spoken or dictated message. And as 
the subject is rarely even referred to in books on New 
Testament Introduction, it may be of interest to illustrate 
it briefly. 

For the first example of Greek tachygraphy, or shorthand, 
we are usually referred to an inscription discovered at 
Athens in 1884, belonging to the fourth century before 
Christ, which describes how certain vowels and consonants 
could be expressed by strokes placed in various positions. 
If this can be accepted as a true instance of tachygraphic 
writing, in which signs or symbols take the place of words, 
it carries us back to a very early date for the practice. 



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NOTE C 243 

But it is possible that nothing more than a contracted 
form of writing is intended.^ 

Unfortunately too the passage from Diogenes Laertius, 
which was formerly relied upon in the same connexion, 
does not help us much. For when Xenophon is described 
as vTToa-rjiuieiaixraiJLeuog the lectures of Socrates, the usage of 
the word elsewhere leads us to think of ' making notes or 
memoranda ' of them, rather than of actually * taking them 
down in shorthand.*^ 

Nor does even the mention in Galen (irepi tS>v tSiwv 
fii/SXicov ypci<f>^) of a copy made by one who was able 
to write swiftly in signs (Sia a-tjfielwv ck tcJ^o? ypd<j)etv) 
necessarily imply shorthand in the modern sense of 
the word, though something of the sort is evidently 
implied.^ 

It is fortunate, therefore, that we can supplement this Evidence of 
scanty evidence both directly and indirectly from the ^ ^ p^pv^'- 
Greek papyri. 

We have had occasion more than once to notice that 
both official documents and private letters are constantly 
written in one hand and signed in another, pointing to a 
widespread use of dictation (see p. 23 ff.). And now 
amongst the Oxyrhynchus papyri Dr. Grenfell and Dr. 
Hunt have published a very interesting contract which 

* It may be noted that in the LXX version of Ps. xlv. i, *the pen of 
the ready writer * is rendered by icdXa/AOj ypafifmriias 6^vypd<f>ov. 

"ii. 48: cf. ii. 122. 

' The same phrase is found in Philostratus' account of Apollonius of 
Tyana, who is described as journeying accompanied by two secretaries 
—6 flip is rdxos ypdtfHOPj 6 di 4s KdXKos, ' the one a shorthand writer, and 
the other a calligrapher (i. i8 ; Engl. Tr. by Phillimore, i. p. 24). 

In an elaborate note on inroyfxupeijs in his Animadversiones in Chart- 
tonem Aphrodisiensem (Amsterdam, 1750), i. i. p. 5, D'Orville cites 
Eunap, p. 138 : o^iw do^^yoU /ioc roi>s raxivs ypd^yras ot Ka$* iifiipw fiJkv r^v 
Trjs QifuSot yXtoffffotf dwixnifioUpovTai, I owe my acquaintance with this 
note to my colleague, Professor Phillimore. 



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244 APPENDIX 

shows that scribes or clerks were often prepared for this 
work by a regular training in shorthand.^ 

The contract belongs to A.D. 155, and in it a citizen of 
Oxyrhynchus apprentices his slave to a shorthand writer 
((rrifuoypa<j)u>) for two years, in order that he may be 
taught the art. * I have placed/ so he begins after the 
customary greeting, * with you my slave Chaerammon to 
be taught the signs {irpo^ /Jid6fi<rtv a-^ifxeiwv) which your son 
Dionysius knows.' And then, after a reference to the 
salary already agreed upon between them, he proceeds : 
* You will receive the second instalment consisting of forty 
drachmae when the boy has learnt the whole system (to 
KOfji€VTap[i]ov), and the third you will receive at the end of 
the period when the boy writes fluently in every respect 
and reads faultlessly (to5 iratSo^ €k iravro^ Xoyov ircl^ov 
ypa(f)ovT09 KOI avay€W(i(j[Kov]T09 a/xc/i-JTro)?)/ * 

Nor have we only this reference to the art as a whole, 
but a few scattered examples of symbols employed in this 
way have been recovered. The earliest of these consists 
in a line in a papyrus now preserved in Leyden, belonging 
to the year 104 B.C.* And with this may be compared 
another line in the long magical papyrus in the British 
Museum, which is dated in the third century after Christ* 
Of about the same date are four fragments at Leipzig with 

* Oxyrhynchus Papyri^ iv. p. 204 f. No. 724. 

2 A clause in a papyrus letter of A.D. 27 (Oxyrhynchus Papyri^ \\. 
p. 293, No. 293'^) to the effect oifdefxlav fioi <pdffuf aTiareiKas vepl r&y IfxaHtay 
oihc dtd yparrov oih-e did. arifie^C^v has been quoted as an earlier reference 
to tachygraphic writing, but the contrast with yparroO leads us to under- 
stand rather by a-rituelovy something not written, perhaps a * message,' as 
the Editors translate : see Wilckcn, Archivfur Papyrusforschungy iv. 
p. 259 f. 

^Papyri graeci Musei antiquarii publici Lugduni-Bataviy ed. 
Leemans, i. Pap. N. 

* Greek Papyri in the British Museum^ ed. Kenyon, i. p. 1 14 (=B.M. 
Pap. 121, 1. 904). 



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Plate XII. 







j> ' ' ^ ifrl, '-■ ^' 



WAXEN TABLET (BRIT. MUS. ADD. MS. 33270) INSCRIBED WITH TACHYGRAPHIC 

SVMP.OLS. 

Probably Third Century a.d. By permission of the Council of the Hellenic Society. 

(Slightly reduced in size.) 

To face /. 245. 



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NOTE C 245 

tachygraphic signs,^ and a few papyri in the Rainer 
Collection at Vienna.* 

Our principal witness, however, is a third century waxed Waxed book. 
book in the British Museum, consisting of seven wooden 
tablets, covered over with symbols (see Plate XII.). 
The key to their interpretation has not yet been dis- 
covered, but from the manner in which the same symbols 
are repeated, it evidently formed the exercise-book of a 
shorthand scribe or pupil.^ 

What we have thus learned from Greek sources is Latin 
strongly confirmed by the corresponding practice among ^^ ^^^^ ^' 
the Latins. 

It is well known that wealthy Romans were in the 
habit of keeping slaves or freedmen, for the purpose of 
writing their letters, or of making extracts, who were 
known as ad epistulis^ or ad manum^ and later by the 
familiar title amanuenses. And we have also evidence 
of a class who from their proficiency in some sort of 
shorthand were known as notarii} Thus the younger 
Pliny tells us that when his uncle, the elder Pliny, went on 
a journey he had always a shorthand writer by his side 
with note-books and tablets, ready to take down any 
thoughts that occurred to him.^ And a more detailed 
account of the art is given by Plutarch in his description 
of the speech of Cato on the punishment of the Cati- 
linarian conspirators : * This only of all Cato's speeches, it 

* Cf. Gardthausen, Griechische Paiaeograpkie^ Leipzig, 1879, p. 219. 

* VVcssely, ^i>r System altgriechischer Tachygraphie (in Denkschriften 
d, KaiserL Akademie d, Wissenschaften^ xliv.), Vienna, 1896. 

■ For a description of this book, see Foat, * On Old Greek Tachy- 
graphy,' va Journal of Hellenic Studies^ xxi. (1901), p. 252 if. 

*Marquardt, Das Privatleben der Romer^ Leipzig, 1879, P* 802 f. 
Notarii were known later as Exceptores {Dig, xix. 2. 19 in fine), 

* Ep, iii. 5. 14 : ' In itinere ... ad latus notarius cum libro et pugil- 
laribus * : cf. ib, ix. 36. 2 : * Notarium voco, et die admisso, quae 
formaveram dicto.' 



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246 APPENDIX 

is said, was preserved ; for Cicero, the consul, had disposed, 
in various parts of the senate-house, several of the most 
expert and rapid writers (tow Sia<l>€povTag o^vTfjri tS>v 
ypa(p€osv\ whom he had taught to make figures (a-rifietd) 
comprising numerous words in a few short strokes (eV 
/JLUcpoh Kcu fipa^ea-i tvttoi^ ttoWwv ypa/UL/mdrwv e^ovra 
SvvajuLtv) ; as up to that time they had not used those we 
call shorthand writers ((njiJL€toypd(pov^)y who then, as it is 
said, established the first example of the art.* ^ 

It is to Cicero, it will be noticed, that the introduction 
of shorthand among the Romans is here ascribed ; and 
we know that he himself was in the habit at times of 
employing some form of cipher for the purpose of secrecy 
in his letters.^ But a clearer indication of actual tachy- 
graphic art is rather to be found in the well-known no^ae 
Tironianae, invented by Cicero's freedman, M. TuUius 
Tiro, in which each word was represented by a character.^ 
And to such perfection was this or some similar system 
carried that in one of his epigrams (xiv. 208) Martial 
writes : 

* Currant verba licet, manus est velocior illis: 
nondum lingua suum, dextra peregit opus.'* 

* Cato min, xxiii. ; Eng. Tr. by A. H. Clough, iv. p. 393. 

* ad Attic, xiii. 32. 3 : *Quod ad te de decern legatis scripsi, parum 
intellixisti, credo, quia ^tA ayjfulup scripseram.' Similarly, Aulus 
Gellius (Noctes Atticae xvii. 9) says that Julius Caesar used to corre- 
spond in cipher with Balbus and Oppius : his phrase (* litterae 
singulariae sine coagmentis syllabarum') shows that the cipher was 
partly in shorthand. 

•With these may be compared the notae vulgares^ or shorthand 
symbols in common use, which, according to Isidore {Orig, i. 22), were 
the invention of Ennius, though it is by no means clear whether he was 
thinking of the grammarian of the Augustan period, or of the poet. 

* Cf. Seneca, Ep, 90. 25 : ' Quid verborum notas, quibus quamvis 
citata excipitur oratio, et celeritatem linguae manus sequitur,' and id, 
Ludus de morte Claudii^ ix. 2 : * Quae notarius persequi non potuit' 



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NOTE C 247 

Amongst others who practised the art was the Emperor 
Titus, who is said to have been so proficient that he 
engaged in friendly contests with his scribes.^ 

It is unnecessary to carry the evidence further down. General 
And to some it may well appear that, even as it is, we ^°<^*"^^®°- 
have wandered a long way from the immediate subject of 
these Lectures, the more especially as the extent to which 
the New Testament writers may have availed themselves 
of the literary devices of their time must always remain a 
matter of conjecture. 

We can only repeat that in the practice of dictation, 
especially if it were accompanied by the use of shorthand 
on the part of the reporting scribes, we should have a ready 
explanation of some of the peculiarities in language and 
style amongst the New Testament writings which have 
often caused difficulty (cf pp. 21 ff., 103, 159 ff.). 

It is further obvious that some connexion is to be traced Abbreviations 
between the signs and symbols of which we have been Sections, 
speaking, and the abbreviations and contractions of our 
ordinary manuscripts. 

Reference may be made in this connexion to Mr. T. W. 
Allen's Notes on Abbreviations in Greek Manuscripts 
(Oxford, 1889), while the early history of the contraction 
of the Divine names is fully treated in Traube, Nomina 
Sacra^ Munich, 1907. 

Some interesting examples of the development of short- 
hand at a later period for the purpose of taking down 
sermons, episcopal addresses, etc., will be found in Smith's 
Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities^^ London, 1 89 1 , 
ii. p. 243 ff.. Art. * Notae.' 

* Suetonius, Titus^ 3 : * E pluribus comperi notis quoque exciperc 
velocissime solitum, cum amanuensibus suis per ludum jocumque 
certantcm.* Cf. also Quintilian, Inst, Orat. xi. 2. 25. 



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NOTE D. 

NEW TESTAMENT TEXTS ON PAPYRUS. 

The following list of New Testament texts on papyrus 
is based on the list in Professor C. R. Gregory's Die 
Griechischen Handschriften des Neuen Testaments (Leipzig, 
1908), pp. 45-47, and Textkritik des Neuen Testaments 
(Leipzig, 1 900- 1 909), iii. pp. 1084- 1092. By the kind- 
ness of Professor Gregory I have been able to add his 
numbers for a few papyrus fragments that have been 
published since his list appeared. Von Soden's method 
of enumeration is appended in brackets. A corresponding 
list is given by Kenyon, Handbook to the Textual Criticism 
of the New Testament^^ London, 191 2, pp. 41-44, and 
for a few of the papyri mentioned here (in particular 
p^, p^ p^^), cf Wessely, Les plus anciens Monumens du 
Christianisme icrits sur papyrus ( = Patrologia Orientalis^ 
iv. 2), Paris [1907]. 

p^. [Soden, e o i ] : Part of a sheet from a papyrus book 
discovered at Oxyrhynchus in 1 896, and published 
by Grenfell and Hunt, Oxyrhynchus Papyri^ i. 
p. 4ff., No. 2, with a facsimile: cf. Facsimile II. 
in the present volume, and see p. 61. Original 
now in the Museum of the University of Penn- 
sylvania, Philadelphia. Third century. * It may 
thus claim to be a fragment of the oldest known 
manuscript of any part of the New Testament* 
(Edd.). 



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NOTE D 249 

Contains Matt i. 1-9, 12, 14-20, in a text 
which closely resembles the text of the Vatican 
and Sinaitic codices where they agree, and, on 
the whole, is nearer the former where they differ. 
In ver. 18, however, the new text reads toC Se 
*Ij](rov Xpi(TTov with the Sinaitic as against the 
Vatican codex. 

f^. Edited by E. Pistelli, *Papiri Evangelici* in S^udt 
religiosiy vi., Florence, 1906, p. I29ff. Original 
in the Archaeological Museum, Florence. Fifth 
or sixth century. 

Contains John xii. 12-15 ^^ Greek on the 
verso, and Luke vii. 1 8 ff. in Sahidic on the recto, 

p3. A leaf out of a Gospel-book brought by Th. Graf 
from the FayOm to Vienna, and now in the 
Rainer Collection there : cf Fuhrer durch die 
Ausstel/un^^, Yienndiy 1894, p. 129, No. 539, and 
see Wessely, Wiener Studien^ 1882, Heft 2, pp. 
198-214, and 1885, Heft 7, pp. 69-70. Sixth 
century. 

Contains an excellent text of Luke vii. 36-45, 
X. 38-42, written in a cursive hand. 

j)^. [Soden, e 34] : A fragment from a small book, now in 
the Biblioth^que Nationale at Paris : see F. V. 
Scheil, Revue Biblique, i., Paris, 1892, p. Ii3ff. 
Fourth century. 

Contains, in a very fragmentary form, Luke i. 
74-80, V. 3-8, V. 30-vi. 4. 

|J*. [Soden, € 02] : A sheet of a papyrus codex discovered 
at Oxyrhynchus, and published by Grenfell and 
Hunt, Oxyrhynchus Papyri, ii. p. i ff. No. 208. 
Now in the British Museum [Pap. 782]. The 
Editors ascribe the text to the third century, but 



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250 APPENDIX 

Gregory {Textkritik, iii. p. 1085) inclines rather 
to the fourth. 

The left-hand leaf contains John i. 23-31 and 
33-41, and the right-hand leaf John xx. 11-17 
and 19-25 (much mutilated), in a text which 
agrees generally with the Codex Sinaiticus, and 
in several instances supports it with reference to 
readings not found elsewhere. 

On the importance of the form in the early 
history of book-production, see the Editors* Intro- 
duction, and cf. Schmidt, Archiv fiir Papyrtis- 
forschung, i. p. 539. 

p*. A papyrus fragment of three short lines, now in the 
University Library, Strassburg, and published by 
Gregory, Textkritik^ iii. p. 1085 f. 

Contains John xi. 45, with the reading a (not S) 
€iroi9j(r€v, and the omission of 6 'Itja-ovg after 
eirolija'ev, 

pi [Soden, e 11]: Two papyri in the Archaeological 
Museum at Kieff. 

The contents, according to Gregory, who saw 
the papyri in 1903, include Luke iv. i f 

p^. [Soden, a 8] : Two leaves, now in the Berlin Museum 
(P. 8683). Fourth century. 

The text, which embraces Acts iv. 31-37, 
V. 2-9, vi. 1-6, 8-15, is given in full by Gregory, 
Textkritik, iii. p. 1087 ff. 

p®. Fragment of a leaf from a papyrus book discovered 
at Oxyrhynchus, and published by Grenfell and 
Hunt, Oxyrhynchus Papyri^ iii. p. 2 f No. 402. 
Now in Harvard University Library, Cambridge, 
Massachusetts. Fourth or fifth century. 
Contains i John iv. 11-12, 14-17. 



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NOTE D 251 

p^^. [Soden, a 1 03 2]: A fragment discovered at Oxy- 
rhynchus, and published by Grenfell and Hunt, 
Oxyrhynchus Papyri^ ii. p. 8 f., No. 209, with 
facsimile. Now in Harvard University Library, 
Cambridge, Massachusetts. First half of fourth 
century. 

Contains Rom. i. 1-7 (with the exception of 
part of ver. 6) in a rude uncial hand. The Editors 
think it may have formed originally a schoolboy's 
exercise, but Deissmann {Light from the Ancient 
East, p. 232 n^) prefers to think rather of a 
Gospel amulet or charm belonging to the Aurelius 
Paulus who is named in a cursive hand beneath 
the text 

In ver. i the fragment reads Xpitrrou *Itj(rou 
with B as against 'I^jarov 'Kpicrrov NAD, and in 
ver. 7 Kvptov 'Kpt(TTov Tr/crov as against the ordin- 
arily received Kvpiou 'Itja-ov XpKTTov. 

p^\ [Soden, a 1020]: Five fragments brought from the 
East by Bishop Porphyry Uspensky, and now in 
the Imperial Library, St. Petersburg, where they 
were seen by Tischendorf in 1862. Fifth century. 
The fragments contain i Cor. i. 17-20, vi. 13-18, 
vii. 3, 4, 10-14, iri large letters without breathings 
or accents. 

p^2. [Soden, a 1033] : Part of Heb. i. i written in a small 
uncial hand on the margin of the letter of a 
Roman citizen, and published by Grenfell and 
Hunt, Amherst Papyri, i. p. 30 f No. 3 {b\ 
Third or fourth century, and therefore amongst 
the earliest known Biblical fr^ments. 

As regards text, the word ^At[«]>', which is 
not found in the manuscripts, is inserted after 

To[r9 'K\aTpi\(Tiv\ 



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252 APPENDIX 

fp. Considerable portions of a papyrus roll discovered at 
Oxyrhynchus, and published by Grenfell and 
Hunt, Oxyrhynchus Papyri^ iv. p. 36 ff. No. 657. 
Now in the British Museum [Pap. 1532]. First 
half of the fourth century. 

Written on the back of the roll, the recto of 
which contains the new epitome of Livy {Oxy- 
rhynchus Papyri^ No. 668), is about one-third of 
the Epistle to the Hebrews (ii. 14-v. 5, x. 8-xi. 1 3, 
xi. 28— xii. 17). The text agrees closely with the 
Codex Vaticanus in cc. ii.-v., and this makes the 
papyrus an important authority for the later 
chapters, which are wanting in that Codex. In 
c. ill. 2 and 6, it confirms readings in which B 
stands alone amongst Greek manuscripts. 

On the system of punctuation adopted by 
means of a double point somewhat freely inserted, 
cf p. 109 of the present volume, and see further 
Blass, Die Rhythmen der astanischen und romischen 
Kunstprosa^ Leipzig, 1905, p. 78 ff. 

p^*. [Soden, a 1036]: Seven small fragments discovered 
by Dr. J. Rendel Harris in the monastery of 
St. Catherine on Mount Sinai, and edited by him 
in Biblical Fragments front Mount Sinai^ London, 
1890, pp. xiii., 54 ff. Fifth century. 

Contains i Cor. i. 25-27, ii. 6-8, iii. 8-10, 20, 
in a very fragmentary condition. 

p^^. Two leaves from a papyrus book discovered at Oxy- 
rhynchus, and published by Hunt, Oxyrhynchus 
Papyri,v\\. p. 4 ff. Nos. 1008, 1009. Second half 
of fourth century. 

The leaves contain the text of i Cor. vii. 1 8- 
viii. 4, Phil. iii. 9-17, iv. 2-8, in a form agreeing 
in the main with the Vatican, Sinaitic, and 



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NOTE D 253 

Alexandrine Codices, though occasionally they 
exhibit variants peculiar to themselves. 

p^^ An extract from Rom. xii., now in the John Rylands 
Library, Manchester, and published by Hunt, 
Catalogue of the Greek Papyri in the John 
Rylands Library^ Manchester, i. p. 9, No. 4. 
Late sixth or seventh century. 

The Editor thinks that the verses (3-8) may 
have been copied out for reading in church, 
though, as the verso is blank, they can hardly have 
formed part of a regular lectionary. 

In V. 8 the papyrus shares with Codex 
Sinaiticus the reading '7rpo€i9(N rcrrjai/o^tej/oy. 

p^l A leaf from a papyrus book belonging to the same 
collection as the preceding, and published by Hunt 
as No. 5 in the Catalogue^ with a facsimile. Third 
century. 

Contains Titus i. 11 -15, ii. 3-8, with an in- 
teresting variant in c. ii. 7 : see p. 1 90 of this 
volume. 

p^®. Part of a leaf from a papyrus book discovered at 
Oxyrhynchus, and published by Hunt, Oxyrhynchus 
Papyriy viii. p. 1 1 ff. No. 1078. Fourth century. 

Contains Heb. ix. 12-19. The same system 
of punctuation found in p^^ again occurs here. 

p^^. Fragment of a papyrus roll discovered at Oxy- 
rhynchus, and published by Hunt, Oxyrhynchus 
Papyri, viii. p. I3f. No. 1079. Late third or 
fourth century. 

On the verso of a roll, containing the book of 
Exodus {Oxyrhynchus Papyri, No. 107 5), a copy 
of the Apocalypse has been written. And of this 
the fragment preserves c. i. 4-7. In v. 5 *lri(Tov^ 



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254 APPENDIX 

Xpiarro^ is written ifi X/o, an unusual form of con- 
traction in literary texts (see the Editor's Intro- 
duction). 

p**^. A leaf from a papyrus book discovered at Oxy- 
rhynchus, and published by Hunt, Oxyrhynchus 
Papyri, ix. p. 7 flf. No. 1 170. Fifth century. 

Contains Matt. x. 32-xi. 5. According to the 
Editor, this text is probably the oldest authority 
for reading oxnov in c. x. 32. In ver. 34 it stands 
alone in inserting cStv before vofMorp-e. 

p^. A strip from a leaf of a papyrus book discovered 
at Oxyrhynchus, and published by Hunt, Oxy- 
rhynchus Papyrty ix. p. 9 ff. No. 1 1 7 1 , with fac- 
simile. Late third century, 

Contains James ii. 19-iii. 9, the text being in 
general agreement with that of the Vatican Codex. 

p^. Fragment of a papyrus book of the Gospel of St. 
Matthew discovered at Oxyrhynchus, and pub- 
lished by Vitelli, Papyri Greci e Latiniy i. (Florence, 
19 1 2) p. if No. I. Seventh century. 

Contains on the recto Matt. xxv. 12-15, and on 
the verso xxv. 20-23. 

p^. Fragments of two leaves of a papyrus book which 
commenced with St. John's Gospel. Discovered 
at Oxyrhynchus, and published by Vitelli, Papyri 
Greci e Latini, i. p. 5 f No. 3. 

One leaf contains on the recto John iii. 14-17, 
and on the verso, iii. 17-18. The recto of the other 
leaf contains iii. 31-32. In ver. 18 the words 
eiV TO ovoika have been added after 6 /a^ Tricrrei/ft)!', 
perhaps by error, and in ver. 3 1 , after o &v ck t?? 
yrj9y the ordinarily received words ck t^9 7^9 €<rri 
Koi €K 7-179 7^9 XaX« are wanting. 



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NOTE E. 

GREEK PAPYRUS LETTERS. 

The following are the Greek texts of the Papyrus 
Letters quoted on pp. 88-92, with some additional 
notes. 

The Oxyrhynchus Papyri, edd. Grenfell-Hunt, iv. p. 246, Acommen- 

No. 746. A.D. 16. datory letter. 

irXeia^a xalpeiv kcu vyialvetv, 
'T^p/jL6<f>iXo9 K^iy airoSli^Sov^ arot t^v 
eTTKTToXiiv [€]<rr[i] .[..]• ^[- Om • ^[-l/^^f 
5 [.]ep/oi/, KOI ^pwTfjO'ev fxe ypd\frai trot. 
[ir]po<l>€p€Tai €X€iv irpay/jLOTiov 
[ev Tfji\ ILepKCfjiOvvi. tovto qSv edv 
<roi <l>a[l]vfp'ai (rirovSaarei^ Kara to 
SiKaiov. TO, S' aWa (reavrov eTrt/uieXov 
10 IV vyiaivu^. 

eppwro* 
(erov^) y Ti/Seplov Koua-apo^ Se/Satrroi/ #aw0i y . 
(Addressed) 

^UpaKXeiSrji ^a(<nXiKS>i) yp(a/Ji/JiaT€i) 'O^y(pvyxtTOv) 

^vvoTrioXtTOv), 

The Editors conjecture that Theon is perhaps the same 
as the writer of a similar letter of introduction, published 



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256 APPENDIX 

in The Oxyrhynchus Papyriy ii. p. 292, No. 292 
(^^ Selections from the Greek Papyri \ No. 14), of date 
c. A.D. 25. 

For a Christian example of an eirKTroXij (nxrraTucv, see 
the fourth century letter of the presbyter Leon, commend- 
ing a brother-Christian to the priests and deacons of a 
local church, in The Oxyrhynchus Papyri^ viii. p, 266, 
No. 1 162. The concluding formula of pagan letters 
eppwTo is there expanded into eppSxrdai i/ma^ [eyj^o/me ( = ai) 
ev K{vpi)o) [d](e)w, * I pray for your health in the Lord God.' 
It is also interesting to notice that this signature is 
witnessed by a certain Emmanuel — *E/xm(«^o«^)^ /lapiiy^ ?). 

An official The Oxyrhynchus Papyri, edd. Grenfell-Hunt, i. p. lOi ff., 

^^""- No. 45. A.D. 95. 

$awa9 Koi 'H/>aifXa[9] Koi ^loyewi^ 6 kou *lEtpix{aw) 
oi a<TxoKovtx{€voi) tov9 KaroKoxUo'M'Ov^) roh ayopavoiiuLOi^) 
Xciipciv, Aioycvov^ Tov JlToXejUiaiov 
irapcucexoopfj/uievov irapa TairoTa- 
5 jULcovog TPJ9 liToXe/jLolou TOV Ko\v\tS(o9), 
fjLera Kvpiov tov OvyaTpiSov^ TIXovTapxiov) 
TOV TiXovrdpxov tov UXovTapxov, Kaff 6/jLo{\oyiav) 
yeyopviav t^ eveardxrn fifiepq. Trjv 
virapxova-av avT^ ire pi kw/uljiv Ko/(>ft))8(ii/ ?) 

10 €K TOV MeVOlTlOV KXifpOV KUTOlKUCrj^ 

y$9 (T€tTO<l>6pov a"jropifJLOv e^ 6pdoyoo{viov) 
apovpav fiiav yifxiav Tplrov SwSc 
KaTOVy Sio y/od^o/xci/ v/jl€?v 1v elSrJTe* 
eppwiade). 



After the date there follows in a different hand the 
signature of one of the senders of the letter, the body of 
the document having been written doubtless by a clerk, 

' UpaKX (a?) (T€<rti{tx€i(i)iiiai), 



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NOTE E 257 

With this official letter may be compared a document 
registering certain cattle, which is reproduced from The 
Oxyrhynchus Papyri, ii. p, 195, No. 246, by Deissmann, 
Light from the Ancient East, p. 159 ff. The facsimile 
with which it is accompanied shows very clearly the 
difference in handwriting between the document itself 
and the signatures of the attesting officials. 

Berliner Griechische Urkunden, ii. p. 267, No. 61 5. Family letters. 
Second century A.D. ^ottlSer. 

irarpl x^^P^^^' 

ILofiKTafxevo^ (tov to eiriaToKiov 
Koi €Triyvov(ra, on Oewv OeXov- 
5 Tcov SieardOtj^, ^xapiv iroXXd' 
KOI auTfj^ (opa9 aipop/uLfiv evpiov 
eypayjra <toi ravovra ra ypd/m/ia- 
ra (rirovSa^ovcra irpocrKwrj- 
are <rat' raxvrepov rd kirlyovra 
10 epya <t>povTt^€T€' edv ^ ixiKpa 

Tl ?7r^, €(TT€' iaV (TOt €V€KU KQ' 
XdOlV 6 KOfAl^OfXeVO^ <T0t TO 

evtoToXeiov, ire/ilir^co' da"7rd^ov 
T€ <T€ oi (To\ Trairrle]^ kqt ovofxa^ 
15 da"7rd^€T€ are KcXep koi ol avTW 

'E/>/>£[(r]0€ (Toi ^v]xofJiai. 

The surprising concords, which this and so many of the 
more illiterate documents of the time exhibit, have been 
appealed to as illustrating the peculiarities of the Greek of 
the writer of the Apocalypse. 

* Apart from places,' says Professor Moulton, * where he 
may be definitely translating a Semitic document, there is 
no reason to believe that his grammar would have been 

R 



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258 APPENDIX 

materially different had he been a native of Oxyrhynchus, 
assuming the extent of Greek education the same' 
{Prolegomena^ y p. 9). And to much the same effect 
Dean Armitage Robinson writes with reference to the 
writer's^ disr^ard of the primary rules of grammar : 
*This is not ignorance in the ordinary sense: it is 
familiarity with a relaxed standard of speech, such as we 
find often enough in the professional letter-writers who 
• indited the petitions and private correspondence of the 
FayOm ' {Journal of Theological Studies, x. p. i o). 

For Kar' ovo/ulq in the closing greetings of the above 
letter, obviously in the sense of * individually,' *one by 
one,' cf. 3 John i 5 : acirdi^ou tov9 (f)i\ov^ kqt* ovo/jia. 

A slave to Griechische Papyri im Museum des Oberhessischen 

Geschichtsvereins zu Giessen^ edd. Kornemann-Meyer, i. 
No. 17. Time of Hadrian. 

Ta^9 '^7r[oXX]a)wW rm Kvpmi TrXefcrra 

Xalpeiv* 
YLpo Twv oXoDV aa-ird^o/JLol tre, Seairora, 
KOI €uxo/uLai irdirrore Trcp] rtj^ vyieia^ arov, 
6 'Hywi'/acra, Kvpie^ ov /icr/o/cD?, 7i/a cucoucra) 
on evcoOpevca^, aWd X^P'^ ''"<>'? deoi^ Traa-t 
on (T€ 8ia<t>v\aa<T0V(n airpocKOirov. Ha- 
poucaXZ (re, icvpie, eav arot So^jj, Koi Tri/JL- 
yfrai €<!>* fifxa^, el Se fxri, airoOmia'KO/iev 

10 on ov pKeirofxiv (re Kaff fifiepav. ''Qif>e\ov 
el eSvvdjUieOa 'jreTa(r6ai kou eXOeiv koi Trpoo*- 
KVV9j<rai <re' dy (avicofiev yap /x€[. .] eirov' 
arou (re. Qtrre SiaWdytjdi iiixelv Kq\\ Trje/x- 
yftov €(f>* J7/ta9' "lEppaxro Kvpie [ 

16 Koi irdirra exofilev koXco^I^. 

(Addressed) 

'A7roXXft)i//a)i X (rrparriym. 



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NOTE E 259 

With the formal use of tS>i Kvplwi in the address cf. 
2 John I, and see p. 116, and with the construction 
fjyoovia<ra . . . Iva in 1. 5 cf John viii. 56, >iyaX\ia(raTO Iva 
Uu . . . The cLTTodmicrKo/uLcv of 1. 9 recalls the Pauline Kaff 
riixepav aLTToQvtforKta ( I Cor. xv. 3 1 ) : while, as the first Editor 
points out, Tays* longing to * fly * in 1. 1 1 , in order to reach 
her master as quickly as possible, has a special interest 
for us to-day. The interchange of the first person singular 
{acriraXpfjLai^ eu-xp/iaiy etc.) and the first person plural (ecfy* 
///xa?, airo6vwKO/ji€v) may be noted in connexion with the 
vexed question as to whether St. Paul ever used an epis- 
tolary plural : see further the present writer's commentary 
on the Epistles to the ThessalonianSy Note B, p. 1 3 1 f 



Berliner Griechische Urkunden, iii. p. i/of, No. 846 ; A prodigal son 
cf. ibid. Berichtigungen, p. 6; for various textual emenda- ° ^* ""^^ ^^^' 
tions by Schubart. Second century A.D. 

'Ain-cSw? Aoi/yo9 NeiXoinri 

[t]5 fJLvp'pi 7r[\]«rTa \alpetv. Kal ^£- 

a TravToaly] ejxofial cai vyeicuueiv. To Trpoa-Kumj' 

fia <rov [ttoiJS KaT aucdainjv tjfxalpav irapa T<p 
5 Kupi(a [Se/ojaTTc/^ei. Teivtaa-Keiv aat OeXco, o- 

T£ oux [^'TJifoi', OTi ava^evi^ eiV rijv fxtirpo- 

TToKiv* ')^'Ol\p€iv tovto ovS* iyo el<Trfia eeV Ttiv iro- 

\iv, ai&\v\(TO'jro[v\ixriv Si eXdeiv eiV KapaviSa^ 

on <rairpS)q TraipiirarS), AXypa\jra (roi, on yvfxvo^ 
10 ^fiei. JlapaKa\\\S> <rai, /mirrrjp, SlijoKdyrp-i /lOi* Aoi- 

irov otSa Ti [ttot*] ai/JLavrw irapecr^fiai* TranraiS- 

Sev/iat, Kaff ov §J rpoirov, olSa, on ^fxaprtjKa. 

"TSLKOvca irapa To\y IIo<rr]oiJ/ioi/ tov evpovra (rat 

€v T<p * Ap<raivo€tTjj Kal OLKaipw^ iravra <rot Si- 
16 rffffrai* Ovk olSe^f on OeXw TTfjpo^ yevecrrai, 

ei yvwvau oirt^ avdpoirip [eJH!'] o<t>€i\(a o/SoXov] 

[ ] o [ ] av avTTf eXOi. 



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26o APPENDIX 

[ ] X^^rf' • 'l^^ 5yow7a, on . . 

[ ] . \ij<rcu[. .] irapoKciXci arai 

ao [ ] . . . a[.] . aiyw (rxeSv 

[ ]a) TrapdKoKS) q^ai 

[ Jovoi; diXw aiyio 

[ ]<r€i OVK f . 

[ ] aXXft)9 '7ro«[.] 

25 [<r€i9...] 

The papyrus is broken off here. 

(Addressed) 

[ l/iW/TpeJ air ^Avrtoviao Aovyov veioS 

A commentary on this touching letter will be found in 
Selections from the Greek Papyri^, P- 93 ff-i No. 37. See 
also Deissmann, Light from the Ancient East^ p. 176 ff. 

It may be added that in his Note *On some current 
epistolary phrases * in his commentary on St, PauVs Epistle 
to the EphesianSy p. 275 ff., Dean Armitage Robinson 
collects a number of illustrations of the more formal parts 
of our New Testament Epistles from the ordinary 
epistolary correspondence of the time. Those who wish 
to pursue the matter further may be referred to G. A. 
Gerhard, Untersuchungen zur Geschichte des griechischen 
Brief es. Heft i. Die Anfangsfonnel in PhilologuSy Ixiv. 
p. 27 ff. ; to P. Wendland, Die urchristlichen Literatur- 
formen^ (in Handbuch zum Neuen Testament, i. 3, Tubingen, 
191 2), p. 411 ff.; and to the elaborate discussion by F. 
Ziemann, De epistularum graecarum formulis sollemnibus 
quaestiones selectcu in Dissertationes philologicae Hcdenses 
xviii. 4, Halle, 191 1. 

Much valuable information on the subject of *the 
letter * in classical literature will be found in the elaborate 
monograph, Der Brief in der Romischen Litteratur. 



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A 



NOTE E 261 

Litterargeschichtliche Untersuchungen und Zusammen- 
fassungen, contributed by H. Peter to the Abhandlungen 
der phihlogisch-historischen Klasse der KdnigL Sdchsischen 
Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften, xx. lii., Leipzig, 1 90 1 . The 
monograph was also published separately, but copies are 
now scarce. 



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NOTE F. 

DIONYSIUS OF ALEXANDRIA ON THE AUTHORSHIP 
OF THE APOCALYPSE. 

Dionysius of EuSEBIUS has preserved in his Hist. Eccles, vii. 24 f. certain 
tA^a":^' fragments of a treatise irepi ^^-jrayycKmv by Dionysius, 
a pupil of Origen and Bishop of Alexandria from A.D. 248 
to A.D. 265. Amongst them is the passage dealing with 
the authorship of the Apocalypse referred to on p. 123, 
which is so important alike from the position of the 
author and the critical acumen he displays, that it is 
reproduced here at greater lengfth.^ 

The complete Greek text will be found in Eusebius 
ut supra, or in Dr. Feltoe*s useful edition of The Letters 
and other Remains of Dionysius of Alexandria (in * Cam- 
bridge Patristic Texts*), Cambridge, 1904, p. 1 14 ff. In 
the translation I have in the main followed Dr. M*Giffert 
in his edition of The Church History of Eusebius (in the 
* Select Library of Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers of 
the Christian Church'), Oxford and New York, 1890. 

T/i/€9 /i€i/ Qvv Twu TTpo ^jjLwv ^OeTrjo'av KOI av€a'K€va(Tav 
iravTn TO ^i^XloVi koi Ka& cKacrrov KCipakaioy Siev- 
OvvovTcg ayvaxTTOv t€ koi aarvWoytarrop airo<j>alvovT€^, 
yfrevSecrOal re rijv iiriypa^iiv. 'Iwavvov yap ovk elvai 

* * I do not think there is any other piece of pure criticism in the 
early Fathers to compare with it for style and manner' (Westcott, 
On ike Canon of the New Testament'^, p. 367, n*). 



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NOTE F 263 

Xeyovo'iv* . . . eyta Se aOcr^crai ju^ev ovk Siv roX/iiia'aifU 
TO fiifiXloVi iroWwv avTo Sia (nrovSij^ ixovTwv aSeKiJHSdv 
. . . Koi etvat riiv ypa<f>ifv 'Iwavvov ravTfjVt ovk avrepia. 
ay lov fxev yap etval TIV09 Ka\ OeoirvcvcrTov awcuvSti ou 
jjLviv p<ilSi(o^ &v awOolfxriv rovrov ehai top aTrotrroXov, tov 
viov ZefieSaiov, tov aS€X(f>6v *IaK(ifioUi o5 to evayyeXtov 
TO KaTa 'Icoavvpjv ciriyeypa/x/jievov koi j} €7ri<rroX^ j} 
KadoXiKii. T€KfjLaipojuLai yap €K t€ tov fjOov^ eKaTepwv 
Koi TOV tS)v Xoywv eiSov^ xal r?? tw fiifiXiov Sie^aywyij^ 

Xeyo/Jiivijg fxvi tov avTOv chat KaJ airo vofj/jLaTODV 

Si Kai CLTTO tS>v prjjJLaTcov Kai Ti/9 (Tvirra^cw^ avTcov cIkotw^ 
€T€po9 OVT09 Trap* €K€tvov vTroX9i<f>6ii<r€TaL (rvvqiSovcri fxiv 
yap aXXijXoi9 to cvayyeXiov koi ^ iirKTroXii, o/jloIco^ t€ 
apxovTai, TO julcv (ptjav' 'Ei/ ap)(ff ^v 6 Xoyoy' ij ^c *0 
^v air* apx^i^' • • • exerai avTOV, icaJ tcov TrpoOeareav ovk 
a<f>iaTaTaiy Sia Se tS>v atrrZv K€<f>aXaiwv Kai ovofiarmv 
iravTa Sie^epxeraC &v Ttva jjlcv ^/lei^ arwTO/xm vTrofivri' 
aofxev. 6 Se irpotrexii^ ivTvyxdvtav evpija-ei ev hcaTcptp 

TToXXrjV TrjV ^ODliv, TToXv TO <t>S>^i aTTOTpOTrtlV TOV (TKOTOV^, 

avvex^ Tfiv aXiidetav, Tfjv X^P^^> '^^ X^P^^y '^^ (rapKa 
Koi TO at/ia tov Kvpiov .... Ka\ oXco^ Sia Travrmv 
XapoKTripl^ovTa^ cva kou tov airrov arvvopav tov t€ 
evayyeXlov Kai Ttj^ hrioToXfj^ XP^"^^ irpoKciTat, aXXoio- 
TccTJ; Se KOI ^ewi irapa raCra i} aTro^oXin/rij, jUifjT^ 
efPaTTTO/JLevfj ixrrre yevTviSxra tovtwv /ifiSevl, crx^Sov a>9 
elireiv fMrjSe arvXXafiijv irpo^ airra KOivijv exovca . . . cti 
Se Kai Sia t^ (ppatreco^ t^i' Sia<f>opav ecm TeKfxjjpao'Oai 
TOV evayyeXiov koi Trj9 hricrroXij^ irpo^ tt^v airoKoXirsj/iv. 
TO, fxev yap ov fiovov aTTTatfrrm KaTa ttiv 'EXXj/i/o)!/ 
<f>wv^v, aXXa koi XoyidrraTa Tai^ Xe^eari, Toh arvXXoyKTfjLot^, 
TCU9 arvvTa^eari Tfjg epfxijvela^ yeypaiTTaL ttoXXov ye Sei 
fiap^apov Tiva <t>Q6yyoVy ^ (roXoiKurjUiovy ^ oXco9 iSicoTKrimov 
ev avTOi^ evpedtjvai, cKaTepov yap eT^^j/, 0)9 eoiKC, tov 
Xoyovy ajuiipoTepov^ avr^ x^P^^^I^^^^^ '^^^ K.vpiov, tov re 
T^9 yvdtreco^, tov re t>j9 (f>pa<rew^, TOVTtp Se airoKaXvyf/'iv 
p.ev ea>paK€vai, koi yvSxriv etXtj<f>€vat Ka\ irpo<f>eTeiav ovk 



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264 APPENDIX 

avrepw' StaXeicTOv fxivroi koi yXSxrcrav ovk cucpi^w^ 
eXXfiPt^ova-av avrov jSXeTro), aXX* tStd/maa-iv re fiap^apucoh 
Xpiifxevov, Kal irov kcu (roXoiKi^ovra* airep ovk avayKOuou 
vvv CKXeyetv' ovSe yap eTTKrKdrjrTwv, fxri ti9 PO/uLiajj, ravra 
cTttov, aXXa /jlovou ttiv avofioioTrira Sievdvvoav tcov ypaipwp. 

* Some before us have set aside and rejected the 
book [the Apocalypse of John] altogether, criticizing 
it chapter by chapter, and pronouncing it without 
sense or argument, and maintaining that the title 
is fraudulent. For they say that it is not the work 
of John. . . . But I could not venture to reject the 
book, as many brethren hold it in high esteem. . . . 
And that this book is the work of one John, I will 
not deny. For I fully admit that it is the work of 
a holy and inspired man. But I should not readily 
admit that he was the Apostle, the son of Zebedee, 
the brother of James, by whom the Gospel of John 
and the Catholic Epistle were written. For I con- 
clude from the character of both [writings], and the 
form of the language, and the general construction 
of the book [of the Revelation] that [the John there 
mentioned] is not the same. . . . And from the 
thoughts too, and from the words and their colloca- 
tion, it may be reasonably conjectured that this 
one is different from that one [t\e, the writer of 
the Apocalypse is different from the writer of the 
Gospel and the Epistle]. For the Gospel and the 
Epistle agree with each other, and begin in like 
manner. The one says, " In the beginning was the 
Word " ; the other, " That which was from the 
beginning." ... He is consistent with himself, and 
does not depart from his purposes, but discusses 
everything under the same heads and names ; some 
of which we will briefly recall. Any one who 
examines carefully will find the phrases, " the life,** 



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NOTE F 265 

" the light," " turning from darkness," frequently 
occurring in both ; also continually, " truth," " grace," 
"joy," "the flesh and blood of the Lord."... 
In fact, it is plainly to be seen that one and the 
same character marks the Gospel and the Epistle 
throughout. But the Apocalypse is different from 
these writings and foreign to them ; not touching, 
nor in the least bordering upon them ; almost, so 
to speak, without even a syllable in common with 
them. . . . Moreover, it can also be shown that the 
diction of the Gospel and of the Epistle differs from 
that of the Apocalypse. For they were written not 
only without error as regards the Greek language, 
but also most artistically in their expressions, in their 
reasonings, and in the arrangements of explanations. 
They are far indeed from betraying any barbarism 
or solecism, or any vulgarism whatever. For the 
writer had, as it seems, both the requisites of dis- 
course, — that is, the gift of knowledge and the gift 
of expression — as the Lord had bestowed them both 
upon him. I do not deny that the other writer saw 
a revelation and received knowledge and prophecy. 
I perceive, however, that his dialect and language 
are not accurate Greek, but that he uses barbarous 
idioms, and, in some places, solecisms. It is un- 
necessary to point these out here, for I would not 
have any one think that I have said these things 
in a spirit of ridicule — let no man think it — but 
only with the purpose of showing clearly the 
difference between the writings.' 



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NOTE G. 

THE OXYRHYNCHUS 'SAYINGS OF JESUS.' 

The'Sajrings In 1 897, when Dr. Grenfell and Dr. Hunt began exca- 
o J«sus. vating at Oxyrhynchus, they discovered in a mound 

amongst a number of other Greek Papyri, the leaf of a 
papyrus codex, containing what purported to be eight 
Sayings of Jesus. The idea of new Sayings of Jesus was 
not in itself strange. It is suggested by various state- 
ments in the Gospels, such as Luke i. 1-4, John xx. 30 f, 
as well as by the existence in early Christian literature 
and tradition of a member of so-called Agrapha} But 
here there was tangible evidence of a Collection of these 
Sayings, which, as the leaf could not be dated later than 
the beginning of the third century, probably ran back to 
the middle of the second century, and possibly even to the 
first century. 

All manner of questions were at once raised as to the 
source and consequent authority of the Sayings, and 
interest in them was still further quickened by a fresh 
discovery of a similar character at Oxyrhynchus in 1903. 
Unlike the earlier collection, however, which, as we have 
seen, formed the leaf of a papyrus book, the five new 
Sayings were written on the back of a survey list of 
various pieces of land, and were prefaced by an Intro- 
duction or Heading to this effect: * These are the (wonder- 

* For a convenient collection of these, see C. G. Griffinhoofe, Th^ 
Unwritten Sayings of Christy Cambridge and London, 1903, 



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NOTE G 267 

ful ?) words which Jesus the living (lord) spake to J . . . 
and Thomas . . .' 

It is impossible to enter here into any discussion on 
the true character of these two sets of Sayings, which may 
well have formed originally parts of one collection, but 
there seems to be no good reason to doubt that, while they 
show traces of the sub- Apostolic environment out of which 
they sprang, they contain a distinct residuum of the Lord's 
teaching, rescued from the floating tradition of the time. 

The deep interest, in any case, of the Sayings will 
appear from the Editors' reconstruction and translation of 
the two first of the new Sayings (see Plate IV.). 

* Jesus saith, Let not him who seeks . . . cease 
until he finds, and when he finds he shall be aston- 
ished; astonished he shall reach the kingdom, and 
having reached the kingdom he shall rest. 

* Jesus saith, (Ye ask ? who are those) that draw 
us (to the kingdom, if) the kingdom is in Heaven ? 
. . . the fowls of the air, and all beasts that are under 
the earth or upon the earth, and the fishes of the 
sea, (these are they which draw) you, and the King- 
dom of Heaven is within you; and whosoever shall 
know himself shall find it. (Strive therefore?) to 
know yourselves, and ye shall be aware that ye are 
the sons of the (almighty?) Father; (and?) ye shall 
know that ye are in (the city of God ?), and ye are 
(the city?).' 

The two collections of Sayings have been edited by the Literature, 
discoverers as separate publications for the Graeco- Roman 
Branch of the Egyptian Exploration Fund under the 
titles AOriA IH20Y {Sayings of our Lord), 2s. nett or 
6d. nett, and New Sayings of Jesus and Fragment of a Lost 
Gospel from Oxyrhynchus, is. nett, both at the Oxford 
University Press. They also appeared in Oxyrhynchus 
Papyri, i. p. i fT. and iv. p. I AT. 



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268 APPENDIX 

' Of the literature to which they have given rise in this 
country it is sufficient to notice, Two Lectures on the 
* Sayings of Jesus^ by Professors W. Lock and W. Sanday 
(Oxford, 1897, IS. 6d. nett) with a useful Bibliography, 
an important article on the interpretation of the New 
Sayings by Professor H. B. Swete in The Expository Times, 
XV. p. 488 ff., and two publications by Dr. Charles Taylor, 
The Oxyrkynchus Logia and the Apocryphal Gospels (Ox- 
ford, 1899, IS. 6d. nett) and The Oxyrhynchus Sayings of 
fesu6 (Oxford, 1905, 2s. nett). 

A pamphlet by Professor Hamack, Uber die jUngst 
entdeckten Spriiche fesu (Freiburg, i. B., 1897), was trans- 
lated in The Expositor y V. vi. pp. 321 ff., 401 ff. 

Those who desire to see the use to which the Sayings 
may be turned for homiletic purposes may consult such 
books as fesus Saith, by J. Warschauer (London, no date), 
and The Newly-found Words of fesus^ by W. Garrett 
Horder (London, 1904). 



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NOTE H. 

PAPIAS AND IRENAEUS ON THE ORIGIN OF 
THE GOSPELS. 

The testimony of Papias as to the origin of the Gospels Papias 
of St. Mark and St. Matthew is very famih'ar, but in view ^' ^'^' ^'^' 
of its great importance and the references made to it in 
the Lectures, it may be well to give the passage in full, 
as it has been preserved for us in Eusebius' Ecclesiastical 
History, 

Kai oXXa? Se t^ l&i(f. ypa^pi TrapaSlSaxrtv 'Apiarrlwpo^ Euseb. ffisf. 
Tov Trpoa-dev SeStjXoo/jiepov tcop tov Kvplov \6ywv SiriyYicrei^ 14^^16^ ed!^ ^^ 
Koi TOV irpccrfivrepov *Iwavvov irapaSoo'eig' €</>' Sj roug Schwartz, 
ipiXo/madeig avaire/uLyf/'ain'egy avayKCuaog vvv irpoo'Qria'OfjLev rah 
Trpo€KT€6€t(rat9 avrov (pwpah irapaSocriv fjv irepi MapKOV tov 
TO evayycXiov yeypo^oTo? cKTedeiTai Sia tovtwp 

Kat Tovff 6 Trp€(r/3vT€p09 eXeye* Mapi:o9 /uiev ep/uLvj- 
vevTijg TlcTpov y€p6/Ji€P09, ocra ifjLvrifjLoveva'eVi aKptfiwg 
eypayfreVf ov fievTOi Ta^et, to vtto tov KVpiov ti XexBiirra 
fl irpaxOeirra. ovt€ yap ^icovo'ei/ tov Kvplov oJJre irap^jKO- 
Xovdyjcrev avT^, vcrrepov Se, m €if>9jp, HeTpo)' 09 tt/doj 
Tag XP^lag eTroieiro Tag SiSacrKoXlagy aXX' ovx Sxnrep 
(TvvTa^iif tS>v KvpioKcov TToiov/jLcvog Xoyiwv} axTTC ovSev 
rifxapTev MapKog ovTcog epia ypayjrag iog aTr€fxvrifx6v€V<T€V. 
€v6g yap €Trotri<raTO irpopoiap, tov /mijSev &p ffKovce 
irapaXtireiv fi yfr€v<ra<rQal ti ev avTOig* 



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270 APPENDIX 

Tavra fikv cvv la-Toptfrai tw Ilax/^ irepi tov M.dpKOv' 
ire pi Si TOV MarOouov toJut ciprp-at 

MaTOafoj fjL€v oSv ^^^patSi SiaXetcrw rot \6yia (rwe- 
Tayfraro, fip/univeva-eu S* avra (W fjv Svi^arog ckcutto^. 

* Papias also gives in his own work other accounts of 
the words of the Lord on the authority of Aristion who 
has been mentioned above, and traditions of the Presbyter 
John. To these we refer those who are fond of learning, 
but for our present purpose we must add to the words of 
his, which have already been quoted, a tradition which he 
sets forth regarding Mark who wrote the Gospel. It is 
in the following terms — 

And the Presbyter said this also : Mark having once 
acted as interpreter (or catechist) of Peter ^ wrote down 
accurately, though not indeed in order,^ all that he re- 
membered of what was either spoken or done by the Lord. 
For he neither heard the Lord, nor followed Him, but 
afterwards, as I said, [attached himself to] Peter, who 
used to adapt his instructions to the needs [of his hearers], 
but with no intention of giving a connected account of 
the Lord's oracles.^ Mark then fell into no error, while 
he thus wrote down some things just as he recalled them 
to mind : for he made it his one care, not to omit any 
of the things which he had heard, or to state anything 
falsely in [his narrative of] them. 

*That y€y6fiepoi refers to an office or relationship that was past is 
rendered very probable by the regular usage of the term in the 
papyri, e,^, Oxy, Pap. i. p. 82, No. 38 "'• (a.d. 49-50) { = Selections^ 
p. 53), ^iri rod ycpofiivov tov vofiov ffTpaTTjyov Jlaalupos, * before Pasion, 
who was ex-strategus of the nome.' 

2 For an interesting attempt to find in rd^et the thought not so 
much of chronological, as of 'rhetorical order, that ordering which 
will produce a satisfactory and readable work,* see F. H. Colson 
in the Journal of Theological Studies^ xiv. p. 62 ff. 

^Or, discourses (X^wi'). 



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NOTE H 271 

These then are the things narrated by Papias regarding 
Mark. And regarding Matthew these things are said — 

* So then Matthew composed the oracles in the Hebrew 
tongue, and each one interpreted them as he was able.* 

The question as to the exact identity of the Presbyter identity of the 
John, to whom Papias refers as his authority for the P^^byter. 
foregoing statements regarding Mark and Matthew, is a 
very intricate one. But there is not a little to be said for 
the view that there was only one John at Ephesus who 
was both Apostle and Presbyter.^ 

Whether, however, this be so or not, it will be at once 
recognized how much added interest is given to the state- 
ments, if we can refer them in the last instance to the 
author of the Fourth Gospel. On this point Dr. Sanday 
writes as follows in the article * Bible ' in Hastings' 
Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, ii. (Edinburgh, 1909), 
p. 576 : 

* The present writer fully believes that the two im- 
portant extracts from the work of Papias preserved 
by Eusebius relate, the one to our extant Gospel of 
St. Mark, and the other to the second document dis- 
closed by criticism which in the extract is referred to 
the Apostle St. Matthew. He believes that the authority 
quoted for these statements is none other than the writer 
of the Fourth Gospel, the John who played such a 
leading part at Ephesus towards the end of the first 
century a.d. He would observe that the statements 
made bear a great stamp of verisimilitude, just because 
they are so little obvious and not at all such as could 
be inferred from a superficial study of the Gospels. 
The statement about St. Mark in particular points to 
criticisms upon that Gospel (especially as to its want 
of completeness and chronological order) that we can 
understand being made at an early stage in the history 

*Cf. most recently Dom Chapman, John the Presbyter and the 
Fourth Gospel y Oxford, 191 1. 



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272 APPENDIX 

of the Gospel, and by no means so well later. It is 
interesting to note the calm matter-of-fact way in which 
the Fourth Evangelist (if it were really he) speaks of 
his predecessors' work ; and we believe that it throws 
a welcome light upon the composition of his own Gospel' 

ircnacus The evidence of Irenaeus, so far as it refers to St. 

190. ^^^^ ^^^ g^ Matthew, is obviously based on Papias ; 

but it raises new points of interest with reference to 

the other two Gospels, as well as to the early recognition 

of the four Gospels as a whole. 

The following extracts are taken from Harvey's edition 
of Irenaeus' great work Adversus Haereses ; but one or 
two emendations in the Greek text suggested by Hort 
have been introduced. For these last see Souter, Text 
and Canon of the New Testament ^ p. 1 70 ff. 

Adv, Haer. 'EttciJ^ yap TicTcrapa KklfxaTa tov Kocrfxav iv w ecrjuLcv, 

KOi Tecrcrapa KaOoXiKa TrvevfiaTa, KaTetrirapTai Se jJ €KK\ij<rta 
eTTi Trdari^ Tfjg y?9> (ttvXo^ re koi (mipiyfia €KK\fj(ria^ to 
evayyeXiop KOi irpcv/uLa fo)??' eiWoj Tecrcrapa^ ex^iP avriiv 
(TTvXovg, irainraxodep irviovra^ t^9 a<f>6ap<riavt koi ava^(o^ 
TTvpovvra^ Toi/g avOpdirov^* e^ &v <f>av€pov on o rSyv 
a-jravTWV TCXviTtj^ Aoyoj, o Ka6ij/jL€V09 eiri twv 'x.€povP\fi koi 
(Tuvexwv TCL iravray <l>av€pw6€h Toh avOpdiroigy eStOKCv ijfitv 
T€T pdfJLop<f>ov TO cvayyiXiov, cut Se wpev/uLaTi avvexpiievov. 

* For since there are four quarters of the world in 
which we live, and four universal winds, and the Church 
is scattered over all the earth, and the Gospel is the 
pillar and ground of the Church and the breath of 
life, it is likely that it should have four pillars, breath- 
ing immortality from all sides, and kindling afresh the 
life of men. Whence it is evident that the Word, the 
artificer of all things, Who sitteth upon the Cherubim 
and holdeth all things together, having been made 
manifest to men, gave us the Gospel under a four-fold 
form, but held together by one Spirit' 



111. TI. II. 



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NOTE H 273 

d /j,€v Sij MarOaiog ep T019 'E^pa/ofj r^ ISi^l Sia\€KT(p Adv, Haer. 
avTcov KOI ypa^fjv c^veyKCP evayyeXiov, tov Hirpov koi 
Tov UavXov iv 'Fd/ULU evayyeXi^o/uievwv koi OefxeXiovvTCov 
Tfjp €KK\rj(riav. jULera Se Ttjv tovtcov e^oSop Ma/0^09 o 
fJLadrjTfj^ fcai ipfxrfpeirni^ Herpov koi avrb^ tcl inro Uerpov 
tajpv(r<r6fJL€Pa iyypa^fxjo^ ^/ulip irapaScSwKep. koi Aovkq^ Se 
6 oKoXovOo^ HavXov to vtt ckcIpov Kripv(r(r6/JL€P0P evayyiXiop 
€P fii/3Xi(p KareOero, eircira ^Iwappfj^ 6 /jLaOrjTfj^ tov icvpiov, 
6 Koi kin TO (TTtjdo^ avTOv apaTretToap Km airroj e^eSooKCP to 
evayyeXiop ep 'E^«roo t^ 'Acr/a? SiaTplfiwp. 

' Matthew then put forth a written Gospel among the 
Hebrews in their own tongue, while Peter and Paul 
were preaching the Gospel in Rome and laying the 
foundation of the Church. And after their decease 
Mark, the disciple and interpreter of Peter, also trans- 
mitted to us in writing the subjects of Peter's preaching. 
And Luke, the companion of Paul, put down in a book 
the Gospel preached by him. Afterwards John, the 
disciple of the Lord, who also leaned back on His 
breast, likewise published his Gospel, while staying at 
Ephesus in Asia.' 



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NOTE L 



ALTERNATIVE ENDINGS OF ST. MARK'S GOSPEL. 



The ordinary 
ending of 
St. Mark's 
Gospel. 



Kxlernal 
evidence. 



The textual difficulties with regard to the ending of St. 
Mark's Gospel have become familiar to English readers 
through the Revised Version. It will be noted that after 
c. xvi. 8 a considerable space has been left blank, and that 
vv. 9-20 are introduced by a note in the mai^in to the 
effect that they are omitted in the two oldest Greek 
manuscripts and some other authorities, while still other 
authorities have a different ending to the Gospel. 

The two Greek manuscripts referred to are of course the 
Vatican and Sinaitic codices, and the manner in which 
they end the Gospel is significant In the former the 
scribe follows the closing words of c. xvi. 8, c^o/SoJ/vto 
yap^ with the subscription Kara M.apKov, but leaves a whole 
column blank before beginning St. Luke's Gospel, as if he 
were conscious that more should have followed in St. 
Mark, though at the time he was not in a position to 
supply it. In the latter, the Codex Sinaiticus, as will be 
seen from the Facsimile at p. 195, the closing words of 
V. 8 are enclosed in a kind of arabesque ornament, followed 
by the subscription evayyeXtov Kara MapKov, and the re- 
mainder of the column is left blank.^ 



^Little stress can be laid on this latter feature, as similar blank 
spaces are found at the ends of the Gospels both of St. Matthew and of 
St. Luke. In the case of the Vatican Codex, half a column is left 
blank at the end of St. Matthew's Gospel. No conclusion can be 



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NOTE I 275 

The witness of another authority, discovered since the 
publication of the Revised Version, is still more emphatic 
for the omission of the verses. In the Codex of the Old 
Syriac Gospels, as transcribed from photographs taken by 
Mrs. Lewis and Mrs. Gibson at the monastery of St. 
Catherine on Mount Sinai in 1892 and 1893, ^ space is 
found between Mark xvi. 8 and the beginning of St. 
Luke's Gospel, filled up by the words in red ink, * Here 
endeth the Gospel of St. Mark,' then a line of ornamental 
dots, and then, * The Gospel of Luke,' also in red. There 
can be no doubt therefore that in this very important 
Codex the closing verses of St. Mark, as we have them in 
our ordinary Bibles, never existed.^ 

Nor is this all, but the doubts which are thus cast upon internal 
them by external evidence are confirmed by the internal ^^' *°**' 
character of the passage as a whole. Both in language 
and style it differs markedly from the rest of the Gospel, 
while its general object is clearly didactic rather than 
historical. 

In all these circumstances, it is now very generally its probable 
admitted by critics that the present ending of St. Mark *"^*^'*' 
formed no part of the original Gospel,* but was an inde- 
pendent narrative, dealing with the Appearances of the 
Risen Christ, which was added at a later date to round off 
the mutilated Marcan narrative (see p. 182). And it is 
at least possible, on the evidence of a note in a copy of 
the Gospels in Armenian written in A.D.^ 986, that the 
real author of this Appendix was Ariston, or rather 
Aristion, whom Papias mentions as one of the disciples 

drawn as to the scribe's practice from St. Luke's Gospel, as it finishes 
at the foot of a column. 

* See the frontispiece to Mrs. . Lewis's Translation of the Four 
Gospels from the Syriac of the Sinaitic Palimpsest^ London, 1894. 

' See, however, Burgon's vigorous defence of the passage in The 
Last Twelve Verses of the Gospel according to St, Afarh, Oxford and 
London, 1871. 



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276 APPENDIX 

of the Lord.^ It is certain, at any rate, that the ending, 
whatever its exact source, was generally accepted at 
an early date, as it is found in practically all Greek nianu- 
scripts and versions, with the exception of those already 
noted above. 
The shorter That, howevcr, its position was not wholly unchallenged 

ending. jg p,.Qyg^] \yy ^hg fact that we have also evidence of another 

and shorter ending. The principal witness for this is 
Codex Regius (L), an eighth century manuscript of the 
Gospels now in Paris, which, as a matter of fact, with 
certain other manuscripts, contains both endings ; though 
as in this case the shorter comes first, it would appear to 
have been preferred by the scribe.* 
It runs as follows : 

Jlavra Se ra iraprfyyeKfiiva Toh irepi top Herpov 
avvTOixm e^if/yctXav. Mera Se ravra Koi. avro^ 6 
*lri(rov^ airo avaToX^^ koi oixpi SvaeoD^ i^airecrTeiKev Si 
avrZv TO Upov koli a<l>BapTOv Kripvy/xa Ttjg alwvlov 
(rwTi]pia9' 

* But all that had been enjoined they reported 
briefly to Peter and his companions. And after- 

*This suggestion was first made by Mr. F. C. Conybeare, who 
discovered the Armenian manuscript in the Patriarchal Library of 
Edschmiatzin in Nov. 1891 : see the Expositor^ IV. viii. p. 241 ff., 
and cf. Swete, The Gospel according to Si, Mark^ p. ciii ff., with the 
instructive Facsimile of the ending of St. Mark in the Edschmiatzin 
manuscript. The Facsimile is also reproduced in Nestle's Textual 
Criticism of the Greek N,T, Plate ix. 

• The full textual evidence will be found in Souter's edition of the 
Novum Testamentum Graece (Oxford, at the Clarendon Press). To 
the authorities containing both endings he now (Text and Canon of the 
N,T, p. 30, n') adds a Graeco-Sahidic manuscript published by Heer 
in Oriens Christianus, 191 2, p. iff. They are also found on the verso 
of the interesting Gospel manuscript (? seventh century) published by 
Dr. Rendel Harris in Biblical Fragments from Mount Sinai (London, 
1890), No. 12, Fol. 3, as I learn from the editor's own corrected copy 
to which he has kindly given me access. 



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NOTE I 277 

wards Jesus Himself sent out by them from east even 
to west the sacred and imperishable proclamation of 
eternal salvation/ 

The origin of this shorter ending is obviously much the its origin and 
same as that of the longer, though instead of being an *^ ^'*^*^^^'"- 
independent composition to begin with, it would seem to 
have been specially composed to complete the broken-off 
ending of St. Mark. 

Dr. Hort finds in it certain resemblances in style to 
St. Luke's Prologue,^ and Dr. Swete notes one or two 
verbal similarities with the Epistle of Clement* But in 
any case there is again general agreement that it formed 
no part of the original St. Mark, nor from the absence of 
references to it in early Christian writings does it seem 
ever to have become widely known. 

Apart from these two endings, an interpolated form The new 
of the first ending of the Gospel has recently been ^" "'^* 
brought to light. It cannot indeed be said to be wholly 
new, for part of it is given in a well-known passage in 
St. Jerome's * Dialogue against the Pelagians.* But as 
no Greek manuscript support for this passage has hitherto 
been available, little weight has been attached to it. ^ 

That support is now, however, forthcoming in a new The Washing- 
uncial codex of the Gospels, which has been named the man^ripT 
Washington manuscript (W) in view of its future home, 
though it is popularly known as the Freer manuscript, 
because it is the possession of Mr. C. L. Freer of Detroit, 
Michigan, U.S.A. The manuscript, or rather manuscripts, 
for they are four in number, are said to have been formerly 
in the White Monastery near Sohag, opposite Akhmlm, 
but Professor Sanders, to whom their publication has been 
entrusted, prefers to think rather of the monastery of the 

^Introduction to the New Testament in the Original Greek^^ 
p. 298 f. 
* Gospel according to St, Marky p. ci. 



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278 APPENDIX 

Vinedresser, which was located near the third pyramid.^ 
In some such ruined monastery at any rate they were 
found about the year 1906, and apart from the richness of 
their contents,* their importance is shown by the fact that 
their date cannot be later than the sixth century, and may 
go back perhaps even to the fourth. 

The complete publication of the manuscripts in facsimile 
is eagerly awaited, but meanwhile an account of the new 
ending of St. Mark in the Gospel manuscript has been 
given by Professor Gregory of Leipzig in a short study 
entitled Das Freer-Logion (Leipzig, 1908) with illustra- 
tions, from which Plate VI. at p. 182 has been repro- 
duced. And the interesting point for our present purpose 
is, that in this Freer manuscript we find, as has already 
been indicated, what is apparently the original from which 
St. Jerome quotes, along with an additional passage giving 
our Lord*s answer to the Eleven. 

For the purposes of comparison it may be well to give 
St. Jerome's version first. 

* In quibusdam exemplaribus et maxime in Graecis 
codicibus iuxta Marcum in fine eius evangelii scribitur: 
Postea, quum accubuissent undecim, apparuit cis 
lesus et exprobravit incredulitatem et duritiam cordis 
eorum, quia his, qui viderant eum resurgentem, non 
credidenint. et illi satisfaciebant dicentes : Saeculum 
istud iniquitatis et incredulitatis sub Satana est, quod 
non sinit per immundos spiritus veram dei appre- 
hendi virtutem : idcirco iam nunc revela iustitiam 
tuam ' {Dialogus contra PelagianoSy ii. I 5). 

The new passage in the Freer codex comes immediately 
after St. Mark xvi. 14 in our usually received text In 

^ The Old Testament Manuscripts in the Freer Collection^ Part I. 
(New York, 1910), p. 2 ff 

*They contain the books of Deuteronomy and Joshua, the Psalms, 
the Gospels, and fragments of the Pauline Epistles. 



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NOTE I 279 

the following transcript the lines of the original manuscript 
(see Plate VI.) have been preserved, but breathings, 
accents, and punctuation have been added. 

KGLKeivoi aireKoyovvT^'To] Xeyorrcj' ori 6 

amy oSto^ t^j avofiia^ Koi rrfi airiairia^ 

viro Tov aaravav eairiv, 6 jmij eSov ra inro 

tS>v TTvevfiaTWv OKaOapra rijv aXiidctav 

Tw Oew KaraXa^ea-Oai Svvajjuv. St a 

TOVTO awoKaXuyfrov (rov t^v SiKaioav- 

vriv fjSrj, cKeti^oi eXeyov Tw lLpiair^» koi 6 

^piairo9 €K€ivot^ irpoaeKeyev'^ Srt ireirXripw 

rai 6 opo9 tS>v €tS>v t^ i^ovcla^ tov 

craTavoLi aWa eyy/fec SXKa Siva [sc, Seiva], kou v- 

ir€p S)v eyo) afiapTfifravT^v wapcSoOijv 

€«9 Oavarov, iVa inro(rTp€\frwa'iv eiV t^i' 

aXi^Oeiav koi ixfiKeri afiapr^axriv' 

wa T^v €v Tip ovpav^ irvevjuMTiKfiv Koi a- 

<f>6apT0v T^g StKaioavvtjg So^av 

KXtjpovoim^coo'iv. oXXa iropevdev 

T€g ktX. 

*And they defended themselves, saying: "This 
world of lawlessness and of unbelief is under Satan, 
which does not suffer those unclean things that 
are under the dominion of spirits to comprehend 
the true power of God. On this account reveal 
Thy righteousness now." They said (these things) 
to Christ. And Christ replied to them : " There 
has been fulfilled the term of years of the 
authority of Satan, but other dreadful things are 
drawing nigh, even (to those) for the sake of whom 
as sinners I was delivered up to death, in order 
that they might return to the truth and sin no 
more ; in order that they might inherit the spiritual 
and incorruptible glory of righteousness which is in 
heaven " [Mark xvi. 15]. But go . . .' 



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28o 



APPENDIX 



General 
character 
of the new 
ending. 



Bibliography. 



Into the different questions which this ending raises, 
we are unable to enter at present. It must be enough 
to say that there is no better reason for regarding it as 
authentic, in the sense of its having formed part of 
the original Marcan Gospel, than was the case with the 
longer and shorter endings previously noted. Rather 
from the natural way in which the new words fit in between 
vv. 14 and 15, they would seem to have formed part of a 
still longer recension, and for some unknown reason to 
have been excised from the ending in general use. 

Till the completion of the facsimile edition, those who 
desire further information regarding the manuscripts as a 
whole may be referred to the articles by Sanders in the 
Biblical World (Chicago), Feb. 1908 and May, 1909, both 
with plates, and in the American Journal of Archaeology, 
xii. (1908) p. 49 ff. and xiii. (1909) p. 130 ff., both again 
with plates ; to the articles by E. J. Goodspeed in the 
Biblical World, March, 1908, and in the American Journal 
of Theology, xiii. (1909) p. 597 ff. ; to the notices by. 
Harnack and Schmidt in the Theologische Literaturzeitung, 
1908, p. 168 ff. and p. 359 ff.; and to the accounts by 
Jacquier, Histoire des Livres du Nouveau Testament, iii. 
(Paris, 1908) p. 338 ff., and by Oesterley, Our Bible Text, 
London, 1909, p. 32 ff. 

The text of the new Marcan ending can be very con- 
veniently studied in Two New Gospel Fragments, ed. H. B. 
Swete (Cambridge : Deighton, Bell and Co., 1908, price 
6d.), p. 9 ff., being the English edition of Lietzmann's 
Kleine Texte fiir Theologische Vorlesungen und Vbungen, 
No. 31. 



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NOTE J. 
THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO PETER. 

Though the Akhmim fragment was discovered in the Gospel of 
winter of 1886-87, it was not till November, 1892, that^''^^'' 
the text was first published by M. Bouriant in the 
Mimoires publiis par les membres de la Mission Archio- 
logique Franqaise au Caire^ IX. i. (Paris : E. Leroux). 
Almost immediately afterwards, a tentatively corrected 
text was issued in this country by Professor Swete, which, 
after revision, was reprinted along with a valuable Intro- 
duction and Notes in The Akhmim Fragment of the 
Apocryphal Gospel of St. Peter (London, 1893). From 
this edition, with Dr. Swete's kind consent, I have taken 
the following transcription and translation of the passage 
shown in the facsimile, Plates IX., X. 

IX. T^ Sk vvKTi xi iirii^(TKev rj KvpiaKYj, <f>v\afTcr6vTwv tS>v 
(TTpaTiWTwv ava Suo Svo Kara (f>povpaVy juLeyaXrj (fxavij 
eycvero iv tS> ovpavw kcu elSov avoixOevra^ T01/9 ovpavov^ 
Koi Svo avSpag] KaTeXOoinra^ cKeWev, iroXv <f>€yyo9 €\ovTa^, 
KCU eyyla-avrag tS) rd^o). 6 &e Xi6o9 €K€tvo9 o ^€p\rjfX€vo^ 
eiri rxi Qvpt^ a<f> cavrov KuXia-deh eirexoopv^c irapa jnepof, 
Koi 6 Ta<l>09 ^volyrj Koi ajULfporepoi oi veavlcTKOi eia-^jXOov. 
iSoinrc^ oSv 01 arpaTiSrrai €K€lvoi i^virvKrav tov Kevrupltopa 
Koi Tovg Trpea-fivrepov^y Traprjtrav yap koi avroi (pvXcur' 
(rovT€9' KOI €^rjyovfjL€V(ov avrm a ctSov, TrdXiv opSxriv 
i^eXOoirrag airo tov Ta<l>ov Tp€h avSpa^i} Kai tov^ Svo tov 
^Cf. Dan. iii. 24f.. 



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282 APPENDIX 

€pa inropOovvrag, koi airavpop cucoXovdovirra avrot^' Koi 
tS>v juiep Sua Tfjv K€<f>aXjjv xwpoucrav fiexpi tou ovpcofoS, 
Tov Se x^'poy*«>yo*^M*^oi/ vir aurwv inrep^ouvova-av tov^ 
ovpavov^' Kot ifxavrj^ fJKOvov €k t£v ovpavS>v Xeyown/y 
'EioJ/M/^ay Tofy Koifidofiivoi^'^ kcu inraxoii tjKOvero airo tov 
(rraupov [ojri Na/.^ 

X. T,vP€(rK€TrTovTO oSv oXA);\oi9 cKctvoi CLTreXOew xai 
€v<t>apl(rai ravra tu> IIciXaTaJ. Koi eri Siauoovfievwv 
avTwv f/xuvoyrai iraXiP auoixQevTC^ oi ovpavoi Kat 
avQpwwo^ T19 KaTeXOvDv kou eia-eXdwy eiV to fip^ficL. ravra 
iSoirre^ oi irept tov Kevrvpmva wkto^ &nr€varav irpo^ 
UeiXaTov, aif>€VT€<i tov Ta<l>ov ov €<f>vXa(r(rov, koi e^riyrf 
(ravTO iravTa direp elSov^ aywviu>vT€^ fiey 0X009 ^al Xeyovrt^ 
*AXfi6w9 vlo9 ^v deov. airoKpiOeh o HeiXaTO^ €^>J 'Eyi 
Kadapevco tov olfiaTO^ tov viov tov deov, vfiiv Se tovto 
eSo^ev, efra irpoa-eXOovTe^ TrdvT€i eSeovro airroi? koi 
TrapcKoXovv KcXevtrai t5> K€VTvpiu>vi Kai roiy trrpaTtiiTm^ 
fjLtjSiv eiTreiv St elSov' avjuapepei yap, <f>a(rlv, fjjuLtv 6<p}Jj<rai 
fieyltrTfjv ajuLapTiav eixirpotrOev tov deov, kcu jjLfj efXTretrelv 
eiV X^'P^f '^^^ Xaov tS>v *lovSala>v koi XidatrOfivai* ace- 
Xeva-ev ovv 6 Ile/Xaro? rw Kevrvpleovi koi T019 frTpctTidrrcu^ 
/xijSiv eiiretv. 

XI. "OpQpov Se T9J9 KvpioKfj^^ Mapiafi tj M.aySaXrjvii, 
fiaOriTpia * tov Kvpiov {<t>ol3ovfjL€vri Sia tov9 'lovSalov^, 
eiretS^ iffiXeyovro [viro r^? opyrj^, ovk eirottjaev eiri tw 
[jLvriiJLaTi TOV Kvplov a eidOea-av irotciv cu ywaiKC^ eTri Toi^ 
airoBvrtfTKovtTi kcu T019 ayairwiuLevoig avrah), Xa^ovcra fieO* 
eavT^g ray 0/Xa9 ^Xde cirl to fxvriixeiov oirov ^v rede/y. 

IX. Now on the night when the Lord's Day was 
drawing on, as the soldiers kept guard by two and 
two in a watch, there was a great voice in heaven, 

* Cf. I Pet. iii. 18. «Cf. 2 Cor. i. 2a 

3 Cf. Rev. i. 10. * Cf. Acts ix. 36. 



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NOTE J 283 

and they saw the heavens opened, and two men] 
descend from thence with much light and draw nigh 
unto the tomb. And the stone which had been cast 
at the door rolled away of itself and made way in 
part, and the tomb was opened, and both the young 
men entered in. The soldiers, therefore, when they 
saw it, awakened the centurion and the elders (for 
they were also there keeping watch) ; and as they 
told the things that they had seen, again they see 
three men coming forth from the tomb, two of them 
supporting the other, and a cross following them ; 
and the head of the two reached to heaven, but that 
of Him who was led by them overpassed the heavens. 
And they heard a voice from the heavens, saying. 
Thou didst preach to them that sleep ; and a 
response was heard from the cross, Yea. 

X. They took counsel therefore with one another to 
go and shew these things unto Pilate. And while 
they yet thought on this, the heavens again appeared 
to open, and a man descended and entered into the 
sepulchre. When they saw this, they of the cen- 
turion's company hastened by night to Pilate, leaving 
the tomb which they were guarding, and told all 
that they had seen, greatly distressed and saying, 
Truly He was the Son of God. Pilate answered 
and said, I am clean from the blood of the Son of 
God, but this was your pleasure. Then they all 
came near and besought him, and entreated him to 
command the centurion and the soldiers to say 
nothing as to the things which they had seen; for 
it is expedient for us (they said) to be guilty of a 
very great sin before God, and not to fall into the 

. hands of the Jews and be stoned. Pilate therefore 
commanded the centurion and the soldiers to say 
nothing. 



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284 APPENDIX 

XL Now at dawn on the Lord's Day Mary Magdalene, 
a female disciple of the Lord — afraid by reason of 
the Jews, forasmuch as they were inflamed [with 
wrath, she had not done at the sepulchre of the 
Lord what women are wont to do for those who die 
and who are dear to them — took with her her female 
friends, and came to the sepulchre where He was 
laid. 

It is impossible here to discuss the many questions 
which the Gospel according to Peter suggests. But as 
illustrating its peculiarities, attention may be drawn in 
c. ix. to the mention of the three men of supernatural 
height who issued from the tomb, the most majestic 
being supported by the other two ; to the personification of 
the cross ; and to the preaching in Hades : in c x. to the 
writer's marked desire to free Pilate from blame, in order 
to emphasize the guilt of the Jews : and, in c. xi., to the 
ascribing to fear the delay in the women's visit to the tomb. 

Elsewhere the docetic character of the Gospel, to which 
Serapion refers in its criticism of it (Eus. H,E, vi. 12) 
comes out very clearly, notably in the loud cry attributed 
to the Lord upon the cross, 'H hivaiiU Moi;, h Svvafxig /mov, 
KareXeiyl/ag fxe^ * My power, my power, thou hast forsaken 
me * (c. v.). The Divine Christ, that is, was * taken up,' 
while the Human Christ remained upon the cross. 

The exact date of tlfe Gospel is uncertain, but it may 
be placed about A.D. 150. 

Literature. For further information regarding the Gospel, the 

English student may be referred to TAe Gospel ctccording 
to Peter^ and the Revelation of Peter^ by J. Armitage 
Robinson^ and Montague Rhodes James (London, 1892), 

^ A revised edition of Dean Armitage Robinson's translation of the 
Gospel fragment has since appeared in the Additional Volume of the 
Ante-Nicene Christian Z/^nzry (Edinburgh, 1897X p- 7f. 



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NOTE J 285 

and to A popular account of the newly -recovered Gospel of 
S. Peter, by J. Rendel Harris (London, 1893), as well as 
to articles by J. O. F. Murray in The Expositor, VII. iv. 
p. 50 ff., and by V. H. Stanton in The Journal of Theo- 
logical Studies, ii. ( 1 90 1 ), p. i ff. 

Amongst the most important studies of the Gospel by 
foreign scholars are Evangelii secundum Petrum et Petri 
Apocalypseos quae supersunt . . . , by A. Lx)ds, Paris, 1892 ; 
Bruchstucke des Evangeliums und der Apokalypse des 
Petrus (being Texte u, Untersuchungen, ix. 2) by A. 
Harnack, Leipzig, 1893 ; ^^^ Evangelium des Petrus, by 
Theodor Zahn, Erlangen U.Leipzig, 1893 ; dSiA L J^vangile 
de Pierre et les Avangiles Canoniques, by A. Sabatier, 
Paris, 1893. 



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NOTE K. 

THE MURATORIAN FRAGMENT ON THE CANON. 

Muratorian THIS fragment o( a Roman second century canon was 
^"' first published by its discoverer Muratori in his Antiqui' 

tates Italicae Medii Aevi (Milan, 1740), iii. p. 851 ff., and 
has since been frequently revised and reprinted. Full 
information regarding it will be found in S. P. Tregelles, 
Canon Muratorianus, Oxford, 1867 ; in Westcott, On the 
Canon ^y Appendix C ; and in Zahn, Geschichte des Neutest, 
Kanons, ii. p. i ff, and Grundriss^, p. t6^. The results 
of a new examination of the Codex madq by the Rev. 
E. S. Buchanan in 1906 will be found in the Journal of 
Theological Studies^ viii. (i907)» p. 537 ff. I am indebted 
to Professor Zahn for the Latin text of the Canon printed 
below, and to Professor Gwatkin for the accompanying 
translation from his Selections from Early Writers 
(London, 1905), p. 83 ff. 

quibus tamen interfuit et ita posuit 
tertio euangelii librum secundo lucan 
lucas iste medicus post ascensum [XPi] 
cum eo paulus quasi ut iuris studiosum 
5 secundum adsumsisset numeni suo 

ex opinione conscribset dnm tamen nee ipse 
uidit in carne et ide prout asequi potuit 
ita et ad nativitate iohannis incipet dicere 
quart! euangeliorum iohannis ex decipolis 



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NOTE K 287 

10 cohortantibus condescipulis et eps suis 
dixit conieiunate mihi odie triduo et quid 
cuique fuerit reuelatum alterutrum 
nobis ennarremus eadem nocte reue 
latum andreae ex apostolis ut recognis 

15 centibus cuntis iohannis suo nomine 
cuncta discriberet et ideo licit uaria sin 
culis euangeliorum libris principia 
doceantur nihil tamen differt creden 
tium fidei cum uno ac principali spu de 

20 clarata sint in omnibus omnia de natiui 
tate de passione de ressurrectione 
de conuersatione cum decipulis suis 
ac de gemino eius aduentu 
primo in humilitate dispectus quod fo 

25 it secundum potestate regali . . . pre 
clarum quod foturum est quid ei^o 
mirum si iohannes tam constanter 
sincula etia in epistulis suis proferam 
dicens in semeipsu quae uidimus oculis 

30 nostris et auribus audiuimus et manus 
nostrae palpauerunt haec scripsimus uobis 
sic enim non solum uisurem sed et auditorem. 
sed et scriptore omnium mirabiliu dni per ordi 
nem profetetur acta aute omniu apostolorum 

35 sub uno libro scribta sunt lucas obtime theofi 
le conprindit quia sub praesentia eius singula 
gerebantur sicuti et semote passione petri 
euidenter declarat sed et profectione pauli ab ur 
be ad spania proficiscentis epistulae autem 

40 pauli quae a quo loco uel qua ex causa directe 
sint volentibus intellegere ipse declarant 
primu omnium corintheis scysmae heresis in 
terdicens deinceps b callactis circumcisione 
romanis aute ordine scripturarum sed et 

45 principium earum . . . esse XPm intimans 



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288 APPENDIX 

prolexius scripsit de quibus sincolis neces 
se est ad nobis desputari cum ipse beatus 
apostolus paulus sequens prodecessoris sui 
iohannis ordine non nisi nomenati sempte 

50 ecclesiis scribat ordine tali a corenthios 

prima, ad efesius seconda ad philippinses ter 
tia ad colosensis quarta ad calatas quin 
ta ad tensaolenecinsis sexta ad romanos 
septima uerum corintheis et thesaolecen 

55 sibus licet pro correbtione iteretur una 
tamen per omnem orbem terrae ecclesia 
deffusa esse denoscitur et iohannis enl in a 
pocalebsy licet septe eccleseis scribat 
tamen omnibus dicit veru ad filemonem una 

60 et at titu una et ad tymotheu duas pro affec 
to et dilectione in honore tamen eclesiae ca 
tholice in ordinatione eclesiastice 
discepline scificate sunt fertur etiam ad 
laudecenses alia ad alexandrinos pauli no 

65 mine fincte ad heresem marcionis et alia plu 
ra quae in catholicam eclesiam recepi non 
potest fel enim cum melle misceri non con 
cruit epistola sane iude et superscrictio 
iohannis duas in catholica habentur et sapi 

70 entia ab amicis salomonis in honore ipsius 
scripta apocalapse etiam iohanis et pe 
tri tantum recipimus quam quidam ex nos 
tris legi in eclesia nolunt pastorem uero 
nuperrim e temporibus nostris in urbe 

75 roma herma conscripsit sedente cathe 
tra urbis romae aeclesiae pio spe fratre 
eius et ideo legi eum quide oportet se pu 
plicare vero in eclesia populo neqe inter 
profetas completum numero neqe inter 

80 apostolos in fine temporum potest 
arsinoi autem seu ualentini uel mitiadis 



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NOTE K 289 



nihil in totum recipemus qui etiam nouu 
psalmorum librum marcioni conscripse 
runt una cum basilide assianom catafry 
85 cum constitutorem. 



Fragment of Muratori on the Canon. 

*...but at some he was present, and so he set them 
down. 

The third book of the Gospel, that according to Luke, 
was compiled in his own name in order by Luke the 
physician, when after Christ's ascension Paul had taken 5 
him to be with him like a student of law. Yet neither 
did he see the Lord in the flesh ; and he too, as he was 
able to ascertain [events, so set them down]. So he 
began his story from the birth of John. 

The fourth of the Gospels [was written by] John, one 
of the disciples. When exhorted by his fellow-disciples 10 
and bishops, he said, * Fast with me this day for three 
days ; and what may be revealed to any of us, let us 
relate it to one another.' The same night it was revealed 
to Andrew, one of the apostles, that John was to write all 
things in his own name, and they were all to certify. 15 

And therefore, though various elements are taught in 
the several books of the Gospels, yet it makes no difference 
to the faith of believers, since by one guiding Spirit all 
things are declared in all of them concerning the Nativity, 20 
the Passion, the Resurrection, the conversation with his 
disciples and his two comings, the first in lowliness and 
contempt, which has come to pass, the second glorious 
with royal power, which is to come. 25 

What marvel therefore if John so firmly sets forth each 
statement in his Epistle too, saying of himself, * What we 
have seen with our eyes and heard with our ears and our 30 
hands have handled, these things we have written to 
you ' ? For so he declares himself not an eyewitness and 

T 



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290 APPENDIX 

a hearer only, but a writer of all the marvels of the Lx>rd 
in order. 

The Acts however of all the Apostles are written in 

35 one book. Luke puts it shortly to the most excellent 
Theophilus, that the several things were done in his own 
presence, as he also plainly shows by leaving out the 
passion of Peter, and also the departure of Paul from 
town on his journey to Spain. 

The Epistles however of Paul themselves make plain 
to those who wish to understand it, what Epistles were 

40 sent by him, and from what place, and for what cause. 
He wrote at some length first of all to the Corinthians, 
forbidding schisms and heresies ; next to the Galatians, 
forbidding circumcision ; then to the Romans, impressing 

45 on them the plan of the Scriptures, and also that Christ is 
the first principle of them, concerning which severally it 
is [not] necessary for us to discuss, since the blessed 
Apostle Paul himself, following the order of his predecessor 
John, writes only by name to seven churches in the fol- 

50 lowing order — to the Corinthians a first, to the Ephesians 
a second, to the Philippians a third, to the Colossians 
a fourth, to the Galatians a fifth, to the Thessalonians a 
sixth, to the Romans a seventh; whereas, although for 
the sake of admonition there is a second to the Corinthians 

55 and to the Thessalonians, yet one Church is recognized as 
being spread over the entire world. For John too in the 
Apocalypse, though he writes to seven churches, yet 
speaks to all. Howbeit to Philemon one, to Titus one, 

60 and to Timothy two were put in writing from personal 
inclination and attachment, to be in honour however with 
the Catholic Church for the ordering of the ecclesiastical 
mode of life. There is current also one to the Laodicenes, 
another to the Alexandrians, [both] forged in Pauls name 

65 to suit the heresy of Marcion, and several others, which 
cannot be received into the Catholic Church ; for it is not 
fitting that gall be mixed with honey. 



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NOTE K 291 

The Epistle of Jude no doubt, and the couple bearing 
the name of John, are accepted in the Catholic [Church] ; 
and the Wisdom written by the friends of Solomon in his 70 
honour. The Apocalypse also of John, and of Peter [one 
Epistle, which] only we receive ; [there is also a second] 
which some of our friends will not have read in the 
Church. But the Shepherd was written quite lately in 
our times by Hermas, while his brother Pius, the bishop, 
was sitting in the chair of the church of the city of Rome ; 75 
and therefore it ought indeed to be read, but it cannot to 
the end of time be publicly read in the Church to the 
people, either among the prophets, who are complete in 
number, or among the Apostles. 86 

But of Valentinus the Arsinoite and his friends we 
receive nothing at all ; who have also composed a long 
new book of Psalms ; together with Basilides and the 
Asiatic founder of the Montanists.' 



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NOTE L. 

THE ORDER OF THE NEW TESTAMENT WRITINGS. 

Earliest N.T. We havc Seen that during the greater part of the period 
collections. ^^ ^j^.^j^ ^^ j^^^^ ^^^^ treating the different New Testa- 
ment writings were circulated either singly or in small 
groups (cf. p. 204). Of these last the most important 
were EYATTEAION, *the Gospel/ and AHOSTOAOS. 
*the Apostle/ the separate books in these collections 
being provided not only with their own titles, but also 
frequently with individual prefaces or prologues.^ 

Gradually, however, the practice began of combining 
the scattered groups into one or more volumes. And in 
such a process it was inevitable that the order in which 
these groups and their constituent members were arranged 
should vary greatly. No good purpose would be served 
by reproducing here the elaborate tables or lists of these 
varying orders which have been drawn up. The curious 
reader will find full particulars in the literature mentioned 
below. But it may be of interest to indicate very 
generally a few of the principal facts, especially in so 
far as they bear upon the order of books to which we 
are accustomed in our English New Testament. 

^The very interesting Latin Marcionite Prologues to St. Paul's 
Epistles can now be conveniently studied in Souter, Text and Cxmon 
of the New Testament^ p. 205 ff. : cf. also the later editions of Burkitt's 
Gospel History and its Transmission, 



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NOTE L 293 

I. We begin with the main groups or sections into i. prder of 
which our New Testament writings as a whole fall. And S^.fT^"^^ 
here the Gospels are almost invariably placed first, owing SS^?' 
to the nature of their contents and the honour paid to 
their authors. Any change in this position, as when 
Chrysostom places them after the Pauline Epistles, was 
doubtless due to litui^ical reasons. 

The desire to keep the historical books together ensured Acts, 
that as a rule the book of the Acts of the Apostles 
followed the Gospels, though in one of our oldest and 
most important codices, the Codex Sinaiticus, it is placed 
after the Pauline Epistles and the Epistle to the 
Hebrews.^ 

Contrary to the order to which we are accustomed in Catholic 
our English version, the Catholic Epistles are found p*^^^* 
immediately after the Book of Acts and before the 
Pauline Epistles in almost all our Greek manuscripts, 
partly, doubtless, as the writings of the principal Apostles, 
and partly because of their encyclical or general character.* 
And this place, as is well known, continues to be assigned 
to them in many recent critical editions of the Greek 
New Testament, such as those of Tischendorf or of 
Westcott and Hort. 

Then come the Pauline Epistles, and finally the Apoca- Pauline 
lypse, whose place would be determined by the difficulty ApSa^pse. 

* It may be noted that Acts occupies the same place in the earliest 
printed Greek Testament, a.d. 15 14. This Testament formed part 
of the great Complutensian Polyglott of Cardinal Xiroenes, and was 
not actually published till the completion of that work in 1520, four 
years after the issue of Erasmus's edition of the Greek New Testament 
(Basle, 1 5 16). 

^ 3 John is the only one of the seven which does not fall under this 
last category, and it is quite possible that had it not been for the 
habit of inscribing it along with its companion 2 John on one roll 
with the rest of the group, these two short Epistles might have been 
lost to us altogether. 



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294 



APPENDIX 



2. Order of 
individual 
writings in 
groups. 



Gospels. 



it had found in winning acceptance in certain quarters, 
as well as by its own inherent character.^ 

2. When we pass to the individual constituents of these 
different groups, the orders in which they are found are 
almost bewildering in their variety, nor in many cases is 
it possible any longer to discover the principles on which 
the scribes acted. 

But here again the order of the Gospels to which we 
are accustomed — Matthew, Mark, Luke, John — is the 
prevailing one in nearly all the Greek and Syriac manu- 
scripts, and rests apparently on various early traditions 
regarding their origin and authorship.* 

Of other arrangements, perhaps the most interesting 
is that of Codex Bezae and certain Old Latin manuscripts, 
where Matthew and John come before Luke and Mark, 
apparently on the ground that the Gospels of Apostles 
should precede the Gospels of followers of Apostles.^ 
The precedence assigned to Luke's Gospel over Mark's 
may be due simply to its greater length. On the other 
hand, in a Canon of unknown date, bound up in the sixth 
century Codex Claromontanus of St. Paul's Epistles, 
Mark comes before Luke. 



* Cf. p. 223 f. In the so-called Deere turn Gelasianunty the Apocalypse 
comes after the Pauline and before the Catholic Epistles, but this 
Decree, instead of belonging to the end of the fourth century as was 
formerly believed, is now assigned to the sixth century : see E. von 
Dobschiitz, Das Deere turn Gelasianum de Ubris Reeipiendis et Non 
Recipiendis (Leipzig, 191 2), cited by Souter, Text and Canon, pp. 218, 
229 f. 

*Cf. e.g, Irenaeus, euiv, Haer, iii. i. 2 (as in Additional Note H), 
and the views of Origen, as stated in Eusebius, Hist. Eecles, vi. 25. 3-6, 
who says that he has learned by tradition [iv rapMaei) that Matthew 
wrote first, then Mark as Peter instructed him (<!» Uirpos ^^nrr^aro adr^), 
thirdly Luke (to inn Ua6\ov irau^o^ftevow eOaTT^Xioi'), and last of all John 
{irl Touaiv to icotA *I(adtfprjp). 

'This 'Western* order is also found in the recently discovered 
Freer manuscript (cf. Additional Note I, p. 277 f.). 



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NOTE L 295 

Chrysostom places John first, and arranges the other 
Gospels in the order — Matthew, Luke, Mark, an order 
which seems to have been known to Tertullian,^ and 
corresponds, as Gregory has pointed out,* with the order 
found in the lectionaries or books of Gospel lessons, in 
which John was read at Easter, Matthew at Whitsuntide, 
Luke at Michaelmas, and Mark in Lent. 

The Catholic Epistles were later than the Pauline in Catholic 
being collected into a single book, but from the fourth p*^*^- 
century onwards they generally appear in the order — 
James, Peter, John, Jude. When any change is made, 
Peter is placed first owing to the ecclesiastical position of 
the writer, and the others follow in all possible variations. 

In the case of the Pauline Epistles, the earliest order Pauline 
with which we are acquainted is found in Marcion's Canon ^p*^^^®^ 
(cf p. 217), in which Galatians is placed first, perhaps on 
dogmatic grounds, though it is worth noting that this place 
is assigned to it chronologically by many modem critics.* 

In the Muratorian Canon (cf. Additional Note K), 
on the other hand, the Epistles to the Corinthians come 
first, and the Epistle to the Romans at the end, immedi- 
ately before Philemon and the Pastorals, a position which 
may help to explain some of the textual difficulties con- 
nected with its closing chapters (see p. 1 8 2 ff). 

Another variation that frequently occurs is the placing 
of Colossians after 2 Thessalonians. 

On the whole, however, the order of the individual 
Epistles to which we are accustomed has been the pre- 
vailing order from the fourth century onwards. And the 
fact that there is no earlier evidence for it suggests that 

^ cLdv. Marc, iv. 2 : ' nobis fidem ex apostolis Johannes et Matthaeus 
insinuant, ex apostolicis Lucas et Marcus instaurant, iisdem regulis 
exorsi.' 

* Textkritik^ ii. p. 856, cf. i. p. 339. 

^Scc the note in my commentary on Thessalonians^ p. xxxvii f. 



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296 



APPENDIX 



Epistle to 
the Hebrews. 



It may have formed 'part of the textual and critical 
revision which the New Testament underwent, chiefly, but 
not exclusively, at the hand of Alexandrian scholars, in 
the fourth century/ ^ In the main it would seem to have 
been determined on the two grounds that the Epistles 
addressed to Churches should precede those addressed 
to persons, and that the longer Epistles should come 
before the shorter. 

The position assigned to the Epistle to the Hebrews 
is of importance, especially in connexion with the question 
of authorship. In the earlier Greek manuscripts it is 
placed between the Epistles of St Paul to the Churches 
and the Pastoral Epistles;* but in the majority of late 
Greek manuscripts it comes at the end of all the Epistles 
usually attributed to St. Paul, and may therefore be re- 
garded as a kind of appendix to them. 



Literature. Those who desire further particulars may consult 

Moffatt's carefully prepared lists in his Historical New 
Testament^ p. 108 ff., and more recently in his Introduction 
to the Literature of the New Testament^ P- 1 3 ff«> and the 
discussions in Zahn, Geschichte des Neutestamentlichen 
Kanons^ ii. p. 343 ff., Gregory, Textkritik des Neuen 
Testamentes^ ii. p. 848 ff., and (in a condensed form) 
Jacquier, Le Nouveau Testament dans I'J&glise Chritienne^ 
ii. p. 59ff. The Latin evidence is given by S. Berger, 
Histoire de la Vulgate (Paris, 1893), pp. 301 ff., 339 ff. 
Many of the most interesting * Catalogues ' are printed in 
the Appendices to Westcott's and to Souter*s works on 
the Canon. Some interesting remarks on the whole 
subject will also be found in a paper by the Rev. A. 
Wright, Some New Testament Problems (London, 1898X 
p. 195 ff. 

^ Lake, The Earlier Epistles of St. Paul, p. 358, n«. 

* Sec also the Festal Letter of Athanasius, Additional Note M, 



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NOTE M. 

EXTRACTS FROM FESTAL LETTER XXXIX. OF 
ATHANASIUS, a.d. 367. 

The earliest list of the books of the New Testament, Athanasius. 
which includes all the books of our own Canon and *^ ^''* 
no others, is given by Athanasius in one of his Festal 
Letters. The following extracts are taken from Zahn*s 
Greek text in his Geschichte des Neutestamentlichen Kanons^ 
ii. p. 2ioff., and reprinted in his Grundriss der Geschichte 
des Neutestamentlichen Kanons^, p. 87 f. 

MeXXft)!' ^€ TOVTOdv fivijfioveveiv xpwo/iiai wpo^ (rutrracrtv 
TrJ9 e/uLauTOv T0X/X179 T(p tvtto) tov evayyeXitrrou AovKci,^ 
Xeytav kui avrog' iireiSriTrep rivi^ €Trex€ipfj(Tav avaTa- 
^acrOai eavroig tu Xeyofieva cnroKpvipa koi. iiriixl^ai 
raSra rj] Qeoirvevtrrta ypa<f>^, irepl ffg iir\ijpo<f>opiidtjjuL€v 
Kadiog Trap€So(rav toU TraTpdaiv oi aTr* apx^ avTOirrat 
Koi virripirai yevofievoi tov Xoyoi/, cSo^e Ka/j.ol irpoTpa- 
irevTi irapa ymjcrlcov a^eX^wi/ koi fxaOovri avfaOev, c^rj^ 
eKOeaOai ra Kavovi^ofieva koi irapaSoQivra TnoTevOevra 
T€ deia ehai ^t^la^ tva eKaarro^t el imev fjiraiiidtj, Karayvla 
Twv TrXavfjcravrfav, 6 Se KaOapo^ Siafxeiva^ X^^PV 'TaXii' 
vTTOfiifivija'KOfievog* 

"^icrTt Tolwv T?? M^" TToXaia^ SiaOviKri^ fiifiXla t« 
apt6fi(p TCL Travra eiKOcriSvo. 

*Cf. Luke i. 1-4. 



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298 APPENDIX 

To Si Tfjf Kaivij^ ircikiv ovk OKvrp'iov eiiretv. €<m Se 
ravra' ^vayyeXia Tctra-apa Kara Mardaiov, Kara 
Mapjcoi/, Kara Aovkciv, kotcl ^Joixivytiv. Efra fiera ravra 
llpa^€i9 airo<TTo\wv kcu '^TriarToXai KaOoXiKoi JcoXoiJ- 
/jL€vai Twv airocrToXwv eirra ovrtof 'Icucwfiou fiev /ma, 
Jlcrpov Se Svo, etra *lwapvov rpeig Ka\ /jLcra rain-ay 
'loi^a fjLia* Upo^ T0VT019 UavXov aTroaToXou ciaw 
eTTicrroXa] SeKaTcaaapeg, t^ To^ei ypa<f>6jjL€vai ovrco^' 
TTpwTff irpo^ 'Yta/jLaiov^, etra xpw KopivOiov^ Svo, kcu 
/x€To ravra mpo^ TciXarag fxla, irpo^ '^(/}€<riov9 fiia, 
irpo9 ^iXixTTjya/oi/y M"i, xpo9 Ko\o<r<raei9 fxla, ical /xera 
rauray x/009 Oeo'craXovuceag Svo Kai j} irpoi ^^/Spaiov^' 
Kai €vuv9 TTpo^ fiev iifioueov ovo, irpo^ oe iirov fjua 
Koi reXevrala 1} irpog ^iXtj/jLOva fxta' kcu TraXtv *Iwapvov 
airoKoXvylrts. 

Tavra irfiyai crarrfjpiov, ware rov Siyj/wirTa i/jopopeiadcu 
riov €v rovroi9 Xoylcov' iv rovroi^ fiovotg ro r^ eva-e/Seiai 
StSaa-KoXeiop evayyeXl^eraC /jLtjSei^ rovroi^ eTrifiaXXerw 
firjSe rovroDv afpaipela-Ow rt» 

' Seeing that I am about to make mention of 
these matters, I will use to support my boldness 
the example of the Evangelist Luke, and I will 
also say : Since certain men have taken in hand 
to draw up for themselves (a list of) the books 
called apocryphal, and to mix these up with the God- 
inspired Scripture, concerning which we have been 
fully informed, in accordance with what those who 
were from the beginning eye-witnesses and servants 
of the word have handed down to the fathers, it 
has seemed good to me also, seeing that I have 
been urged on by the true brethren, and have 
learned (the course of all things accurately) from 
the first, to set forth in order the books that are 
in the canonical list and have been handed down 
and believed to be Divine, in order that each 



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NOTE M 299 

person, if he has been deceived, may pass judgment 
on those who led him astray, and he who has 
continued blameless may rejoice, when he is again 
reminded (of the truth). 

These then are the books of the Old Testament, 
in number altogether twenty-two 

Nor must I shrink from mentioning the books 
of the New Testament in their turn. They are 
these : Four Gospels, according to Matthew, accord- 
ing to Mark, according to Luke, according to John. 
Then after these Acts of Apostles and Epistles of 
the Apostles, which are called Catholic and are 
seven in number as follows : of James one, of Peter 
two, then of John three, and after these of Jude 
one. In addition to these there are fourteen 
Epistles of Paul the Apostle, which are written 
in order thus: the first to^the Romans, then two 
to the Corinthians, and thereafter to the Galatians 
one, to the Ephesians one, to the Philippians one, 
to the Colossians one, and after these to the 
Thessalonians two and the Epistle to the Hebrews ; 
and forthwith to Timothy two, and to Titus one, 
and last of all the Epistle to Philemon one ; and 
of John again the Revelation. 

These are springs of salvation, so that he who 
is athirst may be filled with the oracles in them. 
In them alone is the teaching of piety proclaimed 
as good news. Let no one add to them, or take 
away aught from them.* ^ 

* In the curious Syriac work The Doctrine of Addai^ which in its 
present form may be dated in the second half of the fourth century, 
though it evidently embodies a much earlier tradition, the writer lays 
a somewhat similar charge upon his presbyters in his closing speech : 
"*The Law and the Prophets and the Gospel, wherein ye read every 
day before the people ; and the Epistles of Paul which Simon Kephas 
sent us from the city of Rome ; and the Acts of the Twelve Apostles, 



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300 APPENDIX 

Athanasius then proceeds to certain other writings 
such as the so-called Teaching of the Apostles and the 
Shepherd, which, though not included in the canonical list, 
are nevertheless useful for those who come to be instructed 
in the true religion {Karfi^eirrdai top T$y eva-efiela^ \6yov). 
And finally he adds another warning with regard to 
the apocryphal books which are often palmed off as 
ancient by the heretics, in order that they may have 
an excuse for deceiving in this way the simple (tva w? 
xaXam '7rpo(^€povT€^ Trp6(ba<nv e^axriv airarav €k tovtov 
Tot'9 cucepalovi). 

Councils of It may be added that at the Council of Laodicea, held 

Carthage.*" four years earlier (A.D. 363), when for the first time a 
definite pronouncement was made regarding the canonical 
books of the Old and New Testament, the list agrees 
exactly with the foregoing, except that the Apocalypse 
is omitted. At the Council of Carthage A.D. 397 (cf 
p. 227), the Apocalypse was added, and the Epistles 
of St. Paul and the. Epistle to the Hebrews (* Epistolae 
Pauli apostoli tredecim, eiusdem ad Hebraeos una') are 
placed after Acts and before the Catholic Epistles. 

The text of both these lists, along with many other 
documents relating to the history of the Canon, are given 
by E. Preuschen, AnaUcta\ ii. Zur KanonsgeschichUy 
Tubingen, 19 10. 

which John the son of Zebedee sent us from Ephesus : these writings 
(or Scriptures) shall ye read in the Churches of Christ, and beside 
them nothing else shall be read ' (ed. Phillips, p. 46). 



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NOTE N, 

RECENT LITERATURE ON THE CANON OF THE 
NEW TESTAMENT. 

The great storehouse for all that is concerned with the Literature 
history of the New Testament Canon is Zahn*s Geschichte canon. 
des Neutestatnentlichen Kanons, Erlangen und Leipzig, 
1 888- 1 892, together with his Forschungen zur Geschichte 
des neutestatnentlichen Kanons und der altkirchlichen 
Literatur, of which eight parts have appeared, Erlangen 
and Leipzig, 1 881- 1907. For the ordinary student, the 
same writer s Grundriss der Geschichte des Neutestament- 
lichen Kanons^, Leipzig, 1904, originally intended as a 
supplement to his Einleitung in das Neue Testament, will 
be found a most useful compendiuni. 

In 1889 Profess9r Harnack published a critique of the 
first part of Zahn's Geschichte in a short but significant 
brochure entitled. Das Neue Testament um das Jahr 200 
(Freiburg i. B.). And to this Zahn replied in Eimge 
Bemerkungen zu Adolf Hamacks Prufung der Geschichle 
des neutestanientlichen Kanons^ Erlangen und Leipzig, 18S9. 

More recent is the Geschichte des neutestamtntiicken 
Kanons by the Egyptologist, Dr. J. Leipoldt, Leipzig, 
1907-08, which may be regarded as in the nature of an 
eirenicon between his two great predecessors. In any 
case, he acknowledges his indebtedness to both, and sums 
up his view of the position as follows : 

* Harnack understands by the New Testament Canon a 



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302 APPENDIX 

collection of books to which authority was assigned, because 
they were regarded as Holy Scripture. Accordingly he 
places the rise of the New Testament at the end of the 
second century. Zahn, on the other hand, equally finds 
the New Testament in a collection of books, possessed of 
authority, but he does not insist that this authority should 
be based on that dictum : " The New Testament is Holy 
Scripture." It is enough for him that the Gospels are an 
authority, because of the authority of the Lord's sayings 
which they contain. Zahn can therefore speak of a New 
Testament Canon a hundred years earlier than Harnack 
can. The actual facts, which are involved, are hardly 
touched by the controversy' (i. p. 4). Leipoldt's own 
attitude is further shown by his insistence throughout on 
Luther's maxim, * Heilige Schrift ist, was Christum treibt * 
(i. p. V, cf. p. 268 ff.). 

Short German studies on the subject which may be 
mentioned are G. Kriiger, Die Entstehung des Neuen Testae 
mentes^ Freiburg i. B. und Leipzig, 1896 ; P. Ewald, Der 
Kanon des Neuen Testaments (in Biblische Zeit- und Streit- 
fragen\ Gr. Lichterfelde — Berlin, 1906; H. Lietzmann, 
Wie wiirden die Biicher des Neuen Testaments heilige 
Schrift? (in Lebensfrageti), Tubingen, 1908; and H. 
Holtzmann, Die Entstehung des Neuen Testaments^ (in the 
series of Religionsgeschichtliche Volksbiicher), Tubingen, 
1911. 

Many of the leading documents in connexion with the 
history of the Canon will be found in H. Lietzmann's 
useful collection o{ Kleine Textefur Theologische Vorlesungen 
und Ubungen, Bonn, 1902, of which an English edition, 
under the title Materials for Theological Lecturers and 
StudentSy has been brought out by Deighton, Bell & Co., 
Cambridge. 

Amongst the sections devoted to the subject of the 
Canon in the various Introductions to the New Testament, 
special mention may be made of the stimulating chapters 



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NOTE N 303 

in A. JuHcher's Einleitung in das Neue Testament ^"^^^y 
Leipzig, 1906. An English translation of the second 
edition of this book by Miss Janet P. Ward appeared in 
1 904. For the more traditional views, Salmon's Historical 
Introduction to the Study of the Books of the New Testament ^ 
(London, 1894) should still be consulted. 

The most comprehensive work in English, however, is 
Bishop Westcott's General Survey of the History of the 
Canon of the New Testament^ first published London, 1855. 
The seventh edition appeared in 1896. The substance of 
this book in simpler form, for the use of general readers, 
was issued under the title. The Bible in the Church: a 
popular account of the Collection and Reception of the Holy 
Scriptures in the Christian Churches^ in 1864, and has since 
been revised and reprinted at various dates. 

Much material of the highest importance for the study 
of the Canon will also be found in Bishop Lightfoofs 
Essays on the Work entitled Supernatural Religion (London, 
1889), and in Dr. Sanday's Bampton Lectures on Inspira- 
tion, first published in 1893. With these last may be 
compared the same writer's art * Bible (B) New Testament 
I. Canonl contributed to the eleventh edition of the Emyclo- 
paedia Britannica, Cambridge, 1 9 1 o. 

In his Canonicityy Edinburgh, 1 880, based on Kirchhofer's 
Quellensammlungy Professor Charteris has brought together 
a very complete collection of early testimonies to the 
canonical books of the New Testament. For a more 
general statement, reference may be made to his Croall 
Lecture, The New Testament Scriptures: their Claims^ 
History, and Authority, London, 1882. The case as regards 
the Gospels is fully stated by Professor Nicol of Aberdeen 
in the Baird Lecture for 1907, The Four Gospels in the 
Earliest Church History, Edinburgh and London, 1908. 

The Canon forms the first part of Professor C. R. Gregory's 
volume in the * International Theological Library,' Canon 
and Text of the New Testament (Edinburgh, 1907), a 



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304 APPENDIX 

volume which has appeared in a revised form in German, 
Einleitung in das Neue Testament^ Leipzig, 1909. In 
Professor Souter*s The Text and Canon of the New 
Testament^ which has just appeared in Duckworth's series 
of * Studies in Theology,' London, 191 3, the order of 
treatment is reversed. And though the size of the book 
does not admit of lengthened discussions, all the leading 
questions are fully noted, while room is found for a number 
of useful * Selected Documents,' edited with great exactness 
and skill. 

With these two books may be mentioned the attractively 
written volumes by the Abb^ Jacquier on Le Nouveau 
Testament dans V&glise Chritienne, the first of which has 
for its subject, * Preparation, formation et definition du 
Canon du Nouveau Testament' (Paris, 191 1). 

The New Testament in the Christian Church (New York, 
1 904) is the title given to eight lectures by Professor E. C. 
Moore of Harvard University, in which the Canon of the 
New Testament is related to the Organization of the Church 
for Government, and the Rule of Faith. 

Of a more popular character are two other books also 
hailing from America: The Formation of the New Testament, 
by G. H. Ferris, and Our New Testament ^ How did we get 
it? by H. C. Vedder, both published at Philadelphia 
without date. 

As introductory to the main points at issue, The Rise of 
the New Testament, by D. S. Muzzey, New York, 1904, 
and Faith and the New Testament (lectures to a Church 
Reading Society), by A. W. F. Blunt, Edinburgh, 191 2, 
may also be mentioned. 

The article on the New Testament Canon in the 
Encyclopaedia Biblica is by Dean Armitage Robinson, and 
in Hastings' Dictionary of the Bible, by Professor V. H. 
Stanton. A paper on the subject by Dr. Sanday will be 
found in Oxford House Papers, Third Series, London, 
1897, p. 105 ff., and a lecture by Bishop Chase in the St. 



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NOTE N 305 

Margaret's Lectures on Criticism of the New Testament, 
London, 1902, p. 96 ff. Much of importance relating to 
the Canon will also be found in Dr. C. H. Turner's 
valuable series of papers entitled * Historical Introduction 
to the Textual Criticism of the New Testament' in the 
Journal of Theological Studies for 1909-10. 



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i 



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INDEXES. 



I. SUBJECTS. 



Accidence, 62 f . 

Acts of the Apostles, 161 ff. 

Addresses of N.T. writings, 17 ff. 

Agrapha, 266. 

Apocalypse of St. John, 117 ff., 

223 f .. 257 f ., 262 ff. 
Apocryphal books, 213. 
Aramaic, 36 f . 

Autographic conclusions, 24 f . 
Autographs, New Testament, 6 f. 

' Biblical ' words, 70 ff. 

Canon, New Testament : forma- 
tion of, 206 ff. ; recent litera- 
ture on, 301 ff. 

Catholic Epistles, 107 ff. 

Christian vocabulary, 58 f . 

Circulation of the N.T. writings, 

173 ff. 
Codex form, 188 ff. 
Collection of the N.T. writings, 

203 ff. 
Colossians, Epistle to the, 100 f., 

177. 
Commendatory letters, 88 f., 255 f. 
Contractions in MSS., 25, 247. 
Corinthians, Epistles to the, 97 f . 
2 Corinthians, integrity of, 184 ff. 
Corpus Evangelicum, 217 ff.; Paulp- 

num. 215 ff. 



Dates of N.T. documents, 172 f. 
Delivery of N.T. writings, 30 ff. 
Diatessaron, 218 f. 
Dictation, 21 ff., 27 ff., 99, 241 f. 
Didache, 217 f. 

Ephesians, Epistle to the, ^s* 98 ff ., 

174. 
Epistolary form, 85 ff., 107 ; 

phraseology, 93, 260 , plural, 

259. 
Evangelion Da-MepharreshS, 219. 

Freedom of literary reproduction, 
178 ff. 

Galatians, Epistle to the, 96. 

Gospel name and form, 130 f. 

Greek : use of Greek in Palestine, 
37 ff. ; character of N.T. 
Greek, 43 ff. ; uniformity of 
the Kocm^, 48 f . ; influences 
affecting N.T. Greek, 49 ff. 

Handwriting of N.T. texts, 25 f., 

190, 195- 
Hebraisms, 50 ff. 
Hebrews, Epistle to the, 108 ff., 

181, 225, 252, 296. 
Heretics, use of N.T. by, 214 f. 



u2 



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3o8 



INDEXES 



James, Epistle of, 38 f., 11 1 f. 
John, £|Hstles of, 115 ff. 
John, Gospel of, 153 ff., 186 f. 

Laodiceans, Epistle to the, 85. 
Letters, early use of, 86 f . 
literary tendencies in N.T., 55 ff. 
Logia of Papias, 137 f., 269 ff. 
Logia, The Oxyrkynchus, 131, 

266 ff. 
Lucan source, special, 138 f. 
Luke, Gospel of, 149 ff. 

Marginalia, 14, 187 f. 

Mark, Gospel of, 38, 134 f., 143 ff., 

177 ; endings of, 182, 274 ff. 
Morphology, 63 ff. 
Muratorian Canon, 222, 286 ff. 

New Testament Documents : rise 
of, 4 ff. ; outward form of, 
7 ff. ; writing of, 21 ff. ; de- 
livery of, 30 f . ; language of, 
35 ff. ; literary character of, 
83 ff. ; circulation of, 171 ff. ; 
collection of. 203 ff. ; per- 
manent value of, 32, 80, 
228 f. 

Notae Tironianae, 246. 

Old Testament, early supremacy 

of, 205 f . ; Canon of, 206 f . 
Oral teaching, 3 f ., 129. 
Order of N.T. Writings, 292 ff. 
Orthography, 62 f . 

Papyri, study of Greek, 233 ff. 
Papyrus : manufacture of, 9 ff. ; 

ordinary letters on, 255 ff. ; 

N.T. texts on, 248 ff. 
Paragraphs, 25. 
Parchment : manufacture of, 

191 f. ; Christian documents 

on, 192 f. ; codices on, 194 ff. 
Pastoral Epistles, 85, 10 1 ff. 



Pauline Epistles : authenticity of, 
84 f. ; form of, 87 ff. ; plan 
of, 93 ; literary character of, 
94, 104 ; speech, character of, 
103 ; relation of, to Jewish 
literature, 104 ff. ; originality 
of, 106 f. 

Peter, Gospel according to, 213. 
281 ff. 

Peter, Epistles of, 112 ff. 

Pocket Bibles, 196. 

* Poor Men's Bibles,' 191. 

Prepositions, lax use of, 65 ff . 

Preservation of rolls, 20. 

Pseudepigrapha, 114. 

Public Worship, use of N.T. in, 
210 ff. 

Punctuation, 25 f. 

Q (as Gospel source), 136 f., 152. 
Quotations in Pauline Epistles, 
27 ff. 

Realien, 77 ff. 
Redo and Verso, 13. 
Romans, Epistle to the, 97 ; end- 
ing of, 182 ff. 

' Sayings of Jesus,' 190, 266 ff. 

Sdlitan martyrs, 211 f. 

Sealing, 17 ff. 

Semitisms, see Hebraisms. 

Septuagint, 53 f., 106, 206 f. 

Shorthand. 26, 242 ff. 

Signature, authenticating, 23. 

Subscriptions of the N.T. writings, 
237 ff. 

Synoptic Gospels : name of, 132 ; 
sources of, 133 ff. ; evolution 
of, 139 ff. ; conditions of 
writing, 141 f. ; aim of, 142 f. ; 
unity of, 152 f. 

Syntax, 65 ff. 

Testimonia, 207 f. 



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Text of the N.T., 60 f.. 176 ff., 

197 ff. 
Thessalonians, Epistles to the, 84, 

96. 
Titles of the N.T. writings, 237 ff. 
Travel-diary, 163 f. 
Two-Document Hypothesis, 133 fif. 



I. SUBJECTS 

Ur-Marcus, 135. 



309 



Vocabulary, N.T., 69 ff. 

Writing, early use of, 4 i. 
Writing materials, 8 ff. 



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Google 



II. AUTHORS. 



Abbott, E. A., 72, 134. 
Abbott. T. K., 42. 
AUen. W. C. 38. 136. 236. 
Allon. T. W., 247. 

Bachmann, 186. 

Bacon, 135, 153. 

Barth, 181. 

Bartlet, 139, 217. 

Baur, 84. 

BeU, H. 1 , 79. 234. 

Benson, 121. 

Berger, 296. 

Biesenthal, 38. 

Bigg, 114. 

Birt, 10, 15, 16, 20, 60, 175. 

192. 
Blass, 62, 65, 104, 109, 163, 167, 

252. 
Blau, 8, 19. 
Bleek, iii. 
Blunt, A. W. F., 304. 
Bohlig, 104. 
BonhdfFer, 57. 
Bouriant, 281. 
Bousset, 122. 

Brooke, A. E., 115. 158, 236. 
Buchanan, E. S., 286. 
Buckley, 145. 
Bultmann, 57. 
Burgon, 275. 
Burkitt, F. C, 135, 152, 153. 160, 

177, 208, 219, 292. 



Chapman, 271. 

Charles, R. H., 106. 

Charteris, 303. 

Chase, F. H., 67, 113, 168, 304. 

Clement, 179. 

Colson, F. H., 270. 

Conybeare, F. C, 276. 

Dalman, 37. 

Deissmann, 7, 18, 24, 47, 48, 51 

57, 62, 70, 71. 76. 78, 79. 86, 

88, 95, 104, 105, 106, III, 119. 

154. ^55. 164, 2341., 251. 257. 

260. 
Dittenberger, 16, 75, 154. 
DobschUtz, von, 84, 294. 
D'Orville, 243. 
Dziatzko, 10, 14, 20, 179. 

Erasmus, 293. 
Erman, 234. 
Ewald, P., 302. 

Farrar, 47, 132. 

Ferris, G. H., 304. 

Feltoe, 262. 

Foat, 245. 

Frame, J. E.. 84, 236. 

Friedlander, 31. 

Gaertringen, H. von, 51. 
Gardner, P., 56, 166. 
Gardthausen, 10, 12, 192, 245. 



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II. AUTHORS 



311 



Gerhard, 260. 

Goodspeed. E. J.^ 18, 280. 

Gray, G. B., iii. 

Green, A. V., 153. 

Gregory. C. R., 191, 241 f., 248, 
250, 278, 295. 296. 303. 

Grenfell, B. P., 31. See also Gren- 
feU-Hunt. 

Grenf ell-Hunt, 17, 18, 19, 21, 22, 
25. 26, 50, 51, 66, 72, 73, 74, 
79, 109, 117, 162, 189, 190, 
194, 196. 233, 244, 248, 249, 
250. 251, 252, 255, 256, 266 f., 
270. 

Griesbach, 132. 

Griffenhoofe, 266. 

Grimm-Thayer, 70, 72, 74. 

Grotios, 13. 

Gunkel, 122. 

Gwatkin, 286. 

Harnack, 84, 85, 11 z, 112, 121, 
I49» 163, 164, 165, 168, 172, 
174, 175, 226, 268, 280, 285, 
301. 

Harris, Rendel, 28, 117, 208, 252, 
276. 285. 

Hatch, E., 208. 

Hatch. W. H. P., 59. 

Hausrath. 184. 

Hawkins, 136, 148, 152, 164. 

Heinrici, 104. 

HeitmOller. 67. 

Helbing. 62. 236 

Hemphill, 218. 

Herwerden. van. 235. 

Hicks, 17. 

Hill, Hamlyn, 218. 

Hobart, 56, 150. 

Hogarth. 51. 

Holtzmann, 100, 302. 

Horder, 268. 

Hort, 46, 65, 76. 85. 125, 177, 184, 
196, 272, 277. See also West- 
cott and Hort. 



Hunt, A. S., 20, 23, 190, 196, 233, 
252, 253, 254. See also Gren- 
fell-Hunt. 

Jackson, H. L., 153. 
Jacquier, 280, 296, 304. 
James, M. R., 284. 
Jannaris, 235. 
Jowett, 5. 

Keim, 144. 

Kenyon, F. G., 8, 11, 13, 14, 25, 

79. 94. 191. 193, 234, 236, 244. 

248. 
Knowling, 56, 84, 167. 
Krebs, 234. 
KrUger, G., 302. 

Lagarde, 9. 

Lake, Kirsopp, 137, 167, 184, 186, 

296. 
Laudien, 234. 
Laurent, 14. 
Law, 109, 1151 
Leemans, 65, 244. 
Leipoldt, 224, 301 f. 
Lewis, F. W., 186 £. 
Lewis, Mrs., 275. 
Lietzmann, 186, 234, 280, 302. 
Lightfoot, J. B.. 22, 46, 79, 97. 

115, 166, 167, 184, 209, 216, 

303. 
Lock, 28, 268. 
Lods, A., 285. 
Loisy, 135. 
Luther, 96, 302. 

Mahaffy, 143, 233. 
Marquardt, 245. 
Mayor, J. B., 39, 114- 
M'Giffert, 262. 
Menzies, A., 135, 186. 
Mill, 197. 

Milligan, W., 123, 125. 
Mitteis, lo. 234. 



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3M 



INDEXES 



MoeUendorf, 107. 

Moffatt, 34, xox, 136, X45, 146, 

158. 163, 175, 296. 
Moore, E. C, 304. 
Monlton. J. H., 44, 48, 55. 59. 62, 

64. 65, 1X2, 113, X2X, X49. i52» 

162, 235. 257. 
Murray, J. O. F., 285. 
Muzxey, D. S., 304. 

Nagcli. 57. 98. 102. 

Nestle. 7, 9. 13. 191, 197. 37^- 

Nicol. 220, 303. 

Nicole, J., X2. 

Niese, 41. 

Norden, X07, X31, 149. 

Oesterley, 280. 
Overbeck, x8i. 

Paley, loi. 
Peake, 164. 
Peter, H., 261. 
Petrie, Flinders, 13X. 
Peyron. 45. 
Phillimore, X64, 243. 
Pick, Bernard, X62. 
Pistelli, 249. 
Plummer, 151, 236. 
Preisigke, 73. 
Preuschen, £., 300. 
Psichari, 54. 
Putnam, H., 178, 179. 

Radermacher, 235. 

Ramsay, W. M., 5, 58, 102, 119, 

125, 137. 162, 165, i66, 175. 
Reitzenstein, 131. 
Renan, 87, 149. 
Richards, G. C, 55. 
Roberts, A., 236. 
Robinson, J. Armitage, 67, 85, 

103, 159, 2X2, 217, 236, 258, 

260, 284, 304. 
Ropes, J. H.. X49. 



Ronffiac, X83. 
Ryle, H. E., 206. 

Sabatier, A., 285. 
Salmon, X42, 303. 
Sanday, 15, 99, loi, 134, 135, 139. 
X41, X45, 146, 181. 268, ayx f.. 

303* 304. 
Sanders, 277 £., 280. 
Scheil, F. V., 249. 
Schmidt, 250, 280. 
Schmiedel, 42, 62. 
Schnbart, 12, 13, 259. 
SchOrer, 42. 
Simcox, 103. 
Simonides, C, 7. 
SkeeU X75. 
Smith, G. A., 40 f. 
Smith, W. Robertson, 180. 
Smyly, 72, 79. 
Soden, von, 237 fE., 248 ft, 
Sonter, A., 56, loi, 194, 199, 272. 

276. 292, 294, 296, 304. 
Spitta, I IX, 1x4, x86. 
Stanton, V. H., 285, 304. 
Strauss, 158. 

Streeter, 136, 139 fE., 145, 146, 156. 

Swete, x6, 54, 86, 93, 118, 1x9, 

X23, X24, X25, 147, 268, 276, 

277, 280, 281 flE. 

Taylor, C, X77, 268. 

Thackeray, H. St. John, 54, 62, 65, 

86, X06, 235. 
Thayer, see Grimm-Thayer. 
Thompson, E. M., 236. 
Thumb, A., 48, 235. 
Tischendorf, 293. 
Traube, 247. 
Tr^;elles, S. P., 286. 
Turner, C. H., 65, 305. 

Usener, 86. 

Vedder, H. C, 304, 
Vigoroux, x66. 



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II. AUTHORS 



313 



Vischer, 121. 
Vitelli, 79, 254. 
Vollmer, 106. 

Wackemagel, 53. 

Ward. J. P., 303. 

Warschaner, 268. 

Weiss, J., 57, 104. 

WeizsScker, 29. 

WeUdon, 198. 

Wellhausen. 37, 38, 144. 

Wcndland, 86, 103, 107, 207. 260. 

Wendling, 135. 

Wessely, 234, 245, 248, 249. 

Westcott, 32, 64, 66, 85, I94» 221, 
262, 286, 293, 296, 303. See 
also Westcott and Hort. 



Westcott and Hort. 19, 62, 63. 

119. 199. 293. 
WUcken, 10, 11, 12. 13. 17. 234. 

236, 244. 
Wilson, J. M., 168. 
Winer-Schmiedel, 43. 62. 
Witkowski, S.. 234. 
Wordsworth and White, i6o, 
Wright, A,, 296. 

Ximenes, C ar d i nal, 293- 

Zahn, 13, I5» 36. "3» "4» i^?. 

217. 219. 285. 286, 296, 297 U 

301. 
Ziemann, 260. 



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III. REFERENCES. 







I. BIBLICAL. 














Deuteronomy 






St. 


Matthew. 










PAUB 












PAGB 


iv. 


lo 


- 223 


i. 


- 


- 


- 


- 


139 








i. 


1-9, 12, 14-20 


- 


249 




2 Samuel. 




ii. 


- 




- 




139 


zi. 


14 f. - 


87 


v.-vii 


- 




- 




147 








vi. 


1-18 




- 




148 








vi. 


16 




. 




78 




2 Kings. 




















vi. 


27 




- 




74 


xix. 


14 


- 87 


vii. 


28 




- 




148 








viii.-ix. 


- 




- 




148 




Ezra. 




ix. 


13 




- 




205 


iv. 


8fiF. - 


- 36 


X. 


13 




- 




63 


vii. 


I2ff. - 


- 36 


X. 32-xi 


•5 




- 




254 








xi. 


- 




- 




147 




Psalms. 




xi. 


I 




- 




148 


xl. 


7 
I 


II 


xii. 


32 




- 




64 


xlv. 


- 243 


xiii. 
xiii. 


22 




. 




M7 

75 








xiii. 


52 




- 




147 




Isaiah. 




xiii. 


53 




- 




148 


Uv. 


I 


205 


XV. 


37 




- 




63 








xvi. 


10 




- 




63 




Jeremiah. 




xix. 


I 




- 




148 


□dx. 


... 


87 


xxiii. 


- 




- 




148 








XXV. 


12-15 


20-23 






254 








xxvi. 


I 




. 




148 




EZEKIEL. 




















xxvi. 


29 




- 




63 


ii. 


9 


12 


xxviii. 


19 




- 




4.66 


iii. 


Iff. - 


12 






















St. 


Mark. 








Daniel. 




i. 


I 


-* 


- 


- 


156 


ii. 


4ff. . - 


- 36 


iii. 


8 


- 


- 


- 


63 



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Google 



III. REFERENCES 



315 









PAGE 












PAGB 


iv. 28 


- 


- 


65 


vii. 53- 


viii. 11 








188 


V. 41 


- 


- 


37 


viii. 


30 








69 


vii. 34 - 


- 




37 


viii. 


56 








259 


viii. 8, 20 - 


- 




63 


ix. 


II 








154 


xii. 37 


- 




35 


X. 


25 








^57 


xii. 38 


- 




50 


xi. 


45 








250 


xiii. - 


- 




145 f. 


xiv. 


26 








208 


xiv. 9 


- 




64 


xvii. 


3- 








67 


xiv. 25 


- 




63 


xix. 


20 








36 


XV. 15 


- 




79 


XX. 


11-17. 


19-25 






250 


XV. 34 


- 




37 


XX. 


30 f. 








266 


xvi. 9 ff. 


- 182. 


274 fif. 


XX. 


31 








156 


xvi. 20 




- 


78 


xxi. 


7 








161 










xxi. 


24 








157 


St. Lukb. 






























Acts. 








i. - 


- 


- 


139 


. 












i. 1-4 - 129 


, 130* 


266. 297 


u. 


5 








41 


i. 3 






151 


iii. 


15 








75 


i. 74-80 - 






249 


iv. 


13 








21 


ii. - 






139 


iv. 


31-37 








250 


,. 








iv. 


36 








III 


n. 52 






74 












iv. I f. . 






250 


V. 


2-9 








250 


iv. i6ff. - 




15 


1,210 


V. 


31 








75 


V. 3-8 - 






249 


vi. 


1-6, 8 


■15 






250 
65 










vi. 


5 








V. 30-vi. 4 






249 














vii. i8fiF. - 






249 


vi. 


9 








41 


vii. 36-45 - 
X. 38-42 - 
xii. 18 






249 

249 

63 


viii. 
ix. 
ix. 


35 
25 
36 








204 

63 

282 










xiii. 


15 






17^,210 


XV. 13 






79 


xvi. 


10-17 








163 


xix. 3 
xxii. 18 






74 
63 


xvi. 


12 








76 










xvii. 


6 








74 


xxiv. 25, 44 f . 






204 


xviii. 


18 








183 










xviii. 


26 








III 


St. Job 


N. 






xviii. 


28 








204 


i. 14 - 


- 




64 


XX. 


5. 15 








163 


i. 15. 32 - 


- 




157 


XX. 


35 








208 


i. 18 


- 




66 


xxi. 


1-18 








163 


iii. II 


- 




157 


xxi. 


8 








139 


iii. 14-17, 171, 


31 f- 




254 


xxi. 


40 £f. 








36.42 


V. 36 


- 




157 


XXVI. 


24 








21 


vi. 63 


- 




35 


xxvii. 


ifE. 








163 


vii. 15 


- 




21 


xxviii. 


31 








168 



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Google 



3i6 



INDEXES 





Romans. 




PAGE 












PAGV 

78 














iv. 


2 








i. 


1-7 






- 


251 


























iv. 


7 








3, 8 


ii. 


14.15 






- 


14 












ix. 


5 






. 


26 


V. 


5 








73 


XV. xvi 








. 


182 fi. 


vii. 


6,13 


£. 






31 














vii. 


8 








184 


xvi. 


5 






> 


216 


























ix. 


10 








63 


xvi. 


7 






- 


64 


























X. 


I 








29 


xvi. 


19 






- 


14 


























X. 


10 








5.83 


xvi. 


22 






- 


23 


























x.-xiii. 


- 








185 














xi. 


28 








5 




I Corinthians. 






xii. 


16 








29 


i. 


17-20 


- 






251 














i. 


25-27 


- 






252 




Galatians. 






ii. 


6-8 


- 






252 


i. 2 


. 


. 


- 




174 


iii. 


8-IO, 20 






252 


iii. I 


. 


- 


- 




79 


iv. 


21 


- 






50 


iii. 16 


- 


- 


- 




105 


V. 


9 


- 






5.185 


V. 12 


- 


. 


- 




74 


vi. 


13-18 


- 






251 


vi. II 


- 


- 


- 




24 


vii. 


3. 4. 10-14 






251 














vii. 


10 


- 






208 




Ephbsians. 






vii. i8- 


viii. 4 


- 






252 


i. I 


. 






85. 


174 


viii. 


1-9 


- 






28 


i. 3-14 - 








98 


X. 


21 


- 






51 f. 


i. 3» 20 








99 


xi. 


23 


- 






208 


i. 10 


. 








4 


xiii. 


- 


- 






97 


i. 14 


- 








73 


XV. 


31 


- 






259 


i. 15-23 








98 


XV. 


32 


- 






216 


u. 6 


- 








99 


xvi. 


If. 


- 






72 


iu. 1-13 - 








98 


xvi. 


8, 19 


- 






216 


iii. 10 


. 








99 


xvi. 


19 


- 






183 


vi. 12 


- 








99 


xvi. 


21 


- 






23 


vi. 21 


f.- 








31 




2 Corinthians. 








Phiuppians. 






i. 


I 






98. 174 


ii. 19 


- 


- 


- 


- 


29 


i. 


8f. 






- 


216 


iii. 9-17 and 


iv. 


2-8 


- 


252 


i. 


20 






- 


282 


iv. 2-8 


- 


- 


- 


- 


252 


i. 


22 






- 


73 


iv. 10 


- 


- 


- 


- 


29 


i.-ix 


- 






- 


185 


iv. 18 


- 


- 


- 


- 


78 


ii. 


13 






- 


31 














iii. 


I 






- 


18,88 




COLOSSIANS. 






iii. 


2 






- 


4 


ii. 14 


- 


- 


- 


- 


16 


iii. 


6 






- 


35 


iv. 14 


- 


- 


- 


- 


150 


iu. 


7 






- 


203 


iv. 16 


- 


- 


- 


5.85 


, 2H 


iii. 


14 






- 


173 


iv. 18 


- 


- 


- 


- 


23 



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Google 



III. REFERENCES 



317 



i. I 


I 1 


'HBSSALONIA. 


NS. 


PAGB 

93 


xu. 


4- 


- 


- 


PAGB 
108 


iii. 8 
iv. 15 


' 


- 


: 


96 
208 


xiii. 
xiH. 


18 
22- 


25 - 


- 


51 
108 


V. 27 


' 


" 


* 


211 






Jambs. 








2 Thbssalonians. 




i. I 


- 


- 


- 


112 


ii. 2 


. 


. 


« 


211 


i. 3 


- 


- 


- 


76 


iii I 


- 


. 


- 


171 


ii. I 


- 


- 


- 


112 


iii. 17 


- 


- 


5.23 


« 211 


ii. 14- 


26 


- 


- 


112 


iii. 18 


- 


- 




23 


ii. 19-111. 


9 - 


" 


254 






I Timothy. 










I Pbtbr. 






i. 3 


• 


. 


. 


102 


i. I 








174 


iv. 13 


. 


- 


. 


173 


i. 7 








76 


iv. 19 


- 


. 


. 


183 


ii. 2 








77 












iii. 18 








282 






2 Timothy. 






V. 12 








22 


iv. 9-22 - 


- 


- 


85 


V. 13 








117 


iv. 13 


- 


- 


3.9, 


19 f. 












iv. 19 


. 


. 




183 






2 Peter. 
















ii. 13 


- 


- 


- 


75 






TlTUS. 






iii. 15 


f.. 


- 


- 


83 


i. 11-X5 - 


- 


- 


253 


iii. 16 


- 


- 


- 


205 


ii. 3-8 


" 


- 


• 


253 






I John. 










Philbmon. 






iv. II- 


12. 


14-17 - 


- 


250 


Ver. I ft. . 


- 


- 


94 












,. 18 


. 


- 


. 


73 






2 John. 
















Ver. I 


- 


- 


116 


»259 






Hebrews. 






M 4. 


8 


- 


- 


117 


i. 


I- 




181 


,251 


.. 12 - 


- 


- 


9 


ii. 


9- 






68 












U. 


10 






75 






3 John. 






ii. 14-V 


•5 






252 


Ver. 9 


- 


- 


- 


117 


V. 


12 






108 


M 13 


- 


- 


9. 16, 17 


vi. 


4 






68 


M 15 


• 


- 


- 


258 


vi. 


9 






108 












ix. 


12- 


19 - 




253 




Rbvblation. 






ix. 


16. 


17 - 




75 


i. 


I 


- 


- 


118 


X. 


7- 






II 


i. 


3 


. .83 


,118 


»223 


X. 8-xi. 


13 






252 


i. 


4 


- 


"7. 


120 


X. 


32 






108 


i. 


4-7 


- 




253 


xi. 28-xii. 17 - 




252 


i. 


10 


- 


- 


282 


xii. 


2- 


- 




75 


iii. 


5 


- 


- 


16 



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3i8 



INDEXES 



Rbvblation— C<m/. ^^cb 

iii. i4fE. • - - 85 

V. I - - - 13, 17 

vi. 14 - - - 16 

vii. 4-8 - - - 122 

xi. 1-13 - - - 122 

xi. 15 - - - 126 









PACK 


xii. . 






122 


ziii.-xx. - 






122 


xiv. 6 






- 171 


xxii. 7 






118,223 


xxii. 10 






- 118 


xxii. 18 






- 118 


xxii. 21 






- 117 



2. ANCIENT TEXTS AND WRITINGS. 



PAGB 

ApoUonius of Tjrana, i. 18 - 243 
Aristeas, § 176 - - 8 

Athanasius, Festal Letter 

xxxix. ... 297 fF. 



Decretum Gelasianum - 294 

Diatessaron ... 218 f. 

Didache - - - - 2171 

Diogenes Laertius. ii. 48 - 243 

Diognetus, Epistle to, xi. 2 128 

,, M xi. 6 202 



Dionysias of Alexandria 

123, 262 £F. 
Doctrine of Addai - - 299 f . 



Aulas Gellius, Noct, AU. 




Eunapius, 


P- 


138 


- 243 


xvii 9 


. 


- 


246 


Ensebius : 
















De vita ConstanHni, iv. 36 193 


Catullus, XXXV. 2 


. 




9 


Hist, Eccies 


. iu. 


24. 3 - 2 


Cicero, ad Attic, i. 


9. I 




31 






iii. 


24. 4 - 6 


iv. 


4. I 




19 






iii. 


25. - 223 


M viii. 


I. I 




24 






iii. 


36. - 176 


M xiii. 


24 




193 






iii. 


37-2 - 170 


,. xiii. 


32.3 




246 






iii. 


39. 4 - 209 


„ ad Fam. v. 


8- 




l86 






iii. 


39. 14 ff- 


„ XV. 


21.4 




95 








137. 145. 269 f. 


„ pro Archia, 


23 




34 






iv. 


23. II - 213 


I Clement 


. 


216 


.225 






iv. 


23. 12 - 179 


2 Clement 


- 




205 






V. 


20. 6 - 220 


Clement, Alex., Strom, ii. 


9. 








V. 


25. - 176 


45 - 


. 




220 






vi. 


12. 213, 284 


Clement, Alex., Strom. 


vi. 








vi. 


14. 6 f.- 145 


18 . 


« 




168 






vi. 


14.7 . 156 


Clement, Alex., Strom, vii. 








vi. 


25. 223. 294 


16. 94 S. • 


- 


- 


220 






vi. 
vi. 


25. 7 . 6 
25. II ff. 109 



Freer MS. of the Gospels - 279 
Galen - - - 150, 243 



Hieronymus, ad Hedibiam, 
120 ... 



30 



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III. REFERENCES 



319 



Hieronymus, Dial. c. Pelag. 


PACK 


Marcion - 


217 


PACB 
292 


ii.i5 ... 


278 


Martial, iii. 2 . 


• 


9 


Hieronymus. Epist, cxli. - 


193 


iii. 100 


- 


31 


Hippocrates - 


150 


„ xiii. 3 . 


. 


175 


Horace, Serm, ii. 3. i 


193 


„ xiv. 208 


- 


246 






Melito, Edogae 


. 


207 


Ignatius, £/>Atf5. xii.- 


216 


Muratorian Fragment 222. 286 ff. 


„ Philad, viii. - 


229 








„ Rom. X.. 


22 








Inscriptions : 




Origen - 


- 


223 


American School at 










Athens, Papers of the. 




Papyri : 






u. 57 


59 


Amherst Papyri, 






Dittenberger, Orientis Graeci 


No. 3 


- 


251 


InscripHones Selectae : 










No. 218- 


16 


Berliner Griechische Ur- 




Dittenberger, Sylloge In- 




kunden. 






scripHonum Graecarum^ . 




No. 37 - 


" I) 


5.24 


No. 325- 


75 


597 - 


- 


64 


439- 


16 


601 


- 


12 


807- - - 


155 


615 


91. 


257 


los, inscription from 


155 


846 - 


92 


259 


Priene, Inschriften von. 




1079 - 


- 50. 73 


115 - 


51 


Briti.sh Museum 


Papyri, 




Irenaeus, adv, Haer. iii. i. 




No. 121 - 


13. 


244 


2 - - - 273 


,294 


417 . 




94 


Irenaeus, adv. Haer. iii. 11. 




1213 - 


- 


79 


8 - - . - 


220 








Irenaeus, adv. Haer. iii. 11. 




Cairo Papyri, 






II - 


272 


No. 8 


. 


18 


Isidore, Orig. i. 22 - 


246 


Fayiim Papyri, 






Josephus, Antt. Jud. xix. 




No. 12 


- 


51 


329 - 


41 


Flinders Petrie 


Papyri, 




Josephus, Antt. Jud. xx. 




Nos. 45. 144 


- 


164 


264 - - - - 


39 


Florentine Papyri, 




Josephus, Bellum Jud., 




Nos. 61. 99 


- 


79 


proem. - - - 


36 








Justin, Apol. i. 66. 67 


212 


Geneva Papyri, 






„ Dial. 103 


212 


No. 52 . 


. 


12 


Juvenal, iv. 24 . - 


9 


Giessen Papyri, 










No. 17 - 


91. 


258 


Lactantius, Instit. iv. 20 - 


202 


Greek and Latin Papyri, 




Lucian, imag. 8 


16 


Nos. I, 3 . 


- 


254 



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320 



INDEXES 



Grenfell Pap3rri, ,^ce 

No. 30 - - - 31 

67 . - - 73 

III - - 194 

Leyden PEtpyri, 

C . . - - 65 

N - ... 244 

Oxyrhynchns Papyri» 



No. 2 
38 - 
45 - 

106 . 

119 - 

208 

209 

275 - 
292 

293 - 
294 

30i» 381 
402 

497 - 
523 - 
654 - 
657 - 
724 - 
744 - 
746 - 
840 
849, 850 

1008, 1009 

1067 

1078 

1079 

io8o 

"53 
1170, 1171 



189, 248 

270 

25, 89 f.. 256 

17 

74 

- 189, 249 f . 

251 
21 
18 

• 244 

66 

19 

250 

22 

51 

267 

109, 252 

26, 244 

18, 116 

- 88f..255f. 

196 
162 

. 252 f. 
23 

109, 253 

• 253 f. 

196 

20 

- 254 



PEipyri: 

Rylands Papyri. ^^ck 

No. 4 - - - 253 
5 - - 190, 253 

Strassburg Papyri, 

No. 32 - - - 73 

Tebtunis Papyri, 

N08. 16, 41 . - 50 

58 - - - 72 

100 - - - 79 

316 - - - 22 

Passio Sand. Scilitanorum 212 
Peter, Gospel according to 

213, 281 ff. 
Pliay maj., Nat. Hist. xiii. 

II flf. - - 10, 192 

Pliny min., Epist. iii. 5. 14 245 

„ vii. 12 . 31 

ix. 36. 2 245 

Plutarch, Cato min, xxiii. • 245 1 

Polycarp, ad Philipp. xiiL - 176 

Proclus, de forma epist. - 82 

Quintilian, Inst, Oral. x. 3. 

31 - . . - 193 
Quintilian, Inst. Or at. id. 2. 

25 . . - - 247 



Seneca - 
Strabo, xiii. i. 54 
Suetonius, Tit. 3 



246 
178 
247 



TertuUian, adv. Marc. iv. 2 295 

iv. 5 221 
TertuUian, de praescr. hoe- 

ret. 22 - - . 128 
TertuUian, de praescr. hoe' 

ret. 36 - . . 6 

Theodore oi Mopsuestia . 93 



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IV. GREEK WORDS. 



iyi-wJi, 58. 
ATpdmuiTOS, 21. 

&80X0S, 77- 
oUivM)«, 59- 
&Kpip4o^rfpoir, III. 
&K«iX^T«t, 168. 
&vd'yvtto%«, 173. 
&vao^raT6«», 73. 
&vao^rpi^o|UU, 51. 
Avdni, 75. 

ii,mMfiTK», 259. 
&iro|Jirr||iovc4|iaTa, 131, 212. 
&v6<rToXot> 59> 292. 
AppAp«v, 73. 

Apxn7<^«» 75- 

do^irdto|Aai, 23, 31. 
&owrc6o|ias 79. 
aMpKWk, 57. 
&^9ov(a, 190. 

pxfXCov, 10, 14, 20, 194. 
pCpXof, 10. 
P>iir«» &ir^, 50. 
ppoS^, 22. 
p^Xot, 10. 

^fyovav, 63. 
yfypa'Trai, 205. 
7^10^63. 
^cv^iuvoty 270. 



Ttifoiuu, 68. 

8id, 22. 
SioWiini, 75- 
Si^^ijo^s, 130. 
S4e<pa,8. 
SoKC|uot, 76. 

idv (for &v), 64. 
'EPfMiio^ 36. 

^r^, 155. 

^ and Iv, 66. 
IXXo^, 73. 
l|iPaTfi(M*, 177. 
'E|i|iavou^X, 256. 
kv (instrumental), 50. 
kipM^, 16. 
firoKoXovMw, 7^ 

McTKOVOt, 59. 

htirrokaX OTicrraTUCttC, 88, 254 f. 
firovpdvu>«, 99. 
IpfMMTO, 24, 256. 

lo^aTOK<$XXiov, II. 
^TfpoSiScMicaXcd^, 102. 
ctefy^iov, 130, 292. 

^jXuciA, 74. 

efo8(8aicTos, 71. 
0pt|<nc€Ca, 59. 



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322 



INDEXES 



tm, 67, 259. 

icfti, 154. 
K^XtLfm, 9> 17- 
kAmut, 194. 
icfri|»P«frf^, 177. 

K^pOf, II. 

K«^«Xi^, 177. 

Kt^oXXt, II. 

icCoTm, 20. 

KoiHj, 44, 48. 

KoKc^Clm, 177. 

icAXinio, 10. 

KoXopoSdimiXof, 144. 

icipiot (as title of address), 1 16, 259. 

XoyiCa, 72. 

X^J^io, tA, 131, 137. 

l*«*^Tf^. 79. 
lUXat, 16. 
|M|iPpdva, 2a 
|MP^«, 76. 
li^ipSot, 194* 

^l4aX^, II. 
^vo|fta, Kor*, 258. 
*t«7pA*ot, 243. 

vdmipot, 9. 
iropdYpc^os, 25. 

fTOpOVO^ 59. 

^VTH^'Pi. 192. 

fltVTC^, 69. 



*P<yP<Tipot, 59. 
vpoYP^4o|uu, 79. 

VpOK^VTW, 74. 
VpMTOKOnAOVy II. 
162. 



o^X(t, 14* 

oiUMiOYpA^ 26, 244, 246. 
o^MUtoir, 244,246. 
o^nuUi*, 25, 256. 
o-OXvpoc, 19. 
w^|ia, 105. 
ovopd, 105. 
«rv|i+»X^n|t, 71. 
o^iy«0i|Qrif, 57. 
oTMrrariK^ 18. 
<r+f>a7(«, 17. 
<r+«pff,63. 
oxttn, 10. 
P, 59- 



tAJh, 27a 
Tax^ 7pA+»v, 243. 
rcTpdSiov, 194. 
r^, 15. 

iirocni|)ui^, 243. 

^«Xtfvi|9, 2a 

Xa(p«v, 93- 
Xap(to|uu, 79. 
x4pTTi«, 9, 10, 12. 



GLASGOW : PRINTBO AT THB UNIVBRSITV PRBSS BV ROBBRT MACLBH08B AND Ca LTD. 



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b89094e00103a 

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